End of the Year Issue
Anonymous
April
What does it mean to live in a country where your university diploma can be revoked not by an academic committee, but due to political motivations? In Türkiye, these aren't hypothetical questions but a dark reality. Ekrem İmamoğlu, the Mayor of Istanbul, had his university diploma suddenly invalidated; a sequence of targeted arrests, student uprising, and a brutal police crackdown followed. Across university campuses, city squares and on social media platforms, an uprising occurred, showcasing that the Turkish people have had enough. The students, professors, journalists and artists are leading the resistance against the alleged competitive authoritarian regime. As crackdowns increase, people continue to question: if not now, when? And if not us, then who?
In March 2025, the Turkish public was stunned after it was revealed that the diploma of Ekrem İmamoğlu from Istanbul University had been revoked. So what was the legal basis for this? The Board of Directors of Istanbul University stated that there were alleged procedural inconsistencies in his 1990 transfer from Girne American University in Northern Cyprus. İmamoğlu had graduated in 1994, had worked in the private sector and held multiple offices, but now his diploma is "invalid." However, this decision was announced just weeks before he was expected to declare his status as the presidential candidate. According to legal experts such as Mehmet Pehlivan, once a degree has been granted and recognized for decades without controversy, suddenly invalidating it violates not only the principles of administrative fairness, known as idari istikrar in Turkish, but also the individual's right to due process.
İmamoğlu’s legal team immediately filed an objection to the decision, declaring it “void of legality,” hukuka aykırı, and “politically motivated.” İmamoğlu’s lead attorney stated that "It is not a matter of documentation but timing." In the same week, 27 other individuals had their degrees revoked under similar circumstances. Among the people were Naciye Aylin Ataay Saybaşılı, professor of the Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences at Galatasaray University, who completed her doctorate at the Sorbonne. This act was seen as particularly offensive to Turkey's academic community. In response, students at Galatasaray University organized campus-wide protests where they chanted “Akademiye Darbe!” (“A Coup Against Academia!”) and clapped to show their professor their support. Faculty members joined in solidarity, stating that this act was “a direct assault on academic freedom.” The question emerged: if a regime could erase a diploma, why wouldn't it also erase an election?
On the morning of March 19, 2025 Turkey was faced with the arrest of Mayor of Istanbul, Ekrem İmamoğlu, who was detained by officers under allegations of “misuse of public resources,” “corruption,” and “connections to a terrorist organization.” He strictly denied such accusations. The images and videos of İmamoğlu being escorted into police custody outside his home sent shockwaves throughout the country. For many, it was no surprise. After years of alleged political targeting and legal manipulation, this moment seemed inevitable and unbearable. Many stated that no legitimate court of law would detain a democratically elected official in such a militarized manner, especially someone who is seen as a national symbol of freedom and hope. Prosecutors accused İmamoğlu of “improperly awarding contracts” and “harboring sympathies” with outlawed groups. Yet no concrete evidence was provided.
Although İmamoğlu had previously been investigated and cleared of similar claims, this time, the arrest appeared to be concocted not to convict but to interrupt. They aimed to interrupt İmamoğlu's goal of becoming a presidential candidate. He was taken to Silivri Prison which is known for political prisoners, journalists and academics who are arrested. After the arrest, millions of people went out in the streets to protest this unlawful act. Supporters gathered in Saraçhane, chanting “Hak, Hukuk, Adalet!” (“Rights, Law, Justice!”). Many held signs that read, “15 milyonun iradesini hapsedemezsiniz!” (“You cannot imprison the will of 15 million people!”), a reference to the nearly 15 million citizens who had voted for him as Mayor and backed him as the next presidential candidate. İmamoğlu was not the only one detained.
Mahir Polat, Istanbul’s Deputy Mayor and Mayor of Şişli, was also impacted. His crime? According to the state, "overstepping his authority in cultural restoration projects"—an accusation that could be interpreted as punishment for his views of secularism and urban heritage against gentrification efforts. Polat’s lawyer, Erkam Erden, called the charges to be dropped since they had no legal backing. Several municipal employees and cultural coordinators were arrested in a manner that represented a political purge rather than a legitimate legal investigation. International human rights organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch immediately issued statements condemning the arrests as politically motivated. The European Parliament members called for Türkiye to uphold democratic norms and warned of potential sanctions. However, the government affirmed that this was part of an "anti-corruption campaign." What terrified many was the speed of the process, since within 24 hours, a presidential candidate was transformed into a political prisoner, and the city that had twice elected him was left leaderless. This caused resistance and mobilization.
After İmamoğlu was detained, hundreds of protesters took to the streets. The first act came from Istanbul University, where students gathered in front of the main gates with banners that read “Diplomamı değil, geleceğimi çaldınız!” (“You didn’t just steal my diploma, you stole my future!”). From there, the resistance spread across the country's most prestigious universities such as Istanbul Technical University (İTÜ), Boğaziçi University, Middle East Technical University (ODTÜ), Yıldız Teknik, Hacettepe, Bilkent, Ankara University and Dokuz Eylül University. At Boğaziçi, known for its anti-government resistance in previous years, students occupied the campus square with tents, books, music and megaphones, transforming the space into a “Democracy Watch Zone.” At ODTÜ, a large march circled the campus with chants of “İmamoğlu halktır, halk yargılanamaz!” (“İmamoğlu is the people, and the people cannot be judged!”).
