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< Back Une France qui s’assèche, des scientifiques qui alertent, un gouvernement qui se dépêche By Salomé Greffier March 31, 2023 « Sens-tu l’air du désert/ Te dessécher la peau/ Comme si l’on avait/ Laissé le four ouvert/ Et ce souffle brûlant/ Nous ôter le repos/ Pour venir nous donner/ Un avant-goût d’enfer ? » Laurence Hérault s’exprime en ces mots afin de décrire un phénomène observé à grande échelle par les sociétés depuis une cinquantaine d’années déjà : la sécheresse. Tandis que les populations subissent des épisodes sans qu’aucune goutte de pluie ne tombe du ciel, les scientifiques parlent d’avancée du désert et les pouvoirs publics tentent de proposer des alternatives économiques et sociales moins énergivores en eau. La sécheresse, fait désormais l’objet d’observations rigoureuses et constitue un enjeu majeur pour les États. En outre, le dernier rapport du GIEC publié en 2022 tire la sonnette d’alarme quant à la fréquence des périodes de sécheresse à travers le monde dans les années à venir. Ces dernières devraient devenir plus régulières, voire permanentes, impliquant une remise en question de la gestion de l’eau à l’échelle individuelle mais aussi collective, au regard des comportements agricoles principalement. Le groupe d’experts intergouvernemental place l’activité humaine comme responsable de ces phénomènes météorologiques extrêmes. Par conséquent, seule une adaptation anthropique face à cet enjeu climatique (mais aussi socio-économique, politique et qui atteint plus généralement la santé publique) permettrait d’inverser, ou du moins de ralentir, le processus en cours. Pour le moment, les baromètres français affichent un record historique inquiétant. En effet, à la date du 21 février 2023, les météorologues cochent la case d’un 31ème jour sans pluie sur le sol de l’hexagone. Or, en plein milieu de l’hiver, l’eau des pluies devrait remplir les nappes phréatiques afin de répondre aux besoins des mois d’été. Février se termine donc avec un déficit de précipitations de 75 %. En d’autres termes, la situation actuelle est celle que l’on chiffre, en temps normal, autour de la mi-avril voire de mai. Les réserves souterraines en eau se trouvent par conséquent à des niveaux particulièrement bas alors que la saison estivale de 2022 avait déjà puisé plus d’or bleu que la nature pouvait apporter. Dans le même temps, il ne faut pas omettre les inégalités territoriales en matière d’exposition à la sécheresse. Ainsi, les scientifiques décrivent un phénomène plus fort dans des régions comme l’Occitanie, la région PACA ou encore la Corse. De manière plus générale, une analyse du quotidien La Tribune de Genève avance qu' en temps normal, Nice enregistre plus de 800 mm de pluie par an. Entre février 2022 et la première quinzaine de février 2023, seuls 285 mm de précipitations se sont abattus sur la ville, soit 500 bons millimètres de moins que d’ordinaire !” Une situation qui devrait nous préoccuper en tant que (nouveaux) habitants de la région en perspective du retour de l’été. Ce constat posé par la communauté scientifique et l’observation empirique obligent les pouvoirs publics français à agir en prévention des épisodes de sécheresse. Ainsi, lors du Salon de l’agriculture 2023 le président de la République, Emmanuel Macron, s’exprime en ces termes « On sait qu’on sera confronté à des problèmes de raréfaction d’eau : plutôt que de s’organiser sous la contrainte, on doit planifier tout ça ». Un appel à la sobriété soutenu par son ministre de la Transition écologique, Christophe Béchu. Ce dernier a demandé aux préfets des sept grands bassins du territoire, le 27 février dernier, d’anticiper les pénuries et de contraindre dès à présent les particuliers et entreprises à travers des arrêtés. Le gouvernement lance alors un « plan sécheresse » pour se préparer aux difficultés à venir. Ce projet public a tout d’abord pour vocation d’adapter l’agriculture. En effet, si le chef de l’État choisit un moment comme le Salon de l’agriculture pour exprimer ses inquiétudes, c’est avant tout pour toucher une frange de la population directement concernée par la sécheresse. L’agriculture représente en France 45 % de la consommation d’eau, chiffre qui s’élève jusqu’à 80 % au cœur de l’été. Celle-ci repose sur un modèle d’irrigation trop consommateur par rapport aux ressources disponibles. Par conséquent, il est demandé aux agriculteurs d’employer la méthode du goutte à goutte ou de se procurer des outils optimisant l’usage de l’eau. Néanmoins, la mise en place de ces moyens revêt un coût économique parfois trop important pour les exploitants qui doivent en priorité répondre à des demandes de