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< Back L’affaire Depardieu: un énième reflet du harcèlement sexuel dans les médias français By Calista Cellerier February 29, 2024 Photo/Siebbi Depuis quelques semaines, la France fait face à un énième scandale parmi les plus hauts placés, reflétant la dure réalité que les violences sexistes et sexuelles (VSS) ne font pas encore partie du passé. Le sexisme en France ne cesse d’augmenter. Selon les chiffres du Baromètre Sexisme 2023, 80% des femmes déclarent avoir été victime de sexisme et un tiers des Françaises ont vécu une situation de non-consentement. 23% des hommes considèrent qu’il faut de la violence pour se faire respecter. Aujourd’hui, on peut voir les conséquences de tels chiffres : une affaire de plus d’agression et de harcèlement sexuel qui indigne les foules, ou l’affaire Depardieu. En 2020, le célèbre acteur français Gérard Depardieu était mis en examen après que la comédienne Charlotte Arnould l’accuse de viol. 3 ans après, l’affaire n’est pas résolue. Depardieu était donc déjà connu des services de police pour un comportement grave envers ses collègues quand 13 femmes l’accusent à leur tour de VSS. Dans une enquête de Mediapart , trois femmes se confient sur leur expérience avec l’auteur mais affirment ne pas avoir porté plainte, de peur de ne pas être prisent au sérieux. Au fur et à mesure, de plus en plus de femmes dénoncent les mêmes comportements: des gestes, des commentaires et des actes à caractères sexuels, non consentis et souvent par surprise. Le même mode opératoire se discerne, ce sont des maquilleuses, actrices ou figurantes qui sont visées par l’acteur. Sophie Marceau, actrice star du film La Boum, déclaré dans les colonnes de Paris Match : “ Il ne s’en prenait pas aux grandes comédiennes, plutôt aux petites assistantes… La vulgarité et la provocation ont toujours été son fonds de commerce ”. De plus, lors d’un reportage de l'émission Complément d'enquête , il apparaît faisant des commentaires choquants et vulgaires sur des femmes et petites filles. Or, Gérard Depardieu dément formellement ces accusations. Pourtant, il ne s’agit pas de la première fois qu’un tel scandale éclate au sein des médias et du cinéma français. Gérard Depardieu est accusé de nombreuses fois de viol et d’agressions sexuelles au cours de sa carrière, notamment par la figurante Hélène Darras ou la journaliste espagnole Ruth Baza. Et il n’est pas le seul : il y a quelques années, la grande star de télévision Patrick Poivre d’Arvor (PPDA) est accusé par la journaliste Florence Porcel de viol, une affaire classée sans suite. Plus tard s’ajoutent avec son témoignage une vingtaine d’autre femmes, portant plainte pour viol, tentative de viol et agressions sexuelles. L'association MetooMédias se forme par la suite: c’est une lutte contre le pouvoir des stars françaises de la télévision. Et encore une fois, l’affaire est classée sans suite pour “insuffisance de preuves”. De nombreuses autres affaires peuvent être citées, comme Nicolas Hulot ou Roman Polanski, qui a reçu un oscar malgré ces accusations. Car oui, la plupart de ces affaires aboutissent à peu ou même aucune conséquences judiciaires. En effet, les accusations de Charlotte Arnould sont classées sans suite pour manque de preuves. Hélène Darras, qui accusa Depardieu en 2023 de viol et agressions sexuelles lorsqu’elle était figurante dans le film Disco en 2007, voit aussi son dossier classé pour prescription des faits. C’est le cas pour de nombreuses autres accusations contre l’acteur, qui actuellement reste en mise en examen pour viol dans le cadre de l’enquête de Mediapart . Il est libre d’aller et venir à sa guise, sans réelles conséquences pour l’instant. D’ailleurs, il est aperçu à Dubaï, à Lisbonne, en Belgique… selon de nombreux médias français, comme le Journal des Femmes . Il est en réalité assez courant que les hommes célèbres accusés de VSS s’en sortent sans grande difficulté. Usant de ripostes telles que la présomption d'innocence, la diffamation ou la conquête médiatique de l’opinion, ils se défendent en étalant “leur propre vérité et version des faits”. C’est la stratégie de base dans ces situations: aussi utilisée par Nicolas Hulot ou PPDA, qui eux non plus de semblent pas inquiétés par la justice mise à part des pertes de contrats et une image publique controversée. C’est d’autant plus le cas quand ces hommes bénéficient d’un capital social et financier considérable, obtenant le soutien d’autres célébrités. Ce soutien devient crucial pour ces célébrités, car il est leur dernier moyen de conserver leur position dans la société. Si l’on bénéficie du support des figures les plus hautes de la hiérarchie sociale, il devient alors facile d’ignorer de telles accusations et de continuer à vivre sans conséquences sociales, surtout s’il n’y a pas de répercussions judiciaires non plus. C’est ce qui s’est passé pour Depardieu des suites de C omplément d'enquête et de Mediapart . Dans une tribune publiée par Le Figaro le 25 décembre 2023, une cinquantaine de célébrités, dont des réalisateurs, acteurs et actrices, chanteurs et autres personnalités dénoncent un “lynchage” de l’acteur et un mépris de la présomption d’innocence. Et ce, bien après la publication des nombreuses vidéos affichant Depardieu faisant des commentaires vulgaires à caractère sexuels sur des femmes et petites filles dans C omplément d'enquête . Cependant, cette vague de soutien ne s'arrête pas là, car le président Emmanuel Macron déclare sur France 5 le mercredi 20 décembre que Depardieu est une “ fierté pour la France ” et affirme être un “ grand admirateur ” de l’acteur. Macron dénonce une “ chasse à l'homme” et remet en question l'authenticité des images présentées par Mediapart . En revanche, tout le monde ne continue pas de soutenir Depardieu. L’ancien président français François Hollande déclare dans sur France Inter: “ Nous, nous ne sommes pas fiers de Gérard Depardieu ”. Il critique ouvertement Emmanuel Macron: “ [Macron] a parlé de Gérard Depardieu, de son talent, et de la présomption d’innocence. Moi, je vais vous parler des quatorze femmes agressées, des femmes humiliées, des femmes bouleversées par les images qu’elles ont vues, de toutes ces femmes qui voient à travers Gérard Depardieu ce que peut être la violence, la domination, le mépris. ” Depardieu a été radié de l’Ordre National du Québec et a perdu son titre de citoyen d’honneur en Belgique. Sa statue a aussi été retirée du Musée Grévin à Paris. De nombreuses associations se sont saisies de l’affaire, comme MetooMédias . En effet, une lettre ouverte publiée peu après les faits dénonce les propos de Macron ainsi que l’absence de soutien aux victimes: “ Monsieur le président, vos paroles dénient à toutes les femmes victimes de violence le droit à être entendues et crues.” Cette association faisait déjà beaucoup de bruit lors du scandale de PPDA, et ne semble pas vouloir se démonter aujourd’hui non plus. Le cas de Gérard Depardieu n’est donc ni une affaire isolée, ni une affaire résolue. Que ce soit le gouvernement, la justice ou la communauté de célébrités en France, personne ne semble prendre au sérieux les accusations des victimes de l’acteur. Si nombre d’associations et figures publiques travaillent dur pour faire entendre la voix de ces femmes dans ce genre de situation, les efforts n’aboutissent pas souvent à de vraies poursuites judiciaires et de conséquences concrètes. Ainsi, ne laissons pas ces efforts tomber dans l’oubli, et continuons d’en parler, de se mobiliser et surtout de se soutenir, à travers des associations, des journaux, des actions.

< Back Iraq at the Ballots Kerem Demir Karahan December 10, 2025 On Nov. 11 Iraqis went to the parliamentary election ballots to determine who gets the 329 seats on Iraq’s Council of Representatives. Following their loss in the 2021 legislative elections four years ago, supporters of Iran-backed parties attempted to storm the government buildings within the Green Zone in Baghdad. This led to violent clashes between security forces and protestors, leaving 125 individuals injured and two dead. On Nov. 7 two days after the attempted storming, Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi survived a drone attack. No group claimed responsibility for the attack, however, Iraqi governmental sources state that Iran backed militias were responsible. The violent clashes were then followed with an eleven-month-long political crisis where members of the Council of Representatives were unable to form a functioning coalition government and therefore elect a president. Demonstrators supporting the Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr had stormed the Parliament building in the Green Zone in order to stop the nomination of anti-Iran al-Sudani for Prime Minister. In August, another series of clashes took place in Baghdad, pitting al-Sadr, a Shiite cleric, against pro-Iranian militias. The clashes in August left 30 people dead and over 700 injured. Following violent protests in Baghdad, the Parliament chose Abdul Latif Rashid as the new President of Iraq, who then tasked Al Sudani with forming a government. This year’s elections saw an unexpectedly high 56.11% participation rate, an increase of 12.81% from the 2021 elections where many politicians threatened boycotts over claims of corruption, perhaps signaling an increased confidence in the democratic process in Iraq. However, Erika Solomon and Falih Hassan of the New York Times note that “though the stakes are high, public confidence in Iraq’s democratic process is low, with nine million eligible Iraqis not even registering to vote [...]”. Ihsan al-Shammari, a political scientist at Baghdad University,mentioned in the same article, states that “This is intentional obfuscation of participation to boost their [the election’s] legitimacy”. Another attack on the legitimacy of the elections were the claims by various parties that “vote-buying” had taken place. The AP reported that “Last week, security services arrested 46 people accused of illegally buying and selling voter cards in sting operations in several provinces, and some 1,841 cards in their possession were seized.” Previous elections in Iraq were also riddled with claims of “vote-buying”, showing a trend in the apparent illegitimacy of Iraqi elections. The counting of votes was largely completed the following day, with projections showing Prime Minister al-Sudani’s party at first with 46 seats out of 329 in the Parliament and 12.06% of the popular vote. Following him in the popular vote was Masoud Barzani with 10.09% of the vote translating to 26 seats. However, the party with the second most seats in the parliament was the State of Law Coalition led by former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Prime Minister al-Sudani will now need to get into coalition talks, which may take many months, all while trying to navigate both American influence demanding the dismantling of Iranian militias and Iranian groups who listen to Tehran more than Baghdad. In order to cozy up to the Americans, al-Sudani presented himself as a “tough-on-Iran” Prime Minister throughout the electoral process, and reiterated his commitment to rid the country of foreign influence following the announcement of votes. Still, 22 years after the American-led invasion of Iraq that toppled Saddam Hussein’s regime, the country’s politics remain to be dominated by the Shiite-majority, many parties of whom are still close to Iran (al-Sudani, an Iraqi Shia, and his party is a notable exception). These parties are now threatened by louder calls from the United States, highlighting the “urgency in disarming Iran-backed militia”. Another aspect of his character that al-Sudani reinvented for his elections was his characterization as a businessman, an attempt to appeal to President Trump. In order to succeed in gaining Trump’s favor, al-Sudani oversaw several deals with American oil giants and has vowed to encourage Iraqi billionaires to invest in the United States. In return, he has received promises of decreased American military presence in Iraq, with only a small number of soldiers to remain in order to ensure the Islamic State doesn’t pose any threats. The Iraqi Parliament will start attempting to form a government in the coming weeks, and their success, or lack of, will once again leave its mark on Iraq’s uneasy experiment with democracy after the American invasion.

