This is a story of two desires. < Back Lost in Translation in the Mediterranean Sea By Gruffudd ab Owain April 30, 2024 This is a story of two desires. One is a desire to understand others, build bridges, find common ground, and find compatibility. This desire is often satisfied by translation, or at least a search for a word that is close to encapsulating the meaning hidden within the ink of its letters. Another is a desire to appreciate and celebrate difference, to celebrate the nuances, the peculiarities of language. This desire is satisfied conversely by the inability to translate; the search for words whose meaning cannot be encapsulated by means of a word or phrase in another language. I’ve often been confronted with the question: “Are there any words in Welsh that can’t be translated?” The default answer is always the most well-known, ‘hiraeth’. The ability to translate ‘hiraeth’ is debated; whether it may simply correlate to a sense of ‘yearning’ or ‘longing,’ or whether it’s a deeper feeling, or indeed a distinctly ‘Welsh’ feeling. The Mediterranean Sea is quite often described as a space for dialogue between cultures; a ‘crossroads’, a ‘hotbed’ of cultures. Its waves may be visualized in many ways, portraying both desires; flowing in a particular direction from east to west or vice versa, or indeed as a mélange of currents amalgamating into some sort of unity. Such is the joy of multilingualism, as I drop a French word naturally into an English sentence: the ability to appreciate not only a different means of communication but also a different means of thinking. I’m often struck by how a word may have a simple translation in another language, yet it won’t be used in the same way, in the same phrasing, or in the same context. For example, Duolingo may teach you that the French je vous en prie means ‘you’re welcome,’ yet it’s much closer in its root and use to the Italian prego . Evidently, translating meaning is enough of a challenge in itself, in this perhaps surface-level search for corresponding meanings. If we were to delve deeper by looking at the roots of words and phrases, would we get closer to a true understanding of meaning? Let’s take the example of the ummah, washing up on the shores of our campus in Menton. Returning home clad in our fresh ‘ummah Mentoniyya’ hoodies, my explanation of its meaning to inquisitive family and friends was ‘community’, the Menton campus community. Indeed, it is deemed plausible to encapsulate the general sense of ummah as community, as Abdullah al-Ahsan argues , for example: “The general sense of the term, ‘community’ is clear, and an association with the term umm, ‘mother; source,’ is plausible both linguistically and to native speakers of Arabic.” The author attests that this is sufficient evidence to support the hypothesis that the term is not a borrowing from another language. Asyiqin Ab Halim, meanwhile, prefers to translate ummah as ‘brotherhood,’ in discussing the relationship, or lack thereof, as disputed by scholars, with the term ‘asabiyyah’, which can also mean ‘anger’ in some dialects. The root here is again illuminating to comprehension of its true meaning. It is linguistically derived from ‘asab’, which is taken to mean ‘bind’. Not only have the waters of meaning flowed from Arabic to English and other languages with centers further west, but historically they have also flowed in the other direction, for example through the Arab scholars who traveled to France in the 19th century. One is immediately struck in ‘An Imam in Paris’ by Rifa’a Rafi‘ al-Tahtawi (at least, ironically, in Daniel L. Newman’s translation) by a similar search for corresponding meanings, particularly with regards to ‘Rights accorded to the French people.’ See below a few examples: “Article 1. All Frenchmen are equal before the law ( shari’a )” . The literal translation of shari’a is ‘way’ or ‘path’. It’s more recognized as the term for traditional Islam religious law based largely on the Qur'an, which has equality as an intrinsic principle. “ Article 18. The state executes laws only if they have been agreed by the majority ( jumhūr ) of both Chambers” . Jumhūr is derived from ‘crowd’ or ‘public’, but is largely agreed to also mean ‘majority’. “ Article 45. The Chamber is divided into small councils called bureaux ( al-b ūrū ), i.e. offices, whose members are entrusted with examining matters designated and submitted by the king ”. My first impression of this correlation was that they must share a common origin. Yet it seems not to be even a translation, rather a transliteration, transferring this foreign concept to Egypt by keeping its pronunciation as close as possible to the original French. These three examples clearly demonstrate the complexities of this search for correlating meanings. Sometimes, observing the etymology or literal meaning of a word fails to encapsulate its use in context. Other times, it is foreign influence that creates a necessity for a new word. In both instances, translation alone seems insufficient for a full comprehension of meaning. The conclusion I gathered from this very brief venture into the complexities of translation across the Mediterranean Sea is that context is everything. Now, when I come to think about it, this becomes evident frequently in conversation. When someone asks for a translation of a word, and fails at the first attempt to find one, the next port of call is: “Put it in a sentence for me.” More often than not, it becomes much easier to find a corresponding meaning when weaved into a wider context. The Mediterranean may appear as one sea on a map, yet, to quote Braudel: “there are ten, twenty or a hundred Mediterraneans.” With thanks to Dr Alaa Badr for her guidance.

Le cas Carl Schmitt est troublant car lire ses livres et en discuter, c’est faire entrer un nazi enthousiaste dans le panthéon des grands auteurs. Carl Schmitt questionne nos croyances par ses écrits mais aussi par sa vie; sa vie montre la porosité de la philosophie et du droit avec le pire et l’inanité de séparer les Hommes en deux. Le génie et la monstruosité sont souvent une seule et même chose. < Back Carl Schmitt: le nazi avec de bonnes idées? Lubin Parisien February 28, 2025 « Sachons être suspect » clamait Julien Freund en 1971 dans sa préface de la réédition française de La notion de politique de Carl Schmitt. Suspect, Carl Schmitt l’est assurément pour son engagement public en faveur d’Hitler et pour la caution juridique qu’il apporte à l’antisémitisme d’Etat du IIIème Reich. Suspect, Carl Schmitt l’est aussi au vu de ses ardents défenseurs: Alain de Benoist, tête de pont du mouvement intellectuel ‘ethnopluraliste’ de la « Nouvelle droite, » fait la part belle à sa vision de la pensée schmittienne dans les travaux du GRECE (Groupement de recherches et d’études pour la civilisation européenne). Le GRECE fut d’ailleurs un des grands pourvoyeurs idéologiques de l’extrême-droite raciste française aujourd’hui incarnée principalement par le Rassemblement national (RN). Julien Freund, qui célébrait ceux qui savent être « suspects, » a participé à des colloques du GRECE et s’inscrit donc bien dans la mouvance intellectualisante de l’extrême-droite française. Etre nazi et être soutenu par des ethnonationalistes ou autres ‘ethnopluralistes’ est un mauvais départ; Carl Schmitt pourrait sembler voué aux égoûts de la pensée européenne. Néanmoins, son œuvre est toujours discutée et débattue, des personnalités plutôt marquées à gauche comme Agamben fondent leurs discours sur les outils intellectuels schmittiens. L’influence de la pensée de Carl Schmitt est un défi lancé à des sociétés européennes libérales et reconstruites apparemment en opposition aux crimes nazis. C’est un pied-de-nez au confort intellectuel que procureraient les figures rassurantes de grands hommes. Une brillante carrière dans le droit et dans le nazisme Carl Schmitt est né en 1888 à Plettenberg , dans le jeune Empire allemand. Il participe comme beaucoup de sa génération à la Grande Guerre, mais pas aux combats, il est affecté à un poste administratif dans l’arrière. Il est issu d’une famille catholique et sa formation universitaire est celle d’un juriste: il obtient son doctorat en 1915 à Strasbourg. Carl Schmitt montre son talent comme juriste et philosophe du droit et du politique. Les années 1920 sont un grand moment de production intellectuelle pour Carl Schmitt; citons pêle-mêle La dictature en 1921 sur la question de l'État d’exception, La notion de politique et Légalité et légitimité en 1932. Dans ce dernier ouvrage, analysant la Constitution de Weimar et ses faiblesses, il estime que l’interdiction du parti nazi est une nécéssité pour proteger un Etat démocratique comme celui de Weimar, le NSDAP étant, au sens fort et existentiel du terme, un ennemi de l’Etat. Les interprétations divergent sur ce point: certains décrivent un Carl Schmitt fossoyeur de Weimar, les autres le dépeignent comme un opportuniste qui n’était pas fondamentalement nazi, position qui a de quoi nous laisser perplexe. Il n’empêche que la suite de l’histoire est troublante: Carl Schmitt rejoint le parti nazi dès juin 1933. Olivier Beaud estime que les termes du débat sont faussés: Schmitt méprisait Weimar mais louait l’Etat allemand: « Ainsi, loin d’être une doctrine républicaine, la thèse de l’interdiction des partis politiques révèle une croyance bien peu républicaine en la toute-puissance d’un chef charismatique. » En outre, en voulant interdire des partis, Schmitt veut surtout interdire le KPD, le parti communiste allemand, suppression dont se chargera Hitler dès les premiers mois de son accession au pouvoir. Carl Schmitt, grâce à ses amitiés et ses réseaux nazis, réussit à devenir conseiller d’Etat de la Prusse. Le grand juriste du nazisme Hans Frank—qui fut à la tête du Gouvernement général en Pologne après l’invasion du pays—a restructuré les associations corporatives; ainsi, « le 1er novembre [1933], était officiellement installé le Groupe spécialisé des enseignants des établissements du supérieur ( Fachgruppe Hochschullehrer ) ainsi que son Fachgruppenleiter [son président], le professeur Carl Schmitt ». Le juriste allemand participe à plein régime à la justification du programme nazi. 1936 constitue une grande année pour Carl Schmitt: il participe à un colloque sur « la judéité dans les sciences du droit », un grand raout antisémite dans lequel Carl Schmitt propose de mettre tous les livres écrits par des juifs dans une catégorie d’oeuvres soi-disantes juives. Certains prétendent que Carl Schmitt cessa ses activités nazies en 1936: il n’en est rien, ses amitiés avec Hans Frank et Goering lui ont permis de maintenir sa position jusqu’à la fin de la guerre bien qu’il ne soit plus le grand juriste officiel. Carl Schmitt n’est que très peu inquiété par la dénazification, il continue sa vie d’intellectuel en publiant en 1950 Le Nomos de la Terre , un ouvrage sur le droit international qui a construit l’aura du juriste. Pendant ce temps, dans le Glossarium , Carl Schmitt n’a rien abandonné de son antisémitisme viscérale, il déclare que « les Juifs restent toujours des Juifs. Tandis que le Communiste peut s’améliorer et changer. Cela n’a rien à voir avec la race nordique, etc. Le Juif assimilé est précisément le vrai ennemi. » Carl Schmitt meurt en 1985, laissant derrière lui des héritiers encombrants, le premier desquels Alain de Benoist en France. Des trésors de mauvaise foi sont déployés par l’idéologue de la Nouvelle Droite: « ces petits esprits ne réalisent pas qu’en dénonçant le “nazi Carl Schmitt” ils emploient eux-mêmes des méthodes diffamatoires typiquement nazies. » L’influence de Schmitt dépasse néanmoins ce caniveau, Arendt discute de l'œuvre de Schmitt bien que ce soit pour la confronter, notamment sur la question de la Révolution française. Carl Schmitt a donc une étonnante postérité à gauche, il est cité par Agamben sur la question de l'État d’exception, par Etienne Baliba r et bien d’autres. Ce plot twist inattendu pour un nazi est dû à la capacité de son oeuvre à questionner les fondamentaux de notre conception de la politique et de l’ordre international. n ne peut pas comprendre l’enjeu de la figure de Carl Schmitt sans entrevoir brièvement la richesse de son oeuvre. L’ennemi au politique Pour Carl Schmitt, la politique est fondamentalement agonistique, c’est-à-dire qu’elle est fondée sur la lutte face à l’ennemi; la politique consiste en la distinction des amis et des ennemis. Dans La notion de politique , en 1932, le juriste explique son mépris pour le libéralisme en démontrant que celui-ci essaie de se soustraire à la dialectique agonistique en masquant la lutte par l’idée de concurrence, en ne proposant pas de politique « sui generis . » La formule courante consiste à dire que « l’ennemi est la figure de notre propre question. » L’ennemi est l’altérité radicale, une altérité construite par le jeu des intérêts notamment territoriaux. Carl Schmitt n’appelle pas à anéantir l’ennemi car sa présence est une nécessité quasi-existentielle pour Schmitt—c’est lui qui nous donne du relief et nous défie. Sur la politique internationale, avec La théorie du partisan en 1963 et quelques écrits antérieurs, Carl Schmitt dénonce ‘l’ordre de Genève’ et de Versailles. En effet, la condamnation morale de l’Allemagne et de l’ennemi géopolitique, en général, permet à chacun des camps de se targuer de représenter l’Humanité face à l’inhumanité; face à l’immoral et à l’inhumain, la totalisation de la guerre et la volonté d’exterminer est la suite logique. De plus, Carl Schmitt critique le biais induit par les définitions classiques de guerre et de paix, l’une étant toujours définie par l’absence de l’autre. Avec la moralisation indue du concept de politique et l’exclusion théorique de la possibilité d'alternatives à cette binarité, Carl Schmitt pointe du doigt des contradictions en faveur toujours du vainqueur, comme l’occupation de la Ruhr en 1923 décrite comme nécessaire à la paix, alors que c’est l’acte hostile par excellence. On pourrait également penser, anachroniquement, que les guerres contre le terrorisme ou celle du Golfe relèvent du même type de contradictions. La moralisation du politique et son hypocrisie n’apparaissent pas ainsi comme un progrès. C’est au contraire un danger pour la paix effective et pas seulement théorique. La pensée de Schmitt est un pied-de-nez à notre acception classique du politique, vu comme l’espace de régulation des conflits et du compromis. Carl Schmitt est certes radioactif par ses engagements nazis, mais il l’est plus encore par sa pensée critique qui pose des questions pertinentes; c’est la dissonance avec son parcours nazi qui met à l’aise. En outre, les convictions idéologiques de Carl Schmitt se retrouvent dans sa pensée. Ainsi, si sa critique du libéralisme porte également dans des milieux de gauche—et a sans doute de l’intérêt—il ne faut pas occulter que dans certains textes et articles, il dénonce le libéralisme comme tête de pont d’un « formalisme » juif. Son admiration pour Hitler, opportune ou non, n’est pas sans rappeler la fascination de Carl Schmitt pour la figure du chef comme celle du président du Reich sous Weimar. Cela s’inscrit dans ce qu’on a appelé le décisionnisme . Selon Jean-Louis Schlegel, cela consiste à affirmer que « c'est la décision individuelle qui redonne sens au droit, ou qui le réinvente, dans des situations sans issue. » Dans une situation d’exception et face à la constante inimitié, l’acte même de trancher—de distinguer l’ami de l’ennemi notamment—est l’acte premier du politique, plus que le fond de la décision. A la lumière de son engagement nazi, on ne saurait ne pas tirer le fil liant les deux facettes de Carl Schmitt. Le nazi crasseux et le juriste brillant sont manifestement une seule et même personne, le dédoublement est une réponse trop facile au problème que pose Carl Schmitt au débat intellectuel. Des vraies œuvres ou des documents du nazisme? La production de Carl Schmitt est donc porteuse de critiques pertinentes, mais aussi d’un dangereux poison antisémite. L’opportunité de lire et d’éditer Carl Schmitt est très débattue. Le professeur de philosophie Charles Yves Zarka, dans un article du Monde en 2002 réagissant à la réédition d’un livre de Schmitt et à sa préface, propose de distinguer une oeuvre à part entière et un document à prendre comme le témoignage de certaines idées: « On doit éditer Schmitt, mais comme on édite les textes d'autres nazis, c'est-à-dire comme des documents, non comme des œuvres, et encore moins des œuvres philosophiques qu'on discute comme telles. » Le philosophe rappelle bien tous les mensonges qui ont été diffusés pour dédouaner Schmitt de ses responsabilités—notamment sur sa soi-disant disgrâce en 1936. Charles Yves Zarka prévient aussi que l’ensemble de la production intellectuel schmittien et ses engagements concrets durant tout le régime nazi sont les deux faces de la même pièce. La question du rapport de Carl Schmitt au nazisme fait néanmoins encore débat. Alain de Benoist remplit son rôle d’intellectuel raciste, certains comme Etienne Balibar dépeignent ‘l’expérience’ nazie de Schmitt comme une mésaventure regrettable dans la vie d’un brillant juriste. Une approche plus fine existe; l’historien du nazisme Johann Chapoutot décrit un Carl Schmitt qui voulait sincèrement être le grand juriste du IIIème Reich mais qui a échoué. Dans un colloque à l’Académie royale de Belgique en 2019, il démontre bien la participation enthousiaste de Schmitt à la dictature nazie, tout en nuançant le portrait qui est parfois fait de Schmitt comme le juriste nazi par excellence. Antisémite catholique virulent, Carl Schmitt n’est pas à la pointe de la ‘pensée’ nazie. Pour Chapoutot, Carl Schmitt ne fut pas la grand juriste nazi car il n’est pas allé jusqu’à une biologisation du politique, d’autres l’ont fait: Schmitt a été doublé à sa droite. En parlant de Grossraum (un territoire plus grand), Carl Schmitt n’est pas dans une ‘avant-garde’ qui parle de Lebensraum , qui contient une idée d’un supposé biotope pour la race aryenne. Schmitt reste fondamentalement classique, ce qui explique pourquoi il est lisible aujourd’hui par d’autres que des nazis. Le grand lecteur de Carl Schmitt en France aujourd’hui est Jean-François Kervégan, dont les travaux ont irrigué cet article. En 2011, il a publié un livre précisément sur la question de l’utilisation de Carl Schmitt, Que faire de Carl Schmitt . Sa formule pour résumer sa thèse est la suivante: il faut « partir de Carl Schmitt . » D’une part, il reconnaît la grande pertinence des outils théoriques schmittiens pour comprendre et le monde et ses évolutions. Il faut puiser dans sa pensée des outils, mais pas son idéologie. D’autre part, cette formule résume bien aussi la nécessité de s’éloigner de Schmitt et de lire ses œuvres en sourcillant. Il ne faut pas prendre pour argent comptant tout ce qu’il dit car il s’en sert à certains moments pour justifier le nazisme. C’est donc une position d’équilibrisme que Jean-François Kervégan assume pour pouvoir puiser intelligemment et avec prudence dans le trésor schmittien. Le cas Carl Schmitt est troublant car lire ses livres et en discuter, c’est faire entrer un nazi enthousiaste dans le panthéon des grands auteurs. Carl Schmitt questionne nos croyances par ses écrits mais aussi par sa vie; sa vie montre la porosité de la philosophie et du droit avec le pire et l’inanité de séparer les Hommes en deux. Le génie et la monstruosité sont souvent une seule et même chose. Photo credits: Ludwig Hohlwein on Wikimedia Commons