rendements et générer des bénéfices pour maintenir leurs entreprises. L’État, pour pallier à ces inégalités, a débloqué des fonds à hauteur de 20 millions d’euros pour la « protection contre la sécheresse » à destination de toutes les exploitations en espérant que ce budget soit utilisé pour lutter contre les aléas climatiques et non à des fins économiques. De plus, l’idée d’installer des compteurs capables de recenser la consommation en eau des agriculteurs est envisagée par les pouvoirs publics de la métropole. Le « plan sécheresse » se déploie également en intervenant sur les failles du réseau d’eau. Ancien, sous dimensionné et parfois mal entretenu, le système d’alimentation se doit d’être rénové pour limiter les fuites en eau potable. Chaque année, c’est en effet 20 % en moyenne d’eau potable qui s’échappent des tuyaux à cause de l’obsolescence du réseau. Ensuite, l’État a pour objectif d’accélérer le déploiement de la réutilisation des eaux usées traitées. En bout de classement européen, la France recycle seulement 1 % de ses eaux à l’heure actuelle notamment à cause d’une réglementation sanitaire stricte en vigueur. On cherche dès lors à remplacer l’eau potable nécessaire au fonctionnement et à l’entretien des stations d’épuration par de l’eau recyclée et étendre progressivement cette pratique à des usages industriels et agricoles. Enfin, la conscience écologique mariée à des intérêts socio-économiques mobilise de plus en plus les citoyens. Les Français semblent prêter davantage attention à leur consommation d’eau et soutiennent des projets tels que l’utilisation de l’eau recyclée ou de compteurs « intelligents ». La tendance à la sobriété individuelle apparaît nécessaire pour les spécialistes mais insuffisante. L’appel des experts insiste davantage sur un changement collectif des usages de l’eau et des mentalités à l’échelle globale. Il n’en demeure pas moins que le levier de l’action individuelle est une goutte d’eau essentielle à, espérons-le, un recul du désert dans les prochaines années.

Je ne vous apprendrai donc rien en vous disant que notre université, et le campus de Menton en particulier, souffre d’une image pour le moins ternie par des accusations d’antisemitisme et autres propos diffamatoires circulant dans les médias. Mais les questions qui demeurent sont : pourquoi en sommes nous arrivés là, et comment est-ce que cela nous impacte concrètement ? < Back La perception médiatique de Sciences Po Menton By Anonymous April 30, 2024 Si vous lisez ceci, vous êtes probablement élèves de Sciences Po. Je ne vous apprendrai donc rien en vous disant que notre université, et le campus de Menton en particulier, souffre d’une image pour le moins ternie par des accusations d’antisemitisme et autres propos diffamatoires circulant dans les médias. Mais les questions qui demeurent sont : pourquoi en sommes nous arrivés là, et comment est-ce que cela nous impacte concrètement ? Depuis le 7 octobre, Sciences Po a été au centre de l’attention pour les positions prises par ses élèves en relation au conflit en cours. Mais le campus de Menton en a souffert doublement. En tant que campus ‘Méditerranée Moyen Orient’ il est le plus directement affecté car ce conflit touche à notre zone géographique de prédilection, mais aussi car il touche certains de nos camarades de près. Pourtant, la discussion a été difficile et la gestion compliquée. En effet, notre campus a souffert d'attaques par des élus locaux d’extrême droite visant directement certains étudiants en postant des vidéos de leurs visages dans un but de diffamation du campus. Ils les ont ainsi mis au centre d’une attention qui n'était pas voulue et haineuse. De plus, les médias ont abondamment répété que notre campus était “antisemite”, associant tout une communauté étudiante aux actes certes répréhensibles mais non représentatifs d’une petite minorité, et vidant de son sens cette notion si grave et complexe. Il est donc impossible de ne pas être choqué de la durée durant laquelle ces propos ont pu circuler en ligne, endommageant gravement l’image de notre campus. On pourrait peut être penser que la réputation du campus, et de Sciences Po plus largement, s’en remettra probablement; après tout, les classements QS ne semblent pas en tenir compte, Sciences Po arrive 2 ème en politique, et c’est peut être tout ce qui compte… Néanmoins, cette attention médiatique est grave, car elle attise les divisions et fragilise notre confiance dans la capacité de notre institution à nous protéger. Souffrant d’une gouvernance instable, nous nous sommes donc retrouvés démunis. Qui plus est, les propos ont été plus d’une fois démentis par des élèves de manière très ouverte, mais étrangement cela ne