Turkey Is Waging War on Syrian Heritage

Behind the curtain of seemingly increasing stability in Syria, out of the eye of Western press and politics, a deplorable crime is being committed against Syrian nationals: the expropriation of their heritage. Syrian heritage is one of the oldest and richest, providing invaluable insight into our past, with some of the best-preserved sites in the Middle East dating back thousands of years. Syria was the birthplace of sedentarization and agriculture; the first complex societies, writing systems and sciences emerged there. However, for several years, Syrian heritage has suffered immeasurable damages under various factions of the Syrian National Army (formerly known as the ‘Free Syrian Army’). Funded, trained and supplied by Turkey, which has established de-facto control over areas in Northern Syria, these armed opposition groups have looted and bulldozed numerous essential heritage sites.

The theft of integral parts of Syrian history is happening against the backdrop of increasing Turkification of the self-proclaimed “safe zones.” This Turkification includes renaming geography and landmarks (the Saraya square in Afrin is now the Erdoğan Square), the introduction of Turkish in the school curriculums and the ethnic cleansing of a sizable Kurdish population. Heritage represents an indispensable component of the construction of group identity, and the loss thereof has a grave impact on the ability of Syrians to reconstruct their national identity after a traumatic war that has sown great divisions in the nation.

By 2020, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights had reported activity at more than 25 archaeological sites, a number which has been continually increasing over the last two years. ‘Ayn Dāra represents the most prominent victim of the numerous attacks on Syrian heritage. ​​This temple was a unique monument with rich sculptural decoration, dating to the 14th/13th century BCE, and — ironically — built by the Anatolian Hittites who had, at that time, conquered large parts of northern Syria. Lying roughly 40km northwest of Aleppo, the archaeological site dates back over 3000 years and bears importance on ancient trade routes between Egypt, Palestine and Anatolia. An airstrike by the Turkish air forces in 2018 eradicated half of the temple structure. However, more recently, Turkish-backed forces have looted both the site and the storage of the archaeological mission, despite repeated warnings by United Nations organizations.

The temple of ‘Ayn Dāra is only one of many decimated sites. There have been reports of excavations near the Nabi Huri fortress, an important site on the ancient trade route from Antioch to the Euphrates, containing a 100-meter diameter Roman theater. Furthermore, the Sheikh Hamid shrine and the archaeological shrine of Abdulrahman, both holy sites for Yazidi Kurds, have been desecrated by excavations.

Turkey’s role in this is significant: Stolen artifacts have been reported smuggled and sold in Turkey, and Ankara funds the heavy machinery and advanced equipment available to the armed groups. However, beyond the material damage, the loss of Syrian heritage in the Turkish-occupied regions presents an even greater danger to the Syrian identity, particularly to its Kurdish inhabitants. The United Nations reported the displacement of over 150,000 Kurdish residents of Afrin by the Turkish invasion and subsequent prohibition to return, instead promoting Arabic settlements. The remaining Kurdish population has been subject to the expropriation of property, harassment and arbitrary arrests by Syrian National Army factions. Other reports describe the widespread hewing of olive groves, which often represent a source of firewood in cold winters and the sole source of income for the families to whom they belong. While some of the olive trees were burned systematically, others were uprooted and smuggled to sell in Turkish markets.

Few conflicts have grown as protracted as the Syrian one. The war has displaced 13 million Syrians since its 2011 outbreak, of which 3.6 million have fled to neighboring Turkey. In 2016, Turkey launched its first military intervention to counteract the Islamic State and the organization of Kurdish groups in Northern Syria. Since then, it has established effective control over an area of almost 9000 square kilometers, referred to as safe zones. These areas are under Turkish military rule and connected to the Turkish infrastructure.

In a 2019 policy brief analysis, Engin Yüksel and Erwin van Veen identified that “Turkey has been setting up institutions that mirror Turkish structures and practices, creating favorable conditions for private (Turkish) investment and encouraging refugee return. These institutions also reflect Turkey’s own brand of national Islamism. Nationalism manifests itself in the introduction of the Turkish language in the primary school curricula in the area. State Islamism reveals itself in the 1,472 clerics and 5,686 religious teachers that Diyanet — the government’s directorate of religious affairs — has hired among Syrians to spread Turkey’s political interpretation of Islam among the local population, including anti-Kurdish and anti-Gülenist sentiments.”

While establishing these safe zones is primarily interpreted as serving the relocation of the large refugee population in Turkey, the broader context of the occupation offers a different perspective. President Erdoğan’s neo-Ottoman sentiments towards a regional Turkish hegemony are no secret. Before Turkish incursions, the “conquest” Surah of the Quran rang from mosques, and in 2012 he proclaimed, “Inshallah, we will go to Damascus soon to hug our brothers. That day is close. Inshallah, we will read el-Fatiha at the tomb of Salahuddin and pray at the Emevi mosque...” The more control Turkey gains over educational and religious institutions, the stronger its ability to shift the narrative in favor of Turkish expansionism. The destruction of heritage represents the loss of tangible reminders of the nation’s history and heightens the difficulties of returning to unity, a prerequisite to sustained peace. While Western powers continue to support peace-restoration efforts in Syria, their closest ally is diminishing the prospects of their project. How can the North Atlantic Treaty Organization continue its pledges of support to Ukrainian sovereignty while one of its members exhibits such blatant disrespect to the very notion of such?