There may be a wider loss of confidence in the Egyptian government’s ability to successfully navigate its debt burden and stabilize its economy: Egyptian sovereign debt prices have been falling in recent weeks, while prices in comparable countries have risen or remained stable.  < Back The Shifting Regional Political Landscape and the Impact on Egyptian Assets By Noor Ahmad September 27, 2023 Egypt, along with many other developing countries, is suffering from the aftereffects of the COVID-19 pandemic and the impact on grain and energy prices as a result of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Recently, however, some indicators suggest that there may be a wider loss of confidence in the Egyptian government’s ability to successfully navigate its debt burden and stabilize its economy: Egyptian sovereign debt prices have been falling in recent weeks, while prices in comparable countries have risen or remained stable. As recently as December 2022, Egypt entered into its third loan program with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) since Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s regime took power. This normally would be a positive development and result in a favorable disposition of international capital markets toward a country. The loan amount of three billion dollars is small in comparison to Egypt’s financing needs, estimated at $17 billion this year. Still, an IMF agreement is typically accompanied by additional financing from international and regional partners like the Gulf states. In this instance, another $14 billion of financing is anticipated from the latter group. Egypt has also agreed to sell its state-owned assets as part of its agreement with the IMF. Many of these assets have arisen from an expanding military presence in Egypt’s economy during President Sisi’s tenure, as the President has granted privileges and favors to his generals and the military at large to cement his grip on power. A 2020 World Bank estimate suggests that the military owns 60 companies in 19 of the 24 economic sectors. For example, the National Service Projects Organization, a military affiliate, oversees 30 companies in the food, mining, petroleum, and construction sectors. In addition, these companies have an inherent advantage as they pay no taxes or customs duties, unlike the private sector. There are several fundamental issues with this plan. Firstly, there is little visibility of these assets and their profitability to the public; secondly, divesting them to the private sector would result in the loss of military patronage, and President Sisi has been announcing privatization initiatives since 2019 with minimal progress; lastly, the buyers are likely to be mostly Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) sovereign wealth funds which are known to be opportunistic. During his visit to Egypt, the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, announced deals totalling $7.7 billion. Out of this deal, some $1.3 billion have been invested based on reports from Egyptian state-owned news company Al-Ahram. But progress has since stalled. Similarly, the Qatar Investment Authority has been in discussions to purchase a stake in Vodafone Egypt, which Telecom Egypt partially owns. These negotiations are also at an impasse. Beyond the traditional financial negotiations, there are likely to be deeper political drivers that need to be considered. In the case of Saudi Arabia, an ongoing dispute about the transfer of two Red Sea Islands, Tiran and Sanafir, which Egypt agreed to in 2017 is once again stalled – these were islands disputed and claimed by Saudi Arabia for many years. The Saudis may be using their financial clout to pressure the Egyptians, who are fast approaching their self-imposed deadline of June 2023 for divesting six billion dollars in assets to buy financial headroom for their crisis-hit economy. Beyond this, the transfer of islands has a wider impact on the attempt to normalize Saudi-Israeli relations following the Abraham Accords. Brokered by the United States, the Islands transfer would also open Saudi airspace to Israeli air traffic. This is an important regional development for which the Saudis would seek to use all leverage to accelerate. Likewise, the stalled Qatari negotiations may include this dimension, as they come under pressure from the Saudis and the Americans to further regional normalization. The Egyptians have used the delaying tactic on the islands to pressure the United States to release part of its one billion dollars in military aid that the Americans have held up to force the Egyptian government to improve its human rights record. And the above drama is taking place against a wider rapprochement in the region. A recent Chinese initiative facilitated talks between the Saudis and the Iranians on normalizing relations and enforcing a ceasefire in Yemen, where both countries are involved through proxies. A normalization of Saudi Arabia with its traditional foes, Israel and Iran, would diminish Egypt’s role in the region, given that the Egyptian military has historically provided an umbrella for Saudi security. Standard & Poors Global Ratings, one of the three biggest credit rating agencies, issued a report on the state of the Egyptian economy and its creditworthiness in January 2023. It stated that it considered the importance of stability in Egypt a major incentive for official and commercial lenders to help it meet its external finance requirements. It also opined that the Egyptian government was committed to the necessary reforms and viewed its growth prospects favorably. Most notably, Egypt has begun to benefit from the return of foreign tourists and is making headway in its gas exports. The transition of Egypt’s economy from military-run to private-sector growth is unlikely to be straightforward as vested interests hinder the process. At the same time, regional politics is likely to cause turbulence in negotiations for the sale of assets and increase of financing. But the normalization of relations between the Saudis, Israelis and Iranians will likely take several years, given historical distrust and regional rivalries. The Saudis and the remainder of the Gulf Cooperation Council are unlikely to abandon Egypt, given its military importance. The turbulence in Egypt’s financial assets is most likely a response to the drama unfolding in the region.

From this quick study of a small sample of words imbued with cultural insights, one can see how preserving Judeo-Arabic, ensuring its longevity in scholarly study and lived experience, keeps alive a distinct Jewish experience and yet an additional, deeper understanding of its relation and similarities to surrounding cultures and peoples. < Back Judeo-Arabic: A Dying Dialect, A Culture that Must Not Be Forgotten By Maia Zasler March 30, 2024 א אבאנא אלדי פי אלסמואת, יתׄקדס אסמך, תׄאתׄי מלכותׄך This is not Hebrew. Although each letter, read from right to left, surely resembles those of the Hebrew alphabet, this particular excerpt from the Lord’s Prayer is an example of Judeo-Arabic. Judeo-Arabic is an ethnnolect, which has been defined as “a linguistic entity with its own history and used by a distinct language community.” Jews from Morocco, Yemen, Iraq, Syria, and Iran have spoken and shared its sonorous sentences, sayings, benedictions and curse words for thousands of years. In each regional case, Arabic serves as the substrate, or base, language and Hebrew and Aramaic maintain significant influence on all of Judeo-Arabic’s components, such as cultural-specific vocabulary, morphology, syntax, and phonology. As of 2024, less than 240,000 native speakers of Judeo-Arabic remain. The memory of the language, its intrinsic value, has seemingly faded into a linguistic background, an archive accessed only by a handful of scholars who take an interest. This phenomena has been driven by the simultaneous fading of the once vibrant Jewish communities in the Arab World. Jews in the mid-20th century who were forced to leave their lives behind under threat of persecution, and who went to the nascent State of Israel, then faced a different, unexpected sort of discrimination from the incumbent Eastern European Jewish population. Viewed as second class citizens, the Mizrahi Jewish immigrants were actively encouraged to drop their mother-tongue and to speak Hebrew. These Mizrahi refugees faced hardships in temporary displacement camps, far from their homes in Iraq, or Syria, or other Arab countries from where they had fled. They were quickly immersed in Ulpan programs, learning Hebrew upon arrival and adopting it for functional, daily use. In many cases, the Jews who settled in the United States, Great Britain, or France, etc. were quick to assimilate, also letting go of their ties to Judeo-Arabic. Judeo-Arabic is a colorful language, a means of connection between familiar faces, between friends and family. Its playful phrases, aggrandized negative references, associated ceremonies and customs must not be forgotten, lest a whole history be forgotten along with it. Foods Foods are at the center of most Jewish festivals. Each diasporic community has adapted to the range of ingredients available in a given region while still consistently integrating long-held religious customs. In the case of the Baghdadi Rosh Hashanah tradition—a celebration of the Jewish New Year where Iraqi Jews would pray in Hebrew for strength and G-d’s benevolence—foods eaten during the holiday are symbolic. They correspond with words from the Hebrew prayers that retain phonetic resemblance to the Arabic names for certain foods. For example, in looking towards a New Year, Jews pray to take heart against dark forces, whether an individual’s internal struggles or an external enemy. In Hebrew, the word for heart is lev . Sounding close to the Arabic word loubia (meaning long beans), loubia are always placed at the dinner table. The Hebrew for the verb “to end” ( yitamu ), as in “to end our enemies’ hateful conquests” is similar to the Arabic word for “dates” ( temmer ). Additionally, the Hebrew for “cut off” ( yikartu ), as in to “cut off our enemies”—whether they be external or internal, self-destructive tendencies—has a phonetic correspondence to the Arabic k’rath (“parsley”). The foods eaten by other Arab Jewish communities only differ slightly based on dialect. Ceremony B’frahak; “May you be the next to get married” This wish of goodwill to unmarried young ladies would be said at wedding festivities. B’milah Yet another wish whispered or shouted at wedding ceremonies… but, in this case, it is said directly to the bride, encouraging her to have a baby. Milah is drawn from Hebrew, or, more specifically, the Jewish ceremony of brit milah , a bris, which occurs eight days after a baby boy is born. The expression demonstrates the Jewish cultural emphasis on l’dor v’dor , from generation to generation. A wish to pass down tradition and love to one’s children offered at such an important life cycle event illustrates the strength of the Arab Jewish community and the importance of familial ties. Ash Deedak “Bless your hands,” or compliments to the chef - said in appreciation of a warm meal or a particularly delicious dish. Mash’Allah “May he/she walk with G-d” - said to protect against any evil when someone is complimented or when they are singled out for doing something well. Curse Words Judeo-Arabic is filled with clever (and occasionally not so clever, but ever cutting) curses. From this category of vernacular in any language, one may paradoxically catch a glimpse into what that culture values. If something or someone is important enough to be the subject of scorn, it must carry weight in a community. Sometimes, single words get a message across: zmal (meaning “donkey”) or booma (an “owl,” sarcastically referencing, anything but wise). Other times, a conglomeration of words must be employed. Den alabook laboo a book laboo jabbek ; “A shoe on your father, your father’s father, and your father’s mother” Family ties held a special place of honor in Arab Jewish communities. In the Arab world, it is traditionally considered a high insult to flash or hit another with the bottom of one’s shoe. Incorporating the value of family and the culturally-laden affront of the shoe, this sentence offers a comprehensive reference that delivers a profound sting. The words we use give us insight into the values of our community, of our cultures. To lose just one word from a language or dialect does a disservice to current and future generations. From this quick study of a small sample of words imbued with cultural insights, one can see how preserving Judeo-Arabic, ensuring its longevity in scholarly study and lived experience, keeps alive a distinct Jewish experience and yet an additional, deeper understanding of its relation and similarities to surrounding cultures and peoples. These elements are crucial to understanding the entire Middle East, for they are embedded in the region’s history and are key to comprehending its progression.