semble pas autant attirer les médias. En ce qui concerne les impacts directs de ces accusations, notre campus en souffre déjà. En effet, le président de MEDMUN, l’une des cinq associations permanentes du campus, a évoqué la difficulté à inviter certains diplomates ou à nouer des partenariats avec certaines marques qui ne voudraient pas que cette image leur soit associée. Pour lui, il est d’autant plus difficile de se défendre contre de telles positions tant que Sciences Po ne fait pas de “contre attaque”, car sans un démenti officiel nous n'avons que peu d’arguments. Néanmoins, il est important de reconnaître l'existence dans notre campus de postures antisémites. Comme la conférence du 24 avril nous l’a rappelé, les élèves juifs de notre campus en ont souffert. Les témoignages l’ont montré, nous ne sommes pas toujours très à l’aise. Il est aussi important de se rendre compte que l’antisemitisme est souvent mal compris. En effet, ce que certains voient comme anodin ne l’est pas toujours pour ceux à qui ça s'adresse systématiquement. Et oui les ‘blagues’ stéréotypes toujours justifiées a ce titre sont dures à vivre, et oui être convoqué sur la conversation a propos du conflit en Israël/Palestine sans toujours être à l'aise pour donner notre perspective est un problème. Je dois l’admettre, durant le mois d’octobre et même depuis, certains jours ce malaise m’a envahie. Mais je refuse de laisser ces angoisses définir notre campus et mon expérience. Ce n’est pas en stigmatisant tout le campus que ce sera résolu. En effet, la reprise de la vraie souffrance de certains élèves à des fins politiques rend le dialogue d’autant plus difficile. La diffamation venant des médias pousse à des réactions antagonistes de certains qui empêchent la discussion modérée et honnête. Il est donc évident que la diffamation à l’encontre de notre campus affecte tout à la fois des individus, le fonctionnement d’associations et la capacité d’organiser des événements en son sein. Le manque de réponse face à ces attaques médiatiques et leurs reprises politiques nous laisse nous questionner sur l’avenir du campus.

Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. < Back Why We All Need to Get Our Hands in the Soil Finn Leary for Environnementon December 31, 2024 When I put my hand up to write this article, I initially had plans to write about environmental NGOs and why so many continue to fall short in delivering meaningful change, despite bold, well-intentioned promises. Then, after witnessing the ways in which COP29 again stormed its way into the news cycle, with not much to show, I thought perhaps this was a more important conversation to have. But after an afternoon of getting my hands dirty, pulling out a few weeds in the garden following an obnoxiously boring French class, I decided perhaps this was a ripe place to focus my attention. And a bit more of a hopeful place to dwell. So yep, you guessed it! This article is going to be dedicated to the humble act of gardening. For ease of reading, I’ll be discussing three main ideas: gardening as a profoundly (often unintentional) anti-capitalist act, gardening as self-care and care for the planet, and gardening as a directed political action. PSA: This article is driven in equal parts by my desire to find a lovely human (or several) that are willing to give some love and care to the garden after I’m gone (sounds like I’m dying, I’m just heading back to Australia) but also to convince more of you of the value of gardening and growing your own food. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Profoundly Anti-Capitalist I want to start here with a little story. This past summer, at home in Tasmania, my father, an avid gardener, was blessed with a handful of tomato plants that sprouted naturally from last year’s crop. They popped up in the veggie garden and quickly announced their arrival by growing prolifically. These tomato plants were huge, spreading to cover the whole garden. Hundreds, if not thousands, of tomatoes emerged over the course of the coming months. Dad was so overwhelmed (in the best way possible) by the sheer scale of his tomato success, that he started finding new homes for the tomatoes. Boxes full were given away at the local markets. Handfuls were passed over the fence to the elderly neighbors. Their sweet juicy nectarines were handed back. This quickly evolved into passing over bottled passata and tomato relish for nectarine pie. A local restaurant heard of Dad’s surplus tomatoes, and for the rest of the summer Dad swapped boxes for a meal at the restaurant. Thankfully this extended to his sons whenever they visited. A friend of mine who has her own fermentation and preserves