To my fellow 2As, I suggest we have the most care free, amazing, and crazy semester yet. To the 1As, I encourage you to take a look at the spirit and culture of this town passed down by many before us, to keep the MENA soul of this student body alive, and to get ready for a party filled semester. < Back Three Down, One to Go: The 2A’s Fear the End of Their Time in Menton By Lilinaz Hakimi January 30, 2022 When 1As ask, “how was it coming back and being a 2A?” The answer differs from one Mentonese SciencesPiste to another. Although we all share a common identity as members of the same tiny campus family, we also have different personal relationships and experiences. Despite this, we all adjust one way or another. The transition from 1A to 2A, from freshman to senior, is so stark and comes as a quick hit that no one can truly prepare for. But this is not the only transition we endured from 1A to 2A. From Zoom to in-person classes, from no association events to three to four a week, and from nothing but house parties to clubbing in Nice and Monaco on the weekends, we are learning alongside 1As, much like our 2As were learning alongside us during the age of COVID. Now a semester has gone by, and as the resilient, overly opinionated, and loud political science students we are, we have adapted and enjoyed some of these changes. Looking back at our third semester in Menton, I would like to bring to light different assessments from 2As I heard throughout the semester, and explore what it may be like to head into our final semester in this beautiful and surreal town. Coming to Menton, we knew we were on borrowed time. Unlike the four years we get in high school, these two years end with the departure of all our peers from this small town. People come and go, but experiences seem forged in one as we pace our tiny town with views that, as many have said before, make us feel like we are on a movie set. Upon entering their second year, some students struggled with the overwhelming nature of running the show. Some contended with the departure of their own 2As. Others tried hard to remind themselves not to take these views for granted. Many others loved and cherished this semester, for the reunions, the in-person education, and, of course, the parties. In the end, I think most would agree that it flew by. What is more worrying is the speed with which this following semester will come and go. It is a common fact that when you are having fun, time escapes you. So now, we are all settled into our new roles, our town in this new light, and have made bonds with our new arrivals. Like 2A Markus Vaher, I hope we all are ready to “have life coursing through our veins for the next half a year.” And as it does, let us take moments to take it all in as each day goes by. This semester, 2As took on associations fearlessly and led in positions they were not trained for. They struggled with what the identity of the Ummah should be, as some traditions were never truly passed down. We dealt with our administration as it attempted to make this transition to having students and events on site. It was all a mess, but one that we endured together through the partying, clubbing, beach meetups, and brunches. A semester of rebuilding our identity on a personal level or exploring new (and old) friendships. Now that we have adapted and the overwhelming nature of becoming a 2A day has subsided, we are left with these beautiful remaining months together. Menton has been the most eye opening and amazing home for the past year and half. Many have their reservations about this place. But I will say I am sure we all have a small dread in our hearts to leave the friends we love so dearly, the community that embraces everyone’s culture so strongly, and a town so beautiful our eyes sometimes need to adjust. So, to my fellow 2As, I suggest we have the most care free, amazing, and crazy semester yet. To the 1As, I encourage you to take a look at the spirit and culture of this town passed down by many before us, to keep the MENA soul of this student body alive, and to get ready for a party filled semester. Below I have written an ode to this town. I hope it sits well with you as we take on one final go in this remarkable reality, we get to call the final semester at this university. And that is enough of me overly romanticizing this little town on the Riviera. An ode to 06500: What defines something as heaven? Is a utopia something we build or live in? What luck have we to come upon the sea? To see a bell tower ring so randomly? Who am I to have such luck? To meet students from every nook and muck? Ummah embraces its new arrivals Year in and year out with its disciples Memories made in rocky beaches and Sablettes sands With an administration that makes us rip our hair into our hands Not enough time to soak up all the perfect imperfections And all the time to criticize and rebuild our affections So 2As hearts quack as we approach the end Knowing our memories will always extend A smile on our faces, a bond we will keep Mentonese know this loss will make us weep From cold to warm, from Jan to May Let's put away the drama, worry and dismay To have a blast every damn day Singing our songs and dancing away Grab your favorite ghalibaya And scream proudly, Mentoniya Mentoniya

< Back The Rising Threat: High Water Levels and Their Impact on the Rise of Extremism Viktorie Voriskova October 31, 2024 From Sept. 9 to 15, 2024, sirens were going off across Eastern Europe. Evacuations, threatening news, panic spreading through countries like wildfire. What was happening? The biggest floods in the last 120 years spread across the Czech Republic, Poland and Austria. In the Czech Republic itself, the damage is estimated to be up to 17 billion Czech crowns (around 673 million euros). Metro stations flooded. A football stadium was completely underwater. Fifty-one thousand households were evacuated. Five people died. The Czech Republic went through the worst flooding in its history. And a week after that, the state faced another challenge—regional and senate elections which had only 33% public participation. A populist party that had led the government three years ago won in almost every region, in some by almost 20%. Is it possible that these results were impacted by the extreme floods that had taken place? All political parties tried to catch voters’ attention by reacting to this crisis, either criticizing the government or organizing aid. The party that had posted the most about this crisis is “ANO”, a center populist political party that led the governing coalition three years ago, now in the opposition. Most of their content and program, on and off social media, is centered around criticizing the government’s “failures” and trying to convince voters that they were better off with ANO as the leading coalition, not the current government. They made several X and Instagram posts, as well as multiple TV proclamations, concerning this issue, among them ones posted by the leader of ANO, Andrej Babiš, stating that: “ Mr Prime Minister Fiala (ODS) cannot stop lying. He lied about the aid from Brussels that we were supposed to get help with the floods. Last week, before the regional elections, he claimed that we would get 50 billion crowns (1,975 billion euros) from the Cohesiveness Fund. That is a lie; we will not get anything like this, and there will be no more money. We can use the money that we already have, but it will be missing somewhere else. Thank you, Prime Minister, for not doing anything for the Czech Republic yet again.” The party leader then followed up this point by re-posting his tweet , stating that he “wishes the best of luck to all of those affected by the flooding”. He went on to say that he has lived through the previous floods that have affected the Czech Republic, showing solidarity with people who were suffering and ending by stating that he and his party (ANO) are ready to go out and help everyone who is affected by this crisis. In other posts on his social media, he criticized the government further, claiming over and over that it is incompetent and that it has done very little to support the people during these two weeks. There is seldom any concrete evidence for what he is criticizing the Prime Minister for, never drawing from any statistics and making false claims. Another Czech political party that used the floods across the Czech Republic to spread its political ideas were the SPD—the “Liberty and Direct Democracy” party that is on the authoritarian right side of the spectrum—made multiple posts on Instagram X and several TV declarations, commenting on this crisis and blaming the current government. In one of the most liked ones, the leader of SPD, Tomio Okamura, called out the government for: “decreasing pensions, increasing the age limit for retirement and increasing the commission fees of the ČT [Czech Television—national TV channel] while SPD [his political party] is supporting aid against floods . ” As the leader of ANO, Tomio Okamura also does not provide any evidence for his claim, making blatant statements without supporting them without any real statistics. SPD’s social media was considerably less focused on the floods than ANO was. However, there were still several posts made throughout the crisis that mentioned the floods, mostly concerning the failures of the government in their handling of them. The third opposition party that has been active on social media during this crisis was the “ KSČM” – Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia. They made several posts, both on Instagram and X, as well as numerous TV proclamations, most of them based on their new slogan: “Stačilo!” (Enough!) — claiming that the republic has seen “enough” of the government’s incompetence, not only in dealing with the floods. They go on to reinforce the idea that the government is failing the people and that they are not doing enough, circling their arguments back to how the KSČ would make sure that people in the Czech Republic would be treated better than under the current leadership. How did this all affect the result of the elections? ANO won 35.4%, increasing their influence by almost 14% compared to the previous elections, which were held in 2020. Second, by a considerable margin, came ODS, the Citizens’ Democratic Party, which received 5.9%, dropping by almost a percentage compared to the last elections. SPD received 3.3%, getting 18 mandates in total. Lastly, the coalition of KSČ was voted by 1.4% of the Czech population. ANO, which won the elections by a very large margin, is a populist party. However, it cannot be defined as an “extremist party”, countering the argument that the floods had led to the triumph of extremism in the Czech Republic. On the other hand, both KSČ and SPD can be seen as such, therefore, an analysis of how the extreme situation in the form of floods affected the support these two parties received during the elections. Comparing the number of votes each party was predicted to receive even before the floods started to the number of votes they received after the floods provides reliable evidence as to how significantly this extreme event influenced. In February 2024, according to “ STEM analytics” , ANO was predicted to receive 29.3% of votes, 8.5% would have voted for ODS , for SPD it was 6.4% and KSČ would have been supported by 3.5% of voters. 22.3% of people who were asked chose to answe r, “I don’t know”, 7.8% said “a different answer,” and 0.6% stated that they would vote for “a different party . ” Now, we can compare this to the predictor polls that were taken in mid-September during the floods. 32% of voters would then have chosen ANO and 20% the coalition SPOLU, consisting of the parties ODS, TOP-09 and KDU-ČSL . SPD would have received 7% and KSČ 5%. In conclusion, if we compare these statistics with the real results of the elections, we can see that there has not been a significant rise in the popularity of extremist parties caused by the floods. The party that had won the elections was an opposition party. However, it was not an extremist party, therefore not being entirely relevant to the premise of this article. Both extremist parties analysed in this article ended up with a relatively small number of votes, both receiving less than what was predicted they would receive. Furthermore, it is also important to recognize the fact that only 32% of the population voted in the elections in the end, not only making the election one of the lowest ever in regards to participation rate, but also skewing the relevance of the vote itself. To summarize, despite the results not being relevant to the real increase of extremism within society due to the very small percentage of people who turned up at the voting poll, there has not been a significant rise in extremism. Even though the opposition party largely bases itself off on criticism, the leading coalition did get more votes than predicted, showing a certain degree of frustration with the current government of the Czech Republic and a desire for change, although not a direct turn to extremism.

< Back Life on the Streets of Menton Stanimir Stoyanov Introduction Whether it's the person asking you for change in front of the grocery store, a person sleeping on the sidewalk or singing on а busy street, many of us have had the experience of walking around Menton and encountering people living on the streets. Most people avoid them and some are even afraid of them, but have you ever wondered what their story is and how they ended up in their situation? This article will explore the topic of homelessness in Menton from a different and more personal perspective. France’s struggle with homelessness According to the latest official government statistics from 2012, there were at least 141,500 homeless people in metropolitan France. Still, a 2024 report from the Abbé Pierre Foundation shows that the number might have increased to around 330,000, of which only around 93,000 have access to social housing. Due to rising concerns about the issue, the French National Institute for Statistics and Economic Studies and the National Institute for Demographic Studies are currently conducting a new survey of the homeless population in France that will conclude in 2025. According to European statistics from 2023, France has the second-highest count of homeless people in the EU. The issue garnered global attention when, in preparation for hosting the Olympic games in 2024, the French government started relocating people from the streets of Paris to other cities in the country. In 2019, a UN report concluded that France is abusing human rights due to its inability to tackle the issue. The issue continued in 2023 when the UN condemned new French legislation against squatters’ rights. Still, addressing the rising numbers of people in need of a home, the French government has increased efforts in recent years to provide temporary accommodation and social aid. What about Menton? There is no precise information available regarding the number of homeless people living in Menton, but according to data from July 2023, 2,572 people were being housed by the government in the Alpes-Maritimes department. In Menton, especially at night, you can see people sleeping in front of store windows or parks. During the day, some walk around the city, ask for help, perform music and some even cause public unrest. During my work on this article, I spoke with Jean, a 38-year-old Parisian living on the streets of Menton. When we met, he was standing outside a local supermarket, hoping people would give him their spare change. He was quite friendly and happy to chat. Jean used to be a waiter in Paris but lost his job and moved to Menton in hope of better conditions. When I asked him why Menton, he replied, “the weather and the sea”. I asked where he found shelter, and he replied, “here, the street”. He told me that at the moment, he doesn’t have a job or a place to stay. About his current situation, he commented, “I don’t know, that’s it.” Like Jean, many people without a roof opt to relocate to cities in the Côte d'Azur due to the more favourable weather conditions. In the summer, many go to tourist hotspots such as Nice, where the city even implemented anti-begging rules, which were later overturned. But as winter approaches, even in sunny Menton, the weather becomes harsh. In Menton, there is a day shelter operated by the Local Social Action Centre (Centre communal d'action sociale), but night shelters are only available in nearby cities such as Cannes and Cagnes-sur-Mer. In my research, I contacted CCAS and they informed me that in winter, the city finds emergency shelters in Menton as well, with some local hotels offering help. Social workers from CCAS support people in dire situations and can be contacted directly at their office on “ 4 Promenade du Maréc”. Additionally, 115 is a free-of-charge national hotline for people looking for emergency healthcare. This social emergency number also offers help and shelter to migrants and victims of domestic abuse. How can I help? There are many initiatives for helping homeless people in Menton and the region. If you would like to help, you can try contacting CCAS directly or search for organisations such as ALC or the Red Cross that have initiatives helping people in such situations. If you ever see a person in need on the streets, you can contact 115 or CCAS on their behalf, both of which can send a social worker and provide them with emergency housing. In the colder months, life on the streets is harder than ever and homeless people are especially vulnerable, so if you believe a person is in need of medical attention, it might be a good idea to contact emergency services. Homeless people are at a high risk of alcohol and substance abuse, which might lead to health complications. We often overlook people on the streets, but sometimes they might really need our attention. Recently, a number of Sciences Pistes have voiced they feel uncomfortable walking the streets at night, so if you ever encounter a person on the street who can be a danger to themselves or others, you should probably contact the authorities to help the person and keep others safe. Conclusion Walking through the streets of sunny Menton, we can’t help but notice the silent stories unfolding around us of people like Jean, each faced with their own journey. By embracing empathy and taking small actions—a smile, kind word or supporting local initiatives, we can foster a community where everyone feels seen and valued. The issue is very relevant in France, and while the trends are worrying, there is hope for the future. Previous Next