Istanbul —  a home to a range of civilizations from the Byzantines to the Ottomans, an inspiration for the most beautiful songs and poems, and a bridge for connecting continents and cultures. < Back A Local's Guide to Istanbul By Selin Elif Köse November 30, 2023 Istanbul — a home to a range of civilizations from the Byzantines to the Ottomans, an inspiration for the most beautiful songs and poems, and a bridge for connecting continents and cultures. There are hundreds and thousands of ways to describe Istanbul, yet words remain inadequate for explaining the art of living in the city. Running to catch the ferry from Üsküdar to Beşiktaş, reading a book while listening to the sound of waves and seagulls, feeling the warmth of hot tea in your freezing hands and talking about Turkish politics with a random taxi driver. Not a single day is quite the same in this overcrowded but lively city. To properly experience the unique spirit of Istanbul, visiting the tourist attractions is barely enough – but don’t worry, this guide is here to help you discover the must-see parts of Istanbul from a local’s perspective. Where to Stay Taksim : Taksim, located on the European side of Istanbul, is one of the most central and lively parts of the city with its various restaurants, shops, and lively night-life. From Istiklal Avenue to the Galata Tower, this district serves as a fusion of history and modernity at the same time. Whether you take the infamous tram in Istiklal, the M2 metro line with a sea view or the funicular from the Beyoglu Tunnel, it is extremely easy to use public transportation to traverse Taksim. Taksim is also a popular spot amongst tourists thanks to its wide range of hotels. If you are looking for a historical experience and have a flexible budget, Pera Palace Hotel might be a good choice to consider. Initially built in 1892 to host passengers of the Orient Express, Pera Palace welcomed many historical figures including Shah of Iran Reza Pahlevi, King of Great Britain Edward VIII, and American First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy. The hotel also has museum rooms of authors Ernest Hemingway, Agatha Christie and founder of modern Turkey Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, which are open to visit. The exterior and interior design of Pera Palace reflects the architecture of the late 19th century and the live jazz and swing music from the 1920s in the lobby takes you on a one-way trip to the past. Pera Palace is definitely one of the historical places that warrants a visit even if you are staying elsewhere. Beşiktaş: Even though it’s not as crowded as Taksim, Beşiktaş is also one of the most central areas in the European side of the city. As this district is located near the seaside, ferries are the easiest and most common public transport. Since there is no direct metro line from Beşiktaş, dependence on ferries and taxis may be a problem for a tourist staying there. Still, if you choose to stay in Beşiktaş, there is a huge selection of Airbnb options varying in price – finding an accommodation close to Akaretler Avenue would be a smart choice. Akaretler, with its renovated architectural design from the Ottoman era, is a popular neighborhood amongst local residents of Istanbul due to its variety of restaurants, coffee shops and bars. At the same time, it is close to the most important museums like the National Painting Museum, the Naval Museum and Dolmabahçe Palace. Beşiktaş is also the home for a fan-favorite football team carrying the same name. So, if you see a bunch of people in black and white jerseys chanting “Gücüne güç katmaya geldik/ Formanda ter olmaya geldik/ Beşiktaş seninle ölmeye geldik, Beşiktaş!” , don’t be scared, there probably is just a match. Just tag along with the crowd and enjoy the enthusiasm of our beloved national sport. Kadıköy: Also known as the most liberal district of Istanbul, Kadıköy is the heart of youth and free spirit. Located in the Asian side of Istanbul, it is the most popular hang-out spot for people ranging from the age of 13 to late 30s. The Street of Bars is the best place to drink beer and eat french fries on a Friday night and Moda Coastal Park is the best place to have a picnic with your friends or read a book by the sea. When searching for an Airbnb in Kadıköy, Moda will definitely be the neighborhood you would want to choose. Although it should be noted that there are not many historical monuments to visit in Kadıköy, so it’s more of a favorite spot for local residents, rather than tourists. However, it’s extremely easy to access other parts of Istanbul by ferries and metro. Must-See Places & Monuments Galata Tower & Istiklal Avenue: Galata Tower, one of the most well known symbols of Istanbul, is located in Taksim. The Turkish myth is that you will marry the person you visit the Galata Tower with, so be careful about who you take there! There usually is quite a long queue to get inside and I would say it is not worth the wait. Rather, I would recommend having dinner at a rooftop restaurant with a view of the city and Galata Tower, such as the Barnathan Cafe Brasserie or Simone Beyoğlu. Istiklal Avenue is the most lively pedestrian street of Istanbul. Just take a walk down the street and you will see various passages (Çiçek Passage, Suriye Passage, Atlas Passage, etc.), historic churches (St. Anthony of Padua Church and Roman Catholic Church of Santa Maria Draperis) and many vintage shops. However, to truly experience Taksim, just take a quick turn from Istiklal and enter a random street. The narrow streets around Istiklal are truly mesmerizing – walking around spontaneously and aimlessly is the best way to explore this district. Sultanahmet Area: The Sultanahmet area, also known as the Old City, is where most important historical landmarks are located. This area is located in Fatih district near the Sirkeci station of the Marmaray metro line. Sultanahmet can be a bit overwhelming with the huge crowds of confused tourists and stressed locals, so it is important to know your way around. I would recommend starting with Hagia Sophia and the Blue Mosque. Hagia Sophia was originally built as Christian Church under the Byzantine Empire, but after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, Mehmed II ordered it to be repurposed as a mosque. When you visit Hagia Sophia, you can notice both the Byzantine and the Ottoman architecture. Today, it is listed under the UNESCO World Heritage List just like the Blue Mosque, located directly across Hagia Sophia. After visiting these two mosques, take a four minute walk to Basilica Cistern. This newly renovated underground water reservoir has 336 columns and two Medusa Heads. It takes around 15 minutes to walk around the Cistern, but it definitely is one of the most breathtaking historic sites in Istanbul. And you cannot skip Topkapı Palace, the main residence of Sultans and the administrative center of the Ottoman Empire. Topkapı Palace Museum is famous for its collections of porcelain, robes, weapons, Ottoman miniatures, Islamic calligraphy manuscripts, jewelry and more. Moreover, it houses the most important remains of the Ottoman Empire, so you should spare at least half a day to spend in the Palace. Where to Eat: Pubs, Restaurants and Bars Çiya Sofrası: Location: Kadıköy Concept: Traditional Turkish food Recommended Food: Lahmacun Recommended Drink: Ayran (traditional yogurt drink) Minoa: Location: Beşiktaş Concept: Book store and restaurant at the same time Recommended Food: Mücver (vegan) Recommended Drink: Red Wine Varuna Gezgin: Location: Taksim Concept: A chill pub with great interior design and a menu with different cuisines around the world Recommended Food: Kajun Basket (Fried chicken with french fries) Recommended Drink: Efes Beer Karaköy Duble Meze: Location: Karaköy Concept: Dinner with rakı at first and then turns into a club after 11 pm (feel free to stand up in your chair and dance along to some 2000s Turkish pop) Recommended Food: Fixed menu of traditional meze (like tapas) Recommended Drink: Rakı (Beylerbeyi Göbek Serisi) A quick Get-Away from the City: The Prince Island It is not commonly known by tourists that Istanbul has five little islands. Whenever you are overwhelmed by the noise and the stress of the city, it is always a good idea to take a day-trip to the Prince Islands, or at least Heybeliada and Büyükada if your schedule is tight. Start your day with a hike in the forest to the Halki seminary where you will see lovely donkeys, peacocks, and horses. Then find your way through the abandoned Heybeliada Sanatorium, which was the first pandemic hospital in Turkey. After that comes the best part of the day; dinner, and by that, I mean Rakı and Balık (traditional Turkish alcohol and seafood). For that, take the ferry to Büyükada and make sure you make a reservation for Loc’ada Restaurant by the sea. With old, gloomy Turkish music, accompanied by the sound of crashing waves, Rakı Balık is the best way to bond with people on a deeper level, seeing as this whole tradition is based on trauma dumping. Believe me, you are going to feel so much better when you are drunk and running to catch the last ferry on a random Thursday night.

After the release of this new Netflix series, we are seeing a widespread romanticization of South Indian women, and a newfound admiration for their culture, charm and allure. < Back The Success of Bridgerton: One Step Forward for South India By Lenora Dsouza April 30, 2022 Radiant greenery, the abundant culture and bewitching landscapes that make up the basis of South India. Recent years have seen an increased amount of South Asian representation and characters of color in the limelight of Hollywood. However, nothing quite sparked conversation like the new season of Bridgerton, which saw two main South Indian female leads. Bridgerton has surpassed Indian cinema — Bollywood — in all aspects of promoting women of color and shedding a different light on them than before. Bridgerton has placed them in a light of appreciation and beauty. After the release of this new Netflix series, we are seeing a widespread romanticization of South Indian women, and a newfound admiration for their culture, charm and allure. Bollywood, on the other hand has had a history of downplaying and even denigrating South Indian women, favoring fairer skin as the status quo. The constant advertising of ‘Fair & Lovely’ — a skin brightening cream — has made younger girls feel the need to lighten their skin tones in an unhealthy manner. Bridgerton, in that respect, broke past the long built up Indian stereotype of darker skin tones being unwanted and undesired. Yet, the insufficient research and awareness of Indian diversity in culture and time frame, takes away from what was achieved. The two leads Simone Ashley (Kate Sharma) and Charithra Chandran (Edwina Sharma) come from South India, but the specific region or location remains a mystery. The name ‘Sharma’ is typically a North Indian name that counterfeits their South Indian origins. The melange of languages used by the characters ranging from Hindi (‘didi,’ which means sister) to Tamil (‘appa,’ which means father) to Bengali (‘bon,’ which means sister) displays the lack of attention to detail from the playwrights. Additionally, the entrance line of ‘baap re’ (‘Oh Father’) by Kate Sharma is highly inaccurate for the regency era the series is set in. Such a phrase would not be used by a woman of high status. Whilst the distaste for British Tea was widely acclaimed, the ‘Masala Chai’ with its range of aromatic spices was only introduced long after the Indian Regency era which ended in the 1820s. Despite this lacking in detail and accuracy, we can focus on what Bridgerton got right. The integration of Indian culture into multiple scenes of the show presents a massive win for many. The ‘Haldi’ ceremony prior to the wedding, the jewellery, the details and colors of their gowns, the hair oil massage, and the use of Kate’s full name at the end of the season. All these factors mark success and wins for South Indian women. Whilst Bridgerton may not have proved perfect, it achieved more than Bollywood has in its past few decades. We could focus on the imperfections, but then we would completely miss the main point of the show and all that it does for South Indians. From a personal standpoint, Bridgerton’s second season made me feel proud. It didn't really matter whether the show denoted Indian culture down to a T, what really mattered was this interpretation and viewpoint that South Indian women are truly beautiful. It felt like magic to see women who shared similar if not the same skin color as me and I think that was the most powerful aspect of the show. Bridgerton renewed my appreciation for my culture and roots — a feat that not many shows have had the power to do.

Behind this revolutionary U.S.-led endeavor — expected to cost approximately $5 billion according to initial estimates — conflicting interests offer major gains for beneficiaries while putting at stake grand losses for some discontented regional and international powers. < Back IMEC: A Modernized Ancient Route By Jad Toufic Toutinji November 30, 2023 In ancient times, before Ottoman hegemony and the creation of the Suez Canal, the old world was interconnected through the Silk Road and the Red Sea Trade Route. Today, as the Chinese government expands its influence through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the heir of the ancient Silk Road, a new revival of the Red Sea Trade Route is also taking place, mainly prompted by the i2u2 – an economic and security cooperation of the US, Israel, India and UAE. In this case, the heir is the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), which was announced in the G20 summit in New Delhi in September. The IMEC has been praised by many world leaders, including President of the European Commission, Ursula Von Der Leyen, who described it as a “green and digital bridge across continents and civilizations,” and her American counterpart Joe Biden, who dubbed it as a “really big deal.” Behind this revolutionary U.S.-led endeavor — expected to cost approximately $5 billion according to initial estimates — conflicting interests offer major gains for beneficiaries while putting at stake grand losses for some discontented regional and international powers. Nevertheless, since its inception, increasing doubts have been casted amid the Middle East’s instability, especially in relation to the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Who benefits? The U.S., despite not having a direct relation to the whole project, is its main driver. The U.S. proposed the endeavor as a sign of its continuous commitment in the region amid skepticism around the Biden administration’s disinterest. It aims to send a strong message to U.S. allies in the Middle East, in particular Saudi Arabia and Israel, that the U.S. has never stopped providing support in security as well as economic matters. This is especially pertinent following recent concerns from the latter over U.S. commitment in the fight against Iranian influence. Such concerns are reflected in the Saudi, as well as Emirati, approaches with China through joining the BRICS and Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). Accordingly, for the U.S., this project also serves to restrengthen its waning power over the region as Chinese contestation is growing ever more powerful. As such, it aims to recover U.S. influence over the UAE and KSA while proposing a competing proposal to the Chinese BRI. Israel benefits by playing a central role in such a project through its Haifa port, especially since neither Syrian ports nor the exploded and underdeveloped Beirut port are capable of accommodating expected demands. However, Israeli interests are not only economic but also political. The trade route would require the expansion of the Abraham accords to include Saudi Arabia, the leader of the Arab initiative to defend Palestine. If such an expansion were to take place, especially with the recent talks between KSA and Israel, it would constitute a major win to the state of Israel. Israeli ambitions are expressed through Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who boasted that the project is “the largest cooperation project” in Israel’s history. As to the UAE and KSA, the neighbors’ objectives, even if in constant friendly competition, are aligned in the project. As aforementioned, the U.S. seeks to reimpose its influence on the growing independent authority of both countries, yet it does not seem as such for Riyadh or Abu Dhabi. Even though the project would entail U.S. economic and political influence and support, MBS and Sheikh Zayed only consider it as another opportunity to strengthen their geopolitical and economic independence, benefiting from the bipolarized economic cold war between the U.S. and China. Their ultimate goal is to make their respective countries focal points in world trade as potential substitutes to their economic reliance on oil and other natural resources. In addition, with regards to the Abraham Accords, which the UAE already signed in 2020, the kingdom sees a benefit in a stable, peaceful Middle East. Perceived internationally as the Arab leader of the Palestinian cause, extensive concessions would be expected if any potential accord with Israel were to take place in order to maintain Arab and Saudi approval. Nonetheless, amid the current Gaza conflict, any accords are surely halted. Furthermore, Europe will surely benefit as trade becomes cheaper and more environmentally efficient. With regards to India, the project is seen as a means to try and rebalance economic hegemony over Asia, while ensuring greater Indian influence in the world economy in sight of concerns of its exclusion from the BRI (and the inclusion of its neighbor Pakistan through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor – CPEC). Who are the losers? Egypt is arguably the principle economic loser in this new proposed equation of world trade, especially because the IMEC would bypass the highly tariffed Egyptian Suez Canal. Moreover, Egypt would be excluded from the new order. In fact, two of the reasons which prompted the IMEC are to avoid any potential crises in the Suez Canal and to reduce the imposed tariffs. Iran, on the other hand, is set to be the main political loser as the trade route dodges all the potential intersection with Iran or Iranian influenced countries like Yemen, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq. Indeed, the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab El-Mandeb Strait, both of which oversee a third and tenth of all the traded oil in the world, are the pivotal locations for Iranian, and Houthi, maneuvers to mitigate imposed sanctions. In other terms, the IMEC can be considered as a U.S., Israeli and Saudi counterreaction to potential threats. The Turks are also going to take a hit not only because of its exclusion, but also because in the Chinese alternative, Türkiye is promised to occupy an essential role, which would likely fade overtime amid more efficient and more rapid opportunities otherwise. This radical opposition is reflected through President Recep Erdogan’s high tone comments on the IMEC, stating that “there can be no corridor without Türkiye” and that Türkiye would “part ways with the EU.” Would China be considered a loser in this agreement? As for the Chinese, despite the BRI, which has reportedly attracted $1 trillion in investments, being largely contested, it does not look like China will be the greatest loser, but they certainly will not benefit. Evidently, certain trade opportunities along the BRI are going to shift towards the more attractive IMEC; however, the BRI is a greater project, covering larger areas over more continents, particularly in Africa. Accordingly, it is unlikely that China will reduce its investments in its intercontinental project. Instead, China might look to alternatives such as extending the IMEC route towards other excluded regions via the BRI. Optimistically, the BRI and IMEC may potentially complete each other, thus revolutionizing global trade. In such a scenario, economic players like India, UAE and KSA (all members and partners of BRICS and SCO) will have a strategic economic role. What are the consequences of the increased aggressions regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? In the marketing for and the analysis of the IMEC trade route, it is presumed that peace and stability relatively prevalent in the Middle East in the last two years will resume. In fact, it is expected that such a trade route will end the region’s incessant instability by expanding the Abraham Accords to include KSA in exchange for major compromises on behalf of Israel in the benefit of the Palestinians. However, ever since the October 7 violence, it seems unlikely that KSA will be able to achieve these compromises. As to the Abraham Accords, its attainment is inevitable, but the conflict has surely postponed it. Overall, this resurgence of violence sheds light on the predicament the IMEC, as well as the BRI, will constantly face: instability of the Middle East. Without lasting peace, no sustainable trade route can be accomplished. Finally, India’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has expressed firmly, and quite optimistically, that “IMEC is for the long term” when asked about the current violence’s reality.