business took buckets full to use in her recipes. A community group in Hobart used kilos of pasta sauce and fresh tomatoes to feed the masses at their weekly gatherings. And still tomatoes went to waste. But that’s the beauty of gardening. Fruit falling to the ground never really goes to waste. Just returning to the soil, seeds aplenty, waiting for the next year to sprout again. Indeed, all of this arose from the seeds that fell to the ground the previous autumn. Just a few months earlier, in a class at university, my favorite professor had been discussing the beauty of seeds and gardening more broadly. For the last class of the semester, he brought in broad bean seeds that were gifted to him by a previous student 15 years earlier. For the past decade and a half, my lecturer had grown broad beans and given the seeds to every class member, asking each student to sow the seeds and to pass on the gesture. It is fair to assume that one handful of beans given 15 years ago had led to the planting and harvesting of hundreds of plants in backyards around Hobart and further afield. I planted mine and they are still growing in my old shared house garden. My lecturer’s point with this act was this: That the beautiful gift of life stored in the form of a seed costs nothing but can generate so much good. And that this gift is exponential. In this sense, gardening is very anti-capitalist. Produce grown in the garden (and the seeds from these plants) are a gift from nature that can be regifted to others, shared and swapped and eaten and celebrated—a liberating and life-bringing act fundamentally rooted in connection to the land and to others. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Self-Care: Nurturing Ourselves and the Planet Gardening is also fundamentally about returning to something better, something rooted in the past and oriented to the future. It’s about returning to ourselves in new ways (old ways really) and to the natural environment around us. Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. Gardening requires slowing down. It forces us to contend with the seasons, and cycles of death and decay. Gardening makes us more aware of what is happening all around us, from the critters and the pollinators to the amount of rain held in the clouds above. We live such distanced and disconnected lives from the natural world that we are inherently a part of, that simply getting in the garden can be a reclamation, a way to remind ourselves of all we are connected to and the stewardship we must return to. Gardening also fundamentally orients us toward big, important questions: What is our role within the natural world? How do we care for what sustains us? How is food grown, and who grows it? How can individuals and communities take control of their food systems? Gardening as a Political Act Gardening can take so many different forms; it can be as varied as the people who practice it and the environments in which it occurs. Gardening can be a solitary endeavor pursued in private space like a courtyard or a balcony, or it can be a deeply connected act embedded in communities and shared public space. Gardening can differ radically in scale, from a few pots of herbs and greens to bustling community gardens. There lies beauty and value in all these examples. Gardening can also be a rebellious political act that challenges the status quo, as seen in practices like guerrilla gardening and botanarchy. These forms of gardening are premised upon transforming and reclaiming neglected and poorly used public spaces into green, productive areas, often without permission, to challenge private ownership and environmental conservatism. A good friend of mine in Australia started a guerrilla garden in Meanjin (Brisbane) during Covid, turning an abandoned council-owned plot into a thriving communal space where all walks of life from the community would meet and get their hands into the soil, sharing produce and meals. Engaging in guerrilla gardening/botanarchy is an empowering act, a way to push back against systems that aren’t really serving us. With our ecological systems in crisis, political instability growing the world over, and social divisions deepening, it is hard to envision a livable future without radical scaled change—the revolutionary, system-transforming type. I want to suggest that it is too the small battles that can pave the way to new modes of living and relating to each other and the planet. The peaceful revolution of growing something in the garden (whether in your backyard, or in a poorly used public space), in my opinion, is a small but sure step forward out of this mess. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024.

