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< Back Embedding Sustainability Constitutionally Maria Eirini Liodi January 31, 2025 A new amendment in the Cypriot Constitution has added Article 7A —the right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment. This comes after a series of important developments in the international legal realm in recent years. Such developments include the landmark case of KlimaSeniorinnen v Switzerland (ECtHR) , otherwise known as the Senior Women for Climate Protection case, where a group of elderly women sued the Swiss government, alleging that its insufficient climate action violated their rights under both the Swiss Constitution and the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The case was brought forth in 2016, with its final judgment coming in early 2024. The Court found that Switzerland indeed failed to comply with its positive obligations under the Convention concerning climate change, with important shortcomings in implementing a relevant action plan specifically regarding its carbon budget and greenhouse gas (GHG) emission limits. This comes with Switzerland’s failures to meet its past GHG emission reduction targets. This case is a fascinating example of the power of climate litigation as a tool allowing individuals or groups to hold governments and corporations accountable for inadequate climate policies. In the meantime, in October 2021 we saw the UN Human Rights Council recognizing the right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment after decades of advocacy from relevant civil society groups. The following year the UN General Assembly officially recognized this right, with 161 countries voting in favour and none against. This was another important milestone outlining that states ought to set climate protection and sustainability at the core of their priorities. Going back to the case of Cyprus, I have heard a few people dismissing the amendment as a mere formality in adherence to European standards/international standards. Although that is certainly part of the equation, this amendment goes beyond a formality. The first time I came across the topic was a few years ago with AKTI’s “ AdvocaCY ” project, where I was surprised to realize that the right to a safe and sustainable environment was not in fact recognized by many countries, including Cyprus at the time. I found this shocking, especially given the plethora of climate and sustainability-related issues the country faces. For one, waste management is a serious issue on the island—an issue Cyprus may face serious fines for if adequate actions are not implemented. Additional shortcomings were addressed by lawyer and human rights specialist Mr. Achilleas Demetriades in a discussion of the Senior Women for Climate Protection case last April. Amidst other things, he outlines how landmark cases such as this one, and progress in the recognition of a sustainable healthy environment as a human right, would be important on the topic of accountability in Cyprus. He also notes the hefty taxes and levies the state pays due to exceeding its emissions targets annually. While the exact numbers vary with Demetriades stating an approximation of 1 million euros a day in levies, and more recent articles arguing numbers approximating 165 million annually in 2021, one thing is certain: the consequences of inaction are as economic as they are environmental, and kicking the can down the road is unlikely to be beneficial. Recent Eurostat reports capture the harsh reality in Cyprus : electricity prices rank above the EU average for consumers, while for industry, Cyprus ranks the second most expensive in Europe, largely due to the taxes and levies it is faced with. So, why is this constitutional amendment relevant? As I have explored in previous pieces , the Cypriot government should place environmental protection at the core of its national strategy for several reasons: its location in the south-east Mediterranean, one of the most vulnerable regions to climate change, warming 20% faster than the global average; its divided status, which leaves nearly half the island exempt from EU environmental protection and sustainability policies; and its rampant development, which, without adequate sustainability projects, leaves the island increasingly susceptible to impacts of climate change. I will end with this—a constitution can be seen as “an attempt by a political community to express the fundamental rules and values of political life.” Beyond mapping out the legal foundations of the state, it outlines a system of checks and balances that aims to mirror the societal fabric of the country. What is a government saying to its people by enshrining the right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment? It marks this right as one that it will prioritize, as “the protection of the natural environment is an obligation of the state.” The difference this amendment brings, alongside pioneering cases in Europe, is that citizens can hold their governments accountable with regard to their actions or inaction. This recognition by the UNGA and the domestic integration in our Constitution reinforces citizens’ ability to defend their rights and the environment and opens new opportunities for legal activism where it is required. Photo credits: European Parliament, Flickr .

Eurocentrism, Brexit, and conservative populism have been increasingly popular conversation topics across continental Europe. The European Society of Menton discusses the implications of a rising far-right and secessionist sentiment. < Back Rising Euroscepticism in EU countries following Brexit: Will other countries leave the Union too? By Veronica Marcone and Barna Sólyom October 30, 2022 On June 23, 2016, the United Kingdom, then part of the European Union, held a referendum to vote on whether to leave the union. It resulted in a slight majority of the British population wishing to part ways with the continental collaboration, with precisely 51.89 percent of voters voting in favor of Brexit. The United Kingdom then officially separated from the union in 2020. Since then, other union members have grown fond of Euroscepticism, prompting the formation of internal political parties intending to follow the in the kingdom’s footsteps. Unlike the states in America, countries in the European Union lack a robust cultural identity which may negatively affect member states’ sense of belonging. Will this identity deficit cause other countries to walk away from the union, or will the economic and political benefits of membership be enough to convince the current nations to stay and work on building even stronger ties? According to Ankita Dutta, “The main reasons for the rise of Euroscepticism have been notions that integration weakens national sovereignty and the nation-state... The union is too bureaucratic and elite-driven... encourages high levels of migration... or is a neoliberal organization which benefits the business elite at the expense of the working class.” She explains that both sides of the political spectrum have reasons for their Euroscepticism, although it is more common among right-wing parties in union countries. The reasoning for such is based on the desire to preserve sovereignty and national identity. Despite being one of the countries that benefit the most from being part of the union, Germany is experiencing rising support for the right-wing Alternative für Deutschland party. Robert Grimm explains that the party’s argument for opposition to the Eurozone is the mounting tensions rooted in the separation between donor and debtor countries that the common currency brought. Since the end of the Second World War, Germany has been working on achieving long-lasting peace and rebuilding the economy; the Euro, according to former Chancellor Angela Merkel, is a necessary tool for maintaining peace. So, while it has been claimed that the Euro's employment brought serious economic drawbacks, it is still a guarantor of peace. Italy recently had elections that resulted in the victory of the center-right coalition, most of which have shared a somewhat anti-European stance in the past, which could move the country in a Eurosceptic direction. Nicolò Berti posits that an increasing number of Italians, especially following the pandemic, have seen the union as the cause of internal problems and that introducing the Euro in the country was detrimental to the economy. In 2020, the disapproval rate towards the union reached 42 percent, compared to just 26 percent two years prior. According to the above chart, Italy has the highest disapproval rate. Still, since 2020, the trend has slowly declined from 47 percent to 34 percent Germany, instead, follows the trends of the combined union countries, which have a consistent rate of under 30 percent for the past five years. The pandemic brought severe economic blows across the union, and this shared experience could have affected the trust people have in the union, both positively and negatively. The countries most affected by the pandemic could increasingly doubt the European project if they are not supported effectively. The more stable ones are tired of continuously offering their support to the former. This might cause the different country groups to gradually shift away from each other because of economic differences. According to the European Council on Foreign Relations, the pandemic's effect was mixed but tended towards a positive consolidating experience among the union's citizens. As shown in the chart, no one surveyed felt less European than before the pandemic despite the fluctuating collaboration between countries and the closure of all borders. It is then safe to conclude that, although right-wing parties have been spreading Euroscepticism among their citizens and proposing more nationalist stances, none of the member countries have had a dangerous increase in negative views of the union. The Anti-union propaganda brought around these countries has not reached an effective percentage to consider leaving as a viable option. As of now, all union countries will most likely not follow the steps of the Brits as citizens still believe that, despite many flaws, the union has brought more benefits than not within their country.

The rise to popularity of media set outside of the US created a gap for new works which happened to be produced by British and Irish creators and their coming of age stories. While having real world implications such as a shift in university preferences, this also allowed for a generation to realize that the dream of an American teenagehood was as unrealistic as it was unattainable. In their transition to adulthood, many can now better appreciate the coming of age experiences their—or neighboring—countries have to offer, and learn about a larger scope of history and culture. < Back Is Coming of Age Based on Geography? Melissa Çevikel December 31, 2024 I recently realized, after reading Tennis Lessons by British author Susannah Dickey, that I was very familiar with a lifestyle in a distant geography which I have never experienced. The narrator waiting for GCSE scores, attending an all girls Catholic school and celebrating at a pub after a long day of classes seems so dear and attainable despite never being experienced by me or by anyone I know. But what has changed from when the ultimate dream of any non-American teenager was to attend an American small town high school, be asked out for prom and homecoming and drive at the age of 15? Recently, media centering the “British Coming of Age” has become increasingly popular, with shows such as Skins resurfacing during early 2020s. The Irish coming of age has been dominating the media. Writers such as Sally Rooney and shows like Derry Girls gaining popularity have not only made the experience of being a teenager in Ireland more glamorized, but have also shone light on the Troubles, helping them become better understood and portrayed. What pieces of media have contributed to this shift in popularity, and what has helped them become the new young adult dream? I have a theory that the cycle of awe and amazement towards teenage experiences in different countries—for those living outside of the US, UK and Central European countries—happens in three stages, targeting specific age groups. This theory in no way applies to the current generations of pre-teens since televised media targeting this audience is no longer consumed as much as it was during the early 2010s. I would argue that this fascination first begins in one's pre-teen years, where the child is exposed to TV shows and movies mostly broadcasted on Disney Channel and Nickelodeon, featuring vibrant high school lives and diverse friend groups. Shows and movies such as High School Musical , Victorious and I-carly offered a slightly off-feeling transition to adolescence from childhood but also painted an image of a desirable and exciting high school experience which could only be achieved in the US. Decorated lockers, gym classes where everyone wore headbands and seemingly unhygienic and inconvenient lunch trays were not only high school experiences that foreign middle schoolers yearned to experience, but also glimpses of a foreign American life. During the adolescence of those born in early to mid 2000s , while Netflix was gaining popularity, TV shows such as Riverdale , 13 Reasons Why and the Vampire Diaries started to become household favorites. These series portrayed a side of the American high school experience that the aforementioned pieces of media did not, adding an element of mysticism and darkness to the small town American life. While more often than not having supernatural elements, they also spread a more realistic idea beyond the mysticism—that high school life was full of skipping classes, messy school fights and making out with insanely attractive people at house parties with red cups. Author John Green’s books were arguably the segway into this era even before they got turned into movies. The Fault in our Stars , Paper Towns , Looking for Alaska and Turtles All the Way Down were on almost every pre-teen girl's bookshelf and, for most, was the first introduction to mental illnesses and individuality complexes. Finally, in their later teen years, the same teenagers were exposed to American media such as Ladybird , Perks of Being a Wallflower and Edge of Seventeen . These were much less comedic compared to previous works targeting the audience and had much heavier philosophical and psychological undertones. These were not unexpected, since great literary American coming of age works such as The Catcher and the Rye and the Dead Poets Society had similar elements and predated them. They similarly tackled issues of coming of age but in an almost completely different world. I would argue that the release of Euphoria was what changed the narrative for American coming of age media, and the reason for that was how European and British-inspired the show was. Skins , the 2007 British TV show about Sixth Form students in Bristol was the pioneer for seemingly messy, disturbing and gory teenage media. Skins explored themes of drug abuse, sexual assault, teen pregnancy, homophobia and mental illness much more realistically and seriously than any U.S TV show with the same audience ever had. This was all done in a witty and psychedelic manner, without romanticizing the experience and rather showing the disgusting sides of all that was happening. None of the characters were particularly likable, but that didn’t stop many teenagers from glamorizing mentally ill and problematic characters such as Effy Stonem and Cassie, both of whom suffered from mental illnesses. Though presenting such characters to an impressionable audience was not the most pedagogical move, it was undeniably a much more realistic representation of the people one would meet during their high school years in a small town. Though Skins predated almost all of its American rivals, it was not until early 2020s that it started gaining popularity globally. This completely contrasted with the picture American TV shows had painted of the careless high school years with no consequences; it pushed producers to search for messier plot-lines which similarly handled heavy topics. Euphoria , motivated as such, tried to become the American Skins , with a larger emphasis on drug abuse. It was able to encapsulate a more realistic view of American life, similar to On My Block and Moonlight , but also missed the element of realism while portraying a high school experience completely. It was more successful than Skins in creating characters to whom one could relate but was unable to place them into the context of high school life. Before Skins , there was a strong stereotype of elite and poshness surrounding the coming of age experience in Britain held up by American movies like Wild Child , which presented private boarding schools with luxury uniforms and mandatory cricket lessons. On the other hand, Skins was the most extreme of the shows that were portraying the coming of age experience in Britain. It was nothing like what had been shown by the American media to be the said experience, and instead it offered the raw and angst lives of everyday teens. In the late 2010s, the media surrounding Ireland was much more popular than those surrounding Britain. Derry Girls for instance, was a 2018 sitcom that explored the lives of teenagers living in London-Derry, a city in Northern Ireland, during the 1990s amid the Troubles. The show was much less “messy” and did not hold the same emotional weight that Skins had, but nonetheless had a huge political element to it, which was what gave the show its depth. In addition, late 2010s were a time for 80s and 90s nostalgia in the media, with many American shows and movies such as Lady Bird , Call me by Your Name , Pen15 and I am Not Okay With This being set in that era. This nostalgia went beyond the US, and allowed for the creation of revolutionary shows for their respective countries such as Love101 in Turkey and Slova Patsana in Russia, which I could not avoid mentioning while on the topic of coming of age media. They changed the narrative of what TV shows could and could not discuss and explored the countries’ mostly untold pasts. Sally Rooney was a very influential author when it came to supporting the shift of popularity towards the British and Irish coming of age. With all her books set in Ireland, Sally Rooney almost created a new genre of novels—the scenery of which has now become all too familiar to her readers, such as Temple Bar and Trinity College. Her books dive deep into the lives of Irish young adults while discovering themes already conquered by authors such as John Green from a completely different and more mature perspective. This seemingly new genre filled the gap that arose during the transition from young adult books of authors such as John Green and general Wattpad novels, to “mature” literature which I cannot exactly put a finger on. Rooney offers a relatively light-hearted look on love lives and daily struggles of university students in their 20s, without lacking depth. It just so happened that these books were set in Ireland and not the U.S, which strengthened the romanticization of Ireland and Britain as a coming-of-age capital. Interestingly, Trinity College Dublin saw a 10% increase in their applications following the release of Normal People, further demonstrating how powerful this newly discovered coming of age media. Though not much of European media has had a global impact as influential as Skins or Normal People , the Norwegian show Skam had a popularity reign worth mentioning. Despite there being seven remakes , the original Skam was set in Norway and followed the lives of a high school friend group and dealt with themes such as teen pregnancy, drug abuse and Islamophobia. It had fights, club scenes and breakdowns, all of which largely resembled Skins . It had unique elements that Skins had missed to incorporate, such as sensitivity towards the themes that had been discussed and the deterrence of them. In my opinion, there are three stages of televised media consumption in adolescence, and those set in Britain and Ireland can be categorized under the fourth stage. While media produced for pre-teen and early teen years is largely based on the glamorization of the American high school experience, the third stage shifts the tides. This stage is the stage with the largest variety of media consumption options, being the stage of transition from teenage years to adulthood. While there are certain pieces still set in the US, it is much more global. As mentioned earlier, the rise to popularity of media set outside of the US created a gap for new works which happened to be produced by British and Irish creators and their coming of age stories. While having real world implications such as a shift in university preferences, this also allowed for a generation to realize that the dream of an American teenage-hood was as unrealistic as it was unattainable. In their transition to adulthood, many can now better appreciate the coming of age experiences their—or neighboring—countries have to offer, and learn about a larger scope of history and culture.