The new Netflix special “Mo” is one of the first American television shows to portray a Palestinian-American refugee as the protagonist. Its debut season will make you cry tears of joy, but its profundity may also provoke some tears of empathy as the main character, Mo, and his family navigate the American immigration system. < Back Chocolate Hummus and Dogs with Passports: A Review of Netflix’s Mo By Lilith Springer October 31, 2022 “Us Palestinians, we carry on.” Yusra’s eyes sparkle and in her tears, Mo can see the trauma that his mother has lived through since she fled Palestine and, later, Kuwait. But he also sees defiance and resilience. He sees endless love for her family and their homeland. Her tears are burning her cheeks, hot like the pride that ignites in her heart when she talks about their identity. "It is who we are ." The new Netflix special “Mo” is one of the first American television shows to portray a Palestinian-American refugee as the protagonist. Its debut season will make you cry tears of joy, but its profundity may also provoke some tears of empathy as the main character, Mo, and his family navigate the American immigration system. “Mo” is a semi-autobiographical dramedy, which may sound like a paradox. The show includes countless punchlines while also treating topics such as asylum, torture, PTSD, war, drug abuse and discrimination, all with taste and authenticity. Mo loves his family. He loves his country, his religion and his hummus. His family was displaced from Palestine to Kuwait, where Mo was born, and was later forced to flee to America during the Gulf War. They have been waiting for a hearing to receive asylum in the United States for 20 years. The show follows Mo in his efforts to sustain his family through small, illegal jobs whenever someone is willing to employ him despite not having a work permit, which is unobtainable for foreigners without permanent resident status in the United States. Besides brilliantly sarcastic and hilarious dialogues, “Mo” features inner struggles of belonging, frustration and the feeling of frailty. “Whenever something emotional happens, we’re going to sit in it and we’re going to embrace it and we’re going to go through it. It’s very important to have those moments and let it breathe,” explains Mo Amer, creator and executive producer who plays the protagonist. “I love Jesus, I believe in Jesus, Jesus was Palestinian.” “Mo” highlights the role of religion in the quest for belonging, something that many of the 400,000 to 450,000 Palestinians displaced during the exodus from Kuwait during the Gulf War struggle with. The characters seek reassurance in God, may it be at home, in a Christian church or at the mosque. “I get grazed by a bullet and I am addicted to lean. It’s a joke.” A study carried out by the University Michigan School of Health among Arab refugees and immigrants highlights that Arab Americans reported high levels of depression and anxiety symptoms. Another British study confirms these findings, finding that up to 50% of the Palestinian refugees questioned struggle with mental health, an observation confirmed by the UNRWA. “Mo” pays long overdue attention to this circumstance, going into the complexity of addiction and its relation to stress and mental health. “No, not Palestine, Texas. Palestine. You know, the land of milk and honey?” There are multiple references to the conflict, but “Mo” refrains from bringing up these political elements in a patronizing way that might alienate the audience. Rather, the sarcastic comments on the occupation, belonging and daily discrimination are conveyed in the form of jokes or witty dialogues that make you think just the right amount. The short show took a vital step towards a more authentic representation of Palestinians on Netflix and is definitely worth the watch.

Le Sommet arabe du 4 mars semblerait révéler une exception à une longue période de quasi-désengagement. Ce rassemblement pourrait-il marquer une réaffirmation de la solidarité arabe et un regain d'intérêt pour les aspirations nationales palestiniennes? Le plan adopté pourrait en effet, potentiellement, révéler un retour de la lutte des pays arabes pour la cause palestinienne. < Back La cause palestinienne, un nouveau souffle pour le panarabisme? Christy Ghosn March 31, 2025 Une vidéo générée par IA, publiée sur le compte Instagram du président américain, dépeint une bande de Gaza transformée en une « Riviera du Moyen-Orient. » Gratte-ciels, plages de sable, statue en or de Donald Trump, cette vision dystopique a suscité de fortes réactions au sein du monde arabe. La vidéo, postée sur Truth Social et Instagram, illustre ce que pourrait devenir Gaza sous contrôle américain—idée évoquée par Trump au début du mois de février. Lors d'une conférence de presse conjointe avec le Premier ministre israélien Benyamin Netanyahou, Trump avait choqué le monde en déclarant : « Nous nivellerons les lieux et nous débarrasserons des bâtiments détruits. Puis nous allons relancer le développement économique, qui fournira un nombre illimité d’emplois et de logements pour les habitants de la région. » Face à cette proposition, les États arabes se sont unis pour exprimer leur désaccord, réveillant un fort nationalisme arabe ancré dans la cause palestinienne. Le sommet arabe du 4 mars dernier au Caire symbolise cette solidarité. Pourtant, malgré cette montée du sentiment panarabe, la réalité semble marquée par un nationalisme territorial grandissant, reléguant progressivement l’engagement collectif au second plan. De cette manière, bien que le soutien affiché aux Palestiniens demeure, son expression concrète s’affaiblit, laissant entrevoir une forme d’abandon progressif. Le nationalisme arabe (La Qawmiyya en arabe) repose sur l'idée d'unité et d'intérêts communs parmi les peuples arabes. Émergeant au début du XXe siècle comme un mouvement d'opposition dans les provinces arabes de l'Empire ottoman, il s'est notamment développé dans l'entre-deux-guerres, avec des figures comme Sati' al-Husri ou encore Michel Aflaq. Bien que cette idéologie n'ait pas réussi à créer un État arabe unifié, son idéologie a laissé un héritage durable en tant que sentiment d'appartenance à un même peuple. Comme l’écrit Youssef Choueiri: « [Aflaq] insista de nombreuses fois sur le fait que ce qu’il avait à dire était plus un point de vue [ nadhra ] qu’un système [ nadhariyya ]. Ce nationalisme arabe, profondément enraciné dans la cause palestinienne, a trouvé en cette lutte un puissant catalyseur pour unifier les peuples arabes. Par exemple, lorsque les Palestiniens se sont soulevés contre l'occupation et la création de l'État d'Israël, des figures comme Gamal Abdel Nasser ont su exploiter cette cause pour rallier les masses arabes, en présentant Israël comme une « citadelle de l'impérialisme. » De nombreux sommets de la Ligue arabe ont également joué un rôle crucial dans l'histoire de la cause palestinienne. En 1964 par exemple, le Conseil National Palestinien a été créé lors d'un sommet, marquant le début d'une représentation officielle pour le peuple palestinien sur la scène internationale. Dix ans plus tard, en 1974, un autre sommet a reconnu l'OLP comme le seul représentant légitime du peuple palestinien, renforçant ainsi son poids diplomatique dans les négociations de paix qui ont conduit aux Accords d'Oslo. La Wataniya (ou nationalisme territorial), de son côté, se concentre plus sur l'identité nationale au sein des frontières étatiques existantes. Il semblerait que ces deux formes de nationalisme coexistent souvent, créant un paradoxe où une identité nationale forte côtoie une identité arabe partagée. Leyla Dakhli, historienne tunisienne, explique ce paradoxe en affirmant que malgré les divisions entre et au sein des pays arabes, le nationalisme arabe s’est appuyé sur une culture populaire, diffuse, afin de le transmuer en « culture officielle. » Le sentiment d’appartenance au sein des Etats arabes se manifeste aujourd’hui depuis le 7 octobre 2023, les peuples et les États arabes affichant un soutien unifié à la Palestine. De Tunis à Amman, en passant par Le Caire, de nombreuses manifestations de solidarité ont eu lieu, soutenues par des déclarations des chefs d'État arabes. Le 4 mars dernier, lors du Sommet arabe qui s’est déroulé au Caire, les dirigeants des États arabes ont adopté un plan de 53 milliards de dollars sur cinq ans pour la reconstruction de la bande de Gaza, rejetant unanimement le plan de Donald Trump visant à déplacer les habitants de Gaza. Le président libanais a affirmé qu'il n'y aurait pas de paix sans la libération totale du territoire et la restitution des droits légitimes des Palestiniens. Aoun a souligné que la souveraineté complète et stable du Liban est intrinsèquement liée au rétablissement total de la Syrie et à l'indépendance de la Palestine: « le Liban retrouve aujourd'hui sa légitimité arabe » grâce au soutien constant de ses alliés, affirme t-il, mettant en lumière l'interdépendance des luttes arabes. Selon lui, la véritable indépendance et la légitimité du Liban ne peuvent ainsi être atteintes que dans le cadre d'une unité arabe renforcée. Cependant, malgré un engagement historique en faveur de la cause palestinienne, l'implication des pays arabes semble diminuer au fil du temps. Lors du Sommet de Khartoum en 1967, les pays arabes avaient adopté une position ferme, refusant toute reconnaissance d’Israël. Pourtant, plusieurs pays ont aujourd'hui normalisé leurs relations avec Israël. L'identité palestinienne se distingue progressivement de l'arabité régionale, devenant une identité nationale propre. Selon Elias Sanbar dans Figures du Palestinien , les Palestiniens ne sont plus simplement des habitants d'une terre arabe, mais un peuple avec une identité distincte. Il affirme qu’ils sont même délaissés par leurs frères arabes, qui sont « pour la cause palestinienne, mais contre les Palestiniens . »: alors que les régimes arabes ont soutenu la cause palestinienne comme un enjeu politique contre Israël, ils ont souvent marginalisé les Palestiniens eux-mêmes, par crainte de déstabilisation interne et pour préserver leurs intérêts nationaux. Néanmoins, le Sommet arabe du 4 mars semblerait révéler une exception à une longue période de quasi-désengagement. Ce rassemblement pourrait-il marquer une réaffirmation de la solidarité arabe et un regain d'intérêt pour les aspirations nationales palestiniennes? Le plan adopté pourrait en effet, potentiellement, révéler un retour de la lutte des pays arabes pour la cause palestinienne. Les réseaux sociaux et les médias comme Al-Jazeera ont à leur tour favorisé cette ré-émergence d'un sentiment d'appartenance parmi les peuples arabes. Selon Benjamin Stora , « des gens entrent en contact les uns avec les autres et se comprennent par le biais d’une langue arabe renouvelée, standardisée. Une langue qui peut être comprise du Maroc jusqu’aux Émirats, contredisant les versions distinctes, séparées, opposées des langues nationales arabes. Les moyens technologiques modernes favorisent un néo-nationalisme arabe. L’idée du nationalisme arabe reste à l’ordre du jour. » Dans ce contexte, la position américaine reste cruciale dans la résolution du conflit israélo-palestinien. Marie-Joëlle Zahar souligne que l'avenir d'un plan arabe crédible dépendra en grande partie des intentions de l'État israélien et du soutien américain. Au-delà de l'humanitaire, « ce sont des enjeux profondément politiques, ». L’enjeu est « la manière dont on résout les conflits, ce qui est acceptable et ne l’est pas, c'est la valeur du droit international. » « Si ce plan n'est pas au moins considéré par les États-Unis, la situation pourrait être critique, » a-t-elle poursuivi. Ainsi, si la cause palestinienne continue de fédérer un certain nationalisme arabe, son expression politique et concrète s’effrite face aux dynamiques nationales et aux réalités géopolitiques. Dans ce contexte, la position américaine demeure déterminante : sans une prise en compte sérieuse par Washington, toute initiative arabe risque de rester symbolique, accentuant l’isolement progressif des Palestiniens. Photo source: Ramy Raoof on flickr