< Back L'Usine Pedro Meerbaum The historical landscape of Menton seemed immutable. Nowhere in townscapes from the midday Basilique ring of bells can one walk by the beach without being struck by the beauty of the old town with its 16th-century architecture. Even in its new town, Menton feels like a bubble wherein modernity is far-reaching. Yet, the new Cap D’ail style beach clubs and current constructions on the beachfront point to a new direction, one where Menton slowly tries to associate itself with the modern and luxurious audience of Monaco and St Tropez. Amidst Menton's path to total commodification, a little store is at the intersection of Rue de Brea and the Prom. Du Val de Menton protects the key to the authentic Côte d’Azur charm. Located at 3 Rue de Général Gallienie is one of Menton's most precious boutiques, L’Usine . Based on an old factory, as its name suggests, L’Usine is one of Menton's biggest antique stores. Amid its multiple floors, rooms, and charming garden, the family-owned business has cultivated a collection of regional items, from home decor to jewelry, that exist as an archive of a Côte d’Azur that is long lost. One does not need pictures to understand the originality and authenticity of life in the region 40 years ago; the various sofas, cutlery and collectibles of L’Usine tell the story of the region. They put into perspective how much this historical town has shifted. Even its wide door does not do justice to the magnitude of the store. Its side doors and stairs are dizzying and dazzling. One could spend hours going through the collection of objects on the various floors, observing from the smallest pins to the largest human-sized dolls. The owner, Allo, allowed us to carry out an interview with him. He has owned the business for 25 years with his wife, Michelle. He calls himself a proud collector, and before opening L’Usine, he traveled around Europe to acquire different pieces. It was then, almost at the turn of the century, when the couple got the opportunity to buy the estate and open a store. In harmony with an antique store, the place had to undergo a process of renovations and cleanings before they could open it to the public. There were simply too many residues. After everything was clean, Allo told me they had to buy and fill the rooms “little by little.” I carried out the interview accompanied by journalistic partner Anna Halpern, who meticulously asked Allo if all objects were from Menton itself. He confirmed that, indeed, a good part of the objects were from Menton, and while walking through the store, one repeatedly finds posters and objects that herald our town and its beauty. He assures, though, that most objects are from the Alpes-Maritimes region. He claimed that Menton, Nice and Cannes were all cities that received a great influx of tourists and immigrants in the last few centuries, who brought with them specific objects and furniture that now are crucial pieces of his enormous collection. Allo points out that the town is changing. He is not talking about the construction of the new beaches but rather about their taste. His selling point was classical furniture, sofas, closets and grandiose cabinets from the early 20th century. Now, people want a different sort of vintage. He has sold significantly more modernist furniture, pieces from the '60s or '80s, with considerably fewer sales on early 20th-century objects. His audience has also shifted. It is not the local Mentonnaise population that offers him the biggest source of income, despite an occasional SciencesPo student looking for a poster or a lamp, but rather tourists. He estimated that 10% of his clientele is Mentonnaise, 10% is Italian, and the rest are composed of transient Americans, Germans, Scandinavians, and more recently, Australians. He is not quite sure if the change in taste is also related to the change in clientele—in his opinion the Italians had the most dramatic shift of taste, but he has shown himself flexible and ready to adapt his store to the needs of his clients. Allo offered us a store tour, pointing to particular objects that interested him: dutch barrels, 20th-century possessions and even what he called “bizarre stuff.” Anna made a point about how the things he had there were simply mesmerizing and shockingly interesting. Allo, after a quick laugh, says, “Yes, but this is what I am looking for. That is what I aim to sell. It's no easy find, but we work!” He presents objects that remind us of the diversity of the South of France beyond the coast and even elements from the neighboring Italian north and Spanish Catalonia. A conversation with the store owners has led me to become further disbelieved. How was it possible that a couple could find so many particular objects and foster such a big collection of antiquities? When asked how he sees these things, Allo quickly responds with a simple “Je me lève tôt,” “I wake up early.” Every Sunday, when the store is closed, he wakes up at 4 am and ventures throughout the region to find objects for his collection in a tireless search. “It's not easy to find this stuff,” he told me, “it is easier to buy old furniture than to find something truly interesting.” Throughout the years, scavenging his products has been the most challenging aspect of his job. “The provision,” he puts it, “is the hardest part. It's more difficult to find stuff than to sell it.” He also discusses the prices of his stuff, saying that he has to put a price that gives him a profit, and some things end up being more expensive than expected. Yet, “it is not close to being more expensive than the boutique stores in Paris,” he says. “ Those are a steal. You have to put it in perspective.” My final question was the most difficult to answer. “What is your favorite piece?” It took him just a few seconds to answer, “The big window in the showcase!” He took us outside the store to look at the said mirror. It is a grandiose piece, covered by crystals, and so mesmerizing one has to see it for themselves to understand why Allo felt so attached to it. Finally, he told us: “When I find stuff like this, I am happy.” Previous Next

Il est temps de s’attaquer à la rhétorique macroniste quant à la soit disante nécessaire réforme des retraites. < Back Déconstruction de la Pensée Dominante: l’Exemple de la Réforme des Retraites By Ilyès Mesbah February 28, 2023 Avant de commencer cet article, j’ai longuement hésité quant à la tournure que je lui donnerais. Comment convaincre mes cher(e)s camarades de se détacher de la pensée dominante, des arguments néo-libéraux qui sont si bien rodés et qui semblent être naturels, voire logiques ? Avant même d'énumérer les éléments de langage de la majorité, je tiens à expliquer ce qui me pousse, Ilyès Mesbah, à m’opposer frontalement à la réforme des retraites ainsi qu’à la logique qui se cache derrière. Depuis mon plus jeune âge, j’ai vu mon père partir au travail aux aurores pour rentrer aux alentours de 18h, et ce, du lundi au samedi. Il rentre toujours avec une tête fatiguée, des mains lacérées par son travail dans les champs, le dos courbé à peine capable de prendre une douche et de se reposer. Si je vous raconte cela, ce n’est pas pour me morfondre sur mon sort ou celui de mon père mais bien pour illustrer une réalité sociale trop souvent oubliée. Des exemples de ce type, il en existe des millions en France, alors quand on nous explique qu’il va falloir travailler deux ans de plus quand ce même gouvernement à supprimer la taxe d’habitation représentant un manque à gagner de 18 milliards d’euros par an pour l’Etat, autant dire que nous, enfants d’ouvriers, nous ne pouvons accepter cela. Il est temps de s’attaquer à la rhétorique macroniste quant à la soit disante nécessaire réforme des retraites. Selon Gabriel Attal “c’est la réforme ou la faillite”. Ah bon ? Le premier argument du gouvernement repose sur les prédictions du CORE (le Conseil d’Orientation des Retraites). Dans ce cas, qui de mieux pour les expliquer que le directeur du CORE. Pierre-Louis Bras explique en commission des lois que dans trois hypothèses sur quatre les dépenses de retraites sont stables et diminuent à très long terme. Néanmoins, dans un des scénarios, les dépenses augmentent “sans augmenter de manière très très importante”. En effet, il paraît cohérent de s’aligner sur le scénario le plus pessimiste mais pourquoi le faire encore une fois sur le dos des plus précaires ? Un autre élément qui a été martelé par la majorité, a été de dire que l'espérance de vie en bonne santé augmente et que par conséquent nous devons travailler plus longtemps. Cet argument, en plus d’être faux, reflète la déconnexion totale de certains parlementaires et de la réalité sociale de notre pays. La direction de la recherche, des études, de l’évaluation et des statistiques explique qu' en 2016, l’espérance de vie en bonne santé, c’est-à-dire le nombre d’années qu’une personne peut compter vivre sans souffrir d’incapacité dans les gestes de la vie quotidienne, s’élève en France à 64,1 ans pour les femmes et à 62,7 ans pour les hommes.” Un argument renforcé par les sorties de Darmanin affirmant qu’il comprend la douleur des français puisque sa mère femme de ménage va aussi subir cette réforme (la rémunération des ministres en net est de 8400e…). Ainsi, le déplacement de l’âge de la retraite de 62 à 64 ans mène à des économies considérables puisque les personnes les plus précaires seront déjà soit mortes, soit incapables de travailler jusqu’à cet âge et bénéficieront donc d’une pension plus faible. Ce cynisme est d’autant plus douloureux que la majorité a récemment fait voter une baisse de la durée de l’assurance-chômage de 25% lorsque le chômage est inférieur à 9%. Pour couronner le tout, Renaissance se targue d'avoir fait baisser le chômage alors qu’il compte dans ses statistiques les micros-entreprises (incluant par exemple des jeunes qui travaillent en extras quelques mois dans l’année) mais aussi et surtout en radiant de plus en plus de chômeurs de pôle emploi. Cette précision est importante puisque rappelant que le taux d’emploi des séniors de 55 à 64 ans n’est que de 56% selon la Dares. Cela signifie donc qu’une grande partie des séniors ne cotisent plus à cet âge, survivons grâce aux aides sociales aussi grandement réduites sous les quinquennats de Macron. De plus, le gouvernement a aussi tenté de tacler les propositions de l’opposition (la vraie, pas celle des racistes) en acculant la Nupes de vouloir augmenter les charges sur les artisans et les ouvriers. Cela relève soit du déni, soit de la manipulation lorsque l’on sait qu’une des propositions a par exemple été d’augmenter les cotisations sociales (et non pas les charges sociales) de 2,5e ce qui permettrait de financer le déficit. En soi, ce genre de questions n’auraient même pas eu besoin de se poser si le gouvernement n’avait pas supprimer la CVAE (environ 8 milliards), l’ISF et mis en place la flat tax (4 milliards par an) sans citer toutes les autres mesures qui réduisent les recettes et donc la qualité des services publiques et des aides sociales. Toutefois, l’âme socialiste des macronistes semblent resurgir en nous répétant sans cesse que leur objectif est de maintenir le système de retraite par répartition. Comment croire ce gouvernement qui depuis le début s’inscrit dans la logique marchande et qui aujourd’hui, soudainement et pour l'intérêt des français refuse la capitalisation. Or cette réforme favorise la capitalisation puisque si les français conçoivent que leurs retraites seront amoindries il faudra bien trouver une autre solution. Plus haut, j’ai mentionné l’opposition en carton du rassemblement national soit disant pour le peuple. Rappelant quand même que Renaissance et le Rassemblement national se sont alliés à de multiples reprises contre l’augmentation du SMIC, la revalorisation des retraites au niveau du smic, la suppression des aides publiques aux entreprises qui ont augmenté les dividendes aux actionnaires sans augmenter leurs salariés. Ce n’est pas tout :le RN a aussi refusé d’appeler à manifester contre la réforme des retraites et ne fait que semblant de s’opposer avec un peu plus de 200 amendements proposés (c’est moins que la majorité…). Alors oui, que certaines personnes acculées par le travail et n’ayant pas la chance de s’informer correctement votent pour le Rassemblement National me dérange mais je les comprends. Toutefois, que des Sciences Pistes censé être l’élite de la nation corroborent avec un discours de haine, de fake-news et qui légitiment ça par le discours pseudo-social du Rassemblement National me dégoute. En effet, s’informer par les médias est important et nécessaire mais allez plus loin et regardez ce qu’il se passe réellement dans l'hémicycle. Encore aujourd’hui, le Rassemblement National et Renaissance s'applaudissent mutuellement, comme quoi le capital et le fascisme s’allient toujours. Alors si vous être contre la réforme des retraites, contre le modèle néo-libéral que j’ai en partie décrit et que vous n’êtes ni raciste, ni sexiste, ni xenophobe, je vous invite à aller dans la rue, qui a toujours été le meilleur moyen pour porter des revendications sociales à ce qui ont tout et qui nous demandent à nous de faire des efforts.

Will our hands remember how to take up a pen to write without the assistance of a keyboard and Grammarly? Will our eyes be able to adjust to words on paper rather than illuminated on a computer? Will we ever create an outline again without the assistance of ChatGPT? The words of my cousin’s “gyatt” echo into eternity, a siren call of the society we’ve become. < Back The End of Culture as We Know It Maia Zasler November 30, 2024 I will never forget the day my 10-year-old cousin shouted “gyatt” over FaceTime. Her text message rendition manifested in “gyattoose.” When I sit on the train, stand in extended airport security lines, or futilely try to pay attention during lectures, I can see those around me engage in the never-ending consumption of internet content: manufactured, tailored, pixelated images and videos that please the synapses in our brains (re: something more scientifically accurate). I too have fallen victim. My vocabulary seems feeble, easily influenceable. I am ashamed to say I am entertained by some of the most ludicrous content produced in the name of “pop culture,” a means of garnering views. Why did I watch that video of Nara Smith in what can only be described as a ball gown making gum from scratch for her husband? I, along with countless others, consider what is mainstream to be normalized; beyond the beauty standards and gender gap implications that have been heavily critiqued and theorized, respectively, I have to wonder, is the culmination of human intellectual and artistic achievement really the streaming of Keeping up with the Kardashians ? Is it staring at TikTok or Instagram reels for hours on end? In the social media realm, or performative virtual world, we are all audience members and performers. Can we, the masses, be trusted to spearhead culture creation? I would posit, after observing the consequences of the last decade, that the answer is an unequivocal no. A quick Google search will provide a rudimentary definition of “culture”: the ideas, customs, and social behavior of a particular people or society. So, what has gone deeply wrong in the broader, global society in terms of the deterioration of our ideas, customs and social behavior? I fear that the first catalyst has been a descent into digital absurdity. I have no defense for the two hours I spent (wasted?) watching Amadeus on TikTok. The laughter of young Mozart will forever haunt me. Or perhaps, more embarrassingly, I can refer to the videos displayed side-by-side, staying online to view clips of shows I’ve never even watched as in the parallel window somebody randomly unboxes miniatures or makes slime. I share this because I know mine are not singular experiences. The internet lingo that has encroached on our daily lives pervades beyond our phone screens, a product of oppressive collectivity. And that is part of the issue; we are eroding individualism. We are becoming our greatest obstacles in the production of quality content. We repost and remake existing trends, regurgitating that which we’ve heard too much of and seen too much of (arguably taking away from the voices of individuals who are pioneering culture development and sharing stories worth listening to). The linguistic evolution (or rather, devolution) of the “new generation” is yet another element of concern, a battlefront in this war to safeguard culture. The domination of nothing-words such as “skibidi” or “fanum tax,” or even worse, when combined to form nothing-phrases such as “skibidi Ohio rizz,” render centuries worth of linguistic maturation mute. We are inching closer and closer to a reality in which communication occurs solely through emoticons and TikTok dances. As Sciences Po students, we must ask ourselves: what if the future of diplomacy hinges on the mastery of the “Renegade”? You may think it extreme (it is), but at such an elevated rate of change and international exchange, it is a possibility. We engage more with content creators than Nobel prize winners; Mr. Beast videos supersede poetry and eloquent prose. We constantly have audio playing in the background—“Get Ready with Me” videos roll while we pick out outfits for the day. Our lives are played back to us on Instagram and Snapchat stories. Perhaps we may not all want to go viral, but we are making a conscious decision to give our attention (a valuable thing!!) to actors and general content that is not worthy. Maybe we should consider exploring the idea of a “Cultural Detox Camp;” we’ll read Dostoyevsky and listen to symphonies until we’re cleansed and inspired. Or are we too far gone? Can we reform that which has already been unleashed? Will our hands remember how to take up a pen to write without the assistance of a keyboard and Grammarly? Will our eyes be able to adjust to words on paper rather than illuminated on a computer? Will we ever create an outline again without the assistance of ChatGPT? The words of my cousin’s “gyatt” echo into eternity, a siren call of the society we’ve become.