< Back European Asylum Overhaul Nears Finish Line By Yasmin Abbasoy December 31, 2023 Touted as a “historic” resolution to years of contention among Member States, the European Commission’s New Pact on Asylum and Migration has been the subject of controversy regarding the changes proposed to the procedure followed at European borders. The planned changes have been widely criticized, and non-governmental organizations have warned they could lead to a crumbling of human rights and the solidification of dangerous and often excessive practices at the borders Negotiations on the pact, proposed by European Commission President, Ursula Von Der Leyen, almost three years ago, are reported to be in their final stages. On the heels of a characteristically prolonged period of conciliation between European institutions, officials have made their intentions of finalizing the content of the pact before the new year. It has become a priority to push the pact through before the upcoming European elections in the summer of 2024. The pact is composed of five principal pieces of legislation which collectively aim to define and present a coherent legal framework outlining the measures to be taken in ordinary and extraordinary situations at the external borders of the Union. By formalizing procedures to be followed in the event of unusual pressure at the borders, the pact is envisioned to put an end to the autonomous and uninhibited responses of states to the increasingly common phenomena of border crises. It will also provide some relief to so-called frontline countries, whose national borders form the external borders of the Union and who must evidently bear the brunt of new arrivals. These nations have thus been the most vocal in their support of migration reform to reduce the perceived inequalities with regards specifically to the distribution of migrants across the 27 member states. The “Screening Regulation” envisions a 5-day screening procedure to be imposed on all people on the move who enter the territory of the Union irregularly. During the course of this procedure, national authorities will collect biometric information and perform security and vulnerability checks. This preliminary inspection of the migrant’s profile will, in theory, allow for more accurate decision making as the asylum process continues. The data collected will be stored in the European Dactyloscopy database, which is used to keep track of and verify the identity of those who submit asylum requests. The prospects of this regulation in light of the constantly shifting migratory fluxes remain grim. However, the amount of time allowed for the procedure (extended to 10 days in the event of a “massive influx”) is more likely to lead to an increase in time spent in detention centers, waiting for a screening, rather than a well-functioning procedure. Furthermore, the fast-tracked procedure casts doubt on the ability of officials to correctly determine vulnerabilities or security risks and provide the necessary support. Alarmingly, all screening procedures will take place under what is called the “legal fiction of non-entry,” which establishes a difference between the physical border and the legal one. While they may have crossed the physical border, migrants are not considered to have entered the territory of the Member State until their presence is established and validated by a border official, which is the end-result of the screening procedure. As a result, they have crossed the ‘legal border’ and can now be considered as within the territory of the European Union. The European Council on Refugees and Exiles comments that in practice, this creates a transitory space of diminished protections, where Member States can potentially derogate from ensuring the rights that they would otherwise be compelled to if the migrant were to be inside their territory legally. This space is essential for the increased efficiency of border procedures, as it is the part of the justification used to impose limitations on movement, such as in detention centers, and increased observation on migrants. After undergoing the screening procedure, migrants seeking asylum will be directed to one of two channels: normal asylum procedures, or the newly-introduced accelerated procedures, also termed border procedures. The border procedure applies to those applicants who are perceived to present more of a risk – those who have provided incorrect personal information, or that come from countries from which more than 20 percent of asylum applications were rejected. These asylum seekers may be detained for a period of up to 12 weeks, after which authorities will be granted a further 12 weeks to deport applicants in case of a rejection. In the common case where returning the migrant is not possible in this timeframe, the return regulation allows for up to 6 months of detention pending an impending deportation. The allowance for this extended period of detention would see migrants spend months in detention facilities and closed camps, which have until now proved to be ill-equipped to manage even their current load: inadequate access to shelter, food, and water are constantly reported at camps including in the frontline country of Greece. The border procedure also takes place within the context of the aforementioned legal fiction: access to free legal aid, usually taking the form of further explanation of the asylum procedure and work on the potential and viability of appeal procedures, is not guaranteed by the pact, and the filing of an appeal does not inhibit the return procedure. This means that a person could be deported outside of the country while the appeal to a rejection is actively being processed. The border procedure, then, creates a hierarchy among asylum-seekers, based on not only their actual and potential behavior but immutable characteristics such as ethnicity. It risks generalizing the nationals of a particular nation to such an extent that the asylum procedure, meant to provide protection to the vulnerable, loses meaning and effectiveness. The legislation introduced for the benefit of frontline countries is one of forced solidarity: when a frontline country declares itself to be in a state of migratory crisis, other member states must either relocate some migrants to their own territories or provide monetary support to the country undergoing the crisis. Tellingly, the European Commission has continuously stressed that payments made to the “solidarity pool” (which amount to 20, 000 euros per individual migrant) will exclude member states from having to relocate migrants to their own territory. There is no proposed guidance for the apportionment of the money, and thus no guarantee that it would be spent on bettering the experience of asylum seekers rather than strengthening border control mechanisms which would only serve to keep more people out. The single most contentious segment of the pact is the proposed Crisis Regulation. This regulation, which comes into effect only during a “migratory crisis” or a major unforeseen event, allows member states to derogate from standard asylum procedures. The length of border procedures, and thus the length of potential detention, could be extended by a period of 8 weeks, and parameters for directing asylum seekers to the border procedure could be loosened. The terms which form the cornerstone of this part of the regulation, crisis and force majeure, are not clearly defined. This leads to a situation where member states are incentivised to adopt a loose definition of crisis in order to more effectively create optimal conditions for their own goals, thus normalizing derogation from European Union law as a valid response to events that may or may not be considered “emergencies.” Non-governmental organizations such as Amnesty International have strongly criticized the pact, with Director of the European Union office, Eva Geddie, commenting that “This agreement risks leaving people stranded, detained or destitute along Europe’s borders and will do nothing to improve the protection of asylum seekers in the EU.” in response to an agreement on the crisis regulation reached in October, while Human Rights Watch has stated that the pact will do nothing but increase suffering at the borders. In the European parliament, the Left party has consistently advocated centering the rights of asylum seekers, with member of parliament, Cornelia Ernst, referring to the pact as “making a bad situation orders of magnitude worse.” The European Commission's New Pact on Asylum and Migration, aimed at resolving long standing disputes, faces significant criticism for its proposed border procedure changes. Concerns about potential human rights erosion, disproportionate practices, and procedural complexities persist. As negotiations near completion, the pact's impact on the rights and well-being of asylum seekers remains a contentious issue, drawing attention from both NGOs and within the European Parliament. The coming months will reveal whether these concerns are addressed in any meaningful way or if the pact proceeds despite the raised objections.

< Back Queen Elizabeth II Dies Leaving the World To Mourn, Marvel or Celebrate By Leo Gerza September 26, 2022 “The Queen died peacefully at Balmoral this afternoon.” On Thursday, the 8 of Sept. 2022, this message rippled throughout the world as we learned of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II’s death, marking not only the culmination of the longest reigning monarch in British history but also reminding us of the unique role she served for 70 years. In many ways, the Queen came to represent a constant in a rapidly changing world. She brought duty and service to her role and provided resolve throughout decades of domestic political and economic turmoil, which signified Britain’s ever-declining global importance. Beyond the island’s coastline, the Queen also observed an exodus of former colonial states as they claimed independence and oversaw the continuation of the Commonwealth, a moderated alternative to British subjugation. The endurance of the Queen’s reign also meant the persistence of the monarchical institution and, with that, the memory of colonial times for many of the citizens living in former colonies. The Queen’s death will resonate differently with everyone in the diverse Menton community : there will be those who could not care less; some will no doubt have been struck by sadness; others may have been in awe at the significance of her reign; and, of course, many will be reminded of the pain and suffering upon which the British monarchy’s power and global prominence were built. Thus, this article will strive to reflect on the Queen’s reign by celebrating Her Majesty’s role in becoming a fundamental aspect of British identity and exploring the facets of her reign within the Commonwealth and on the international stage. Domestically, it is difficult to imagine a more definitive and iconic figure than the Queen. She modernized the relationship between monarch and subject, and her apolitical existence raised a reassuring curtain around a nation increasingly fraught with polarizing politics. Her connection with and affection toward the public began before her ascension to the throne. Her 1940 Wartime Broadcast instilled comfort in the nation’s young children who were forced to leave their families for the countryside. “We know, everyone of us, that in the end all will be well; for God will care for us and give us victory and peace. And when peace comes, remember it will be for us, the children of today, to make the world of tomorrow a better and happier place.” The Queen, Wartime Broadcast 1940 She hinted toward her future decades of duty by staying in England during WWII and serving as a mechanic in the Auxiliary Territorial Services (ATS), endearing her to the nation and demonstrating that, even though her life could not be more different from that of the ordinary citizen, she was prepared to bridge the connection between monarch and subject. This rapprochement between monarch and subject manifested itself in the first-ever televised coronation – during the Queen’s accession to the crown – but also in times when it seemed that controversy had taken the monarchy to the brink of redundancy. During the calamity following Princess Diana’s death in 1997, the Queen broke protocol by making an exceedingly rare address to the nation. Her message underscored how deeply she understood the grief of the people mourning the loss of perhaps the only royal figure more popular than herself. “We have all been trying in our different ways to cope. It is not easy to express a sense of loss since the initial shock is often succeeded by a mixture of other feelings: disbelief, incomprehension, anger - and concern for those who remain. We have all felt those emotions in these last few days. So what I say to you now, as your Queen and as a grandmother, I say from my heart.” The Queen’s message to the nation following Princess Diana’s death in 1997. Even though many will point out that such examples are normal human instincts for empathy, it is crucial to recognize how such actions departed from the Victorian custom of existing as far removed from the public as possible. Despite all her faults, the Queen provided Britain with continuity during a period when it experienced immense social, economic and political change. Her absolute sense of duty supplied motherly refuge in moments of critical uncertainty for Britain. Her address to the nation amidst the COVID-19 pandemic exemplified how, to some, she became a source of hope and connection in times when reality demanded distance. “We should take comfort that while we may have more still to endure, better days will return: we will be with our friends again; we will be with our families again; we will meet again. The Queen, address to the nation during the COVID-19 pandemic 2020. Internationally, the Queen aided Britain in maintaining an outsized relevance in international relations. Though Britain’s share of global trade and economic power has waned, its clout on the international stage remains fairly high. According to the Washington Post, soft power and the power of attraction have been vital boosts for British foreign policy. After all, many American presidents have claimed that their most treasured memory in office was the opportunity to meet the Queen of England. Former Prime Minister David Cameron even attributed his warm relationship with President Obama to the successes of the Queen during their state visit in 2011. “The Queen and the Royal Family have been pivotal in maintaining the nation’s relevance.” Brand Finance, 2020 Global Soft Power Index . Departing from the Queen’s impact within Britain, examining the bloodstains of colonialism that trail her death is vital. In many countries whose history intertwines with Britain’s, reluctance to mourn the Queen demonstrates the complexity and pain that her legacy – colonialism – leaves behind. After all, the capacity of the Queen’s death to engulf so much attention is partially owed to the vast areas of the world that colonialism and the British Empire impacted. It is also true that the tragedies of colonialism were not events overseen exclusively by the Queen’s predecessors. The Queen herself supervised a government that acted brutally and immorally at the tail end of its lifespan as an empire. Several months after her ascension to the throne, British authorities in Kenya responded to the Mau Mau rebellion by means of torture and assault. It is estimated that by 1956 up to 150,000 Kenyans were held in detainment camps aiming to forcefully reform its internees to the views of the government and “abandon their nationalist aspirations.” According to the New York Times, this event “led to the establishment of a vast system of detention camps and the torture, rape, castration and killing of tens of thousands of people.” “It’s her dual status as the face of colonialism, but also a symbol of decolonization that defines how she is perceived in many former British African colonies.” Moses Ochonu, professor of African studies at Vanderbilt University to NPR. For many people, the Queen was also the face of the British Empire’s pilferage: many of the monarchy’s jewels were not returned to their homelands, such as the Koh-i-Nor or Cullinan diamonds, belonging originally to India and South Africa, respectively. To this end, separating the individual from the institution and its history seems impossible. Yet, as leader of the Commonwealth, the Queen oversaw 17 former colonies become independent. Today, the Commonwealth includes a third of the world’s population, a fifth of its territorial mass and a third of its waters. The Queen worked tirelessly to maintain the Commonwealth and modernize its values. Her success has materialized in the membership of new states such as Mozambique in 2005 and Gabon and Togo in 2022, former Portuguese and French colonies, respectively. In the same way that it is possible to consider the Queen’s legacy tied to British colonialism, it is also possible to acknowledge the vast decolonization that her reign oversaw. Ultimately, the Queen’s refusal to apologize explicitly for the traumas of colonialism, even as the world turns the lamp toward the darkness of colonialism, means that her death should not absolve her of her failures. It is deservedly so that her legacy of service to Britain will forever be wrapped together with the pain of colonialism and the British Empire. However, it is still worth taking a moment to awe at the endurance of her reign and the sense of duty that she brought to her role.