On Feb. 22, the Special Immigration Appeals Commission (SIAC) ruled that the decision taken in 2019 by Sajid Javid, then Home Secretary, to strip Begum of her British citizenship was lawful. < Back British Teenager Who Joined ISIS Stripped of Citizenship By Hugo Lagergren March 31, 2023 Shamima Begum, 23, lost her appeal against the British Government’s decision to strip her of her British citizenship. This judgment has reignited the debate surrounding the repatriation of foreign nationals who joined the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). On Feb. 22, the Special Immigration Appeals Commission (SIAC) ruled that the decision taken in 2019 by Sajid Javid, then Home Secretary, to strip Begum of her British citizenship was lawful. In a statement published by SIAC, the commission stated that despite “credible suspicion that she had been trafficked to Syria” for the sole purpose of being sexually exploited by ISIS militants, the decision remains at the discretion of the Home Secretary under United Kingdom law. Begum left London with her two friends to join ISIS in 2015. She was only 15 and remained at the center of media attention since she was discovered in a Syrian refugee camp by Times journalist Anthony Loyd in 2019. After making headlines as the “ISIS bride,” she implored with the British government to return. Yet , shortly after hearing her pleas, Javid made the decision to strip her of U.K. citizenship. Thus, Begum, who at the time was pregnant with her third child, was left to fend for herself in Al-Hol camp in north-eastern Syria. The commission’s ruling prompted many to reevaluate the U.K. government’s ability to strip people of their citizenship. Under the British Nationality Act of 1981, the power of citizen deprivation comes under the purview of the Home Secretary. Since 2010, the U.K. stripped over 250 nationals of their British citizenship, placing them second in the world forcitizen deprivation, behind Bahrain. Under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, all human beings are entitled to nationality. Article 15 states that “no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality” asstatelessness can bar access to basic resources such as healthcare or education. Downing Street has tried to argue that Begum is eligible for Pakistani citizenship. However, Pakistani officials have stated that she would not be accepted as a Pakistani citizen, with the Foreign Minister going as far as to suggest that she could face the death penalty should she arrive in Pakistan. Furthermore, the Home Secretary’s apparent indifference toward the impact of online grooming and radicalization on young, disenchanted people has called many to reevaluate U.K.’s proclivity for citizenship strips. Under British law, children aged 10 and above are deemed responsible for their actions (excluding Scotland as of 2019); this is considerably lower than most European countries. In the last decade, politicians and activists alike have begun questioning the benefits of having such a low age of responsibility, with some believing the model, which was introduced by Labour in 1998, to be stagnant and outdated. The decision, delivered by Sir Justice Jay, reveals a disconnect between the U.K. and its European neighbors in how to deal with the families of ISIS fighters who hold European citizenship. Where the U.K. has disowned its citizens, France, Germany, Denmark and Spain have repatriated families and brought them before the relevant judicial authority. Begum, a self-proclaimed “Bethnal Green girl,” has been a polarizing figure in British society since her re-emergence in 2019. Since her first interview with Anthony Loyd, Begum has given numerous interviews in which she recounts her story. What has remained unclear from these media appearances is whether she feels remorse for her actions. In an interview with Sky News, she said, “I think a lot of people should have sympathy towards me for everything I’ve been through,” which many people interpreted as teenage entitlement and impatience. In addition to this, in a series of interviews with the BBC, she seemed to be unaware of the magnitude of joining a terrorist group, which incurred the wrath of the public, especially from the Conservative camp. Additionally, there is a very blatant attempt to “westernize” her appearance to appeal to the British public. This reinvention has caused many to question the sincerity of her regret or whether she is manipulating public opinion to be allowed to return to the U.K. Despite the severity of her actions, many have argued that she should be repatriated on the basis that her crimes came as a result of online grooming and radicalization for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Sir Justice Jay, who delivered the verdict on Begum’s appeal, expressed his concern regarding the Home Secretary’s “apparent downplaying of the significance of radicalization and grooming in stating that what happened to Ms Begum is not unusual.” He noted that “the idea that Ms Begum could have conceived and organized all of this herself is not plausible.” Indeed, the story of how and why she joined ISIS is one of an impressionable girl of Bengali heritage living in a society that she said did not accept her. “I didn’t feel British or Bengali. I didn’t feel Bengali because I didn’t want to be Bengali, and I didn’t feel British because I feel like I wasn’t able to be British, even though I wanted to be.” In 2014, Begum turned to Islam after her best friend, Sharmeena Begum (no relation), converted. She claims that she converted to feel accepted by her friend. “I didn’t want them to give them a reason, to like, exclude me from the group.” In the same year, the Islamic State established their so-called “caliphate” after successfully capturing territory in northern Syria and Iraq. Their leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, was proclaimed caliph and “leader for Muslims everywhere.” The establishment of an ‘Islamic State’ in which Islamic law reigns supreme has long been a goal of jihadists. Thousands of jihadis converged on the “caliphate” At the height of its power, ISIS militants numbered around 30,000. Today, we have come to know ISIS through its ultra-violent propaganda videos. However, according to Shiraz Maher, Director of the International Centre for the Study of Radicalization, only around eight to nine percent of their propaganda output was the sensationalized gruesome images that the public is familiar with. Many of the videos produced by ISIS’ depicted vibrant scenes where families and individuals could live prosperous lives. Sharmeena Begum was the first out of the group to travel to ISIS-controlled territory. Very shortly after, she managed to convince her three friends to join her in the supposed “Islamic Utopia.” Shiraz Maher makes the point that the barrier to radicalization immediately becomes much lower when someone you know is involved. Additionally, Shamima Begum admitted that there were others whom she was in contact with online who attempted to convince her to make the journey to Syria. In February 2015, Begum and her two friends, Amira Abase and Kadiza Sultana, decided to embark on the treacherous journey to meet up with their friend ISIS territory. By 2019Begum’s two friends are presumed dead, and Sharmeena Begum is believed to be back with ISIS militants. Very little is known about the four years that Shamima spent in Raqqa. Accusations have been made, notably including that she helped fabricate suicide belts for ISIS militants. However, she denied ever taking part in the terrorist group’s day-to-day operations. Begum “does have some very big questions to answer,” says Andrew Loyd. Nonetheless, some serious allegation have been raised about the behavior of the U.K. government regarding its treatment of Begum and its pattern of nationality deprivation, with many citing skin color and religion as deciding factors. Tim Farron, ex-leader of the Liberal Democrats, commented on the News Agents’ podcast, “I understand the anger at her, but that she has lost her passport — if she was white and she was called Sharon from Manchester, and she had done something like that, if wouldn’t even occur to the government to take the passport off someone who was obviously British.”

Ces femmes ont marqué l’histoire par leur bravoure et leur perspective unique; elles méritent la reconnaissance au même titre que leurs collègues masculins. < Back Femmes En Guerre: Les Femmes Cachées Derrière La Caméra Anna Halpern September 30, 2024 On parle souvent de héros de guerre et de ceux qui ont changé la perception que nous en avons, mais il est beaucoup plus rare de parler des héroïnes. Je pense tout spécifiquement aux femmes journalistes, correspondantes de guerre et photojournalistes qui se sont battues pour l'accès des femmes aux zones de guerre, dont le travail a été historique, mais dont la reconnaissance est cruellement manquante. Malgré leurs participations historiques, elles se sont bien souvent retrouvées face à des systèmes qui les opprimaient au point de les punir pour avoir fait leur travail. Nous avons la chance que des femmes telles qu’elles nous aient ouvert le chemin, et il est grand temps que nous leur rendions justice. Il semble donc important d’introduir ici quelques figures qui ont marqué l’histoire et qui représentent parfaitement le courage et l’audace nécessaires au changement. Quand on parle de photojournalisme au feminin, un tournant clé est la Seconde Guerre Mondiale. En effet, les périples des femmes photojournalistes de l'époque sont emblématiques des obstacles sociétaux qu’elles ont dû affronter afin de s’octroyer l'accès à un métier encore presque entièrement masculin. Les femmes journalistes ont même explicitement été interdites d'accès au débarquement le 6 juin. Entre autres obstacles, les femmes se sont heurtées à ce que rapporte Denis Ruellan : « L'armée assurait que les soldats seraient 'perturbés' par la présence des femmes reporters, ce qui revenait à les sexualiser . » Dans ce contexte, les exploits des femmes telles que Martha Gellhorn et Lee Carson sont d’autant plus remarquables. Les deux femmes ont défié le sexisme de l'époque et surtout celui ancré dans l'armée. En effet, Martha Gellhorn a dû se faire passer pour une infirmière de la Croix Rouge et se cacher dans les toilettes pour pouvoir assister au débarquement sur Omaha beach en se déguisant en brancardier. De son côté Lee Carson a réussi à convaincre le pilote d’un bombardier de la faire survoler le débarquement, car son dévouement à son travail et à couvrir les informations lui importait plus que le risque de défier SHEAF (acronyme communément utilisé pour designer le Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force). Ces deux femmes, dont la dévotion à leur travail leur a permis de prendre des photos historiques et de partager à travers le monde la perspective des femmes sur l’un des événements les plus marquants de leur temps, ont toutes deux subi des conséquences coûteuses à leur désobéissance. À leur retour les deux sont convoquées par SHAEF: Gellhorn se retrouve interdite de retourner en Normandie, et Carson s’enfuit sachant les conséquences que ses actes peuvent lui coûter. Bien qu’elles aient fait un travail extraordinaire, l'histoire les a lésées en les condamnant à l'oubli ou à un rôle secondaire derrière leurs maris. Ces femmes ne sont pas seules. Nombre de femmes ont couvert les événements historiques de leur époque, certaines étant même les seules à le faire. Il est notamment important de mentionner Margaret Bourke-White qui était la seule photographe étrangère à Moscou quand l’Allemagne a brisé le pacte de non-agression en juin 1941, ainsi que la premiere femme journaliste de guerre connue. Elle a permis d’ouvrir la voie aux consoeurs qui l’ont suivie. Plus que de participer à une discipline dont les normes et pratiques étaient pour et par les hommes, les femmes ont grandement contribué à changer la discipline du photojournalisme en rapportant de manière très humaine l'impact de la guerre sur la vie des gens et la dévastation qui en suit. Ceci a été la vocation de photojournalistes telles que Catherine Leroy et Lee Miller qui ont fait de leurs carrières de photographes un moyen de capturer la vie quotidienne et la douleur réelle que la guerre fait subir à la population impactée. Cet effort est notamment visible dans le travail de Leroy lors de son incorporation au sein de la 173ème unité Airborne pendant la guerre au Vietnam, durant laquelle elle a capturé la vie des soldats et civils impactés par ce conflit. Elle est grièvement blessée en mai 1967 et brièvement retenue prisonnière par des soldats Nord-Vietnamiens en 1968, mais cela ne la brise pas, au contraire, elle en ressort avec un entretien exclusif qui fait la couverture de Life . Ces femmes ont marqué l’histoire par leur bravoure et leur perspective unique; elles méritent la reconnaissance au même titre que leurs collègues masculins. Aujourd’hui, bien que certains s’efforcent de les mettre en avant, nous sommes encore bien loin de les reconnaître à leur juste valeur. Mais il est possible à chacun de le faire à son échelle, et cela commence par rechercher activement le travail des femmes et le mettre en avant par nous mêmes sans se contenter des récits dominants encore trop sexistes. Pour finir, je vous invite donc à approfondir vos connaissances sur ces femmes journalistes et photojournalistes de guerre à qui nous devons tant et qui méritent d'être connues et reconnues à leur juste valeur, non seulement celles qui nous ont tracé le chemin, mais celles qui continuent de l’emprunter de nos jours.

‘’Existing means "being able to choose"; indeed, to be a possibility. But this does not constitute man's wealth, but rather his misery.’’  < Back Navigating the Paradox: Kierkegaard's Philosophy of Choice in an Age of Wellbeing Anxiety By Francesca Di Muro November 30, 2023 ‘’Existing means "being able to choose"; indeed, to be a possibility. But this does not constitute man's wealth, but rather his misery. His freedom of choice does not represent his greatness, but his permanent drama. In fact, he is always faced with the alternative of a "possibility that yes" and a "possibility that no" without possessing any criteria for choice. And he gropes in the dark, in an unstable position, in permanent indecision, without being able to orient his life, intentionally, in one direction or another.’’ Søren Kierkegaard, a 19th-century Danish philosopher, delved deeply into the human experience, particularly the complexities of choice and decision-making. His exploration of existential themes, such as the nature of individuality and the anxiety inherent in freedom resonates strongly in today's society. This article will examine Kierkegaard's theme of choice and its relevance in contemporary times, with a focus on the "fear of best option" and the challenges posed by the abundance of choices, well-being, and privilege. Kierkegaard's philosophy emphasizes the paradox of human freedom – the simultaneous burden and blessing of having the power to choose. In a world where choices abound, individuals often find themselves paralyzed by the fear of making the wrong decision. His notion of choosing in life extends beyond the conventional understanding of decision-making as a mere selection of positive alternatives. He introduces the concept that every authentic choice involves not only saying 'yes' to a particular option but simultaneously saying 'no' to other possibilities. This dual nature of choice emphasizes the inherent exclusivity and commitment that accompanies genuine decision-making. In choosing one path, individuals inevitably reject alternative avenues, and Kierkegaard argues that this negation is an integral aspect of the human experience. By acknowledging the necessity of both affirmation and negation in the act of choosing, Kierkegaard introduces a nuanced understanding of decision-making that encapsulates the complexities and sacrifices inherent in the pursuit of a chosen path. For Kierkegaard, the tension between 'yes' and 'no' in choosing is not a source of despair but an opportunity for authentic self-expression. Choosing involves taking a stance, making commitments, and embracing the responsibility that comes with saying 'yes' to a particular way of life. Simultaneously, the act of saying 'no' reflects an individual's willingness to forego other possibilities and accept the limitations that define their chosen path. Kierkegaard's philosophy encourages individuals to recognize the dialectical relationship between affirmation and negation in the process of choosing, fostering a deeper understanding of the profound impact that decisions have on the unfolding narrative of one's existence. In the 21st century, technological advancements and socio-economic progress have exponentially increased the number of choices available to individuals. From career paths to relationships, and even trivial daily decisions, the fear of making the wrong choice can be overwhelming. This fear is further compounded by societal expectations and the constant comparison facilitated by social media, contributing to decision paralysis. Kierkegaard's insights into choice gain additional relevance when considering the role of privilege and well-being in decision-making. In societies where individuals are blessed with numerous opportunities and resources, the fear of squandering these privileges can be paralyzing. The weight of responsibility in making choices that align with one's well-being and privilege adds an extra layer of complexity to the decision-making processes. In a society where choices proliferate and opportunities abound, those endowed with privilege often confront a unique set of dilemmas. The fear of the best option, as conceptualized by Kierkegaard, becomes particularly pronounced for these individuals. The weight of societal expectations, coupled with the fear of squandering their advantages, can render these individuals incapable of taking decisive action. This paradoxical situation leaves them in a state of indecision, as the fear of making the wrong choice hinders their ability to engage authentically with the possibilities before them. In the realm of privilege, Kierkegaard's philosophy reveals a profound irony. While possessing the resources and opportunities to shape their lives in ways that many others might envy, these individuals find themselves ensnared by the fear that the best option might elude them. The privilege that ostensibly offers freedom becomes a double-edged sword, amplifying the anxiety associated with decision-making. This paradoxical struggle to choose is symptomatic of a broader societal issue where the abundance of choices, combined with the pressure to make optimal decisions, results in a form of decision paralysis. Kierkegaard's insights thus serve as a poignant reflection on the challenges faced by those who, despite their privileged positions, find themselves incapacitated by the very abundance of options that their status affords. "When you choose one way out of many, all the ways you don't take are snuffed out like candles, as if they'd never existed. At the moment of choice, each one of them is the one and only way of salvation. Then, as soon as you've chosen, the doors of all the other ways close on you. They were and remain nothing. But this one way is more than enough. It goes on infinitely. Along its path, the way you chose and the one you didn't will merge. Or not. Because each way is unique, and every difference is different." Kierkegaard's philosophy encourages individuals to confront the anxiety of choice head-on, advocating for authentic, subjective engagement with one's existence. In a society that often values external success metrics, Kierkegaard's emphasis on individuality and authenticity provides a counterpoint, urging individuals to look inward and prioritize personal values over societal expectations. To navigate the fear of the best option, Kierkegaard suggests embracing the reality of human existence, which includes the inevitability of making mistakes. Acceptance of this inherent imperfection liberates individuals from the paralyzing fear of making the wrong choice. Kierkegaard's philosophy invites a shift in perspective, encouraging individuals to view choices not as burdens but as opportunities for personal growth and self-discovery. Søren Kierkegaard's exploration of choice, the fear of the best option, and the challenges posed by well-being and privilege resonate deeply in today's society. As we navigate an era of unprecedented choices and opportunities, Kierkegaard's philosophy serves as a valuable guide, urging individuals to confront the anxiety of choice with authenticity and self-reflection. By embracing the imperfections inherent in the human experience, we can move beyond the fear of making the wrong decision and forge paths that align with our true selves.