< Back The Implications of the Piraeus Port As Part Of The Belt and Road Initiative Lydia Ntourountou February 28, 2025 The need for humans to communicate and exchange goods and ideas can be traced back to thousands of years ago. Despite the virtual impossibility of bridging societies across the globe, efforts were constantly being made to ensure the continuation and development of trade and commerce, inevitably followed by cultural exchanges. One of the most impressive developments was the Silk Road, established in 130 B.C.E. , during the period when China officially opened trade with the West. This pioneering network of routes managed to connect different civilizations, allowing the exchange of products and ideas from East Asian societies to East African and Southern European ones. Chinese silk, tea, perfumes and other products were sought-after in Egypt, Rome and Greece and not only did this allow for the exportation of such products, but most importantly, it marked the beginning of trade on an international scale. The gradual collapse of the network around 1450 A.D. marked a new beginning: international maritime trade . And though it would, indeed, take some centuries before it truly became global, this “sea-based globalization” has become the most prevalent form of trade, with over 80% of the volume of international commerce goods traveling by sea. China’s role in it is undoubtedly worth examining, considering that it remains the country with the largest amount of cargo ship exports annually. This exceptional economic activity is closely linked to what has been characterized as the New Silk Road, officially titled China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), an incredibly ambitious infrastructure project adopted by Xi Jinping’s government in 2013. This time, however, it is not limited to maritime trade but focuses on the overall development of a vast network of railways, ports, energy pipelines and highways that aim to facilitate a wide range of economic activities between Asia, Europe, the Middle East and Africa. Already, over two-thirds of European Union member states have joined the BRI, leading to a rise in Chinese investments in these countries to fund industrial projects. The vision promoted by Xi Jinping, though quite compelling, has attracted a lot of doubt and criticism; one of the main BRI projects sparking concern is the Budapest-Belgrade railway, aiming to create a fast train line connecting Hungary and Serbia. However, Hungary’s ability to repay the loan, as well as the actual profitability of the railway, has caused a lot of uncertainty. However, Xi Jinping’s project does not end here but takes on a rather drastic form regarding Greece’s involvement in the One Belt One Road Initiative. Indeed, Greece could be considered a unique case, since it hosts the most successful BRI project as of 2024: the port of Piraeus . Although a significant peak in bilateral economic and political relations between Greece and China dates back to the Greek debt crisis of 2008, during which Beijing offered to buy Greek government bonds, it is in the past couple of years that we notice the prevalence of Chinese influence in Greece. In 2016, Athens signed a contract with the company COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company), giving it access to 51% ownership of the port, before finally gaining another 16% shares in 2021, allowing it to possess a total of 67% and therefore owning the majority of the port. If Piraeus is classified as the fifth largest port in Europe, with around 5 million twenty-foot equivalent units passing annually, it is important to examine this success with caution. It must be highlighted that this project benefited Athens in maintaining its position as an important hub in maritime trade while securing its place as an essential geopolitical actor facilitating the connection between the EU and Asian markets. But does Xi Jinping’s policy serve the sole purpose of fully establishing the Belt and Road Initiative? If so, what does this mean for Greece? According to an article published by Plamen Tonchev , China’s objectives in Piraeus could be briefly summed up in three points: 1) utilize Greece’s position in the framework of the BRI, 2) win over the country’s political, business and academic leaders and ensure its backing of China, 3) influence the EU through “friendly” member states, one of which would be Greece. We notice that Beijing’s policies in this case are not extremely direct or “disruptive” and mostly take the form of a strong economic presence in this region. However, this active and powerful presence inevitably leads to political and economic dependence. Greece, because of its small size and low level of population (around 10 million), could be considered a country that requires external “backup,” notably because of the regional tensions surrounding and directly influencing it. We could not talk about its foreign policy without mentioning the United States, characterized as Greece’s closest historical “ally” and whose relations with the country were recently referred to as “ excellent ” by Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis. Having secured a five-year defense cooperation with the US and working together in matters of energy finance and military, their bilateral relations do indeed seem quite secure. But, amidst a period of uncertainty concerning the policies to be implemented after the US presidential elections, will Greece be capable of balancing two powerful “enemy nations,” both having interests in the Mediterranean region? This question seems even more pertinent after the U.S. Defense Department blacklisted COSCO by listing it as a company working with the Chinese military, which COSCO denied. This decision cannot be followed by legal sanctions for the commercial sector and so far does not seem to have any direct impact on the shipping company. However, it raised alarms in Piraeus , considering that the blacklisting could act as a “ deterrence ” for some importers. It also reminds us of the tensions between these geopolitical actors and the fact that countries with smaller economic and political power, such as Greece, are caught in the middle. Although we cannot predict the outcomes of the significant Chinese ownership of Piraeus , the fact that Greece’s biggest port is owned by a foreign power will have an important impact on its future policies, as well as its relations with other countries. What is interesting, however, is that China’s project affects the game of power and slowly shifts the economic narrative from the West to the East. Whether Greece will be able to successfully balance in between, without completely becoming dependent on either power, is to be determined. Photo credits: Rory Boon on Flickr

Today, there is mounting evidence to demonstrate that the U.S. is trying to break down the enemy they themselves spent so much time creating. < Back Unforeseen Consequences: The U.S. Role in Iran’s Military Rise Isabella Suels for Sciences Defense December 31, 2024 In a toast for his Imperial Majesty Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson once proclaimed, “the ornament of a house is the friend who frequents it”. Throughout his reign of 38 years, the Shah became a glimmering ornament in the White House, frequently meeting with U.S. presidents from Dwight D. Eisenhower to Jimmy Carter. During the Shah’s reign, Iran was valued as one of the most dependable U.S. allies in the Middle Eastern region. This relationship became especially strong during the Johnson administration (1963-1969), during which Iran transitioned from a client state that was controlled and supported by the U.S. into an emerging partner. Prior to Johnson, the U.S. was widely concerned with Iranian political, social and economic reform. The U.S. believed that the key to long-term stability in Iran relied on economic prosperity and wanted to support them in those endeavors. Consequently, during the Cold War, Iran frequently supported U.S. policies in Vietnam and the Dominican Republic. However, there was a significant roadblock in the U.S.-Iran relationship because the Shah had an insatiable appetite for military equipment that Washington could not tame . Therefore, in order to keep the Shah’s demands at bay, the Johnson administration adopted a policy of stalling. The U.S., believing they had Iran in their pocket, had no reason to imagine that Iran would turn towards other countries to increase their weapons arsenal. However, U.S. reluctance to provide Iran with the suitable amount of weapons requested, forced the Shah to turn towards U.S. adversaries to bolster his weapons stockpile. In particular, the Soviets had offered the Shah several squadrons of advanced MiG 21 aircrafts . This incident fractured the relationship between Washington and the Shah, which ended up being a necessary step that helped Iran acquire more weapons from the U.S. despite their hesitancy to provide them. In November of 1965, the Shah decreed that he was seeking $200 million in military purchases to meet Iran’s vital security needs. The U.S., knowing that Iran could obtain weapons from its adversaries, barred the transaction between Iran and the Soviets and gave Iran the military upgrades they had been asking for. This story would repeat itself throughout the years: the Shah would argue that “the continued military weakness of Iran may make it susceptible to the evils of aggression,” and then re-utter his threat of seeking arms elsewhere. Consequently, the U.S. would hand over a couple million dollars to expand Iran’s artillery. It was a fairly reasonable deal between the two: the U.S. would supply Iran with state of the art American-made weapons whilst also supplying it with an influx of American culture. In turn, the U.S. had easy access to Iranian oil. With this agreement, not only did Iran get richer in arms, but it also got richer in American culture as the Shah’s government became increasingly pro-Western while he sought to modernize the country. However, tensions were mounting among the population as the relationship between the U.S. and Iran flourished, and eventually they boiled over during the 1979 Iranian revolution. The revolution resulted with the ousting of the Shah and the end of the powerful alliance between Iran and the United States, which put to an end the influx of arms into Iran and the outflux of oil. Nevertheless, no more arms were needed as Iran’s armed forces lay equipped with state of the art equipment after years of trade. In the present day, tensions continue to rise between Iran and the United States. Ironically, the U.S. is fighting against an army of its own making. Although American influence was banished from Iran in 1979, the American artillery left behind was not. Fleets of naval destroyers, motor torpedo boats and squadrons of F-4C fighter jets were left in the hands of a new anti-Western government. This impressive array of weaponry has not gone to waste, rather Iran has decided to “share the wealth” by sending over ships loaded with weapons to the Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen. Treaties such as the Iranian Nuclear deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Actions, have seeked to ease tensions between Iran and several world powers including the United States. The Nuclear deal was set to prevent a revival of Iran’s nuclear weapons program and thereby reduce the prospects for conflict. However, the deal has fallen into jeopardy since President Trump withdrew from it in 2018, giving rise to a more resentful and belligerent Iran. In tandem with the U.S. withdrawal from the Nuclear deal, throughout the years the U.S. has also conducted multiple rounds of seizures on Iran’s ammunition. These seizures are aimed to disrupt vessels en route to smuggle weapons to the Houthis and other Iranian backed groups. Lately, the US has transferred this seized Iranian military equipment to the Ukrainians. These efforts to weaken Iran’s military are a direct result of the long and complex history between these two countries. Today, there is mounting evidence to demonstrate that the U.S. is trying to break down the enemy they themselves spent so much time creating. Source: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, Wikimedia Commons

For most students, the first few months are very fun and exciting, filled with opportunities to meet new people, by attending tons of parties, going to the beach after classes, and taking a train to Monaco or Nice on the weekends. But around November, as the sun starts to fade away, the initial joy of the people is nowhere to be found. < Back Studying in Menton: A Dream or a Curse? By Selin Elif Köse December 31, 2023 With a population of 30,679 and a size of 14,05 km2, Menton is one of the smallest cities in France. In the heart of Cote D’Azur, Menton is often filled with tourists and, of course, Sciences Po students. Yet, this colorful town stands as a unique case to host one of the most prestigious universities in the country. For most students, the first few months are very fun and exciting, filled with opportunities to meet new people, by attending tons of parties, going to the beach after classes, and taking a train to Monaco or Nice on the weekends. But around November, as the sun starts to fade away, the initial joy of the people is nowhere to be found. This makes me wonder, is this a universal college experience or distinct to Sciences Po Menton? If so, why are students in Menton not happy? The Social Bubble “Being in Menton, by nature of it, is isolating,” a first-year student describes. Here, students do not have a usual university life experience, as the Menton campus is not actually a campus . Unlike other universities where most students live in dorms or “Crous logement,” in Menton the majority live in apartments which puts invisible barriers and increases the distance between them. Additionally, there is a severe lack of coffee shops, pubs, bars and restaurants apart from the tourist traps and Le Retro, which restricts socialization, especially for people who don’t like going to parties at Soundproof. Here, another problem arises: who do you socialize with? At a campus with a student body of approximately 400 people, most people know each other at least by name, and friend groups are relatively strict, so even when you are socializing, it is quite rare to meet someone new. The division between French and English tracks is also worth mentioning since the two groups rarely see each other, limiting the interactions and the possibilities of forming new friendships. Everyone majoring in social sciences also decreases the range of perspectives on campus. These perspectives are often similar to each other given that most students' socio-economic background is frequently middle class or upper middle class. An Education Like No Other “My motivation is disappearing day by day, hard-work is almost never enough here,” a French-track student answered when asked about their opinion on the education system. In a November CVC meeting with 1A student representatives, campus director Youssef Halaoua said, “Most of the time teachers are new, i.e. they have not taught before–and some of their first teaching experiments are at Sciences Po.” In such a prestigious university like Sciences Po, the quality of teaching can be questionable from time to time. This particularly becomes problematic when considering the school tuition (relatively high by French standards), which is also subject to a five percent increase next year. Additionally, the work load can often be more than challenging because students have to deal with essays, presentations, and exams without catching a break. This is completely understandable for a competitive university, but particularly for French track, which is often regarded as more difficult than English track. Many students experience stress and frustration due to the harsh grading system that fails to recognize the effort students put in. Considering that third-year placements are based on grades, this perceived gap between French and English track students creates an unfair competition. Furthermore, the education system is mostly based on memorization — another point that frustrates students who wish to engage more critically with course content. Administrative Policies “I feel like the administration is not helping us when we need it but rather making our life even harder,” a 2A said. There has long been tension between students and administration on the Menton campus, but these issues arose with the Israel-Palestine conflict this year. The violation of freedom of expression and the calling of police on the students blockade were just some examples of the lack of cooperation with students. Students have felt disconnected from the administration as a result. There is also a stringent two-absence policy where students can only miss two classes per course, including excused absences such as medical issues. However, the campus doctor cannot issue medical notes, which compounds this problem. Even if they are not feeling well, students feel obligated to go to class, adding to the pressure on their shoulders. Furthermore, many students complain of lack of access to mental health services. An English-speaking therapist should be present and available to students not just once a week, but more, since the majority of the campus are international students. What Should Change Overall, it is clear that change must occur within the administration’s stance. The common feeling shared between students is that the administration is making decisions against students’ interests. In a campus like Sciences Po Menton, a need for a more considerate and collaborative administration is apparent. In addition, the mental support system should be improved. Recognizing these problems and voicing them are crucial – how long can Sciences Po keep looking the other way?