At the end of the day, the issue of migration should not be one of big theories and political instrumentalization, but one about the migrants themselves, and how and why there is immigration in Europe. We must recentralize the discourse of migration on the personal stories of migrants. < Back Ella Waja Bou Ntoute, Tey Deguelou Bou Barey By Elian Jorand “ Let us think about it: the Mediterranean has become Europe’s largest cemetery.” With these bleak few words, Pope Francis in Marseille succinctly summarized the current state of migration in the Mediterranean Sea. According to the United Nations, since the beginning of 2023, there have been 186,951 sea arrivals on the continent and 2,517 deaths. On average, in 2023, 11 children die per week attempting to reach the northern shore of the Mediterranean. This summer alone, nearly 1000 people died. Amidst such tragedy, European opinion has been sharply divided. The instrumentalization of migration to achieve political aims has created a national ‘macro-debate’, an obsession for the public about migration and the big consequences such a process carries. The far right and neo-fascist parties form a spurious front against an ‘invasion’, threatening the tradition and customs of old Europe. Opposing the far right,those who call for uncompromising humanity and solidarity with those in need, welcoming migrants and helping them on their trek across Europe. Both sides generate substantial public debate, with far-fetched theories such the “ Grand Remplacement ” popularized by Eric Zemmour, or the left parties pushing forward with humanitarian and anti-racist policies. Today, 75 percent of French people are in favor of a public referendum to decide on a national migration policy. However, with the current political atmosphere, we must be able to rise above the noise and tribulations and pay attention to what is important. At the end of the day, the issue of migration should not be one of big theories and political instrumentalization, but one about the migrants themselves, and how and why there is immigration in Europe. We must recentralize the discourse of migration on the personal stories of migrants. During my travels in West Africa, stories of migration came to be of regular occurrences — the youth trying to escape the lack of opportunity in Africa for Europe, in the hope of a ‘better life.’ I remember a distinct conversation with a friend and her family in an old West African style “ dibiterie ” in Saint-Louis. While eating a yassa, Leila talked about her hopes of leaving Senegal to pursue her education in a business school in Nancy, France. She spoke fondly about how this opportunity would allow her to get her dream job and lead the life she had always aspired to have. Yet, this was now only a dream, since her visa application to enter France had been rejected. Leila is only one among thousands of people immigrating out of Africa with the hope of a better life in Europe, whether their expectations are true or false. When they are denied the opportunity, people are often forced to go about it in an unofficial and dangerous way. The case of Senegal clearly demonstrates this. Hailed as a bastion of democracy and stability in a continent riddled with political insecurity, Senegal is nonetheless one of the countries which generates the most migrants from West Africa, with 25,000 people emigrating outside of the country, compared to only 12,000 people from neighboring war-torn Mali. Poverty, amongst other factors, is a primary driver for migration. Looking at the different factors and theories, whether important or completely absurd, helps us understand the process in relation to the different actors. However, such a political approach dehumanizes a very human process. Migration is a fundamental process for humanity. Our story, that of the human species, started precisely with a worldwide migration. We must bring back this humanity to the process of migration. Stories like Leila’s are true for many thousand other humans, each one with their own specifications, making their story of migration unique. If we are to find a solution to migration, one of balance between migrants and host-nations, we must change our current approach which has only led to hate and death for the many actors. We must move away from big characterization and systematic categorization, and instead take a more humane approach, however hard that may be. Only when we take the steps towards understanding the stories behind migration, the reasons, the causes and the motivations, will we be able to tackle the issue. Now that the talking has taken place, and in the hope of finding a solution, we must listen to these stories.

< Back Menton Hosts the 89th Edition of the Lemon Festival By Catarina Vita March 31, 2023 From Feb. 11 to 26, our once-deserted “lemon town” became packed with tourists from all over the world to attend Menton’s renowned Fête du Citron. Composed of parades (called corsos) from the train station to Place St. Roch, endless lemon-themed souvenirs and even 30-euro NFTs on sale , Menton’s Lemon Festival brought over 250,000 people to the small town . To Menton’s economy and tourism, this annualfestivity is crucial. The 89th edition of the Fête du Citron was themed rock and opera, with the mascot being John Lemon — a pun for John Lennon, the famous member of the Beatles and rock singer. The majestic lemon structures at Jardin Biovès all resemble rock and opera singers, and every Thursday during the festival, a parade stopped the city and displayed even more lemon-made structures and rock and opera music. According to Marinella Giardina, the tourism assistant to the mayor of Menton, in an interview with France Bleu , “a rock lemon is a lemon filled with vitamins and bananas and invites you to bite into life with certainty.” With this statement, Giardina means that the 89th Fête du Citron and its symbolic lemon will not be bitter but sweet and inviting to participate in. It is no exaggeration that the weekly corsos during the Lemon Festival paralyzed Menton. Mayor Yves Juhel, speaking to France3 Provence-Alpes-Côte-D’Azur , confirmed that over 100,000 people bought tickets to watch the festival. These presentations ended at 23:15, and since the trains back to other cities in the Côte D’Azur line end not long after 21:00, the Mayor encouraged bus networks to supplement train services. In 1896, the first edition of the Fête du Citron began. Hotel workers suggested a parade to draw visitors to Menton during the wintertime. This idea attracted not only high-profile visitors, such as Queen Victoria but the citizens of Menton as well. From 1896 to 1929, the parade continued, but without the famous citron as its main character. As 1929 approached, Menton led the production of lemons in the region, and hotel workers from Hotel Riviera organized a parade of citrus flowers and fruits throughout Menton. In 1934, the Fête du Citron became an annual tradition. It is undeniable that the festival is crucial for the Mentonese economy. According to BFM Côte D’Azur , a local Italian shop and restaurant, Pasta Piemonte, which sells ravioli with Menton lemon filling, reported selling eighty kilos of their delicacy. The shop owner also said that their orders are concentrated on corso days, especially because their location is close to Jardin Biovès, and hence close to the lemon-made statues. A local hotel was also reported to have a 100% occupancy rate during the Fête du Citron. Tutti Frutti, a Michelin-starred ice cream parlor, was closed in Menton since late October, and reopened due to the Lemon Festival, which has brought in massive queues. Frank Devergranne, interviewed by France3 Provence-Alpes-Côte-D’Azur as a member of the Menton’s hôteliers union, reported an approximate 50% growth in hotel performance. He also considered the economic concern for hotel workers in Menton during quarantine and winter time and how this year’s Fête du Citron was “a big gulp of oxygen” for their revenues. Small touristic train-like cars circulate Menton during the day times of the Lemon Festival, which gives temporary driving jobs to people in need. The promotion of dance, music and art for workers in the creative field is highlighted in the Lemon Festival, which makes the event a valuable opportunity for those working in the industry. Considering the passion the Mentonese government and the Côte D’Azur has for the annual Fête du Citron, the theme for its 90th edition is already established: the Olympics from ancient history to the present. The year 2024 will also be when Paris hosts the Olympic games, which will only further bolster French tourism. Nonetheless, the surface area of Menton is a humble 14.05 kilometers squared, and harboring more than 250,000 people is challenging, especially with its infinite staircases and narrow streets. For future events to come, the city is hopeful that the Mentonese government considers this factor and develops strategies to prevent the city from overcrowding. Obvious environmental factors come with the Fête du Citron, such as tourists polluting the streets and wasting food and material. As the Festival comes to an end, lemon peels and paper confetti are found scattered in the Basilica stairs and in the Mentonese narrow streets. To make this event even more prosperous for Menton itself and its citizens’ well-being, the government can deliberate strategies for the sustainability of the Lemon Festival.

< Back Central Mediterranean Sea Rescue Sparks Heated Debate in European Union By Sophia Rottman January 31, 2023 Although various member countries tried to strengthen their borders, the number of migrants to the European Union increased by 68 percent in 2022 — the largest yearly increase since 2016. The major migration paths to Europe are through the Eastern Land Border, the Western Balkans, the Eastern Mediterranean, the Central Mediterranean, the Western Mediterranean and the Western African route. While the Western Balkans route records the highest number of entries to the European Union, the Central Mediterranean passage continues to take the most lives. The journey was fatal for 2,000 people in 2022, not including any unrecorded deaths. At the beginning of November 2022, France and Italy were at odds over an NGO-operated rescue ship, the Ocean Viking. Closest to the Italian shoreline, the Ocean Viking originally asked for a safe port in Italy. The Italian government would not relent, and the vessel, NGO staff and 234 migrants spent weeks at sea in the Mediterranean. The French government argued that Italy was responsible for offering a safe port according to international maritime law. Realizing Italy was unlikely to help, France allowed the boat to dock in Toulon. French Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin called Italy’s behavior “incomprehensible” and that it “lacked humanity.” For Italy, the Ocean Viking was just one part of what the government sees as a much larger problem: increasing migration at a rate disproportionate to other Central Mediterranean countries. From January to mid-December 2022, Italy received 102,000 migrants through the Central Mediterranean, a drastic increase from 67,000 in 2021. Italy’s Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani said the country wants “an agreement to establish on the basis of population, how migrants with a right to asylum are relocated to various countries.” However, Italy is not the only European Mediterranean country turning away migrants rescued at sea. In September 2022, Malta’s Rescue Coordination Centre (RCC) sent a merchant vessel that had rescued 23 migrants in the country’s search and rescue zone to Egypt. The Shimanami Queen was 159 nautical miles from Malta and 146 from Italy. Egypt was 760 nautical miles away. The RCC of Malta ordered merchant vessels near the endangered migrants at sea to stick to their planned route or await further instruction — a practice that Sea-Watch, Alarm Phone, Mediterranea Saving Humans and Doctors Without Borders argue the country frequently uses to prevent migrant arrivals. On June 22, 2022, eighteen European Union countries and three others announced their agreement upon the Voluntary Solidarity Mechanism, a provisional response to migration in the Mediterranean member states. Based on GDP and population, the mechanism would reallocate asylum seekers to a new member state after registration in the country of initial arrival. Countries that would not accept reallocation would provide financial or border control support. France and Italy signed while non-signatories include Poland, Denmark and Sweden. Within five months, the new agreement would be threatened. Following the diplomatic stand-off over the Ocean Viking, in mid-November, France increased its border control with Italy. The country announced it would send 500 more officers to ten Franco-Italian border crossing points and was withdrawing from the solidarity mechanism, reneging on its offer to take in 3,000 migrants from Italy. Around the same time, a joint statement from Greece, Malta, Cyprus and Italy called for the solidarity mechanism to transition from voluntary to mandatory status. On Nov. 21, 2022, the European Commission published an Action Plan on the Central Mediterranean, proposing 20 reforms to mediate the troublesome Central Mediterranean migration route. Various NGOs have criticized the plan for merely repeating past mistakes. Catherine Woollard, the director of the European Council on Refugees and Exiles, said that the plan “focus[es] on the responsibilities of the non-European states on the other side of the Med[iterranean]” and that the “first priority for Europe should be agreements within Europe.” At the end of 2022, the Italian government issued a new decree addressing civil sea rescue. Under the decree, if rescue ships do not immediately leave the search and rescue zone after their first rescue and move to their assigned safe port without delay, they will suffer harsh consequences, including fines of up to 50,000 Euros and vessel confiscation. Additionally, the Italian government had already begun assigning farther locations as safe ports to decrease rescue ships’ time in the rescue zone. Sea-Watch argues that if a captain does not try to rescue other people in danger, they are violating their duty to rescue in international law. The Union border agency Frontex informs Libya’s coast guard of migrant boats using GPS data, enabling their return of 23,000 migrants to Libya in 2022. Human Rights Watch warns that Europe is “complicit in the abuse” of people in Libyan camps and Doctors Without Borders asserts that Libya does not meet the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ guidelines of a safe port. Doctors Without Borders has publicly requested a European state Mediterranean search and rescue system and a better migrant distribution mechanism in the European Union. Largescale migration to Europe through the Central Mediterranean is unlikely to stop anytime soon. Without reform to Mediterranean rescue systems and a united stance in the European Union on how to alleviate member states unequally pressured by increasing migrant arrivals, prolonged and unnecessary suffering at sea is likely to continue.