Even though we might believe that a little vanity is unavoidable, the elaborate age-halting rituals of the elite, whether Bryan Johnson’s or Courtney Kardashian’s, are a testament to how scaleable our self-obsession is. < Back Korean Creams and Facing Death Feidias Psaras October 31, 2024 And the daily skincare routine keeps getting longer. Whereas before, a bathroom cabinet with the bare essentials was only occasionally punctuated by the odd cream, now the dental hygiene products are beginning to feel outnumbered. The impulse is to accept the new normal as something that people do as you slowly become acquainted with the adult world and all its prerequisites. But that’s not really the case. In 2023, the beauty market was estimated to be worth €280 billion , increasing almost three-fold since 2000. The wall of cleansers, moisturizers, toners, exfoliants, retinols and eye creams that you’ll find at your local pharmacy are a testament to this explosive expansion. A quick look through TikTok gets you acquainted with beauty influencers ranging from the age of thirteen onwards detailing you through their elaborate 10-step skincare routines. The internet at large is replete with the modern personal beauty equivalent of snake oil: natural herbal treatments and strange-smelling ointments that hold mystical rejuvenating properties. But people buy these regardless. The fact that the skincare industry—and the beauty industry in general—caters to an overwhelmingly female demographic is indicative of the differences in social expectations for beauty for women versus men. This gender bias is all-pervasive; an extensive study analyzing 3.5 million books found that women are described using adjectives relating to appearance two times as often as men, highlighting the disproportionate importance we attribute to physical appearance in valuing women. This phenomenon is even more prevalent in some countries—in South Korea, for example, it’s common practice for parents to pay for their children’s plastic surgery after high school as a reward for high academic performance. There seems to be very little stigma surrounding the act. In fact, the culture around the practice involves commenting on how pretty a person is after they’ve had plastic surgery. High school hallways are full of full-length mirrors that students stare at unabashedly, and high schoolers often come back from winter breaks ready to show off their new noses. This culture of youth, spurred on by predominantly visually-based forms of social media and the enviably attractive influencers that naturally come to dominate them, is a symptom of people’s obsession with retaining their youth—both because it’s so intimately linked with beauty and because it signifies distance from death. The latter is infinitely more unshakeable to the human condition than the former. Concepts like the fountain of youth, appearing in Herodotus’s writing as far back as 5 BC, exemplify the timelessness of the human desire to stave off the inevitable. Even in strands of thought that explicitly argue against the conventional stance toward death and aim to frame the process of aging in a positive light, the fear of it remains. The prospect of death is this fixed point around which large swathes of human thought, and all of us individually, struggle to find footing. Until, allegedly, now. Amidst a slew of overambitious billionaires pouring small fortunes into a growing number of biotech companies focused on maximizing longevity emerges the apotheosis of a fixation on staying young. Bryan Johnson, centimillionaire tech magnate turned hyper-fitness-guru, is dead-set on optimizing his health habits in order to live as long as possible. His daily routine, detailed by him in one of the videos uploaded on his YouTube channel, features him waking up at 4:30 am and engaging in a 30-minute long morning skincare routine featuring dozens of supplements such as retinol and UV light repellent creams. In his kitchen, he describes the health benefits of the brightly green paste set out for him for the week alongside a dozen or so supplementary pills. After a day packed with so many drawn-out and precise rituals that one wonders what time is left in order to live , he goes back to sleep at 8:30 pm. Project Blueprint , which features a team of researchers working at King’s College London, is funded by the subject himself. Johnson, who says that the process has lowered his pace of aging by over 31 years, describes himself as a transhumanist. Repeatedly in public appearances, he states his firm belief that with the advent of AI, we are at an inflection point in our history. Soon, he believes, there will come a point where the only question preoccupying humanity is overcoming our heretofore unavoidable mortality. Indeed, Johnson believes that he is doing a public service—that by offering himself as a ‘guinea pig’ in this project, he will be contributing large amounts of crucial research to the field of longevity research. Indeed, over the years, Project Blueprint has spread to many people. Johnson has been hosting regular meetups in New York City and garnered a vast audience, including a sizable number of die-hard loyalists. Alongside the informal fanbase, there have been steps to expand the project more concretely; around 5000 people have volunteered to take part in extended clinical trials that aim to test effectiveness on a broader population. The widespread success of such efforts encapsulates a youth-obsessed culture dead-set on staying —or looking—healthy to an unhealthy degree. Even though we might believe that a little vanity is unavoidable, the elaborate age-halting rituals of the elite, whether Bryan Johnson’s or Courtney Kardashian’s, are a testament to how scaleable our self-obsession is. They exemplify the extent to which some of us will go, if given the resources, just to postpone the tough mental reckoning that is inherent in growing up; to come to terms with the fact that we are not anymore a set of potentialities, as we always were, but a single human being inside space and time, within and subject to life’s course. It is important to ask ourselves, then, at what point the skincare routine gets long enough that we choose to let go rather than hold on.

Amid Erdoğan's floundering through an economic crisis and the looming threat of an upcoming election, a calamitous pair of earthquakes have begun to resemble an extended Day of Reckoning for the Turkish President's administration. The dire state of the Turkish government has led to mounting speculation on what measures it will resort to preserve its 20-year reign. < Back Commitment to Elections and Constitution Wavers After Turkey Earthquake By Yasmin Abbasoy March 31, 2023 Amid Turkish President Erdoğan's floundering through an economic crisis and the looming threat of an upcoming election, a calamitous pair of earthquakes have begun to resemble an extended Day of Reckoning for the Turkish President's administration. The dire state of the Turkish government has led to mounting speculation on what measures it will resort to preserve its 20-year reign. Fears of the most desperate measures — a postponement of the elections scheduled for this coming May — were only invigorated by a statement from a former politician known for his intimate ties with the ruling party that seemed to be an attempt to judge the lay of the land indirectly. With over 50,000 dead and the death toll still climbing, the catastrophe has quickly become Europe’s “worst natural disaster in a century,” according to the World Health Organization. Striking as the earthquakes did, late at night and in the middle of winter, necessitated a fast and efficient humanitarian response: one decidedly not delivered by the Turkish government. These adjectives do not describe the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) of recent years, defined by increasing authoritarianism and layers of financial misconduct and cronyism. Unable to rise to the occasion, the government was subject to further merciless exposure of its shortcomings in governance by a population who felt thrown to the wind. The criticism was only strengthened by existing discontent with the state of affairs in Turkey, especially when certain shortcomings in the earthquake response were widely seen as a result of the festering wounds of the longtime misgovernance of the ruling party. The immediate call for donations disseminated by the government-funded Disaster and Management Authority (AFAD) bred discontent in a population paying so-called “Earthquake Taxes” since a similarly devastating tremor in 1999. The perceived misuse of government funds refers to a familiar refrain: the government’s salient pattern of financial misconduct. Most recently, the opposition campaign demanding an explanation for the discreet sale of $128 million in reserves by the central bank resulted in one of the most popular political slogans of modern Turkish politics, What happened to the $128 million, and succeeded in highlighting this established pattern of behavior. The people were willing to give the government very little grace. The inability of the poorly funded AFAD to reach several affected provinces in the hours following the earthquake provoked further outrage among a populace habituated to the quintessential government defense, mobilized against all criticism: “We built roads!” The collapse in infrastructure, exemplified by photos of pitch-dark highways cracked open and crumbling like styrofoam, not to mention the airport runways split down the middle, rankled a party that had long prided itself on the modernization of the admittedly inferior infrastructure it inherited. Where AFAD could reach, efforts to stabilize survivors extracted from the rubble, in danger of freezing to death in below-zero temperatures, were hampered by structural damage to essential buildings such as public hospitals. The utter failure of government-funded buildings in withstanding the earthquake is yet another symptom of rampant cronyism, seeing that the meteoric rise of a group of government-supporting companies dubbed the “Gang of Five” was precipitated by the endless amount of contracts handed to them. The state of private residences was no different, with entire groups of buildings collapsing like rows of dominoes. Illegal and not-strictly-legal construction is rampant nationwide, including in the affected areas, where construction that did not follow official guidelines for earthquake-resistant design was the norm. In the days immediately following the earthquake, the government publicized its arrests of independent contractors responsible for specific buildings whose collapse led to the deaths of over 130 people in some cases. They were often caught trying to leave the country and so gleefully used by the government as sacrificial lambs to present to an increasingly angry population. This strategy was undercut as soon as the AKP’s proposed construction amnesty plan in the election year were brought to light. These amnesties, which strangely enough always correspond to election years, retroactively legalize illegal structures. They have been harshly criticized, as have been most government policies, as populist and shortsighted. Turkish people channeled their fear, rage and despair into aiding the nationwide effort to support victims. Twitter, described by then-CEO Dick Costelo in 2013 as the “global town square,” became the site of many donation campaigns and charity drives. Hoping to supplement insufficient search and rescue efforts, Twitter users shared the names of once-apartment buildings turned rubble under which they could hear people calling out, lists of necessary supplies to the affected areas and names of missing loved ones. Criticism of the government was, as always, omnipresent: photos of the controversial actions of the government were heavily circulated. Whether it be labeling tents sent by foreign countries with Turkish Red Crescent stickers or rejecting jackets with Efes Beverage Group logos due to the company’s production of alcoholic drinks, it was all on the app for all to see and judge. And people were judging, too blatantly for the Turkish government’s comfort as they blocked access to the website for at least 12 hours only three days after the earthquake. Widely considered to be a move to curb criticism and provoke a tbacklash, the extreme measure gave way to the idea that the government was in a difficult situation. While the website was eventually unblocked, authorities came down hard on criticism: A lawyer, trying in vain to extract his family from the rubble of their ruined building with his means, was arrested on charges of denigrating the state for a tweet reading simply, “Where is the state?” The new party line was echoed by the man himself, two-time President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who, in his increasingly aggressive speeches, resorted to describing detractors, most of which were victims of the earthquake, with increasingly creative insults. At the end of February, he made a dramatic one-eighty with regard to the government response, using the opportunity presented by a speech in the heavily-affected Adıyaman to ask for “hellalik” (a religious acknowledgment that one owes nothing to the other, as all previous sins have been forgiven) from the people. This alarming confluence of factors gave way to fears of a postponed election, with the ostensible goal of giving the apparatus time to recover from the failure in the earthquake response and bolster support for re-election. On Feb. 13, merely a week after the earthquake, a former political adviser notable for his close connection to Erdoğan and other leading figures in the party released a statement that would occupy the public consciousness for weeks. Bülent Arınç, a founding member of the AKP who recently retired after 20 years in the political game in a variety of positions —most significantly as the head of the Presidential High Advisory Board —published a three-page document outlining his views on the upcoming elections on his Twitter account. His statement, conveniently bolded for readability, called for unity and used religious language to rail against what he described as the inappropriate discussion of elections so soon after such a disaster: “Fear God, there are still bodies under the rubble. How is it possible to talk about elections when you can't talk about the electorate?” Reiterating that it would be best for the country to “be freed from the stress of elections as soon as possible,” he proposed two potential solutions: the first, amending the constitution, which only permits postponement in the extreme situation of war; and the second, a certain decision taken by the Supreme Court that allows the Supreme Election Council to determine that it would be impossible, due to lack of order or institutions, to hold elections at the planned date. Most alarming, however, was the justification for amending the constitution, long considered the unshakeable backbone of any democracy: “The constitution is not a spiritual document, it is a legal one.” From an increasingly Islamist party that has historically embodied a devil-may-care attitude regarding changes to the constitution, as the recent shift from a parliamentary system to a presidential one while extending executive powers illustrates, this read as a threat. The response can best be summed up as overwhelming backlash. On Twitter, disabling replies to restrict criticism was rendered useless by the sheer amount of vitriol aimed at Arınç: the tweet has received 1,270 “favorites” and more than 12,000 “quote-retweet” comments, the overwhelming majority are negative. Days later, Arınç sat down for a live televized interview, affirming that “Perception should not override facts.” He also stated that his statement was not an attempt to test the reaction of the public on behalf of anyone, and revealingly, that he believed that chaos would not break out if elections are not postponed, but rather if they are postponed in a way other than a constitutional amendment: a yet-unmentioned possibility. Opposition leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu commented that “The constitution is very clear, the election cannot be postponed. Running away from the election does no one any good.” In contrast, the government, surely aware of the massive scale of the opposition, took a reassuring tone: “The election is not postponed, the process is continuing as is. If the technical infrastructure is provided on time, the elections will take place on May 14th.” On March 6, the Supreme Election Council was presented with a preliminary report on the status of electoral and other relevant institutions in the area, which concluded that there were no obstacles to an election being held at the previously fixed date. As for the prospect of a constitutional amendment, the ruling coalition does not have the required amount of votes to push through an amendment without the support of the opposition, which perhaps accounts for the sudden and outsized emphasis on inter-party collaboration observed in the statement. The past and present of the party do not inspire much confidence in their adherence to accepted procedure, however, and the Turkish population is again left wondering about what exactly the party will do to secure their chances. On March 10, Erdoğan signed an executive order for elections to go ahead on the previously decided date, May 14. Notably, the order was not for the previously scheduled elections to go ahead but for the 2018 general elections to be renewed. This has widely been interpreted as a method of sidestepping yet another constitutional problem — the fact that one person can only be elected to the role of President twice. Having tried to defend Erdoğan’s candidacy through a convoluted argument that involved the new presidential system acting as a reset, with each candidate treated as if he had never run before, the party has now set its sights on more concrete and thus more dangerous measures. This new development is completely in line with the rhetoric and strategy of the government with regard to the option of postponement, betraying deep-set values incompatible with constitutional democracy and confirming that the party is willing to do anything to cling to power. The wide-ranging aftereffects of the earthquake have heralded a new era of cutthroat politics for the government. As eyes turn once again to the High Electoral Council for a comment on the legality of this new decision, the upcoming election will not just be a choice between political parties but a vote on the foundations of the state itself.

Many young Tunisians, 1A Amira Zargouni notes, are “filled with disillusionment due to the long, arduous process of democratic transition” and have not experienced the direct rewards of democratic gains during the post-revolution period that their parents or grandparents did. < Back The False Revival of the Moroccan Political Scene By Bechar Benmoumen September 29, 2021 History On March 17, 2011, HM King Mohammed VI announced with great fanfare in a speech to the nation the establishment of a new constitution in order to "complete the construction of the rule of law and democratic institutions" in the Kingdom of Morocco. Faced with popular demands, the Sovereign submitted to a referendum a text slightly limiting his powers and announced that new elections would be held. The Justice and Development Party (PJD), the Moroccan branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, triumphed and entered the government for the first time in its history, thanks to its active role in the February 20 Movement and its charitable networks in many poor neighborhoods. Tale of a Disgrace Two terms later, the Islamist party experienced the largest political decline in Morocco's contemporary history, dropping from 120 seats out of 395 in the 2016 elections to just 12. Normalization with Israel, signed by the former Head of Government Saad-eddine El Othmani, has been put forward by many observers to explain the break with the party's conservative base. However, in my opinion, this remains anecdotal as the PJD's record was marred by a more than conflicting relationship with the Monarchy, which prevented it from implementing the economic, social and societal reforms for which it was elected, as well as by political problems that definitively completed the rupture between the party and large sections of Moroccan society. This defeat is also remarkable because it is the first time that the Islamist movement that took power in the wake of the Arab Spring has been deposed at the ballot box. An unprecedented participation Despite the health restrictions imposed by the pandemic, which forced the campaigns to take place mainly on social networks, the legislative, regional and communal elections had a high turnout of 50.18%, which had not been seen since the 2000s. In addition, it is notable that turnout in the Saharan provinces (in the territory internationally known as Western Sahara) was significantly higher than in other regions of Morocco by about ten points, which helps to legally discredit the separatist intentions of the Polisario Front. The large win of the RNI The Rassemblement National des Indépendants (RNI) — a party close to the Monarchy with a conservative liberal tendency and led by one of Morocco's biggest fortunes, Aziz Akhannouch — was the clear winner of the election, taking 102 of the 395 seats in the House of Representatives. Present in all the successive governments since 2007, Aziz Akhannouch, who has just been entrusted by HM King Mohamed VI with the task of composing the government, will have to face a difficult context, as Morocco is hit hard by the consequences of the socio-economic crisis linked to the pandemic, to ever increasing levels of inequality, as well as to the distrust of a large part of the Moroccan population, which reproaches him for being entangled in scandals of conflicts of interest. His oil company Afriquia had in fact been one of the targets of a boycott campaign launched on social media in 2018 aimed at denouncing economic cartels and the lack of respect for competition. The victory of the RNI also does not mark a renewal in Moroccan political life, as the political formation has joined the last two government coalitions and occupied key ministries since 2016. It remains to be seen whether their position as leader of the future coalition will coincide with a greater control of the Monarchy over the executive or, on the contrary, a greater complacency on the part of the latter, which no longer feels threatened by the confreres' influences from abroad that weighed on the PJD. Thus, these elections are part of the gradual democratization process initiated by the Kingdom in the wake of the Arab Spring. The large defeat of the Islamist movement has put political Islam in Morocco on hold. However, it would be incongruous to neglect this force in the future, given its numerous entanglements in the Moroccan socio-associative fabric. Finally, we must move away from analyses in terms of ideological cleavages to explain the results. Moroccan parties still rely too heavily on clientelistic approaches and quickly question their ideological principles in order to form coalitions that allow them to enter government.