At the same time, cities across Türkiye began to resist. In Istanbul, millions of people gathered in Saraçhane, the symbolic space of İmamoğlu’s political story. The crowd chanted “Bu daha başlangıç, mücadeleye devam!” (“This is just the beginning, the struggle continues!”) while holding Turkish flags, opposition banners, and posters. In Ankara, students and parliament members organized a march from Kuğulu Park to the Parliament, demanding justice and an end to unlawful detentions. The march was met with police barricades, but the people refused to back down. Protestors sang the national anthem as armored vehicles loomed behind them. In Izmir, Samsun, Trabzon, Konya, Eskişehir, Mersin, and even Diyarbakır, protests broke out in public squares, parks and metro stations. Signs with İmamoğlu’s image with the phrase “Seni Yalnız Bırakmayacağız” (“We Will Not Leave You Alone”) and “Her şey çok güzel olacak” (Everything will be great), his prominent slogan, which was used in both his mayoral election campaigns, were seen in protests. The song “Yiğidim Aslanım Burda Yatıyor” was sung as protesters held their signs. As well as the songs "Kufi" and "Ceviz Ağacı" became symbolic songs for resistance.
As the scale of protests grew, so did the state's fear. And in Türkiye, fear is often expressed through force. The regime responded with TOMA vehicles, tear gas, rubber bullets, mass arrests and brutality that shocked the whole country. In Saraçhane, where nearly two million people had gathered to demand the release of Ekrem İmamoğlu, riot police cordoned off the square, then charged into the crowd with armored vehicles and tear gas. At ODTÜ, a horrifying image of a protester clutching a Turkish flag while being tackled to the ground by the police became viral. A boot came down onto the flag itself, caught in the protester's arms. In the eyes of millions, it was the Turkish flag, and all that it should stand for—justice, freedom and democracy—being stomped on by the very forces meant to protect it.
Over 300 people were detained. Students were pulled from crowds without warning, their heads slammed into armored vans. Lawyers working with the Progressive Lawyers Association (ÇHD) reported that many detainees were denied access to counsel for over 24 hours. The conditions of detention were even more horrifying. Multiple testimonies emerged detailing cases of physical and psychological abuse. Female students reported being strip-searched and sexually harassed by police officers. In Gülhane Parkı, where a group of students staged a peaceful sit-in under the slogan “Gençlik Gelecektir” (“Youth is the Future”), 43 students were arrested and the police rounded up the park. In Kadıköy, during the now-famous Gençlik Direniş Sahnesi (“Youth Resistance Stage”), artists and students resisted together.
While the opposition alleged that the state aimed to use its resources to silence protesters, the opposition politicians, journalists and public figures raised their voices. Mahmut Tanal, a CHP deputy from Şanlıurfa and one of the most vocal defenders of civil rights in the Parliament, played a key role. Tanal joined students in person, walking among them, shouting alongside them. When police stormed the ODTÜ campus with TOMA vehicles, Tanal stated, “ODTÜ’de TOMA’nın ne işi var?” (“What business does a riot tank have at ODTÜ?”) Tanal didn’t stop there. He took to the Parliament floor, slamming the government’s assault on students, artists and municipal workers. “You are not protecting the state,” he said, addressing AKP ministers. “You are waging war on the youth of this nation.” Özgür Özel, the CHP’s new party leader, gave a nationally broadcasted speech declaring: “Ekrem İmamoğlu’na yapılan, Türkiye halkına yapılmıştır.” (“What has been done to Ekrem İmamoğlu has been done to the people of Türkiye.”) Özel later visited the families of arrested students and called citizens to join a nationwide boycott on April 2nd. Ali Mahir Başarır, also from CHP, stated that "Sokakta olmak, eylem yapmak suç değil. 86 milyon anayasal hakkını kullanıyor...Anayasal hakkınız, anayasal hukuk çerçevesinde her tepkiyi verebilirsiniz, bunlardan biri de sokaktır, nokta" ("Being on the street and protesting is not a crime. 86 million people are exercising their constitutional rights...You can express any reaction within the framework of constitutional law, and one of those ways is taking to the streets. Period.")
Soon afterward, the investigations against journalists began. Murat Ağırel, a journalist known for exposing corruption, published an explosive piece detailing the financial motives behind İmamoğlu’s arrest, suggesting that Istanbul’s public works budget, once under AKP control, was now unreachable to party-affiliated companies. Ağırel was later detained on charges of “spreading misinformation” and “inciting unrest.” Another journalist, Timur Soykan, was arrested shortly with similar charges. Then came the shocking arrest of Berkay Gezgin, the young man who had once become a symbol of hope during the 2019 Istanbul mayoral election with the phrase “Her şey çok güzel olacak.”
The ongoing resistance united people from all corners of the country who only chanted for the same thing: “Justice.”
Photo source: Mark Lowen on Wikimedia