On November 8, 2022, over 100 million Americans will head to the polls to vote for congressional, gubernatorial, state, and local candidates in what could be one of the most consequential elections in recent history. < Back United States Midterms 2022: Races to Watch By Peyton Dashiell October 31, 2022 On November 8, 2022, over 100 million Americans will head to the polls to vote for congressional, gubernatorial, state, and local candidates in what could be one of the most consequential elections in recent history. Democrats hold a delicate congressional majority — 48 Senate seats are occupied by Democrats, with Independents Bernie Sanders (I-Vermont) and Angus King (I-Maine) typically voting with Democrats and Vice President Kamala Harris serving as the tiebreaker in contentious party line votes. The House of Representatives has a slightly larger majority with 221 Democrats and 209 Republicans, but it could still be easily upset as every seat faces re-election. Voters have a wide range of issues to consider as they fill out their ballots. Republicans may see a boost in the polls as the Biden administration deals with economic troubles — the annual inflation rate hit a 40-year high of 9.1 percent in June, and corresponding interest rate hikes will soon make it more expensive for Americans to purchase homes and take out loans. However, the aggressive social agenda of the Republican party could push centrist and moderate Republican voters to the left or third-party candidates. In June, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade , ruling that abortion is not a constitutionally protected right and sparking a frenzy of abortion bans and restrictions in conservative states. In Texas and West Virginia, recent “trigger laws” have rendered abortion completely illegal — exceptions for rape, incest, and medical emergencies are only accepted in West Virginia and only until the eighth week of pregnancy. Additionally, immigration issues have risen to prominence in national dialogue — the governors of Texas and Arizona have sent large groups of migrants by bus to New York, Washington, D.C., and Martha’s Vineyard despite limited resources for migrant intake. As election day approaches, here are some races that could spark partisan turmoil, recalibrate foreign policy relationships or lead to a generational shift in Congress. Congress FL-10 In Florida’s 10th congressional district, covering most of the Orlando metropolitan area, Maxwell Frost gained the Democratic primary nomination in early August. Frost, a 25-year-old progressive activist and former national director of March for Our Lives, will become the first Gen Z member of Congress if he wins the general election. FL-10 is a heavily Democratic district, with 203,000 registered Democrats and 100,000 registered Republicans, and Frost can expect a victory over opponent Calvin Wimbush barring an unprecedented upset. Frost garnered national attention this summer for confronting Florida governor Ron DeSantis with an emotional plea on gun violence during a DeSantis event in Orlando. Frost’s ambitious policy platform includes support for the Green New Deal, a single-payer healthcare system, extensive gun control, decriminalized drug use, and a “future without prison.” MI-11 In August, Representative Haley Stevens narrowly defeated incumbent Representative Andy Levin in a controversial primary that could impact the relationship between the United States and Israel. Representative Stevens received over $4 million in campaign funding from the United Democracy Project, a super political action committee run by the political action wing of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Despite Levin identifying a “lifelong Zionist,” former AIPAC president David Victor labeled him as “arguably the most corrosive member of Congress to the US-Israel relationship” due to Levin’s past legislative efforts regarding Israel. In 2021, Levin introduced the “Two-State Solution Act,” which outlined concrete steps the US should take in pursuit of a two-state solution, including recognizing the West Bank and Gaza as occupied territories and ensuring that US defense funding to Israel is not used to establish settlements in the West Bank. While foreign policy is not at the center of Stevens’ platform, her support for the US-Israel relationship will likely be less conditional than Levin’s. NM-2 In New Mexico’s 2nd district, incumbent Representative Yvette Herrell faces Democrat Gabe Vasquez in a race that could redefine energy policy in the United States’ largest oilfield, the Permian Basin. Since taking office in 2020, Herrell has been a staunch supporter of the fossil fuel industry and voted to restrict government regulation of fossil fuel extraction. Additionally, she has overseen New Mexico’s “Safer and Stronger” public relations campaign, which reminds the public that $700 million in funding for the state’s public school system comes from the oil and gas industry — around 20 percent of total education spending. On the other hand, Vasquez supports a “pragmatic” approach to the fossil fuel industry, balancing government regulation and alternative clean energy sources to mitigate adverse environmental impacts. The Permian Basin produces five million barrels of oil per day, around half of the total US supply, and has deep underground reserves that remain undeveloped. FL Senate Three weeks before the election, incumbent Senator Marco Rubio leads Democrat Val Demings by just two points. Demings, former Orlando police chief and Congresswoman in Florida’s 10th district, has consistently out-fundraised Rubio, more than doubling his donations in the second quarter of 2022. While in the House of Representatives, Demings helped manage Donald Trump’s impeachment trial, served on the Judiciary and Homeland Security committees, and recently passed the VICTIM Act — a bipartisan bill to increase local police force funding to solve homicides and gun crime. Florida, often referred to as a swing state, has seen an increase in conservative voters over the past few years. Donald Trump won the state during his 2016 and 2020 presidential campaigns, and endorsed governor Ron DeSantis during his 2018 gubernatorial campaign. Additionally, both Florida senators are Republicans. This race will signify the Democratic party’s potential in Florida — are these expensive campaigns still worth the fight, or should they dedicate their attention to other states and districts? Gubernatorial Texas In Texas, the largest Republican-led state in the country, incumbent governor Greg Abbott will face off against Democratic challenger Beto O’Rourke in the general election. Due to his 2018 attempt to unseat Senator Ted Cruz and his short-lived 2020 presidential campaign, O’Rourke is a familiar name to many voters on the national stage. But despite this national notoriety, Abbott currently leads by seven points, with 31 percent of likely voters naming immigration as their top voting priority. Potential deciding issues in Texas include Greg Abbott’s restrictive stance on abortion, immigration policies, and infrastructure developments — a 2021 winter storm in Texas forced a large portion of the state to live without power, running water, or heat for a week, killing an estimated 246 people. Texas is the only state with an independent power grid, and O’Rourke heavily criticized the Electric Reliability Council of Texas for corruption and lack of oversight — he has called for Texas to connect to the national power grid to prevent future tragedies. Kansas In Kansas, Governor Laura Kelly is up for reelection against Republican Attorney General Derek Schmidt in a close race with one key issue missing: abortion. Kansas is a pro-choice state — in July, Kansas residents overwhelmingly voted against the “Value Them Both” amendment, which would have removed the state constitution's enshrined right to abortion . However, the state voted for Donald Trump in 2020, and Kelly is the only Democratic governor of a Trump-voting state to run for reelection this year. Kelly has avoided almost all mention of abortion in her campaign, focusing on education and economic issues. Sources close to Kelly have said this is an intentional decision to retain her moderate, bipartisan public image in a purple state. She currently polls only two points ahead of Schmidt — will her avoidance of the abortion controversy lead her to victory in November? Ballot Measures Colorado - Initiative 58 In Colorado, the Natural Medicine Health Act would allow citizens 21 or older to use psychedelic mushrooms privately or in regulated “health centers” with trained facilitators. Proponents of the initiative argue that psilocybin offers healing potential to those suffering from mental health issues — Colorado has been ranked as the worst state for adult mental health, and numerous studies show benefits from psilocybin for symptoms of depression, anxiety, and PTSD. However, some critics, including the founder of the Denver-based Society for Psychedelic Outreach Reform and Education, argue that the initiative’s “healing center” framework is purely a way for large corporations to take control of the psilocybin market and put profits over health. California - Proposition 30 This proposition would increase the income tax by 1.75 percent and use the additional money to support zero-emission vehicle initiatives and wildfire suppression, allowing California to increase firefighter staffing by ⅓ as wildfires grow more intense every year. However, Governor Gavin Newsom has gone against his party to oppose the measure — although he supports a full state transition to electric vehicles by 2035, he has called the bill a “trojan horse” at the hands of rideshare giant Lyft. Te State of California ordered Lyft to transition entirely to electric vehicles by 2030, and Newsom says this bill is an effort to make taxpayers fund these new cars. Nevada - Equal Rights Amendment In Nevada, voters will have the option to amend Nevada’s constitution to adopt a modified version of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), which guarantees equal rights regardless of sex. Effectively, this would end distinctions between men and women in matters of divorce, unemployment, property, and more. The ERA was passed by Congress in 1972 and required 38 state legislatures to ratify the amendment by 1979 to be adopted. Only 35 states ratified the amendment by the deadline, but Virginia, Illinois, and Nevada symbolically approved it in the 2010s as the pro-ERA movement began to regain traction. Takeaways Although the next presidential election will not occur until 2024, the midterms will serve as a telling referendum on the presidency of Joe Biden after a tumultuous two years in office. His approval rate reached a yearly high of 46 percent this month — his predecessor Donald Trump ranged from 34 to 49 percent throughout his presidency. Midterms tend to experience vastly lower voter turnout than general elections, with 113 million Americans voting in 2018 compared to 157 million in 2022. Most of this gap comes from young voters and Democrats. Young, progressive voters must learn that midterms are crucial and the ambitious policy proposals of their presidential picks cannot be accomplished without the legislative work of Congress. American Sciences Pistes, apply for your absentee ballot online before the election.

With 2As increasingly melancholic about their imminent departures, a spirit of contemplation takes hold of the students of the Menton campus. < Back Klimt’s Death and Life: a Perspective on Beginnings and Endings By Lara Harmankaya April 30, 2024 Another academic year nears its end. The approach of the end is marked by the longer hours of daytime and the re-emergence of a softness in the air. With 2As increasingly melancholic about their imminent departures, a spirit of contemplation takes hold of the students of the Menton campus. The fleeting nature of our time here suddenly becomes conspicuous to us; we arrive, build friendships and connections, and leave after two very short years. We leave our mark but ultimately get swept up in the thousands of mosaics that mold the rich history of this institution. The eagerly-anticipated arrival of spring thus becomes a bittersweet reminder of the need to move on and undergo a process of detachment yet again. Quite literally, as this reveals to us, the trajectory of the students of Sciences Po follows a seasonal progression of time – each season symbolic of a beginning and a conclusion. In such a time of reflection, the pertinence of Gustav Klimt’s artwork and the unique outlook it has on ephemerality becomes evident yet again. In his 1911 oil on canvas painting, Death and Life , Klimt reminds us that life continues, even in the face of ‘death.’ In the Sciences Po context I described above, Death can be interpreted as endings in general. It expresses transience and the constraints imposed on us by the cruelty of time. Displayed in the Leopold Museum in Vienna, the almost six-foot-tall Death and Life is a melange of meaning, stages and colors. It appears fluid to the eye, quite like the transitional phases of life it represents through its curvaceous nude figures. The baby, the surrounding young and old women, and the pair of lovers beneath symbolize the many age groups of the human race and are all cocooned in a blanket composed of bright colors. Patchwork designs, floral patterns, circles and geometric shapes all blend together and create images that melt into one another. This contrasts vividly with the solitary, navy figure of Death. He is reminiscent of the night; his robe is embellished with bright crosses erected on a graveyard and star-like speckles of white that illuminate the cool darkness of what appears to allude to the night sky. On the other hand, the embracing figures he is eagerly observing discernibly illustrate the warmness of day, summer and spring. This is a painting with a title as uncomplicated and clear as its metaphors. Its sharp juxtapositions – between soft and hard, nature and abstraction, dark and light, and somber and vibrant – connote an idea that is easily understood by all those who have grasped the concept of mortality. However, looking at it yet again, it evokes an additional element internal to the human condition that no simple life-death distinction can convey with true accuracy. To understand this, we must dive deeper into the historical era in which it was produced. In the early 20th century, a growing fascination with the subconscious permeated the Viennese intellectual sphere following the rising popularity of Freud’s ‘The Interpretation of Dreams.’ The figures, with the exception of one, all strikingly have their eyes closed. The way they clutch one another, therefore, evokes not only intimacy but also a dream-like state that denotes the subconscious. Against the backdrop of World War I and the increasingly prominent academic interest in looking inward, this painting can be analyzed as a reflection of a collective unconscious that wished to escape material reality. Moreover, it was also part and parcel of the broader Secession Movement in Vienna, which marked a radical shift in producing and appreciating art. With an uncertain sociopolitical environment and under the guiding creativity of Klimt, Austrian artists began challenging conventionally accepted approaches to art and incorporated more innovative techniques – among which, of course, were Klimt’s bold colors, sensual imagery and irregular mosaic designs. Observing this painting without understanding the context that spurred its genesis can thereby lead to losing out on the very nuance that makes it exceptional. As with all art, Death and Life was not brought into existence in a vacuum but was very much the product of an age of progress and rising modernity. Yet, the principal meaning of it is tied to the fact that life and death are continuous, cyclical and ceaseless. The painting itself is thus a juxtaposition, signifying the age-old intrinsic dilemma of human nature amidst a time of irrevocable change. Thus, it can be suggested that what Klimt may have desired with this painting was to denote the transcendence of the human experience. Even as many attempted to break with the conventions of the past, one thing remained eternal – the universality of beginnings and endings. Awarded the first prize in the 1911 International Art Exhibition in Rome, Death and Life is said to have been described by Klimt as his “most important figurative work.” Examining the significance of the skeleton personifying Death could help us see why. According to art historians, it is reminiscent of the motif of the ‘dance of death’ / ‘danse macabre,’ which first appeared in the Middle Ages. Serving as an emblem that death comes to all regardless of rank and social status, the historic relevance of the subtly smirking skeleton in the painting itself is a reminder of the sense of succession found in human nature and art history. Examining the history of Klimt’s artwork can also be insightful in discerning the figurative importance of his stylistic choices in this painting. Known for the abundant use of gold in many of his pieces, including in Judith and the Head of Holofernes , this painting – having encountered multiple amendments that removed its traces of gold – can be seen as the outcome of a more mature Klimt who died three years after its conclusion. In 1915, the background was painted over with hues of gray, green and blue, almost as if to mimic a sea of consciousness. This grants the painting a sentiment of reality; rather than washing out the amorphous blocks with gold and lavish, they are given center-stage. Life itself is not glitteringly golden but is grounded in the earth and ambiguous. The overall tone of the painting, despite being conscious of the inevitability of Death and conclusion, is not a grim one. It is hopeful – the entangled figures on the right are able to ignore the disturbing gaze of Death and continue their streaming slumber in peace. They are part of the larger cycle of life, and knowing that life will continue even after their time does not disturb their tranquility. Perhaps that should be the lesson to extract from this painting. There exists the looming threat of termination just a few steps away, but for the time being, we can enjoy the moments we have and keep holding onto each other. Image - Flickr, Frans Vandewalle, Creative Commons