During the week of April 11-15, the Bureau des Arts (BDA) organized the Semaine des Arts to gather the Sciences Po Menton community and highlight students’ artistic abilities in a supportive and welcoming environment. < Back Semaine des Arts: Realizing Your Inner Artistic Potential By Colin Lim April 30, 2022 During the week of April 11-15, the Bureau des Arts (BDA) organized the Semaine des Arts to gather the Sciences Po Menton community and highlight students’ artistic abilities in a supportive and welcoming environment. The BDA hosted events throughout the week, collaborating with other student associations and inviting external guests. On campus, students could frequent the second-hand vintage clothing stand run by entrepreneur Giulia Castellucci, attend theater workshops led by comedian Lucas Gimello, participate in a dance workshop taught by Marie-Pierre Genovese, and learn dabke, a Levantine dance workshop guidedby 1A Riwa Hassan in collaboration with Sciences Palestine. Other festivities included a bake sale to raise funds for the Minicrit in collaboration with the Bureau des Sports (BDS), and a chant-learning session at Soundproof. The focal point of this week of celebration was the live performance in the grand amphitheater on Thursday evening — the culmination of weeks and months of preparation by dozens of students who performed with their clubs, friend groups, and artistic workshops. The building’s main entrance showcased a student art gallery that featured numerous physical mediums such as mosaics, ceramics, photographs, and Arabic calligraphy. The show in the grand amphitheater began with the music club’s energetic performance of “Runaway Baby” from Bruno Mars’ debut album, followed by “Redbone” by Childish Gambino. Vocalist and guitarist Sienna Bertamini (1A), bassist Saoirse Aherne (1A), and drummer Cameron Sterling (1A) faithfully captured the spirit of the original renditions of both songs while adding a unique flair in their interpretation. Shortly afterward, Raphaël Phanor (2A) captivated the audience with an eloquent French spoken ode to the memories he made and the people he met during his two years in Menton. He concluded his talk with a poignant reminder to the rising 2As that it will not be too long before they are in his position, reminiscing on the time they spent at Sciences Po. There were other musical performances and short theatrical pieces, and an improvised percussive jazz and maqam-inspired piece by the vocal music artistic workshop. The evening was rounded out by the oriental dance and polyphonic singing artistic workshops and a lively routine by the cheerleading team. The show was an opportunity for students to celebrate one another and discover the latent talent within their classmates. The entire week would not have been possible without the time and effort of the BDA. 2A Eliana Seroussi, the BDA president, reflected on her relationship with the arts: “Honestly, the arts mean everything to me. I couldn't imagine my life without at least a hint of creativity. It just means being free, speaking with something other than words, and connecting with people on a level you would have never expected.” She continued, “Of course, organi(zing the events) is tiring and takes up your energy and commitment, but in the end it’s all worth it, as long as it gets one person to smile and escape for a bit. That’s the beauty of art.”

Most importantly, science fiction is a reaction and a warning. By depicting a dystopian world of socially-segregated mega-cities, as in the case of Metropolis, or totalitarian states with groupthink and no individuality, as illustrated in Orwell’s 1984, science fiction often presents a future we wish to avoid. < Back Metropolis: The Role of Science Fiction in Social Analysis By Lara Harmankaya October 31, 2023 “Freder: Your magnificent city, Father - and you the brain of this city - and all of us in the city's light...And where are the people, Father, whose hands built your city--? Joh Fredersen: Where they belong... Freder: In the depths...? What if one day, those in the depths rise up against you?” Fritz Lang’s Metropolis, essentially, is a tale of two cities – the “City of the Workers'' and the “Club of the Sons.” One is an underground industrialized prison, the other a capitalist utopia. They form Metropolis, characterized by its futuristic skyline, Art Deco skyscrapers, elevated highways and jam-packed roads. Such imagery is not unfamiliar to modern audiences, given its resemblance to contemporary megacities. Considered the “first great science-fiction film” by critic Roger Ebert, Metropolis is an astonishing accomplishment of special effects and German Expressionism. Its stylistic influence on the genre of science fiction is far-reaching; its deeply divided megapolis, mad scientist, human-like robot and dystopian setting have all developed into idiosyncratic tropes of science fiction that have reappeared countless times in works such as The Blade Runner, the Hunger Games, Star Wars and many more. Even its soundtrack reminds the audience of the iconic melodies orchestrated by John Williams for Star Wars. At the same time, it also follows a literary tradition established by Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein and H. G. Wells – that of a moral message entrenched in science fiction. This is precisely what makes this film relevant in my eyes, despite the almost 100 years since its first release. Its scathing social and political commentary, using the dichotomies of the great metropolis, reveals the inherent purpose of the science fiction genre in a broader context. Science fiction, as I will come to argue, contemplates and critiques the social issues that are prevalent at a specific point in history. It may construct a future rampant with technological advancements and societies foreign to our own, but at its core, it invariably revolves around humanity. The story of Metropolis follows Freder, the privileged son of the master of Metropolis, as he discovers the dark reality that goes on deep within the industrial heart of Metropolis. He has a revelation when he realizes that masses of men, under his father's instructions, toil away for hours on end and become dehumanized cogs in the machine of industrial capitalism. In contrast to them, his character is part of a world of hedonistic pleasure, emotional excesses and glittery nightlife. This clash of status, which the film emphasizes by dressing Frederer in white in contrast to the laborers’s black uniform, is reinforced by the city itself as a physical manifestation of the chasmic separation between the two classes. However, despite its overtly Marxian themes of class conflict, Metropolis does not ultimately promote a revolution of the working class. Instead, it fosters mediation; as the film progresses, Frederer commits to the working classcause and decides to take on the role of the ‘Mediator’ to bring peace to the city. One of the most memorable quotes of the movie embodies this idea, “There can be no understanding between the hand and the head unless the heart acts as mediator.” This expresses a Durkhemian view of society as an organism that can only function effectively if there is co-dependence and solidarity within the branches, a concept a Sciences Po student is all too familiar with. Therefore, by engaging in and allegorically incorporating elements of sociological discourse into their narratives, this showcases that films can encourage their audiences to relate the overarching themes to politics and to think reflexively about society and its struggles. When conceptually creating Metropolis, Lang was inspired by New York City, its role as a global center of capitalism then and now, as well as its Art Deco architecture. Yet, the similarities between Metropolis and New York City cannot simply be reduced to those of infrastructure. In our current world, cities are the most vivid representations of inequality. With slum areas and skyscrapers often located right next to each other, they continue to be home to a variety of people from different social classes and groups. They not only tend to be the most unequal places in a nation, but they can also be synecdoches of the larger inequalities within a macro society. According to an International Monetary Fund study, inequalities within cities are “expected to worsen” over the years. Similarly, the United Nations predicts that urbanization will increase to 68 percent by 2060. The dichotomous nature of Metropolis and the everlasting relevance of its message are thereby highly consequential when thinking about social problems posed within 21st-century cities across the world. Thus, although Metropolis’s vision of social structure is too binary and simplistic to accurately represent the complex and multifaceted inequalities that permeate our social order now, it is still a valuable model of elements of Marxist urban theory. Considering we are now living in a world where the disparities between the richest and the poorest are the greatest they have ever been, Metropolis’s scathing criticism of the social order and unrestrained capitalism is more relevant than ever. Analyzing Metropolis reveals a greater trend in the realm of science fiction, which is the trend of political critique. Whether it be Miyazaki’s Princess Mononoke, Neon Genesis Evangelion, Akira, or Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451, works of science fiction that posit a moral message are almost always shaped by contemporary events with socioeconomic implications. They are social commentaries that scrutinize certain ethical dilemmas. Fahrenheit 451, for instance, is concerned with the uncontrolled advent of technology and its intellectually-numbifying effect, whereas Neon Genesis Evangelion and Akira both allude to the post-Hiroshima and Nagasaki nuclear trauma embedded in the Japanese collective consciousness. This is what film critic Annette Kuhn refers to as the “cultural instrumentality” of science fiction, which she describes as the way in which “sci-fi movies relate to the social order through the mediation of ideologies'' and explore “society’s representations of itself in and for itself.” In this sense, it can be argued that science fiction holds a vital role of social analysis that renders it a fundamental part of what she calls the “collective psyche of the era”. Gene Roddenberry, the creator of Star Trek, neatly summarizes the purpose of science fiction with his own statement, "science fiction is a way of thinking, a way of logic that bypasses a lot of nonsense. It allows people to look directly at important subjects." In making a case for science fiction’s societal relevance, one might point out its relationship with social change and technological innovation. Creating fiction about science could, in fact, induce developments in the sphere of technology. Many developments in the fields of space travel, communication and transportation are said to have been motivated by science fiction. Notably, Martin Cooper – known for inventing the cell phone – credited Star Trek’s ‘communicator’ as its inspiration. This is an indication of science fiction’s endless ability to imagine. For activist Walidah Imarisha, it is a tool with which we can picture an idealized future, and the necessity of employing it lies in the fact that “we can’t build what we can’t imagine.” Science fiction can, therefore, be a source of hope for the future and the progress of humanity. Most importantly, science fiction is a reaction and a warning. By depicting a dystopian world of socially-segregated mega-cities, as in the case of Metropolis, or totalitarian states with groupthink and no individuality, as illustrated in Orwell’s 1984, science fiction often presents a future we wish to avoid. It even offers us some moral solutions, like revolution or reconciliation. Nowadays, it partakes in questioning the ethics of artificial intelligence and navigating the rapid advancements that mark our world. Science fiction’s ability to transcend popular culture and place itself in the center of moral discourse and social analysis is thus ubiquitous. Science fiction must not be fantastical and completely detached from human society. Rather, it can be deeply interwebbed in the major philosophical, sociological and economic debates. It can reflect social trends that are evolving and developing around us, while simultaneously expanding imagination and limits to contemplate what can be . It is our connection to ‘future’, hence why we must continue to heed its warnings about the calamities it may bring.

While news organizations grapple with industry shifts due to globalization and new technologies, journalists face more imminent danger while reporting conflict than ever.  < Back Changing Face of Foreign Correspondence as Journalist Deaths Skyrocket By Colette Yamashita Holcomb February 29, 2024 Western media publications and broadcasters have cut back on foreign correspondence since the late 1990s, including closing or downsizing their bureaus abroad due to economic pressures. While news organizations grapple with industry shifts due to globalization and new technologies, journalists face more imminent danger while reporting conflict than ever. Over 100 journalists have been killed in the Israel-Gaza war so far. The Palestinian Journalists Syndicate alleges Israel directly targeted 96 journalists, but exact numbers have yet to be confirmed. Covering war is already a dangerous task, but journalists in Gaza face exceptionally high risks covering the Israeli ground assaults, including airstrikes alongside food and medical supply shortages, power outages, and communication lapses. The president of the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Jodie Ginsberg, stated this war is the deadliest conflict for journalists they have recorded in over 30 years of their operation, especially because journalists are dying at such a high rate in such a short period. Human rights and press freedom organizations have also kept their eyes on Russia’s war on Ukraine. According to CPJ, at least 15 journalists were killed in Ukraine in 2022, with 13 confirmed to have been killed while reporting. Most journalists died in the early stages of the war, but three reporters and media workers were killed in 2023, including French cameraman Frédéric Leclerc-Imhoff in May 2023. Still, journalists face physical danger. Ukrainian, as well as other international journalists, are often injured by shelling, some also report that Russian forces have directly targeted them. One such reporter was the Wall Street Journal’s Evan Gershkovich, who has spent nearly a year detained by the Russian Federal Security Service. Despite his full press credentials from Russia's foreign ministry, the RFS detained him on espionage claims. A claim which Gershkovich, the Wall Street Journal, and the US government forcefully denied. Another significant change, particularly in the Gaza war, has been the emergence of social media documentation. As major media organizations are restricted from reporting directly in Gaza, local Palestinians have taken to these platforms to document the war. This real-time, unfiltered reporting has gained traction, especially on platforms such as Instagram and X, formerly known as Twitter. While foreign correspondents — particularly from Western countries — used to be the central source of information, people worldwide connect with these journalists and rely on their social media pages for updates. Some of these reporters in Gaza are now affiliated with certain media groups, but many have remained independent, such as Motaz Azaiza and Bisan Owda. While journalists have never been invincible, standards are evidently changing within these wars. This highlights a lack of respect for press credentials; what used to symbolize protection for journalists — such as wearing press designations on their jackets — is no longer a guarantee of safety for journalists. “If you wear your flak jacket [a protective vest that protects the body from shrapnel] and your helmet, you have the press logo, and you are moving with a car that has the TV logo, even all of that doesn't protect you,” said Nagham Mohanna, a Gaza-based reporter for The National. Meanwhile, Al Jazeera correspondent Youmna ElSayed told the Reuters Institute. “We got to the point where wearing our press vests seems like putting ourselves in danger. We’re afraid to wear them because we don't want to label ourselves as journalists.” In late October, Israeli officials informed international news organizations — including Reuters and Agence France Presse — that it cannot guarantee the safety of their journalists operating in the Gaza Strip. This statement occurred a little over a week after Israeli tank fire killed a Reuters visual journalist on the Lebanese border. This incident also injured six other reporters, including journalists from Agence France Presse and Al Jazeera. All reporters were wearing blue flak jackets and helmets, most with “PRESS” written on them in white letters. Collaborative investigations by Reuters, Agence France Presse, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International later concluded this was “likely a direct attack on civilians that must be investigated as a war crime.” Few international journalists have been able to enter Gaza without being embedded by the Israeli Defense Forces — meaning they are attached to military units during their reporting. In Russia, Western news organizations struggle with the harsh crackdown on free speech by President Vladimir V. Putin, leading many to pull correspondents from Moscow and suspend news reporting or broadcasting in Russia. This decision followed Putin’s censorship law, where journalists who described the war as a “war” could be sentenced to prison which effectively criminalizes independent journalism covering the invasion of Ukraine. Without authorization from Israel or Russia, journalists struggle to provide unbiased, consistent, and efficient coverage of the wars. These dramatic shifts in norms raise the question: what obligations do governments have to protect journalists, especially those who do not report for their country? According to international law, deliberately targeting journalists — whether with violence, unjust imprisonment, or torture — is a war crime. Journalists receive the full scope of protection granted to civilians and thus cannot be considered military targets. Still, it can be difficult to prove — especially in an area as condensed as Gaza — that strikes are always intentional. There is also an important distinction between the differences in protections for war correspondents who are formally authorized to accompany armed forces and journalists as outlined in the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols. Both are recognized as civilians, but only war correspondents are entitled to prisoner-of-war status, as they are granted the same legal status as armed forces members upon capture. In the evolving landscape of conflict journalism, the safety of journalists is increasingly compromised, evident in the staggering number of casualties during the Israel-Gaza war and Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The traditional protections associated with press credentials and designated attire have lost their efficacy, leaving journalists vulnerable to targeted attacks and imprisonment. Moreover, independent, on-the-ground reporting can leave reporters more vulnerable to attacks, wrongful detainment, and intimidation without representation from larger media organizations. These challenges faced by journalists raise urgent questions about the responsibilities of governments to safeguard those who strive to bring unbiased and essential information to the world amidst these changing dynamics.