If we understand that proper wording can strongly impact policy and recognition of the suffering of persecuted peoples, then it becomes all the clearer why so many are arguing on whether the war in Gaza constitutes a genocide, and whether the treatment of Uyghurs is a crime against humanity. < Back Terminology and War Crime Denial Anna Halpern February 28, 2025 We have often heard of South Africa’s much-mediatized Genocide case against Israel in front of the ICJ , and many of us have also seen Amnesty International’s reports which call the mass deaths in Gaza a genocide . The controversy surrounding the appropriate term and the clear political game behind any position adopted on the matter really seem to have reopened the question of politics behind the terminology. While we may have heard this debate before, the end of how we name events so that they match the reality of the context of the war in Gaza is part of a far larger issue that has deep historical roots. Indeed, the use of terminology to manipulate public opinion and deny war crimes and genocides is a very powerful tool that has been employed throughout the 20th and even 21st century. Before entering the specifics of the cases that we will compare, it seems impossible not to define the terms that are so critically argued upon. Genocides, war crimes and crimes against humanity are all international crimes committed by individuals or governments that “ affect the core dignity of human beings.” In order to understand the conflict of namings and narratives, one must know the terms’ definitions and history. War crimes refer to “serious breaches of international humanitarian law committed against civilians or enemy combatants during an international or domestic armed conflict, for which the perpetrators may be held criminally liable on an individual basis.” This definition is derived from the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, the Geneva Convention of 1949 and its additional protocols and Article 8 of the 1998 Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court (ICC). The definition of a crime against humanity “ encompasses crimes such as murder, extermination, rape, persecution and all other inhumane acts of a similar character (wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to body or to mental or physical health), committed ‘as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack.’” It is codified in Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the ICC. Finally, the term genocide was originally coined by Raphael Lemkin and first appeared in his 1944 work “ Axis Rule in Occupied Europe .” It is defined in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. “It is the specific intention to destroy an identified group either ‘in whole or in part’ that distinguishes the crime of genocide from a crime against humanity.” These definitions also highlight the critical fact that the term Genocide, for example, simply did not exist during some of the events that now are argued to fit within this definition. Such questions add to the terminological dispute the question of the possibility of judging such an event through the lens of a crime that did not exist at the time. Keeping this background in mind, we can now consider how the application of these definitions has been used and disagreed upon. An extremely famous case of genocide denial and terminology debate is the case of the Armenian genocide of 1915 which Turkey, and much of the international community, still officially do not recognize despite vast scholarly support. However, the debate over naming and recognizing this event is not unique. While we cannot explore all cases that have sadly occurred, it appears relevant to look at a few more historical cases that have yet to be fully recognized. We will consider the Japanese massacres and war crimes during the invasion of China namely in Nanjing (December 1927 to February 1938) as well as the Bosnian genocide denial (1995). These cases can be linked to a far more recent lack of recognition by China of its persecution of the Uyghur minority. Through both historical examples and the current cases in Gaza and China the critical importance of terminology is underlined, and its broad political implications clearly seep through. The case of the Armenian genocide is a blatant example of the difficulty of earning official recognition of war crimes, especially genocide, and the tricky word game played by Ankara is critical in this terminological warfare. The Armenian genocide is well recognized by historians and institutions —the creator of the term himself thought to apply it to the context of Ottoman crimes against Armenians in WWI. However, the international scene is not always ruled by expert opinions—as we know all too well—but often is far more politically guided. Thus, the reality is that only 33 countries currently recognize the genocide, and this list notably does not include Turkey. Indeed, Turkey has always maintained a policy of denying “ a deliberate policy of genocide.” The official website of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs portrays the Armenian view as an “embellishe[d]” version that it “selects” in order to vilify Turkey. Moreover, the website follows the phrasing “The events of 1915,” commonly used in official Turkish statements on the matter. Thus, this decision not to call it a ‘genocide’ is intrinsically linked to the maintenance of a very different narrative regarding the events themselves and is a tool aiming to prevent the acknowledgment of the extent of the devastation recorded by most non-Turkish historians. But national narratives differing regarding war crimes is not something that is exclusively reserved to the rather well-known case of Armenia and Turkey. Indeed, Sino-Japanese relations are still strained to this day by very controversial Japanese positions concerning the “Nanjing Massacre” or the “Rape of Nanjing” which in Japan is sometimes referred to as the “ Nanjing incident .” This case is not quite as clear as the case of the Armenia-Turkey disagreements. Indeed, Japan has been largely criticized for its unclear position, with varying positions from an acknowledgment of the Tokyo Trials and remorse for the suffering caused during WWII to an outright denial of the “Nanjing Massacre.” This public debate and division is all the more relevant to Japan’s international relations, within which it has maintained an unclear discourse. While it has apologized in general terms for Imperial Japan’s policies and actions, “many Japanese apologies have looked like “one step forward, one step backward.” Moreover, the lack of a unified messaging has led to questionable word choices such as referring to the “so-called Nanjing massacre” and has even seen the denial of certain Japanese war crimes. Thus, the lack of clear terminology and strategic uncertainty of positioning has led to the possibility of denials and belittling of war crime s which have affected Sino-Japanese relations. In a more recent and still very open wound, we can also consider the case of the Bosnian genocide. This refers to the massacre of Srebrenica in July 1995 which was ruled by the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia a Genocide. It occurred during the Bosnian War, where Bosnian Serb forces committed grave human rights violations and war crimes. Despite such international recognition, Bosnian Serb Politicians have largely denied such crimes, and have recently adopted a report denying the genocidal nature of the massacre. This comes in a context of great disagreement with a UN resolution to commemorate the Srebrenica Genocide by Serbian and Bosnian Serbs. This only serves to highlight that terminology arguments are crucial tools in the hands of genocide deniers and ultimately still have massive repercussions on Bosnian society thirty years after the events. This case is a prime example of the critical importance such terms hold and the real impact they can have. While all of these historical cases are immensely important and still have repercussions to this day, they also serve as a warning sign of the dangers of unclear terminology or intentionally untrue naming of grave events. It seems only fitting to look from such events to current war crimes, human rights violations and potential crimes against humanity whose terms are still under discussion such as the case of Uyghurs in China and the war in Gaza. If we understand that proper wording can strongly impact policy and recognition of the suffering of persecuted peoples, then it becomes all the clearer why so many are arguing on whether the war in Gaza constitutes a genocide, and whether the treatment of Uyghurs is a crime against humanity. Though in these two cases the final rulings are not given, both the ICJ’s indications of measures to be taken to prevent a potential genocide and the UN’s report accusing China of potential crimes against humanity indicate a high chance of such crimes having been committed and have led to no acknowledgment on the part of Israel or China. Such lack of impact of international warnings and refusal to acknowledge the terms used by both parties highlights a consistency in patterns of denial of crimes and seems all the easier to read through given such historical context. As a post scriptum, I feel that I must explain the lack of inclusion of a very well-known denial, and that is Holocaust denial. This is indeed a critical issue that merits being addressed. However, as I mentioned at the beginning, I did not have extensive space to delve into all cases of denial, and I found it to be far more interesting to focus on less well-known issues that have less media attention and deserve to be recognized. This does not in any way take away from the importance of Holocaust denial and of course we should consider a far wider range of events than the selected cases of this article when considering the real impact of terminology disagreements and denial. Photo credits: Diane_Krauthamer on Flickr

< Back The New EU Commission and its Implications Stanimir Stoyanov December 31, 2024 December marks the beginning of a new five-year mandate of the European Commission. In June 2024, Europeans headed to the polls to elect their representatives in the European Parliament, tasked with voting in a new European Commission. On Nov. 27 Members of the European Parliament voted in a new Commission headed by Ursula von der Leyen. As the executive branch of the European Union, the Commission is one of the most important political bodies in the world. Despite its critical role, it remains relatively unfamiliar to the general public. So, this prompts the question, why is the European Commission important? The power of the European Commission The European Commission holds the majority of executive power within the EU. Its functions are to propose legislation based on parliamentary resolutions, enforce EU Regulations and manage the Union’s day-to-day affairs. Put simply, it steers the ship, which carries around 450 million citizens from 27 member states. The Commission's main jurisdiction is regarding trade agreements and environmental policies, which are considered collective European efforts. The Commission's decisions are detrimental on both the European and global stage. It is even responsible for the small things in our everyday lives, such as bottle caps being attached to plastic bottles or Apple being forced to change its charging cables to the universal Type-C. With political instability prevalent in many member states, more significantly in France and Germany, the Commission holds an increasingly important role in European unity. The New European Commission The Commission comprises one member for each of the 27 member states, including six Executive Vice-Presidents. Following this year's EU elections, the European Parliament faced the task of selecting a new Commission President. On July 18, Ursula von der Leyen was re-elected to continue her presidency. Despite a Parliament with more left-leaning MEPs than before, von der Leyen secured her position, albeit with a narrower margin of approval compared to her first term. Meanwhile, the Commission she proposed in November reflected a noticeable shift toward the center-right, with strong representation from the European People’s Party and other conservative groups, echoing the political turbulence seen across EU member states. However, the composition of her new team reflects both continuity and change, with a reshuffled College of Commissioners aiming to tackle pressing issues such as digital transformation, climate policy and industrial competitiveness. These are the new Collage’s six Executive Vice-Presidents, each overseeing critical policy areas: Teresa Ribera Rodríguez (Spain) – Leading the EU's Green Deal efforts for a just and competitive transition. Henna Virkkunen (Finland) – Focused on digital sovereignty and technological innovation. Stéphane Séjourné (France) – Tasked with revitalizing European industry and the single market. Roxana Mînzatu (Romania) – Overseeing education, skills, and social policies. Raffaele Fitto (Italy) – Managing cohesion policy and regional development. Kaja Kallas (Estonia) – Serving as Vice-President and High Representative for Foreign Affairs Prospects and implications of the new European Commission Before being voted in as President of the new Commission, Ursula von der Leyen addressed the European Parliament, outlining her plans and goals for the next five years. Her key priorities include advancing climate neutrality targets, promoting technological sovereignty and strengthening the EU’s influence on the global stage. A central theme of her speech was the Commission’s firm stance against Russia, bolstered by strong critics like former Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas, now serving as High Representative for Foreign Affairs. This is a continuation of current EU politics when it comes to dealing with Russia, with an even tougher emphasis on support for Ukraine. The Commission also aims to bolster the EU's defense sector by increasing spending and investments. The task of delicately balancing economic growth with environmental commitments has been entrusted to France’s Stéphane Séjourné and Spain’s Teresa Ribera Rodríguez. In addition, the EU is working to achieve greater economic independence, particularly in light of proposed tariffs from the incoming U.S. president. This reflects a broader effort to reduce reliance on external actors for innovation and economic stability. Additionally, von der Leyen has proposed stricter migration policies, emphasizing increased deportation measures, following demands from many national governments for a tougher EU-wide stance on the matter. Is it really a “new” Commission? Some have voiced critical opinions of the new Commission, arguing that it represents more continuity than change. The approach of appealing to a wide political spectrum by providing broad and vague commitments has led to concerns that the Commission’s agenda lacks the required innovation to tackle emerging challenges effectively. This Commission was voted in with the lowest level of support ever, which is raising concerns about political stability on the European level. While such factors, coupled with the same President’s face suggest a continuation of existing policies, the College choices hint at a lean to the right in European politics. We are now at the beginning of the new 2024-2029 European Union mandate, with the future being as uncertain as ever, the new Commission has the important task of representing the European people and fulfilling its duties faced by both internal and external hardships. While its plans appear promising on paper, only time will reveal whether it can achieve its ambitious goals. What is clear, however, is that during a time of deep polarization within Member States, the Commission plays a vital role in maintaining cohesion among Europeans while advancing the EU’s global ambitions.