< Back Le néolibéralisme à la française Eloïse Franzmann October 21, 2025 «La France est un enfer fiscal.» Cette expression fréquemment reprise dans certains médias appuie la critique d’un État où les charges et impôts étoufferaient l’initiative privée. Derrière cette formule se devine le cœur du discours néolibéral : réduire les fonctions sociales de l'État pour laisser libre cours au fonctionnement ‘naturel’ du marché. Le néolibéralisme désigne un ensemble de doctrines politiques dont le but est l’optimisation des mécanismes du marché. Ses applications concrètes en matière de politique économique se traduisent bien souvent par des privatisations à outrance, des mesures de dérégulation et la primauté d’une orientation économique privilégiant l’offre (le soutien aux entreprises) au détriment de la demande (le soutien aux ménages). Fondé sur diverses croyances et principes, le courant néolibéral postule que le marché libre, affranchi de toute entrave, tend naturellement à s’autoréguler et à servir l’intérêt général. En revanche, l’intervention de l’Etat sur le marché diminuerait sa performance. Dans cette logique, tout individu est considéré comme un agent rationnel, agissant en fonction de ses intérêts propres et entièrement responsable de ses réussites et échecs. La recherche illimitée du profit n’est non pas vue comme un défaut, mais bien comme un moteur de prospérité. Enfin, selon la théorie dite du ruissellement, l’enrichissement des plus riches profite à l’ensemble de la société, y compris aux plus défavorisés. C’est l’ensemble de ces quelques principes idéologiques qui mènent le sociologue Pierre Bourdieu à affirmer que « l’utopie néolibérale tend à s’incarner dans la réalité d’une sorte de machine infernale.» Pour lui, le néolibéralisme n’est autre qu’un « programme méthodique de destruction des collectifs.» De fait, le rôle de l’Etat s’en trouve atrophié, réduit à ses deux missions régaliennes : assurer la sécurité extérieure et intérieure d’une part, et garantir le fonctionnement du cadre légal (notamment s’assurer du respect du droit de propriété) d’autre part. Puisque le néolibéralisme repose sur la croyance que tout interventionnisme fausse les mécanismes ‘naturels’ du marché, les politiques sociales—fondées sur la redistribution, la régulation ou la protection—sont perçues comme contre-productives. En conséquence, l'État tend à se désengager de ses fonctions de solidarité pour se configurer en État pénal, dont la mission principale devient le maintien de l’ordre économique à travers la sanction des déviances qui le menacent, les atteintes à la propriété au premier plan. Cette reconfiguration du rôle étatique contribue à l’augmentation de la précarité et à des inégalités grandissantes, affaiblissant alors la cohésion sociale. Le courant néolibéral gagne en influence et peut désormais être appréhendé une « hégémonie culturelle » . Théorisée par Gramsci, l’ « hégémonie culturelle » désigne le processus selon lequel une idée, infuse dans la société civile en passant par l’école, les think tanks, les médias et s’impose peu à peu comme idéologie dominante. Devenue l’idéologie largement dominante au début du XXI ème siècle, le programme néolibéral est appliqué massivement en Occident depuis le tournant des années 1970 sous l’impulsion du Royaume-Uni de Margaret Thatcher, des Etats-Unis de Ronald Reagan et en France à partir du ‘tournant de la rigueur’ de 1983 sous François Mitterrand. Pourtant, l’image de la France comme une exception survit dans l’imaginaire collectif. L’identité politique et sociale française s’est forgée autour d’un modèle d’État social, dont la Sécurité sociale demeure l’un des symboles les plus forts. Cet attachement s’est manifesté lors des grandes grèves de 1995 contre le Plan Juppé qui visait à réformer l’État-providence. Ces représentations collectives soulèvent donc de multiples interrogations : comment l’attachement de la France à son modèle social et à ses valeurs républicaines d’égalité pourrait-il composer avec avec les logiques néolibérales ? Kevin Brookes, docteur en science politique et enseignant-chercheur à Sciences Po Grenoble, s’est attaché à montrer la singularité de la trajectoire française de 1974 à 2012 et sa résistance—certes partielle mais réelle—au modèle néolibéral, en comparaison à ses États voisins européens. Si l’auteur concède qu’il y a eu un certain nombre de mesures économiques allant dans le sens d’une percée néolibérale, la culture politique empêche un réel basculement idéologique. Selon Brookes, l’opinion publique reste méfiante vis-à-vis du marché et attachée à l’idée d’un État-providence tandis que les pouvoirs publics n’ont jamais assumé un discours résolument néolibéral. Il ajoute que la France se distingue des autres pays européens de part l’augmentation des dépenses publiques et de ses politiques sociales. L’Etat français demeurant particulièrement interventionniste, symboliserait l’échec même du néolibéralisme. Si la France n’a pas connu de tournant néolibéral aussi marqué que d’autres pays, elle n’en suit pas moins la même trajectoire. Il est d’usage de considérer 1983 et 2012 comme des étapes charnières de la transformation néolibérale du capitalisme français. En 1983, sous la présidence de François Mitterrand, le 1 er gouvernement de gauche de la V ème République opte pour une réorientation de sa politique économique vers une politique de l’offre, avec comme priorité le soutien aux entreprises. Ce ‘tournant de la rigueur’ se traduit par une désindexation des salaires sur les prix—rompant ainsi la dynamique d’augmentation des salaires face à l’inflation,—une réduction des dépenses publiques et le début d’une libéralisation financière et bancaire. En 2012, François Hollande semble suivre les traces de son prédécesseur et engager une politique économique ‘probusiness.’ À nouveau, une politique de l’offre est mise en place, la priorité est donnée à la compétitivité et à l’investissement privé aux dépens d’une redistribution accrue. Sous la présidence d’Emmanuel Macron, l’appropriation française du néolibéralisme s’est largement accélérée. C’est au gré des politiques économiques adoptées depuis 2017 que le président français tend à réaliser les promesses de l’utopie néolibérale : augmentation de la marge de manœuvre des entreprises, réduction de la fiscalité pesant sur le capital et flexibilisation accrue du marché du travail. Sur le plan fiscal, la suppression de l’Impôt de Solidarité sur la Fortune (ISF) remplacée par l’Impôt sur la Fortune Immobilière (IFI) constitue une rupture aussi bien budgétaire qu’idéologique. Alors que les rentrées fiscales perçues par l’ISF en 2017 s’élèvent à 4,2 milliards d’euros, celles perçues par l’IFI l’année suivante ne dépassent pas 1,3 milliard d’euros. Cette politique fiscale met en œuvre la théorie du ruissellement. En allégeant l’imposition des plus riches, l’Etat espère stimuler l’investissement privé, supposé bénéficier à l’économie dans son ensemble. La fiscalité se met ainsi au service du capital, reléguant la redistribution au second plan.Dans cette logique, le président a significativement réduit les cotisations sociales, supprimant notamment les contributions chômage et maladie afin de renforcer la compétitivité des entreprises. Par exemple, les ordonnances de septembre 2017 ont largement assoupli les conditions de licenciements. Si cette flexibilisation du marché du travail profite aux entreprises, elle est également responsable de l’accroissement de la précarité des salariés et de la fragilité croissante des protections collectives. De même, la loi Pacte de 2019 a ouvert la voie à une série de nouvelles privatisations. De manière implicite, le rôle économique de l'État se rétracte au profit d’un marché plus autonome, supposé s’autoréguler. Comme toile de fond pour l’ensemble de ces mesures économiques, les principes néolibéraux reviennent : le rôle de l’État est réduit au strict minimum, la compétitivité des entreprises est maximisée et le marché devient le principal régulateur de la société. De plus, le recul de l'État social s’observe dans l’introduction progressive de mécanismes de responsabilisation individuelle au sein même de la protection sociale. Le glissement idéologique s'opère alors à travers des mesures qui paraissent pourtant des plus insignifiantes. À cet égard, la réforme du Revenu de Solidarité Active (RSA) de janvier 2025 , dont le versement est désormais conditionnée à 15 heures d’activité hebdomadaire témoigne d’une certaine reconfiguration du champ de la protection sociale. Le RSA en devenant un soutien sous condition d’activités hebdomadaires, responsabilise les individus. Alors que Robert Castel dans L’insécurité sociale démontre que le cœur de l’Etat social est de sécuriser les existences individuelles en rompant avec l’idée que chacun serait l’unique responsable de sa condition, une telle réforme porte un coup frontal à ces principes. Implicitement, la réforme du RSA renvoie à une idée simple: bénéficier d’une aide sociale devient davantage un privilège conditionnel plutôt qu’un droit social fondamental. À travers ce type de mesure, c’est l’Etat-providence qui s’affaiblit. Le néolibéralisme, en donnant la priorité à la compétition et à l’autonomie individuelle, favorise la destruction des collectifs et la création d’un individualisme excessif. L’Etat se subordonne aux logiques du marché, au détriment de l’application de politiques davantage conformes à la volonté majoritaire. Face à la désagrégation du collectif, à la priorité donnée au marché, et à un individualisme exacerbé, la démocratie est-elle vouée à s’évanouir ? Photo Source: Julian Mason, Flickr