“Iran is spoken here through a glorious culture (...) hidden under the heavy dust of politics.” To me, this quote exemplifies the importance of Iranian cinema: it is the brush that cleans the political dust off of Iran, giving a glimpse into the culture, the interactions of the people, the food, the scenery, the good and also the bad. < Back Diving Into Iranian Cinema By Sarina Soleymani February 28, 2023 At the 84th celebration of the Academy Awards in 2012, Asghar Farhadi — a renowned Iranian director — walked up on the stage to receive his award for best foreign film and give his acceptance speech. He expressed, “Iran is spoken here through a glorious culture (...) hidden under the heavy dust of politics.” To me, this quote exemplifies the importance of Iranian cinema: it is the brush that cleans the political dust off of Iran, giving a glimpse into the culture, the interactions of the people, the food, the scenery, the good and also the bad. Within these representations, we still find snippets of the real political context that Iranians live in. Yet this time, these depictions come from Iranian people, as opposed to Western or Islamic media, with ulterior motives behind the narratives they choose to display. Iran is truly exceptional when it comes to cinema, with numerous brilliantly creative figures that push their way into mainstream media. Let us take a quick dip into some of my cherished recommendations in this ocean-deep world of Iranian cinema. My favorite film of all time, and the first mention on this list, is Asghar Farhadi’s “A Separation.” Winning the previously mentioned Best Foreign Film Oscar in 2012 gave international recognition not only to Farhadi, who continued to win various awards for his subsequent motion pictures, but also to Iranian cinema as a whole. Farhadi’s work generally focuses on human complexities and the varying web of interactions between people that create delicate situations in which the characters are being challenged. He aims to show human vulnerability, underscoring that oftentimes there is not an obvious answer, a distinct good or bad. He carefully uses naturalist camera work to make the storyline more real, using simplistic techniques and camera angles to follow the characters. This characteristic sets him apart in the film industry. While all of his work, including “About Elly,” “The Salesman,” and “A Hero,” all deserve their spotlight, the one film that was genuinely above and beyond is, in my eyes, “A Separation.” With one of the most complex yet easy-to-follow storylines, “A Separation” commences with the divorce of two of the main characters: Nader and Simin. Simin wishes to leave the country with their daughter, while Nader needs to stay to care for his father, battling Alzheimer’s. Their situation complicates itself after Nader hires a caretaker for his father, a pregnant lady named Razieh, who comes from a religious and lower-class background. Following a misunderstanding, Razieh and Nader get into an explosive argument, causing Razieh to have a miscarriage resulting in a trial against Nader. Here, the two families become intertwined, and every sentence they say and every frame that precedes this moment gets examined to reveal the truth. We empathize with both sides of the story and become emotionally invested while appreciating the rationale behind their actions respectively. It uses a subtle technique to portray its message. It even gives an accurate glimpse into modern Tehran, the varying lifestyles and the socio-political and economic conditions of the people living there. It is truly a masterpiece in which every frame matters and is a remarkable stepping stone to entering the world of Iranian cinema. My next recommendation comes from an undoubtedly noteworthy Iranian director, Jafar Panahi. His films bravely express the voice of the Iranian people, their restrictions and the systems they are trapped in. His phenomenal work, dealing with much of the political will of the Iranian population, is often deemed a threat by the regime resulting in his six-year sentence in Evin prison and a ban from film-making. This ban, however, did not stop Panahi as he continued to publish works such as “This is Not a Film,” “Taxi,” or “No Bears,” which would move on to win international awards. Yet, the piece that I would like to shed light on is “Offside” (2006). Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, a strict practice forbade women from entering sports stadiums. The storyline follows six girls who, for various reasons, sneak into a football match dressed up as men. They each get caught, and we watch them spend the rest of the game in a detention section of the stadium before getting sent off to the police station accompanied by the men who detained them. The latter are young boys doing their mandatory military service and are thus forced to detain these girls even if they do not necessarily want to. What is so beautiful about his film is the humanization of these characters, the destigmatization of the people in Iran and how Panahi highlights that the people are not their government. The characters all end up bonding throughout the film: the girls and the military men befriend one another and show signs of mutual trust and care. By first commenting on the underlying hypocrisies and paradoxes within this law, Panahi uses football to comment on the society and Islamic regime, the restrictions it puts on the people and the people’s response to it. Here, the girls rebel even if they know the consequences, and the men comply, even if they do not wish to because they know the ramifications of disobeying. The ban on women in stadiums is a dominant issue in Iran, highlighting the discrimination in this gender apartheid regime. In 2019, Sahar Khodayari, unfortunately, set herself on fire after her trial in which she was prosecuted for entering a stadium. This ineffable outrage is depicted in films such as “Offside,” where one begins to understand the complex feelings of the people in this system. The film also subtly referenced Iranian social movements, including the White Hijab movement, where Iranian women would either wear a white hijab or take off their hijabs, generally on Wednesdays, to protest against the mandatory veil rule. This entrancing ended with the intriguing directorial choice of playing the old Iranian national anthem before the 1979 revolution while depicting the people’s celebration of the Iranian team winning the march and qualifying for the world cup. This was a strong yet subtle political statement, embodying the population’s disapproval of the regime even if they wish to celebrate their country’s win. This heart-wrenching and captivating story provokes smiles, laughs and tears in minutes and is certainly not a film to miss! On a more mundane and philosophical level, there is “Taste of Cherry” by Abbas Kiarostami. As one of the most renowned directors, Kiarostami set an important precedent for the film industry in Iran with several movies, including “Where is The Friends House?” or “Close Up.” He often depicts the Iranian countryside and uses his spectacular camera movements to illustrate its beauty. In this film, Kiarostami uses an intriguing storytelling technique where he keeps the main character a mystery. We know almost nothing of him, his family or his economic background. The extent of our knowledge is limited to his name, Mr. Badii, and that he is suicidal. Throughout the film, Mr. Badii takes a car stroll in the hills of Iran, picking up passengers who he hopes will carry out a job for him in exchange for money. He hopes to find someone who will go to where he wishes to be buried early in the morning and call his name twice. If he responds, that person will save him, take the money as a reward, and go back home. If he does not, that person should bury his body and take the money for themselves and return to their life. As he picks up these characters, they engage in conversations where they discuss the morality of suicide: the passengers try to discourage him using varying philosophies. The atypical storytelling is particularly compelling as it focuses on the concept and the message — brilliantly revealed in a plot twist that is communicated through just one sentence — as opposed to the main character and his reasons for wanting to commit this act. This film teaches us to appreciate the simple joys of life and highlights this with humble anecdotes and candid yet breathtaking camera shots portraying the scenery of Iran. Finally, a classic recommendation is the animation adaptation of Marjane Satrapi’s “Persepolis.” These delightful sketches give a historical overview of the Iranian revolution and the Iran-Iraq war, portraying a period of dramatic change in Iran through the eyes of the book’s author — Marji. It is astonishingly nostalgic, even relatable, despite being set in a different time frame. This authenticity is found through the transparency of Marji and her thoughts and feelings alongside the interactions she observes in her family and society at the larger level. Satrapi depicts how the revolution was transformed into something other than what it was intended and the uncertainties of the time. Persepolis is a digestible, genuine and open-minded account of Iranian history and culture, striving as an excellent starting point for those interested in grasping the Iranian perspective on these events. Artistic expression has always been central to preserving such a rich culture despite challenging conditions, and cinema does not fall short within this context. Indeed, these are just some of the many fascinating films in the kaleidoscope that is Iranian cinema that illustrates the reality of the Iranian experience.

Should the Knesset move forward with its proposal, it remains to be seen how the state’s diverse actors will reconcile their differences within a system that uniquely caters to a political majority that does not mirror the heterogeneity of Israeli society. < Back Is Netanyahu’s Supreme Court Proposal: Reform or Regime Change? By Magdalena Offenbeck January 31, 2023 Only weeks after its inauguration, Israel’s right-wing government under returning Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has set out to severely curtail the powers of the Israeli Supreme Court. The current legislative proposal by Justice Minister Yariv Lavin will revoke the influential Israeli Supreme Court’s veto rights on government legislation and regulation, and place the judicial appointment panel under government control. This has sent shockwaves through Israeli society which, as the countless failed coalitions in the last years have shown, is already deeply divided. On Jan. 14, 80,000 protesters took to the streets of Tel Aviv to demonstrate against what many consider a step to dismantle Israeli democracy. However, the controversy reflects a tale as old as democracy itself: the intrinsic tension between the counter-majoritarian mechanism of judicial review and the will of popularly elected representatives. Under the reform proposal, government bills could be struck down by the Supreme Court with only a majority of 80 percent of judges in a panel of 15. Even if the Court reaches this supermajority, the Knesset could re-legislate the bill for a period of four years with a simple majority of just 61 Knesset members — a figure lower than the number required to form a coalition government. After that four-year period, any newly elected coalition could re-legislate the statute, making it immune to further judicial review. Additionally, the government could appoint seven of the 11 members to the judicial appointment panel. This would de facto end any possibility of independent judicial review. Israel’s Supreme Court is known for its wide powers and active role in reviewing government legislation. It has historically taken a liberal stance on controversial issues such as Israeli citizenship and settlements in the West Bank and offered an effective counter mechanism to the ongoing shift to right-wing party dominance in the country. However, its mandate and legitimacy are far from unequivocal. Israel’s 1948 Declaration of Independence mandated the drafting of a national constitution; but this was never fulfilled. Instead, the Basic Law, 14 laws adopted since 1958, has served as a growing body of constitutionalism in Israel. Judicial review was only progressively constitutionalized. In 1995, famous ex-Chief Justice Aharon Barak fundamentally altered the balance of power by asserting in the landmark case “United Mizrahi Bank v. Migdal” that the lack of a constitution did not prevent constitutional supremacy. Instead, laws considered fundamental Basic Law enjoy the status of legal supremacy, and the Israeli Supreme Court has the power to adjudicate on the conformity of legislation within this hierarchy of norms. The Court has since used this power to apply controversial principles such as “reasonableness,” whereby it can invalidate government legislation if it finds it unreasonable. Barak has called the proposal “ the beginning of the end of the modern state of Israel ,” outlining that it would leave citizens defenseless against the abuse of their rights. In a lengthy televised interview shortly after the proposal’s announcement, Barak warned of a possible tyranny of the majority and emphasized the importance of a thick conception of democratic principles, including minority rights protection. His comments were met with severe criticism by Justice Minister Lavin, who, like Netanyahu himself, portrays the measure as essential to restore democracy. The coalition government has continuously portrayed the Supreme Court as an instrument of the left and illegitimate due to its power to trump the will of democratically elected lawmakers. In a Jan. 16 Tweet, Netanyahu stressed that his government will not be “deterred by the attacks of the left and the media.” In recent years, the rise of left-wing governments has seemed like a sheer impossibility and cleavages between the left and the right have deepened on all social issues. This is accompanied by an increasing personalization of political power whereby anti- and pro-Netanyahu have become synonyms for left and right-wing political orientations. To the current government coalition, the Supreme Court is a tool the left uses to exert the influence it has lost in democratic elections. The politicization of the Court by the Israeli right is reflected in the stark divide in public opinion. In a recent survey by The Israel Democracy Institute, 54% of participants “agreed that the Supreme Court should have the power to strike down laws passed in the Knesset which conflict with the Basic Laws of the State of Israel.” This view was held by 76% of secular Israelis, while only 15% of Haredi Israelis agreed with the statement. Party alignment shows similar divides. Among the most prominent left-wing parties, 85% of survey participants expressed their support for the Court. Netanyahu’s more religious political base opposed the Court’s prerogative by no less than 95%. At the core of the issue lies a question of democratic legitimacy that has preoccupied constitutionalists since the idea of judicial review was first conceived. Proponents of the Supreme Court, such as Aharon Barak, highlight the essentiality of Constitutional Courts in providing a counter-majoritarian mechanism in societies, especially those as deeply divided as Israel’s. The country’s multiparty system of proportional representation with low thresholds to enter the Knesset has always allowed for diverse representation. Nevertheless, it has also made it possible for right-wing coalitions to overpower minorities in the government. It has been the role of the Supreme Court to assess the conformity of these coalitions’ actions with basic rights and freedoms. Yet, the proposal is hailed by many as a return to true democracy. Reform proponents believe the Court has an overly powerful role in politics as it inherently lacks democratic legitimacy, allowing judges to push an agenda that is not necessarily representative of the right-wing political majority in the country. Those considering democracy as the mere fulfillment of the will of the voting majority have long seen the Court’s powers as undemocratic by nature. Due to its lack of clearly enumerated constitutional powers, the judiciary has been able to take on an increasingly active and powerful role, establishing principles such as “reasonableness” that can be subject to broad application and interpretation. An opinion column by David M. Weinberg, vice president of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security, reflects these beliefs. He sarcastically outlines that “‘Reasonableness’ is authoritarian jargon that allows High Court justices to elastically apply their own sensibilities to socially re-engineer Israeli society in their enlightened image.” These contradictory perspectives leave little room for compromise and conciliation. The dismantling of the Supreme Court is by far not the only issue in Israeli politics that has seen extreme division and polarization, but to many, it is the most fundamental one yet. Should Netanyahu’s coalition succeed and pass the bill by March as announced, the political power balance is set to change drastically. Many fear that the Supreme Court’s dismantling will unravel the already limited liberal influence in Israeli politics and install a tyranny of the majority. To others, it is the return of true democracy. Whatever perspective one takes, Israel is a special case. Few democracies are forced to accommodate social diversity to this degree. Should the Knesset move forward with its proposal, it remains to be seen how the state’s diverse actors will reconcile their differences within a system that uniquely caters to a political majority that does not mirror the heterogeneity of Israeli society.