If restored to its original role as a subaltern tool of social action, the threads of the hatta will once again weave together the working classes on both banks of the Jordan River in their struggle for liberation. The national meanings now attached to the hatta’s colors are constructs designed to essentialize and divide—a red herring distracting from the real story of our grandparents’ hattas. < Back Weaving Both Banks of the River Together: The Keffiyeh and the Construction of National Identity in Jordan and Palestine Anonymous February 28, 2025 Last summer, not far from Menton, in the neighboring city of Cannes, American-born Palestinian-Dutch model Bella Hadid attended the Cannes Film Festival . She wore a dress adorned with an infamous red-and-white checkered pattern, designed as a recreation of the Palestinian keffiyeh by Michael Sears and Hushidar Mortezai , the designers behind the 2000s label Michael & Hushi. Her buzz-worthy attire was promptly met with the usual outrage that Palestinian cultural expression faces in the West. Yet, unbeknownst to many, the backlash was twofold—not only from Western outlets but also from Arab-Jordanian ones, albeit for entirely different reasons. On Jordanian social media, the dress became the punchline for playful yet pointed jokes: " Bella Hadid wears El-Shemagh Al-Urduni Al-Mohadab " (Bella Hadid wears the refined Jordanian shemagh). Though made in jest, these remarks stemmed from a deeper cultural tension—the widespread perception that the red-and-white shemagh (the Jordanian term for keffiyeh) is distinctly Jordanian, while the black-and-white one is Palestinian. To the untrained eye or the non-Arab reader, these differences may seem trivial, even silly. Yet, within the Jordanian context, they have shaped the very fabric of national identity construction. In many ways, Palestinians—who, according to national statistics, make up two-thirds of Jordan's population—became the "other" to the Jordanian national identity. This "othering" occurred because, as Edward Said notes , "the development and maintenance of every culture... involves the construction of opposites and 'others,' whose actuality is always subject to the continuous interpretation and reinterpretation of their differences from 'us.'" The Palestinians, in a sense, were low-hanging fruit—an identity to be reinterpreted in ways that emphasized the differences that define what it means to be Jordanian. Interestingly, during the Jordanian annexation of the West Bank in the 1950s, Palestinians were granted Jordanian citizenship. This policy can be interpreted as an attempt at diluting Palestinian identity by merging it with the Jordanian one. However, simultaneously, as previously mentioned, there were also attempts to depict Palestinian identity as distinct as to highlight the crevices defining Jordanian identity, especially in the 1970s following the events of Black September —an inherently contradictory approach. And yet, anyone who has ever attended the Jordanian derby between the Amman-based club Al-Faisaly FC and the Al Wehdat FC, a Palestinian refugee camp in Amman, knows that this approach—no matter how fraught with contradictions—yields outstanding results. It yielded results of othering that are echoed in the chauvinistic chants of fans , seeking to declare and assert to the opposing crowd who is in fact Jordanian. Results so astonishing that a subtle difference in headdress seems to have mustered a rhetoric of prejudice almost as natural as the passage of time itself, not unlike the animosity borne out of the conflict between age-old sworn enemies. For my generation, these classifications are all we have ever known. Yet, like all national identity construction processes, they are not age-old; they are recent, and, one must emphasize again, imagined . The untold truth is that these distinctions are only as old as the colonial Westphalian order—that is, not old at all. You see, the keffiyeh or shemagh is simply a patterned variant of what is known as the hatta —a plain white headdress worn by the peasantry ( fallah ) or proletariat in the southern Levant long before the Sykes-Picot borders existed. It was, in many ways, a class symbol. While the bourgeois elite wore the Ottoman fez or tarboush , the lower-class fallah wore the hatta. Following a series of peasant -led Arab revolts against British and Zionist colonialism in Mandatory Palestine during the 1920s and 1930s, the fallah ’s hatta was popularized as a tool for grassroots anti-colonial, anti-bourgeois resistance. However, this bottom-up aspect of the movement ended shortly after the hatta was institutionalized by the PLO—not as a tool for fallah -led social action, but rather as a national cultural emblem in the decades that followed. The irony of its anti-bourgeois origins—whether against the Nashashibis in the 1920s and 1930s, the PLO itself in the 1960s and 1970s, or even Bella Hadid today—was largely forgotten in this effort to collectivize indigenous memory. The colored variants of the checkered pattern, however, emerged when Glubb Pasha , the British commander of the Jordanian Army in the 1950s, sought to distinguish his East Bank (Jordanian) soldiers from West Bank (Palestinian) soldiers by assigning them red-and-white and black-and-white checkered keffiyehs, respectively. Glubb’s colonial strategy—an archetype of racialized subjectivity —stripped his colonial subjects of their humanity, reducing them to a color-coded system of control. While the Jordanian nation-building process used the shemagh to assert postcolonial national identity by—ironically—reinforcing a colonial policy at the expense of both the Levantine fallah and Palestinians, the Palestinian national identity project sought to cultivate a memory for an anti-colonial struggle—yet it did so by erasing the fallah ’s agency in that very struggle, cutting it at the knees. Lost in the chauvinistic Jordanian football chants is the memory of our peasant grandparents, whose cultivation of the Levant’s land once transcended Sykes-Picot borders, who led the fight for a homeland untainted by colonial divisions. Lost is the memory of Kayed Mfleh Obaidat —the first martyr for the Palestinian cause—a Transjordanian peasant from the Jordanian town of Irbid who led the Tal al-Thaaleb revolt , the first armed confrontation with settlers on Palestinian land in 1920. Palestinians and their struggle should not be cast as the “other” to Jordanian “stability.” After all, the very symbol we now associate with stability—our mighty red shemagh—was once a banner of class conflict, just as the Palestinian keffiyeh was. Both came from a marker of a lower status that later spearheaded the most successful anti-colonial resistance in the region to date. They were then co-opted by elites, stripping the working class of its agency and reducing its role to a hollow cultural one. Worse still, this co-option was cemented by a colonial officer who weaponized the distinction between the two headdresses to sever working-class Jordanians from a cause once inseparable from their own—a struggle once fought in unison with the Palestinian working class in joint defense of the very same land that fed them both. My grandmother, from the northern Jordanian village of Beit Ras—a village in the Houran Valley stretching from southern Syria to northern Jordan—did not wear a designer Michael & Hushi dress. She wore a red-and-white patterned shemagh her entire life. Her very own sister wore a black-and-white one. My grandfather, older than both, wore a simple white fallahi hatta . I find it difficult to see what truly differentiates them from a fallah in Tiberias—artificial borders and hatta color palettes be damned. But I can easily see who benefits from the internalization of this division. Make no mistake, I did not endeavor to write this article to deny the existence of inter-Levantine cultural differences. Rather, I aimed to show that these differences, in their original sense, did not conform to Sykes-Picot lines, Glubb’s orders or elite co-option. They followed no imposed boundaries but rather the organic ways of the people themselves in their struggle for self-determination. Any attempt to manipulate these distinctions into reinforcing Westphalian borders and upholding the socioeconomic stratification that preserves the colonial political order should not—and will not—prevail in the face of the Southern Levant’s fight for a dignified existence in its homeland. If restored to its original role as a subaltern tool of social action, the threads of the hatta will once again weave together the working classes on both banks of the Jordan River in their struggle for liberation. The national meanings now attached to the hatta ’s colors are constructs designed to essentialize and divide—a red herring distracting from the real story of our grandparents’ hattas . That is the story of a simple piece of cloth they donned atop their heads, which—in all its colors, patterns, and glory, once carried the means to invert class power and strike fear into the hearts of colonialists and their collaborators. It is this legacy of cross-Palestinian-Jordanian working class anti-colonial upheaval—not that of imposed national divisions and hollow cultural signifiers—that must be celebrated, reclaimed and re-enacted, whether in football stadiums or film festivals. Photo credits: Bethany Ann Khan on Flickr

< Back Second-Year Fraser Byers Produces Documentary About Ventimiglia’s Humanitarian Crisis By Colette Holcomb November 30, 2022 In the idyllic bubble of Menton, it is easy to forget the humanitarian crises occurring less than 20 kilometers away in the Italian city of Ventimiglia. Yet, every year, over 30,000 migrants pass through the border town, risking their lives in hopes of a better future. The 2020 closing of the Italian Red Cross Camp and an intensified French police presence has exacerbated the already dangerous humanitarian conditions for migrants at the Franco-Italian frontier. After seeing the implications firsthand through volunteer work at the border, second-year Sciences Po student Fraser Byers wanted to bring awareness to the migrant crisis by producing a documentary film detailing personal accounts of the journey to Europe and what daily life looks like for migrants. This past summer, he worked with friends Nico Romero and Zara Gounden to create the Twenty Miles More project with the support of a Davis Project for Peace grant of $10,000. Romero, an aspiring filmmaker, is the director, cinematographer and editor. Gounden, a New York University student at NYU London, is the co-producer, production accountant and secondary content writer. Twenty Miles More aims to share the story of Ventimiglia as a representation of the complexity that emerges when those in search of safety and security meet barriers to a better life. “I believe that storytelling through this medium [documentaries] is the best way to share with audiences unadulterated accounts of the human tragedy occurring in this region. Documentaries are a form of reporting that invites a visual element. [They] bring validity and often establish a greater emotional connection. I believe that these characteristics are inherent to responsible documentary storytelling [and] are crucial to shifting public opinion…” says Fraser Byers, the executive producer and water survey lead of Twenty Miles More. Beyond the documentary, the project includes research on the water quality of the Roya River — particularly seeking to answer whether the river is a safe water source for migrants. Without the Red Cross Camp, the Roya river has become the primary site where migrants bathe, use the bathroom and access drinking water. Aside from organic human waste, the river is polluted with garbage and spilled oil, and there is concern that the water contains hazardous heavy metals from the upriver industry. “The Roya flows through both French and Italian territories where there is significant industrial and agricultural development — making the unknown chemical and organic qualities of the water a concern considering the high chance of dangerous contaminants,” explained Byers. Through this research, the project will help non-profits and other organizations working in the area to provide safer drinking and bathing alternatives. Over the summer, the crew was able to conduct primary filming and water assessment and have now moved into post-production. Filming began just four months after the beginning of the Ukrainian-Russian war. The timing allowed for a unique framing of the treatment of primarily African and Asian migrants entering Ventimiglia in the context of the treatment of Ukrainian refugees in other areas of France and Italy . Of particular concern is police treatment; throughout the documentary, law enforcement is shown discriminating against migrants and even illegally refusing underage asylum seekers. Given the sensitive nature of much of the documentary’s content and the depth of personal stories shared in the film, the project team wanted to ensure that they were taking an ethical approach to research and production. To do so, they worked with various organizations operating in Ventimiglia and generally in migrant advocacy and aid, such as Caritas, 20K, Red Cross and Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors without Borders). These partnerships are also set to collaborate on distribution; the team plans to share the unedited interviews with organizations. They are also applying to various film festivals to showcase the documentary. If you are interested in supporting the Twenty Miles More project, contact Fraser Byers at fraserbyers@gmail.com or check out their website, 20milesmore.org .