< Back Rupture: Angela Merkel’s Exit and What it Means for Germany’s Future By Lionel Chambon October 31, 2021 Berlin. At 6 p.m. Central European Time, the German state television announced the first exit polls following the Federal Election. Jörg Schönenborn, the election night presenter, looked at his cards containing the results, looked up into the camera, took a breath, and said: “I can promise you numbers like we have never seen them before.” After 16 years under Angela Merkel, this would be the first time that the election outcome was actually impossible to predict. As I wrote for Le Zadig last semester: “The Greens have consistently polled at 20 percent or more, in striking distance of the CDU, while it has comfortably overtaken the SPD (…), possibly ending decades-long domination by the CDU and SPD.” While my prediction was not quite accurate, now that the results are in, we are certain that the Merkel era has ended — and there is no turning back. A Conservative Nightmare Let us deconstruct these results step by step, starting with the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) which has been leading the country for 52 years since 1949. Scoring 24.7 percent, the party received a catastrophic result in comparison to its yields of 41.5 percent in 2013 and 32.9 percent in 2017. I have previously written that this decrease was partly due to Merkel’s lack of a clear, conservative profile. Her expansion of the welfare state and her management during the events of 2015 moved the CDU to the left, arguably creating a vacuum on the right. Nonetheless, this does not explain why the CDU slumped to 24 percent from over 30 percent in polls a few months back. This shocking result was entirely rooted in a disorganized campaign that exposed the party’s internal feuds. For starters, it took the party way too long to actually decide on a candidate for chancellor. The fight was between its chairman, Armin Laschet, and the governor of Bavaria, Markus Söder. Throughout the campaign, Söder made his disdain for his rival no secret, repeatedly challenging Laschet in public. The latter eventually asserted himself after weeks of uncertainty. Protocols surfaced of secret, backdoor meetings between party officials, angry phone calls from local politicians, illustrating a party in disarray. While others were concerned for the country, the CDU was concerned with itself. Things soon got worse when a severe flood struck parts of Western Germany. Laschet was caught laughing in the background while German Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier held a eulogy for the lives lost during the storms, a number which went into three-digit numbers. The photo of him smirking on such a dire occasion was a mishap from which he could not recover. His biggest obstacle, however, was the incessant calls from his opponents within the party notifying him that he was doing a bad job, exposing internal rivalries when he needed a unified base. Out of all the parties, The CDU was the last to present a program, and nobody really knew what a post-Merkel CDU stood for. Laschet did not either: asked on the road and on camera about his three favorite ideas from his own program, he could not provide an answer. His plan was to count on voters that had always voted CDU out of tradition, “as usual.” However, his judgement was ill-fated. A Social Democratic Miracle When I first wrote about this election last semester, things were not looking good for the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and their candidate, Olaf Scholz. Polling at barely 15 percent, 2021 was set to be a disaster for him. The party was barely attracting attention in the media, and its successful left-wing policies implemented under Merkel were not rewarded in the polls. Yet, the SPD managed to win the election with a score of 25.7 percent, even gaining 5.2 percent from 2017. This remarkable turnaround came down to Olaf Scholz alone. When the CDU was busy arguing out its private battles, Scholz had been declared candidate months in advance. Scholz remained calm, composed, and campaigned successfully without any unfortunate incidents or mishaps. He had been Merkel’s vice chancellor and minister of finance, and the only candidate with experience in the highest positions of government. His efforts for a global minimum corporate tax, proposed by the G7, resonated well with the German public. In three televised debates between the three candidates for chancellor, surveys indicated Scholz to have won them all. However, the results also suggest that Scholz was heavily perceived as simply the better alternative to an unsophisticated Armin Laschet and a disorganized CDU. The SPD gained almost two million votes from those who supported the CDU in 2017, which is a highly unusual turnover rate. The SPD was also the first to formally present a program. This all suggests that this election was less about policies and ideas and more about which candidate was deemed fittest to run the country. After all, the SPD’s program proposed many ideas it could have enacted during its 12 years in government. Yet, unlike his opponents, Scholz never let his guard down and showcased statesmanship the other candidates lacked, reassuring many voters uneased by the challenging times Germany is experiencing. The Green’s Missed Opportunity and the Youthful Free Democrats For the first time ever, there were not two, but three candidates for chancellor. Usually, this privilege was reserved for the CDU and SPD, which used to be the only realistic contenders to win an election. However, as Germany's party landscape is becoming increasingly fragmented, the Greens sought to seize their opportunity. They had nominated Annalena Baerbock to head the campaign, and during the summer, the idea of finishing above 20 percent suddenly seemed within reach, maybe even finishing on top. Election night yielded a very strong, yet still disappointing finish of 14.8 percent. Hopes of leaving the SPD behind were not satisfied and most Greens certainly hoped for better. Mainly, this result was caused by Baerbock stumbling unnecessarily over amateur errors: her team made mistakes in her official CV, she forgot to declare bonus salaries from party bank accounts, and her autobiography, which was supposed to launch the candidate into the German public, was filled with plagiarism. The Greens faced fierce criticism over their trustworthiness, and possibly lost many potential voters to the much more experienced Scholz, who capitalized on Baerbock’s beginner mistakes. However, the Greens campaigned as a force for change, and this was ultimately rewarded at the ballot box. The centrist Free Democratic Party (FDP) managed to, for the first time in its history, score above 10 percent in two consecutive federal elections, with a strong finish of 11.5 percent, its second-best result ever. Together with the Greens, the FDP even scored first among first-time voters; its youthful appeal largely inspired by its chairman, Christian Lindner. Its advocacy for social mobility, including market solutions to climate change, equitable economic opportunity, and digitalization of the German bureaucracy resonated well. The Liberals’ strong finish among young voters suggests that they have managed to widen their electoral base considerably in the last eight years. What Next? If you by any chance read my previous piece on German politics, you will find that the increased fracturing of the German electorate is rather new. Arduous coalition bargaining could be a consequence: in 2017, it took almost six months to form a new government. In 2021, however, it is likely that politicians have learnt their lesson. At the time of publishing, SPD, Greens and FDP have officially entered negotiations for a "traffic light" coalition. This seemed an unlikely scenario before the election — after all, the FDP has very different opinions on state finances, taxation, and government expenditure than its red and green counterparts. However, the dismal state of the CDU forced the FDP and Greens to think carefully. They have tentatively agreed to form a government by the end of November, and Olaf Scholz is set to be voted in as new chancellor during the first week of December. It is likely that the FDP will be more assertive on economic and fiscal policy, whereas SPD and Greens will be able to execute their programs on issues related to climate change and social policy. It seems, however, that common ground unites them all: the need for change after 16 years of conservative government. The modernization of the state will be a top priority, as will be the ecological transformation of the country into the age of green industry. Party leaders Scholz, Baerbock, and Lindner have emphasized the need for urgent and long-term climate action. Emission trading schemes, infrastructure investment and increased research and development are on the agenda. Personally, I believe this coalition could bring Germany into a greener, prosperous, and more equitable future, and it is genuinely exciting to see what will follow. Of course, official negotiations have barely yet begun, and many details remain to be worked out. However, the opportunity is there, and I hope Germany seizes it.

Thy walls defaced, thy mouldering shrines removed by British hands. < Back Politics of Art: Greece’s Quest to Reclaim its Parthenon By Barna Sólyom March 31, 2023 Since its independence from the Ottoman Empire, Greece has been trying to regain its various historical artifacts from foreign powers that ruled over it. This struggle’s symbolic focus is the main building of Athens’ Acropolis, the Parthenon, specifically its decorative elements and pieces. These statues are up to 2,500 years old and were the fortress’ main sight until the early 19th century. The British Empire’s then-ambassador to Ottoman-controlled Greece was Thomas Bruce, more famously known as Lord Elgin, under whose control around half of the Parthenon was removed and transported to London, where he later sold the marbles to the British Museum. This action was already heavily criticized by his contemporaries, even in the United Kingdom, most famously by Lord Byron, who even wrote a passage dedicated to it in Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (1812): “Cold is the heart, fair Greece, that looks on thee, Nor feels as lovers o’er the dust they loved; Dull is the eye that will not weep to see Thy walls defaced, thy mouldering shrines removed By British hands , which it had best behoved To guard those relics ne’er to be restored. Curst be the hour when their isle they roved, And once again thy hapless bosom gored, And snatched thy shrinking Gods to northern climes abhorred!” Lord Elgin’s action set an infamous precedent, as cultural vandalism --- when cultural treasures are illegally taken from one country to another, was named after him: elginism . His action, of course, was not the first of its kind; for thousands of years, it was a “common” practice during conflicts to pillage. Nor was it the last act of elginism. Why are the marbles not back in Greece yet? When Greece gained independence in 1832, the government immediately started campaigning to retrieve the artifacts, as the Acropolis is one of the most important symbols of the Greek national identity. However, the historical circumstances did not allow Greece to have a large influence on the British Empire, which was in its prime, having the largest overseas empire the world has ever seen. After the two world wars, the balance of power shifted, and the United Kingdom lost a lot of its former might and hard power. However, this change in influence did not change the artifacts’ situation because the British Museum Act of 1963 prevented the institution from permanently removing objects from its collections. Thus, by U.K. law, the museum can not give back the marbles. The 1983 National Heritage Act also considers them national heritage, further strengthening the British side, whose argument assumes that the sculptures were purchased legally. Consequently, the ownership is lawfully under the museum's for 200 years. However, Greece suggests that the sculptures are in the United Kingdom due to plunder and vandalism, as their seller basically took the statues and shipped them away, thereby denying the legality of the museum’s purchase. Greece also commonly refers to UNESCO’s multiple rulings against elginism and cultural vandalism, such as the 1954 Hague Convention, the 1970 Convention, the 1972 Convention, and the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention. International pressure also mounts on the British Museum to return other objects, further strengthening the Greek argument, as other artifacts like the Benin Bronzes have been repatriated. With the Vatican returning three parts of the Parthenon to Greece last December, all eyes are on Britain to make a similar conciliatory move. The debate is not solved yet; both sides defend their argument, not just on the museum level but even in higher political positions. In January, U.K. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak said the country is seeking a constructive solution. However, the government’s position has not changed on the topic, and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis put the Parthenon’s reassembly as one of his primary goals for his re-election campaign this year. The Deutsche Welle reports that discussion between the two parties is open. Still, a sudden position change is unlikely — a short-term loan from the British Museum is the foreseeable solution.

As the conflict in Ukraine persists, the analysis of historical environmental warfare tactics is all the more relevant. Even though the  front lines remain relatively unchanged, it is no secret that the ecological destruction and death toll have had irreversible repercussions. < Back Manifestations of the Environmental Consequences of Warfare By Alexandra Iliopoulou and Christopher López Rodríguez for Environnementon October 31, 2023 Many of us attended the Ecological Literacy course last semester, which detailed the basic tenets of the ecological question based on Sciences Po Paris professor Pierre Charbonnier’s book Culture Écologique . However, one aspect of environmental disturbance, the environmental implications of warfare, was largely excluded from the course’s curriculum. Considering the Menton campus’ focus on Mediterranean and Middle Eastern politics, there is a vast range of historical examples to draw from regarding environmental warfare, such as the Islamic State’s weaponization of water and seizure of oil fields or deforestation as a result of Turkish efforts to control rural territories amidst the rise in Kurdish insurgency activity; highlighting the pertinence for the Menton campus. As the conflict in Ukraine persists, the analysis of historical environmental warfare tactics is all the more relevant. Even though the front lines remain relatively unchanged, it is no secret that the ecological destruction and death toll have had irreversible repercussions. This past June, the destruction of the Kakhovka dam unleashed pollutants and agricultural chemicals into the local ecosystem, contaminated water supply, destroyed farmland, and eradicated villages, resulting in over 100 deaths. These effects – stated environmental activist Greta Thunberg– are ecocide, characterized by severe long term environmental impact as a result of human activity, and may end up warranting prosecution in the International Criminal Court (ICC). Using destructive force to purposefully harm and destroy ecological habitats for strategic gain is not new to military campaigns. In his paper The Environmental Effects of War , Philip Swintek describes how “throughout history, armies have burned enemy crops and fields, rivers have been dammed, and water supplies have been poisoned, all in the name of war.” Yet, it was not until the introduction of modern technological methods in warfare that this phenomenon manifested in a newer, more dangerous light. From the use of chemical weapons to intensify the risk of fatality to the use of flamethrowers and napalm to expel camouflaged combatants from forests lit ablaze, many modern war strategies have been crafted with the specific purpose of destroying the environment to neutralize opposing forces. When paired with the notion that wealthier countries have significant advantages in military investment capabilities and generally larger budgets to mitigate or control such environmental damage, the inequity in the creation and alleviation of this environmental damage also becomes clear. Russia’s purported role in the dam’s destruction serves as an example of a tactical justification of environmental damage, as outlined in Anna Feuer’s framework that details the various incentives that mold the practice of environmental warfare. In these cases, actors cause environmental damage to directly support military operations against strategic targets. The other five justifications that Feuer details include political, ideological, cultural, technological, and strategic motivations. Cultural incentives include narratives that perpetuate colonial ideas that “uncivilized” countries cannot provide proper stewardship of their land. These arguments are often weaponized to justify environmental destruction where the local populations might have a tactical advantage. The use of cultural motifs present in the environment should also not be remiss; the Israel Defense Forces disregarded the cultural value of the olive tree, a longstanding symbol of national identity to the Palestinians, when they uprooted olive groves during the First Intifada to build infrastructure and increase visibility in conflict zones. Among the most common justifications are strategic incentives that militaries exhibit, such as deforestation to increase the visibility of militant targets. The ongoing Kurdish-Turkish conflict serves to illustrate the strategic incentive behind ecological destruction. With the origins of the insurgency beginning in the 1970s, the conflict has been fought in mostly rural areas. Through an environmental lens, Dr. Mehmet Gurses has analyzed the response of the Turkish government , asserting that the practice of deforestation in a rural landscape is “ a direct result of the [Turkish] state’s deliberate policies to undermine rebels’ ability to operate.” Environmental damage materialized in various ways, but mainly through the direct targeting of flora, with the aim of rendering targeted vegetation fruitless. This, in turn, destroyed the agriculturally reliant economies of the southeastern regions of Turkey. Furthermore, Gurses claims that the decimation of natural habitats as deliberate targets, especially considering the devastation in economies that rely on agricultural production, has hindered the preservation of peace following the war. Overall, the evolution of warfare has surfaced unique worries and new capabilities for ecological destruction. Knowledge of frameworks such as those created by Feuer is instrumental in analyzing modern conflicts such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the Kurdish-Turkish conflict, as well as for recognizing a need to create legal guidelines to prosecute these crimes. A proposal has been brought forth to the ICC to include ecocide as a fifth crime, eligible for prosecution by the ICC, but it has yet to be adopted into the Rome Statute, the text that established the ICC. Such an amendment would require the proposal to amass a two-thirds vote of the signatories. Even then, experts express that there are various constraints and limitations to the efficacy of international law and its clash with state sovereignty. Nonetheless, the statute would have the potential to deter corporations and state actors from committing ecocide and create a legal classification for explicit crimes of ecocide to be prosecuted.

At this moment, I pinpointed the feeling that had been eating me up for the past few days: The feeling that I do not belong and would soon get exposed as a fraud who cheated the application system. < Back Feeling Like a Fraud? Imposter Syndrome Runs Rampant at Sciences Po By Sarina Soleymani September 28, 2022 Let’s dive into what now feels like the far past, the days before we first stepped foot into this building, prior to entering this town where the sun burns brightly on our heads and the beach is always in sight. Let’s take a few steps back — before the airport, trains, days of packing, and, for some, the dreadful visa process and frenzied struggle for housing. Let’s return to the days when we were all passionate, wide-eyed high-schoolers with worries and heaps of dreams — filled with stress about assignments and exams, but most of all: university applications. Each of us, no matter our origin, social class or passions, has one thing in common: the sleepless nights and coffee-fueled essays that formed our application to Sciences Po —an application that, luckily for us, was approved by admissions. Now fast-forward. You are here amid all the other once wide-eyed high-schoolers-turned university students, surrounded by fascinating individuals with varying insights and what seems to be a never-ending stream of knowledge of global events. I initially felt thrilled by the multitude of stimulating conversations I saw myself having for the next two years. Our “Myths and Stereotypes in the Mediterranean” lecture during Integration Week satisfied my anticipation. This lecture not only had two captivating and knowledgeable professors but also students from diverse backgrounds with ranging observations, who would stand up to share them with the class, creating dialogue like I never had before. However, it was not long until this excitement turned almost into a fear, which had me shaking and reciting my lines before I stood up to speak. This emotion quickly highlighted the double-sided coin of Sciences Po — the cheerfulness that accompanies these vibrant exchanges and the feeling that my opinions are neither intelligent nor worthy of expression. During the first week of classes, I only felt this feeling grow stronger. Ironically, though I started to warm up to this environment, I became increasingly insecure. One day that struck me was Sept. 5, 2022, the Rentrée Solennelle. This is the day when we dress up, take pictures with our friends, and get ready to greet Sciences Po Director Mathias Vicherat. It is also the day we suffer through the same redundant and stereotypical speeches about how we are the “best of the best” and deserve our place in this selective university. After long minutes of feeling disillusioned by Sciences Po’s ego and undeserving of receiving these compliments, it was time for the valedictorian Lilou-Ornella D’Inca’s speech. Here, we finally got a different narrative as she shared her struggles during her first semester concerning what she referred to as “imposter syndrome.” It was then that I felt myself finally exhale, relax and realize that I am not alone. At this moment, I pinpointed the feeling that had been eating me up for the past few days: The feeling that I do not belong and would soon get exposed as a fraud who cheated the application system. Knowing that all of this was simply a case of imposter syndrome, an affliction that runs deep enough in the institution to be the topic of our opening ceremony, I vowed to explore more. Firstly, I find it crucial to address the elitism of Sciences Po, the title of this institution, especially in France, and its contribution to imposter syndrome. As students of Sciences Po, we are often referred to as “l’élite de la nation,” not only by people outside this university but also by the university itself. This expression puts unrealistic expectations and pressure on the students to outperform the rest of the nation. Indeed, we have an incredible advantage being here due to the opportunities we are given, but as expressed by a friend of mine: “I don’t feel like the elite.” I started having conversations with the student body to unpack this phenomenon further. A common sentiment among Sciences Pistes is that “[they] feel like [they] don’t belong here.” This refrain was so widespread that it suggests a universal feeling of alienation. This outcome shocked me. How is it possible that in a place referred to as our “Ummah Mentonniya,” where diversity is celebrated, and inclusivity is central, many students feel as though they do not belong? Of course, each person has a unique reason for feeling imposter syndrome, but through my conversations, I found some general patterns. Firstly, students who struggle with the language of their track feel less intelligent than they are because they find it difficult to express themselves accurately. As declared by an anonymous 1A in English track, “I feel like I have to work harder than my peers.” An anonymous 1A French track brought up varying family backgrounds as a reason for imposter syndrome, stating, “we come from sometimes less rich environments.” Through further dialogue, I learned about a more personal characteristic of imposter syndrome, which stems from comparing yourself to others, primarily academically, and through this comparison, feeling insecure in your abilities. “The problem is that everyone seems so secure and confident,” said another Sciences Piste. This sentiment was corroborated by a Reims student who admitted that class discussions often seem “performative,” making it “intimidating to speak.” This finding suggests that this feeling is not Menton-exclusive but rather a global Sciences Po issue. What can we learn from this? Firstly, we are not alone, and these feelings of doubt are normal as we have entered an unfamiliar environment. Indeed it is more challenging for some than others. However, we all have some control over this feeling through our mindset. Imposter syndrome depends on self-doubt and the impression of estrangement. Therefore, the remedy combines confidence in our abilities and a supportive community, both of which are within our control. Confidence takes time, care, and work, but the first step is to recognize that we are all here to learn and expect that we do not have all the answers. As expressed in another conversation with an English track 1A, “we all have something to bring even if we aren’t sure what it is yet.” Likewise, we should not be afraid to share our thoughts as there must be something worthwhile in them; doing so is also the most effective way through which we can improve. The same student also conveyed how having a supportive community helped her overcome her self-doubt and legitimized her position at Sciences Po. I think this is what Yasmina Touaibia referred to in our welcome speech when she spoke of the “Ummah Mentonniya,” a place where Sciences Pistes learn through each other, express their worries and uplift one another. A place where one is not judged by how well they express themselves in a language they are unfamiliar with or their background. A place where it is not how much knowledge you have that matters but your passion and willingness to listen. After all, if we all feel as though we do not belong, then maybe, in our own complicated way, we all do.

“Les valeurs de la masculinité sont reniées par les féministes”, déclare un groupe d’hommes se définissant comme “masculinistes” à la journaliste Mélanie Gourarier dans un article paru dans Le Monde en 2017. < Back Le mouvement masculiniste: qu’est-ce que c’est, et pourquoi s’en méfier? By Calista Cellerier April 30, 2024 “Les valeurs de la masculinité sont reniées par les féministes”, déclare un groupe d’hommes se définissant comme “masculinistes” à la journaliste Mélanie Gourarier dans un article paru dans Le Monde en 2017. Vous avez sûrement déjà entendu sur les réseaux sociaux comme Instagram ou TikTok des discours similaires, clamant que la place des hommes dans la société est menacée par le mouvement féministe, considéré comme une forme de militantisme extrémiste. Depuis plusieurs années, ce discours monte en flèche partout dans le monde, et beaucoup s'inquiètent d’un retour en arrière pour l'égalité des genres. Alors, qu’est-ce que le mouvement masculiniste ? Il s'agit d'une idéologie, un mouvement social souvent vu comme réactionnaire et antiféministe. Parmi ses valeurs figurent la masculinité “conventionnelle”, la réaffirmation et la promotion des différences hommes-femmes, la défense des privilèges masculins et enfin la lutte contre les féministes. Il s’agit avant tout d’affirmer les “droits des hommes” sur certains points, tels que des positions favorables quant au divorce, les différences de rôle plus traditionnels entre hommes et femmes et même la demande d’un système de codécision en matière d’avortement. Un autre terme est aussi utilisé, celui “d’hoministe”, par des défenseurs masculinistes trouvant ce terme trop dépréciatif. Il y a de nombreux différents groupes plus ou moins nuancés s’identifiant à ce mouvement. Les moins extrême, tels que SOS Papa , SOS misandrie en France ou dans les pays anglo-saxons le groupe Father 4 justice déclarent qu’une nouvelle société matriarcale s’installe au détriment des hommes, et s’engagent pour les hommes victimes de violence sexuelle et les intérêts des hommes lors des divorces. Ils s'intéressent notamment à la fin des obligations matérielles telles que la pension alimentaire ou le partage des biens. En 2009, un ex-membre de l’association SOS Papa , aidé par 4 autres membres, a écopé de 6 ans de prison pour avoir kidnappé son enfant et tenté d’assassiner la mère. Plongeant plus profondément dans l'extrême, la communauté incels (ou hommes célibataires involontairement) dénonce les femmes comme responsables de leur célibat et de leur frustration sexuelle. Urban Dictionary définie les hommes incels comme : « persuadés que les femmes doivent leur offrir du sexe ». La communauté est présente surtout sur Reddit et 4Chan, et certains internautes peuvent aller jusqu’a demander un “droit de viol” ou l’appel au meurtre. Notamment, la tuerie de Toronto en 2018 avait été commise par un jeune homme membre de la communauté incels déclarant détester les femmes pour leur rejet de ses avances, menant à la mort de 8 femmes et 2 hommes. De nombreux autres groupes, tels que les MGTOW ou les Hommen , font la promotion de la prostitution, de la fin du mariage en faveur des relations à court terme, déclarant les femmes comme des fardeaux financiers, ou s’opposent au mariage homosexuel. Comme mentionné, ce mouvement s’exprime surtout à travers les réseaux sociaux, des associations et des forums de discussion dans des groupes appelés la “manosphère”. Vous les avez sûrement déjà vu, ces hommes se déclarant comme virils, comme hommes “alphas” promouvant une perspective conservatrice et traditionnelle du rôle des femmes et des hommes, allant à l'encontre du mouvement féministe. Nombre d’entre eux parviennent à influencer des millions de jeunes garçons et jeunes hommes sur Internet. En 2023, 37% des hommes en France considèrent que le mouvement féministe est une menace à leur place dans la société, selon le journal La Croix . A l’international, et sur TikTok surtout, des personnalités masculinistes, ou “alpha male” tels que Andrew Tate ou les membres du podcast Red Pills , sont en vogue, déclarant être en dehors du système, en dehors de la “Matrix” et pouvoir aider les autres hommes et garçons à séduire et retrouver leur place en tant qu’hommes dominants (et riches). Et cette tendance à renier les valeurs modernes de l’égalité homme-femme ne se limite pas aux hommes. Leur alter-ego féminins sont aussi en hausse, notamment sur TikTok pour promouvoir un style de vie “traditionnel”, déclarant que le mouvement féministe aujourd’hui ne sert plus à rien et qu’il faut retourner aux valeurs basées sur les rôles “biologiques” des femmes, sur la famille de l’homme comme gagne-pain et des femmes comme simples compagnes. Nous pouvons citer à l’international l’internaute sous le pseudonyme de Pearl ou en France Thais D’Escufon, clamant que les femmes sont manipulées par la société pour rejeter les hommes et se ralliant au mouvement masculiniste et incel . De nombreux membres de ces mouvements proposent d’ailleurs des formations en ligne, payantes, pour devenir des hommes et des femmes de “qualité” et sortir de la “matrix” pour contrôler le système sociétaire et leur futur. Dans le journal Le Monde , une journaliste explique que ce mouvement est en propagation dans le monde, et mène au renforcement des normes patriarcales. En effet, elle explique que plusieurs membres de ce mouvement déclare des “excès” de féminisme, se sentent rabaissés par le terme “porc” dans le #balancetonporc . Le mouvement masculiniste serait menacé par les mouvement tels que #MeToo , comme le clament haut et fort ces slogans “Not all men !”. Alors, il semble évident que de nombreux experts s’interrogent quant aux implications de la montée en flèche d’un tel mode de pensée. Nombreux sont ceux qui craignent pour le futur des femmes en société, allant jusqu'à considérer le masculinisme comme un mouvement terroriste. Si il est encore trop tôt pour étudier les effets de ce mouvement sur le féminisme et le combat pour l'égalité, beaucoup commencent à s’engager sur Internet pour adresser cette pensée montante, notamment en tentant d’éduquer de manière plus nuancée sur ce que signifie être un homme ou une femme. Par exemple, le compte Instagram Tu Bandes , tenu par un homme de 26 ans, prend en main la “masculinité bienveillante”, ou une perspective du monde visant à intégrer les hommes de manière saine et égalitaire dans les discussions, tout en éduquant sur la sexualité, le consentement et les stéréotypes. Si la liberté d’expression est un principe clé au 21eme siècle, l’incitation à la haine et la violence ne doit pas être tolérée. Ainsi , il est toujours bon de rappeler que le féminisme n’est pas la supériorité de la femme sur l’homme, mais bien l’égalité des genres dans notre société, et que les mouvements extrémistes peuvent et doivent être combattu avec bienveillance, éducation et discussions !