The vote of each EU citizen is key to shaping a consensus for the Union; now, let's see which path they determine we take. < Back EU 2024 Elections : Why the Whole World is Looking at the Results By Sina Hosna for European Society May 1, 2024 When many countries are looking to the United States’ elections amid all the others happening in 2024, the European Union (EU) legislative elections will take place on June 9. On that day, citizens of all 27 member states of the EU will be able to vote for the candidates of their national parties to represent them in the European Parliament. In a period of major conflicts, the EU plays one of the biggest roles on the international scene. Both outside and within its borders, the Union is being sorely tested in the face of its challenges. Even on its borders, the crisis exists and has to be treated. Let’s look at what is exactly at stake on June 9, the day 448 million people will head to the polls. Before entering the subject, let’s make a little reminder for our readers: The EU is a political and economic union of 27 member states in Europe. The project traces its roots back to the aftermath of World War II to foster peace, stability, and prosperity on the old continent. The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) precursor to the EU, was established in 1951 by six founding members (Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and West Germany) to integrate key industries and prevent future conflicts between European countries. Over the decades, the project evolved, expanding its scope to include economic integration, the establishment of a single market, and the adoption of a common currency, the Euro (€). Today, the EU encompasses a wide range of policies and institutions aimed at promoting cooperation, solidarity, and shared values among its member states. First, let’s look at the organization of the election. The EU Parliament election is organized every five years and for the tenth time this year. It is the only time citizens of the European Union can vote directly for their representatives. One fundamental aspect of the EU legislative elections is the proportional representation system. Unlike many national electoral systems, where winner-takes-all dynamics prevail, EU elections employ proportional representation, ensuring that the composition of the European Parliament reflects the diverse political spectrum across member states. 720 Members of Parliament will be elected this year, with 46 seats deleted post-Brexit and 15 seats added since the last elections due to the growing population of member states. The seats of each member state are calculated by population size: Germany, the most populated country in the UE (84 million inhabitants) has the largest number of seats (96), and France follows with 81 seats - 2 were added since 2019 - and the least populated country of the EU, Malta, has the minimum number of seats a state can have: six (as do Cyprus and Luxembourg). Each citizen will have the opportunity to vote for one of his local political parties which is represented in one of the 10 European political parties. These 10 parties are united in eight groups that make up the European parliament, covering approximately the entire political landscape like the S&D (Socialists and Democrats) for the left, EPP (European People’s Party) for the center-right, Renew Europe for the right/liberals, … This parliament, the only directly elected legislative branch of the EU, holds significant powers. It shares the legislative power with the Council of the European Union (meeting of the ministers of each subject) and it has the authority to amend, approve, or reject proposed legislation, all in collaboration with the Council. This co-legislative role ensures that laws reflect the interests and concerns of EU citizens as represented by their MEPs. The European Parliament can also serve as an initiator of legislation. While the European Commission has the sole right of legislative initiative, the Parliament can request the Commission to propose new laws or amendments to existing ones in the EU law. Moreover, the Parliament can propose its resolutions and reports (of its MEP’s), which may influence the legislative agenda and shape EU policies. The Parliament plays a role of scrutiny and oversight over EU institutions. Through hearings, inquiries, and the power to adopt resolutions and recommendations, it holds these institutions accountable (in the name of the citizens of the EU) for their actions and decisions, ensuring transparency and democratic accountability. The European Parliament is also responsible for the EU budget, still with the Council and the nomination of the president of the Commission and its Commissioners with hearings. The last election in 2019 had a turnout of 50.66%, and the election saw the first surge in voter participation since the first election in 1979, reflecting heightened interest and engagement in EU affairs among citizens. What has been highlighted the most was the rise of populist and eurosceptic parties across Europe. Parties like Matteo Salvini's Lega in Italy and Marine Le Pen's Rassemblement National in France made significant gains, reflecting growing disillusionment with mainstream politics and EU institutions. There is an additional challenge with transferring powers to the local — such as municipal — to the supranational EU level. The process is too slow for some Europhiles or giving up too much national sovereignty for Eurosceptics. This is where the EU institutions have to find a balance: how to convince the people in the EU’s capital cities as well as the inhabitants of the countryside in the depths of Bulgaria? The challenge of the EU institutions is to convince all its citizens of its project and the impact it can have on the world. We can see it, particularly in the war in Ukrain e, where the EU provides military resources, welcomes Ukrainians fleeing war, and has fast-tracked the candidacy of Ukraine to the Union. Also, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the EU plays an important role in diplomacy and humanitarian aid. All the reforms of the EU have been voted on by the former composition of the European parliament and the direction the Union will take will be decided on June 9. The future of the EU and the world is at stake. The vote of each EU citizen is key to shaping a consensus for the Union; now, let's see which path they determine we take.

"If you don't believe at your age that you're not going to change the world, who will?” < Back How to Begin a Career in Change-Making? A Guide for the Idealists & an Interview with Lucile Marbeau By Lara Harmankaya For ambitious Sciences Po students, the search for a career is already on the agenda. LinkedIn accounts have been made, and attempts to network with professors after class are common. There is, after all, the frightening prospect of unemployment that is constantly reminded to us by our friends studying STEM. Yet, I have come to notice that this attachment to internship-hunts and forming the right network is not one that completely stems from the pursuit of self-interest and prestige. In fact, I suspect that a large part of this future-oriented thinking is derived from the students’ motivation to change some of the problematic characteristics of our world — as idealistic as that sounds. Admitting that such thoughts circulate in my head quite regularly, I decided to inquire into the life of a practitioner who works in the humanitarian field. Lucile Marbeau, a Sciences Po graduate and the Deputy Communications Manager of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), kindly agreed to my proposal to interview her. She offered insights into the structure of the ICRC, described the progression of her career from freelance journalism to communications, and shared some advice on how young people can enter into this field. The interview took off with an overview of Marbeau’s career, beginning with her time in journalism, through which she became acquainted with the functions and operations of the ICRC. She told me that she worked in Kosovo, Israel and the West Bank, where she came to know about the International Community of the Red Cross and also the Palestinian Red Crescent. She made sure to carefully differentiate between the national and international components of the Red Cross, which often get confused. She stated that ‘national societies,’ such as the French Red Cross and the Egyptian Red Crescent are not the same as the International Committee of the Red Cross, which has its headquarters in Geneva. The ICRC is not affiliated with any government, as are the national Red Cross societies. What also distinguishes the ICRC is the fact that its mandate is “specifically on armed conflicts to assist and protect the victims of armed conflicts, and also to continue on developing and promoting international humanitarian law.” In her words, its “basic aim is to make war less horrible.” One way is through the organization’s work on finding missing persons, which Marbeau’s journalistic research on the Kosovo conflict directed her to learn more about. She appreciated how the ICRC is able to keep the files of missing persons alive, even when the political incentives to do so begin to disappear. It becomes one of the very few sources of answers to families who are desperate for even the smallest trace of information about their loved ones. Acknowledging the importance of such efforts, she seized the opportunity to be a part of this organization when it appeared. For her, the transition from journalism to working as a spokesperson for the ICRC entailed “a different frame of mind.” “The international community of the Red Cross, because it's a neutral organization, is going to act differently and discuss things in confidence bilaterally with the parties and not so much in the public,” quite unlike the work of a journalist who must “address political issues” directly and dauntlessly. Leaving behind a political voice to not “diminish our access to the victims of the conflict” appears to be a worthy sacrifice. In fact, not even a sacrifice at all, but a practice of diplomacy: “what I appreciated arriving in the international community of the Red Cross is this position of neutrality, of not saying, who is right, who is wrong. And it's not for the ICRC or a philosophical point of view at all. It's much more a principle, a guiding principle, in order to be talking to all sides.” Also, it is necessary to protect the institution’s ability to “act in favor of those who are missing, those who are detained, for the wounded, for the civilians, and the most vulnerable categories of people in war.” When asked to elaborate more on her experience working as a journalist, she replied by saying that one of its main merits was the way it prompted her to “really dig into specific contexts.” Through her visits to Israel and the West Bank, she believed she was “able to understand more and more with finesse the conflict itself and the polarization between communities.” She revealed that she learned how to not look at issues with “judgements that often come with ignorance of the historical dynamics, and of those who aren’t hurt directly by the conflict.” Instead, she pointed out the importance of going to the area of conflict physically, or communicating with others “whether they be politicians, academics, activists, people who are trying to change things, and to be able to give that back to people who will never have that opportunity.” For Marbeau, at the heart of journalism is “to enable the reader to understand why this is a conflict, and what are the different views which are being expressed.” She continues: “As a journalist, you have the privilege of being able to have that access to people. But then it's also a huge responsibility, because when you write, you have power. You have power over those who don't necessarily have the same knowledge as you do. So you have a power to influence, and this is where for me, it remains extremely important to be honest intellectually, and to really convey as many possible facts and conflicting views.” Navigating the battles of clashing interests is one of the most significant and challenging duties of ICRC delegates. Yet, sometimes people outside the field of international humanitarian law fail to understand what this job is composed of. In quoting ICRC delegate Marcel Junod’s Le troisième combattant , Ms Marbeau emphasized precisely what the principal objective is: “the role of the humanitarians is to go in between the opposite sides and create a space, a humanitarian space. And this is what's precious about the work that my colleagues do everywhere in the world.” They aim to “preserve as much possible humanitarian space within the fighting.” International humanitarian law is one of the few leverages utilized for this purpose. The difficulty arises from the fact that “the time of the fighting, the time of the suffering, the time of the media, isn't the same. And it requires often from colleagues a lot of patience before getting some results and constant, constant dialogue with the different parties.” Thus, as we can see, the application of law which is embedded in the Geneva Conventions, principally emerges from “a lot of patience, diplomacy, and time.” A career in this field could be the right choice for you if you find yourself able to overcome such complications. Marbeau’s extensive knowledge of the ICRC’s functions and institutional structure was also very informative. When I asked her about how she and her colleagues deal with obstinate politicians, uncooperative officials and other political obstacles that hinder their objectives, she underlined the place of “collective responsibility” when respecting and implementing humanitarian law. At the ICRC, it is the cooperation of many branches that ensures compliance with “the law of the weakest.” “We're going to be speaking with the legal services of the ministry, for instance, of defense. It's then going to be the Head of Delegation who's going to be talking to ministers. It's going to be our colleague who is himself a former military who's going to be discussing and doing training in international humanitarian law directly [with] the military. So you're going to have at different levels, by different specialized colleagues, who work on different parts of the party to really bring a culture of respect for the law.” Even in the case of documenting ongoing grave violations, the interconnected network that constitutes the human rights field allows the ICRC to urge other actors to play their part. “When we've already gone through all the chain of commands, spoken to the highest level of the authorities—when nothing is moving—then what you do is mobilize other countries… And so this is what we remind them at some point, saying, ‘we know you're financing them. You're sending them weapons. You have a responsibility in making sure that they don't commit violations.’” Accountability is key in this field as it is in others. Without it, the successes of the ICRC in preventing violations would never materialize. The rest of the interview was dedicated to her advice to young people. When I inquired about whether she finds her job fulfilling, and her recommendations to start a career in humanitarian work, her first response was, “Yes, but the first thing I'd say is act now. There's already things that you can do in your environments, working, volunteering for, for instance, at the French Red Cross, or the Red Cross of Monaco, other groups, there's already some social work that can be done where you are, and you don't need to wait…to work to help the most vulnerable and defend them.” As we begin preparing for our month of Parcours Civique volunteering, perhaps this can remind us of the salience of gaining experience and exposure to realities early on. Her second piece of advice was to pinpoint the “identity” of the kind of organization one may want to work for. She suggested that, “if you want to do advocacy work, it's not going to be with the International Committee of the Red Cross, at least not publicly. There, you have to turn to organizations like Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, then have others who are going to be more specific on certain issues. But if the role is to speak out, if you want to speak out to the world about violations ongoing and for people everybody to know about it, it's not going to be in the International Community of the Red Cross because we work in a much more discreet manner…we need to be able to assure that we stay in the field and be able to help people on both sides of the front line to discuss with all the parties.” The first step in beginning a career in either of these pathways is through trying them out, and utilizing our Parcours Civique could be a beneficial way to do so. One of the main takeaways from this interview, for me, was the importance of overcoming passivity. Marbeau’s commitment to diplomacy and dialogue–as the spokesperson for the ICRC–was evident, yet she was also cognizant of how “collective action is needed in order to keep those minimal rights.” Just like the collaboration that takes place between the many institutional branches of the ICRC, international actors and different stakeholders must work together to achieve solid, tangible results. This is all the more pertinent now, where “the use of force is strongly coming back on the international scene as a way of solving conflicts.” When I asked her to share her expectations from future generations and what she wishes to see more of in the future, she urged us, the future generations, to “not get beat down, by whether it be national politics or world politics, thinking that your voices don't matter, that things are messed up, that things won't change. Because, I mean, when you look at it through history, you can righteously be despaired. But you must also see the positive evolutions of rights, which have been fought for and which have been achieved.” Feeling small and impotent on a larger scale is a natural occurrence for all of us. Marbeau’s message is one that encourages us to direct these feelings into action, on whichever scale that may be. “Some people tend to also kind of retreat in their personal sphere because they feel powerless. And I think one of the messages to say is, well, even if you feel powerless, you're still going to get impacted by what's going on in your environment, whether it be national or international. So you have to believe again in the fact that you can do something about it. Or else you're only a victim. You're only receiving the blows. You're only passive.” I wish to conclude this article with Lucile Marbeau’s final words of motivation, which I believe need to be emphasized one more time. “I'd say, really start engaging yourselves now. And it's the best way to see also to see what interests you the most, what issues you hold more dearly also. Because, depending on your age, there's different strengths and weaknesses. And for now, you need to believe. If you don't believe at your age that you're not going to change the world, who will?” “So it's also about believing again in the fact that values, reason, law, can triumph over force and antagonisms. And it's almost a bit idealistic, what I'm saying.” This may be true, but if we are not idealists, then who can we entrust with the goal of imagining a more ideal world?

From Nov. 24 to 26, the ummah Mentoniya traveled to Reims to participate in SPMUN, encapsulating two days of intellectual collaboration unfolding under the Model United Nations (MUN) banner. < Back Reflecting on SPMUN 2023 By Naïa Berliocchi for MEDMUN December 31, 2023 From Nov. 24 to 26, the ummah Mentoniya traveled to Reims to participate in SPMUN, encapsulating two days of intellectual collaboration unfolding under the Model United Nations (MUN) banner. The theme of this year, "Embracing Transformation: A juncture for a better future," served as the backdrop for impassioned debates and visionary dialogues. Throughout the summer, the RIMUN and MEDMUN teams collaborated tirelessly for months, striving to make the 3rd edition of SPMUN 2023 a memorable experience. In total, the event gathered 220 students from all seven Sciences Po Paris campuses. Thus, a journey began for 46 students from the Menton campus of Sciences Po Paris as we embarked on an excursion of both distance and in the realms of diplomacy and discourse. This journey commenced early for us, but it was worth it. At 5 a.m., we gathered in Bastion at the crack of dawn and bid farewell to the sun-kissed shores of Menton, braving a grueling fifteen-hour bus ride, all for a rendezvous in the regal city of Reims, where history whispers through the stones of its majestic cathedrals and the spirit of kings still lingers. Although we missed the welcome cocktail held at 5:30 p.m., we arrived just in time for the opening ceremony. The masters of ceremony, Tarun Ruschmeier and Shereen Abdul Razak from RIMUN, and Crystal Cordell, Reims campus director, welcomed us. We were then introduced to the general theme and the committees by RIMUN and MEDMUN executives, Mara Beteagu, Lisa Poisson, Rebeka Tatham, and Luna Ragozino. Additionally, the incredible guest speaker Hugues Pernet, former French Ambassador to Ukraine, honored us with his presence and delivered a speech. Finally, the opening ceremony concluded with words from Othman Benjelloun (Secretary General of MEDMUN) and Alicia Petrella (President of RIMUN), who officially declared SPMUN 2023 open. The participants then met up at "Le Saint-Maurice," roughly a rémois equivalent to "Le Rétro," exclusively reserved for the occasion. However, it seemed that the esteemed delegates preferred to spend the evening at Anamour, the local kebab restaurant. Afterwards, the ummah, used to the sunny and warm south, braved the bitter cold in Reims, and made their way to their host's places: students from the Reims campus who had set up their rooms for us to spend the nights in. This opportunity to meet new people became a truly bonding experience. From Saturday onwards, we delved headfirst into debates, formed alliances, and addressed global issues across eleven committees, catering to all levels of expertise, from beginner to expert, in either French or English. Delegates renegotiated the Kyoto Protocol, debated the introduction of artificial intelligence, addressed security challenges in Libya, and much more. The highly anticipated moment arrived at the end of the conference's second day: the party. At 10 p.m., future diplomats gathered at Nemes, an Egyptian-themed bar. Despite the absence of Arabic music played by the DJ, who, during the day, had been seen in formal attire as a delegate, we had a fantastic time until 2:30 a.m., showcasing Menton's party spirit to other Sciences Po students. Of course, true to its vibrant spirit, Menton brought the heat – quite literally – over the weekend. As the ummah Mentonniya ignited the other delegates with their enthusiasm, the frozen halls of Reims found themselves warmed not just by the fervor of discussions but by our fiery passion and amazing chants. Consequently, Menton didn't fail to stand out during snack breaks, lunches, ceremonies, and parties, echoing "Et quand Menton entre dans la salle, c’est tout Sciences Po qui se met au halal,” singing “Sciences Po Menton je t’aime," and dancing in circles to 3 Daqat. On Sunday, at 2 p.m., as the end drew near, the well-dressed participants headed to the Grand Amphithéâtre for the closing ceremony. A recap video of the weekend was screened, followed by speeches from Sofia Bartolini and Penelope Gelman (MEDMUN crisis co-directors), Rania Moalla (MEDMUN) and Carla Mory (Logistics of RIMUN), and the wonderful speaker Henry Zipper de Fabiani. After the chairs of each committee announced and awarded prizes for “best delegate,” Othman Benjelloun (Secretary General of MEDMUN) and Alicia Petrella (President of RIMUN) gave the final speech, officially closing this edition of SPMUN. With suitcases in hand, we boarded the bus where Jean-Jacques and Jean-Louis awaited us to depart Reims and its historic charms. After a 14-hour overnight bus journey, we arrived back in Menton at 6.30 a.m., just in time for some of us with 8 a.m. classes! Yet, it was with fond memories of the incredible time we shared during this weekend, thanks to the hard work of the MUN teams, that we returned home.

Sanctions do more than empty out grocery aisles and indirectly kill the innocent recipients. While the proposed intention is to combat autocratic regimes through economic means, rather than traditional uses of violence, the effect is often counterintuitive, propping up the very regimes they aim to weaken. < Back Sanctions: The Key to a Longstanding, Powerful, Authoritarian Regime Isabella Suels for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton April 30, 2025 We have entered a new era of warfare. Rather than tanks, bombs and guns, sanctions have become the weapon of choice. Unlike the aforementioned tools of destruction, sanctions do not cause direct harm. Rather, their harmful nature is disseminated through food shortages and inflation, which are de trimental and, in some cases, deadly. Nevertheless, sanctions do more than empty out grocery aisles and indirectly kill the innocent recipients. While the proposed intention is to combat autocratic regimes through economic means, rather than traditional uses of violence, the effect is often counterintuitive, propping up the very regimes they aim to weaken. Autocrats feed off sanc tions. Financial penalties are often the glue that holds a nation together. They create the perfect launching-point for the creation of the rally ‘round the flag : a period of increased short-run popular support of a country's government or political leaders during periods of international crisis or war. This phenomenon compels us to look at the imposition of sanctions as an indirect attack on a country; leaders use the implementation of these sanctions to forge a strong sense of national identity, often placing themselves as a figure of unity and strength for their people. For instance, in Iraq, during the reign of Saddam Hussein, the U.S. imposed heavy sanctions on Iraq. The side effects of these sanctions included the usual suspects: food insecurity and malnutrition, which continued through the thirteen years of sanctions. However, the effects of U.S. sanctions spanned far beyond that period. The effect of ongoing malnutrition, specifically among children, resulted in long-term health problems and cognitive deficits. The suffering experienced by children and vulnerable communities in Iraq during this period changed Iraqis’ perception of the West. As the spread of disease throughout the population came as a consequence of the sanctions imposed by the West, it became clear that Western powers were to blame for the humanitarian crisis. With sanctions as the main perpetrators, pressure was taken off Saddam Hussein and his track record of enforced disappearances, killing, torture, execution, and more during his tenure. Although the sanctions were framed as “denying Saddam access to funds,” their reach went far beyond that, denying ordinary Iraqis access to basic rights. Therefore, resulting in an onset of hyperinflation, the government could not provide people with livable wages, and critical government institutions crumbled. Hence, the detrimental effects of Western sanctions strengthened Saddam Hussein’s argument that the West was the enemy of the Iraqi people. The primary goal of Western sanctions was to create enough pressure to oust Saddam Hussein from power. However, his reign would persist until April 2003, following the United States’ invasion of Iraq. Years after his demise, the legacy of Saddam Hussein is complex and the negative memory of the sanctions remains unchanged. This is why countries must be cautious of the power their economic sanctions hold. There is a fine balance between political pressure and human rights violations that gets buried under the sanctions. Once that line is crossed, it is hard to jump back to the other side, and it leaves a vacuum that gets filled by newfound alliances. Sanctions breed isolation as countries are discouraged from trading with sanctioned countries in fear that Western countries will cut ties, thereby motivating countries under heavy sanctions to forge alliances with each other. Alliances built on the common trait of isolation are not uncommon and hinder the original goals of sanctions. If the point of this economic weapon is to ostracize, it completely falls short when countries join forces to keep themselves above water in the midst of economic turmoil. As was best highlighted between the relationship of the U.S.S.R. and Cuba during the Cold War, the heavy U.S. sanctions placed on both these countries allowed them to craft a strategic alliance that kept Cuba afloat during the reign of Fidel Castro. Even today, decades after their initial relationship blossomed, Cuba and Russia benefit from one another. For instance, since late 2023, Cubans have even been lured to fight in the Russian army with the prospect of high pay and a Russian passport as a reward for their services. This renaissance of Cuban and Russian relations further demonstrates how the consequences of sanctions outlive presidents, governments and, in this case, even countries. With the ongoing trade war between the United States and countries around the globe, it remains to be seen how these current events will influence our world today. As the United States unloads its economic arsenal, it is only a matter of time until it resorts to sanctions. The only thing that remains for certain is that sanctions are an extremely powerful tool, and if used without caution, they could aggravate rather than tame. Photo source: Unsplash

Individuals, as a group, have power. We can work for ocean protection on different scales. May it be respecting the sea and its ecosystems by disposing of your waste and cigarette butts at the beach, signing petitions or working with associations. < Back A Blue Planet: Let’s Talk About the Oceans Maud de Boysson for Environmenton February 28, 2025 As Menton students, there is one constant in our lives: the Mediterranean Sea. We go to class, we see it, we party, we see it, we work in the library, we see it, we go to the beach for a swim, well, we’re in it. The Mediterranean is the highlight of our days more often than not. But what do we know about its ecosystem and the risks it faces less than 200 meters from where we live? When one is talking about the environment, our first thought is often about land, animals, forests or pollution. This is quite reasonable since those are the parts of our planet that we are most in contact with and are able to capture our attention on a global scale. We have witnessed it recently with the gigantic fires that engulfed the city of Los Angeles in January 2025, turning everything to ashes in its wake. However, today, I would like us to explore a quieter part of our planet. A part that we rarely think about but is as vibrant and important in the fight against climate change as the rest of our world: the oceans. Bodies of water represent 72% of our planet, as well as half of the oxygen we breathe every day. They produce 15% of the animal protein we consume, regulate the temperature of the planet and absorb carbon dioxide (CO2), making our air breathable. They are vital to our survival as well as the survival of all species. Yet we know very little about them, as 80% of the oceans remain unknown to humans and some claim that we have more knowledge about the moon’s surface than about the ocean. Like the rest of our planet, oceans are affected by climate change. They are slowly getting hotter and are, as a result, less efficient in their task of regulating the earth's temperatures. They are getting more polluted and more acidic, and marine and coastal ecosystems are victims of overexploitation and are unable to renew their resources. One of the main problems is that, as for every climate change-related issue, all these variables are connected. Indeed, oceans absorb carbon dioxide and regulate our planet's temperature. However, as they absorb more and more CO2 and the temperatures get warmer, the oceans also become more acidic and are less efficient in their absorption of CO2. Moreover, the warming of the ocean, while nice for a dive in the middle of the winter, has tragic effects on sea organisms desperately needing cool water to survive. The combination of decades of overfishing and the decrease in fish’ survival rates are crisis factors that are also linked to the oceans because we are trying to fish more each year while the populations are not able to keep up with our consumption. Indeed, according to the United Nations (UN) Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), in 2020 more than 25% of the fish population was overfished . To sum up, the situation of the oceans is as dire as its emerged counterpart and actions must be taken to protect them. Diverse activists, NGOs and foundations work on it, trying to be heard by decision-makers. Next June, the United Nations Convention for the Ocean (UNCO) will be hosted by Costa Rica and France and will happen in Nice. It is only the third convention of this type and will be similar to the Conference of the Parties (COP), a place for exchange between countries, NGOs and scientists. The conference will be held from the 9th of June to the 13th, providing a place to discuss ocean-related issues such as the development of marine protected areas, the protection of ocean floors against deep mining as well as the protection of marine biodiversity in international waters. One of the main goals of the conference is for the “high seas treaty” to be ratified before its grand opening. This treaty is a text promulgated by the UN that wishes to protect international waters’ biodiversity, of which 1% are currently protected, by creating important Marine Protection Areas (MPA) all over the world. This text aims to protect at least 30% of the oceans’ surface. However, as of now, only seventeen countries have ratified the treaty, which is 43 countries short of the necessary 60 to have it transformed into formal international law. In the context of climate change and the latest revelations that we are already over the 1.5-degree threshold that was indicated as a clear limit in 2015 during COP21, marine environments, now more than ever, need to be protected. Nevertheless, this protection seems unlikely, as countries and companies do not cease exploiting our planet. Deep sea mining, for example, is the latest initiative to gain access to resources, such as copper, nickel, cobalt and manganese, that are necessary for technological production and are becoming rarer in traditional mines. However, the extraction of metals in zones that are often thousands of meters deep under the surface of the water and have never seen the faintest trace of humanity will have an impact on ecosystems and biodiversity that are among the purest (by which I mean they have not been damaged by humans’ action) in the world. Moreover, similar to the COP, many are wondering about the efficiency of these new initiatives, especially after the second withdrawal of the United States of America from the Paris Agreement following Donald Trump’s investiture. The latest COP has been unsatisfactory and who is to say that we will get better results with yet another instance of simple discussions with no concrete action? Multilateralism and collaboration against climate change on an international scale seem more fragile than ever, and it does not seem like we are getting any closer to efficient measures. However, this does not mean that we are powerless since individuals, as a group, have power. We can work for ocean protection on different scales. May it be respecting the sea and its ecosystems by disposing of your waste and cigarette butts at the beach, signing petitions or working with associations. I am a firm believer that when the situation seems desperate, we have to take action one step at a time. Actions, as small as they can seem, can have an important impact. The “look down action” for example, rallied activists from all over the world to oppose a deep sea mining project in Norway and won. This shows us once again that activism has results, if enough people put pressure on government officials and companies. So next time you feel anxious about climate change, I recommend taking a deep breath, looking at the sea and letting yourself be engulfed by its infinity. Wait a bit in the silence of the waves and then call a fellow ecologist to resume working together. This is now our only path forward. Photo credits: Pedro Meerbaum