As Sciences Po students and young individuals, living in a world riddled with conflicts, human rights crises, inequalities, and climate change disasters; the quest for peace can often feel like an unattainable ideal. < Back Celebrating World Peace Day: A Campus Initiative for Awareness and Unity By Naïa Berliocchi for MEDMUN October 31, 2023 As Sciences Po students and young individuals, living in a world riddled with conflicts, human rights crises, inequalities, and climate change disasters; the quest for peace can often feel like an unattainable ideal. Every day, we are bombarded with news of conflicts and suffering, increasing devastation for the world’s tumultuous state. In this context, World Peace Day, observed on Thursday, Sept. 21, emerges as a poignant reminder of the ongoing struggles communities face world wide. It serves as a beacon of hope, urging us to reflect on the significance of peace, recommit to global goals, and take collective action toward a more peaceful world. Our studies at Sciences Po, and in particular our interest in the Middle East and Mediterranean region, have made us aware of the numerous areas where peace remains elusive. In a region marked by complex geopolitical dynamics and persistent conflicts, peace often feels like a distant dream. The Collaboration: MEDMUN and the BDA In recognition of the importance of World Peace Day, MEDMUN (Model United Nations) and the Bureau des Arts at Sciences Po Menton came together to create a unique collaboration. Their joint efforts emphasized the significance of this day and fostered a sense of unity and activism among the student body. An Artistic Workshop for Peace The centerpiece of their collaborative initiative was an artistic workshop held on campus, featuring multiple paintings that depicted various peace-related issues. Art has always been a powerful means of political expression,, and this event aimed to harness its potential to engage students in advocating for peace. Four considerable topics were chosen as the focus of the paintings: Women's Rights in Iran: A powerful reminder of the ongoing struggles for gender equality in the region. The Refugee Crisis: Highlighting the plight of refugees and the urgent need for solutions. The LGBT Community in the MENA Region: Shedding light on the challenges faced by this marginalized group. The Situation in Palestine: Reflecting on the enduring conflict and the hopes for a peaceful resolution. Each painting served as a visual testament to the pressing issues that demand our attention and action. Through these artworks, students were encouraged to confront uncomfortable truths and consider the role they can play in promoting peace. Bake Sale for a Cause In addition to the artistic workshop, the event also featured a bake sale organized by MEDMUN in collaboration with Sciences Maroc. Delicious treats such as Msemen, brownies, cookies, and cakes were available for students on the campus forecourt. Fifty percent of the funds generated from the bake sale went towards supporting initiatives in Morocco, struck by the recent earthquake, underlining solidarity existent in the global community. A Call for Collective Effort This initiative underlines the importance of collective efforts in supporting peace-related causes. Through this collaboration, students and the broader community can contribute to the promotion of peace and understanding. It reinforces the idea that peace is not solely the responsibility of governments and diplomats; it is a goal that requires the active involvement of individuals and communities. World Peace Day serves as a poignant reminder that the dream of universal peace is far from realized. Yet, events and activities such as: collaborative painting sessions and bake sales, provide a platform to educate, raise awareness, and inspire individuals to engage in the pursuit of peace. It is a day to reflect on the existing challenges and to renew our commitment to a world where peace is not just an ideal but a reality worth fighting for. In the face of overwhelming odds, students at Sciences Po have demonstrated their eagerness to embrace this responsibility and work together for a more peaceful future.

After two rounds of applications and additional interviews for the two campus directors, Ellie Carter and Magdalena Offenbeck, Sciences Po Menton was among the 8% of applications accepted to the Millennium Fellowship Class of 2022. < Back Sciences Po Menton Becomes a Millennium Fellowship Campus By Magdalena Offenbeck September 25, 2022 For the first time in the history of Sciences Po Menton, a group of students was awarded the Millennium Fellowship, a United Nations Academic Impact (UNAI) and Millennium Campus Network initiative to help young leaders achieve their sustainable impact goals. With our project Tabadol , we aim to facilitate a linguistic and cultural exchange between Sciences Po and Palestinian university students. Millennium Fellows are university undergraduates selected based on their leadership in sustainable development-related projects that advance their communities' Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). As Millennium Fellows, we will participate in a semester-long leadership development program to improve our student organizing, partnership building and community impact skills. During the semester, we will continue to develop our project, expanding Tabadol to allow more students in Menton to be paired with a Palestinian exchange buddy and partake in virtual events such as panels and discussions. After two rounds of applications and additional interviews for the two campus directors, Ellie Carter and I, Sciences Po Menton was among the 8% of applications accepted to the Millennium Fellowship Class of 2022. With a group of 12 students, we will meet throughout the first semester to work on the SDGs, UNAI and improve our leadership skills. With 75% of Millennium Fellowship alumni working in social impact professions after graduation, the program is a stepping stone toward a future social impact career. Additionally, it allows Fellows to meet peers from around the world. 200 campuses in 37 nations are participating this year and will be connected through networking sessions and the weekly webinars Millennium Fellows are invited to join. Here are co-campus director Ellie Carter’s thoughts on the program: “ Tabadol is the Arabic word for equal exchange of ideas. As such, this program is not just an opportunity for individual language growth but also an opportunity to foster connections and conversations that may not have been possible otherwise. We believe that education is a powerful tool for coexistence and empowerment, which is why we are thrilled to be working toward advancing this SDG and creating chances to learn for students both in Palestine and here at Sciences Po.” At the MENA Sciences Po branch, the Palestinian Question is widely discussed on and off campus. We learn about the region in many of our classes. We have taken courses on politics, sociology and the history of the Middle East, but many of us are not Middle Eastern, and even fewer are Palestinian. A large part of the student body’s interest in the region was only sparked by reports and books. The first-hand exchange with locals is an essential first step towards understanding a society and culture on a more interpersonal level. While our diverse student body already creates a vibrant platform for cultural exchange, students in Menton often lack direct experience with the region and obtain a superficial academic understanding. Tabadol aims to create a link between open-minded students who seek to learn each other’s languages and discover different cultures. Palestine is isolated from the international community, yet it is a frequently mentioned issue in our field of study. Likewise, many Palestinian students are interested in Europe, its cultures, languages and politics. Building a network between students at Sciences Po Menton and the Palestinian student community will create a platform for mutual understanding and allow students to experience parts of the world that they have often only experienced in a theoretical and academic framework. So far, Tabadol has successfully connected many students in Menton and Palestine. Many have told us that they were able to form strong connections through weekly meetings with their exchange buddies and even continued over the summer when the official exchange period had long ended. Students do not only participate to improve their Arabic — many students are already fluent or native Arabic speakers. The project is equally an opportunity to meet new people and learn about Palestinian culture while sharing your own and teaching your language. The Millennium Fellows have completed their first sessions, discussing the meaning of social impact and potential individual contributions to attaining the SDGs. However, sign-ups for Tabadol remain open, allowing new students to become part of the exchange whenever they desire.

< Back The Syrian Question Anonymous January 31, 2025 We all heard that the Assad regime toppled after 50 years of dictatorship. However, recent history taught us that such overthrows and their subsequent reforms are illusory in the end, seductive at first and inevitably and ultimately evanescent. Will this be the case for Syria? Will it repeat the history of its neighbors? And if not, will it become an Islamic republic, as the actual leaders seem to desire? How Bashar Assad’s rule has been toppled with such ease has already been extensively covered. However, what I think has been partly neglected in the wake of pure joy that emerged from the removal of Bashar is the unseemingly Islamist orientation of the wave of rulers, with al-Golani as the president and Mohammed al-Bashir as the prime minister of the interim government. Of the two, the de facto leader of Syria is the first one mentioned, he being the star of all interviews and foreign diplomats. Indeed, anything is better than what the ex-regime has subjected its citizens to, a rule which can best be described through pictures (as shown in Caesar’s photos and Saidnaya) rather than words; words have a way of sterilizing emotions. That is why photos speak for themselves, without a need for a description. Exactly for this reason, specifically, the bar being so low, the new regime must be supervised continuously so as not to fall into the dark night of totalitarianism, as Syria's neighbors have done after the Arab Spring of 2011. Although the leader of the regime, Shar`a or, more known through his nom de guerre, Al-Golani, has made drastic attempts to improve his image (as an ex-Al-Qaeda fighter), his recent actions and gestures cast a shadow on his willingness for concessions and reforms. His attire changed from a military uniform of the rebel fighter to a sharp, European suit. His discourse was altogether inclusive, with repeated mentions and support for religious tolerance and civil rights (though much less so on women’s rights). His post-coup attitude was cool-headed, pacifistic and reconciliatory, not seeking retribution from the torturers of Bashar’s regime. However, he refused to shake hands with Baerbock , Germany's Minister for Foreign Affairs, all the while offering his hand to her French counterpart. Additionally, it has been revealed that the newly appointed Minister of Justice has been seen overseeing the execution of two women in the rebel-controlled region of Idlib, accused of prostitution and adultery. Both these signs ought not to be omitted because they show hints of what the new regime truly leans toward, namely, a moderate-not-so-moderate Islamic state, with little regard to women's rights and the establishment of Islam as the state religion (hinted from the proposed curriculum that desecularizes education ). However, given the conservatism of Syrian society, such an approach could be more viable in the long term than a government that would unequivocally embrace Western values. An outburst of modernity and progressivism applied to a population with precarious education and sky-high rates of poverty, would not stick to the core being of the “common” man. As was seen in the Iranian Revolution and the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood in the ‘70s in Egypt, the upheaval came from down below, from people left out spiritually by the regimes. Forms must be intertwined with the substance for a regime to endure. The process of Italian unification also provides evidence towards this direction, because in the end it was not the radicals such as Mazzini and Garibaldi who won the historical contest, but the moderate and all-encompassing Cavour—a precursor of Bismarck in the application of Realpolitik. Having said all of this, I feel compelled to add that Al-Golani is playing a tremendously unifying role in the reconstruction of Syria. He is forced to play a Bismarckian role, satisfying, although partially, both his Islamist comrades and the appeals of European powers. However practical this approach may be, he appears as a shallow man, hiding his beliefs for the sake of his own country. A tad Machiavellian one may say, but the most successful path one could take, as history has countless times shown us. But the question remains: after managing to stabilize and revitalize the country, removing thus the reliance on external forces, will he turn to his current associates, or will he adhere to a more progressive mindset? That is yet to be seen. Photo credits: Military Intelligence Directorate, 1996, Wikimedia Commons .

American institutions, with their extravagant and perhaps even saccharine student services, at least appear to care about the wellbeing of their students. Sciences Po does not bother to pretend. Coasting off the inertia of its illustrious household name and impenetrable reputation, the institution knows it can afford to neglect its students. As a result, disillusionment is endemic to Sciences Pistes. < Back ‘L’Élite de la Nation’ Experience Sciences Po Disenchantment By Lara-Nour Walton December 30, 2021 Unlike its American counterparts, Sciences Po does not offer Guided Self-Compassion Meditation, Low Lounge DIY Crafts, or Vinyasa Yoga. The French scoff at excesses such as these. Accordingly, nobody comes to Sciences Po to be coddled. But American institutions, with their extravagant and perhaps even saccharine student services, at least appear to care about the wellbeing of their students. Sciences Po does not bother to pretend. Coasting off the inertia of its illustrious household name and impenetrable reputation, the institution knows it can afford to neglect its students. As a result, disillusionment is endemic to Sciences Pistes. Expectations for a school that churns out greats like Veil, Proust, and Dior are high. In fact, the Sciences Po student body is dubbed by the French populace as “ l’élite de la nation. ” However, the public perception of the institution often feels disjointed from reality. How can Sciences Po be training the nation’s future elites with a quality of education that, according to an anonymous Reims campus 1A, feels “worse than high school?” “I really don’t find the classes that difficult or fascinating,” continues the Reims 1A “The education is very superficial…” One of the most common educational grievances among the student body is the lack of standardization, not only between French and English sections, but also amongst different teachers within the respective tracks. Menton English track first year, Gayle Krest, wrote her history final about the similarities between the 1848 European Revolutions and the Arab Spring because her teacher is known to evaluate on the basis of originality: “If he is bored by your essay he will give you a lower grade.” Another 1A English track, who wishes to remain anonymous, had a wildly different experience in her History of the 19th Century class. Her teacher graded on historiographical knowledge. “I was encouraged to rely heavily on the opinions of the scholars we learned about,” she said. “[My history course] didn’t always push me to critically think about the topics. I was rewarded more for remembering the names of scholars than I was for having actual opinions.” The stark inconsistencies between both history teachers’ grading criteria is a microcosm of Sciences Po’s irregular and disorganized educational structure. “When exams come around you don’t know who is going to grade your (work). So you have no clue what methodology to use,” lamented the Reims 1A, “It creates so much ambiguity.” But ambiguity and structural disorder does not necessarily hinder one from securing a valuable education. What can serve as educational impediments, however, are incompetent and disinformed professors. According to Menton English track 1A, Angela Saab Saade, Sciences Po faculty is a mixed bag. “Some of the instructors are very qualified, others not so much,” said Saab Saade. Başak Üstün, a first year student at the same campus and track as Saab Saade, worries about the caliber of her professors at Sciences Po. Üstün said, “I learned very little this semester. Many of my teachers offered me no guidance or actual instruction. Often, we do not know the general framework for essay writing and the feedback that we receive later is not constructive.” The Reims 1A’s experience at her campus demonstrates that this is not limited to Menton, as even in Reims, “the instructors are not as experienced as they should be. How can they help their students if they’re confused about what they are doing?” The cross-campus similarities also reside in the administrative failure to meet campus needs. An English track 1A was “feeling terrible [mentally] during finals week.” Contemplating self harm, the student sought out mental health support from the school psychologist. They agreed to meet before his history final. But, when he arrived at his appointment, the psychologist was not in her office. “I got an email after my exam saying that she could not be there at that time and that she could meet in January,” he said. Such neglect amply demonstrates that the administration offers help as theater rather than out of true concern for student wellbeing. “If Sciences Po wants to retain that privilege of being an elite institution they need to deliver. They can’t do everything in service of their image because that comes at the expense of student life and education,” said Saab Saade. The appalling events that took place at Le Havre earlier this month serve as even further proof that these administrative shortcomings exist beyond the boundaries of campus alone. You can read more about the situation at Le Havre in the article written by Celeste Abourjeili.