La littérature en traduction peut offrir une lueur d’espoir. < Back La littérature en traduction : bénédiction ou malédiction pour les langues minoritaires ? By Gruffudd ab Owain February 29, 2024 La présence de langues et de dialectes minoritaires est en pleine vue, même à Menton. Chaque jour, en route vers le campus, nous sommes accueillis par le nom de l’ancien restaurant, ‘A Braïjade Mentounasc’, ainsi que de nombreux noms de rue mentonasques. Grâce à son positionnement géographique, il n’est pas surprenant que le dialecte mentonnais se trouve entre la langue d’oc de type provençal niçois et le ligure intémélien parlé dans la région de Vintimille-Sanremo. Le mentonasque fait partie du patrimoine de cette ville historique, mais de nos jours, il est moins parlé qu’auparavant. Comme pour plusieurs autres langues minoritaires, son utilisation était interdite aux écoles il y a quelques générations. « Ma grand-mère se faisait taper sur les doigts avec une règle en fer si elle parlait mentonnais, » a raconté Patricia à Monaco Matin en 2023. De cette façon, l’expression « langues minoritaires » n’est pas toujours appropriée. Le catalan, considéré comme une langue minoritaire malgré un nombre de locuteurs supérieur à celui du danois, langue majoritaire et officielle, en est un exemple évident. En anglais, on utilise désormais minoritized language pour souligner les connotations politiques de la domination d’une langue majoritaire. L’oppression à l’école n’est qu’un exemple des menaces pour la transmission de ces langues; sans transmission, quel espoir reste-t-il pour leur survie? La littérature en traduction peut offrir une lueur d’espoir. Sa popularité et son importance sont en hausse. Les ventes de la fiction en traduction ont augmenté de 22% en 2022 par rapport à l’année précédente, grâce notamment aux lecteurs moins de 35 ans qui font partie de la moitié de son marché. En 2023, « The Blue Book of Nebo » de Manon Steffan Ros a remporté le prix Carnegie qui honore chaque année le meilleur roman pour adolescents en Grande Bretagne. Déjà primé dans sa langue originale, gallois, en 2018, il a été traduit en plusieurs langues, y compris le français sous le titre « Le Livre Bleu de Nebo ». C’était la première fois qu’un roman traduit remportait ce prix. Mais, quel est l’impact de la traduction de romans? Elle offre sans doute une visibilité nouvelle pour les langues minoritaires elles-mêmes, mais aussi des avantages pour les lecteurs du roman traduit. Selon Manon Steffan Ros, son roman est même plus ‘gallois’ en traduction que dans l’original. On en déduit que le processus de traduction peut adapter l’histoire, l’authenticité et les représentations pour différents publics. Dans une étude publiée dans un journal de multilinguisme durable, Guillem Belmar discute du rôle de la traduction à l’heure de revitaliser des langues telles que le Basque. Il affirme que la traduction est une arme pour lutter contre la dominance linguistique, et pour encourager des nouveaux auteurs qui peuvent ainsi atteindre un plus grand public, toujours en écrivant dans leur langue maternelle. Surtout, Belmar affirme que la traduction est essentielle pour la dignité de ces langues, prouvant leur capacité à élargir leurs horizons, leur pertinence, et la nécessité de les respecter. Cependant, la traduction fait face à des défis importants. La traduction anglaise de « Llyfr Glas Nebo » était « plus galloise » parce que Manon Steffan Ros l’a traduit elle-même. Il n’est pas rare que les auteurs ne puissent ni traduire ni lire leurs propres œuvres en autres langues, ce qui pose un risque pour l’authenticité et la fidélité des représentations. Comme le dit Michael Cronin, les structures de la traductologie sont marquées des préjugés et de la dominance des langues majoritaires, ce qui peut renforcer les inégalités linguistiques, surtout en contextes post-coloniaux. En gallois, au moins, le défi s’agit non seulement d’encourager les traductions, mais aussi dans la représentation de la culture dans la littérature anglaise. Des romans originaux en anglais, surtout les romans policiers, situés en Irlande ou en Écosse sont devenus très populaires. Créer une ‘saveur’ galloise dans les romans qui attirent un large public pourrait être une manière d’attirer des nouveaux locuteurs, ou, au moins, de garantir la connaissance de l’existence de la langue. Pour revenir au mentonasque, certains, comme Jean-Louis Caserio, pensent que sa littérature possède une richesse qui « mérite d'être plus connue ». Toutefois, elle n’a pas connu le même succès par rapport à ses voisins occitans, qui ont une longue et riche histoire. Parfois, sa littérature a prospéré même si la langue était en déclin : Robert Marty (1944-2021) a prévenu, de manière provocante peut-être, qu’il pourrait y avoir plus d’écrivains que de lecteurs. Aujourd’hui, elle est toujours vivante - il suffit de jeter un œil à la section des nouveautés du site Découvertes Occitanes pour en être sûr – même si les traductions d’œuvres étrangères sont plus présentes que dans d’autres langues minoritaires. Cela représente à la fois une opportunité pour assurer la vivance de la littérature et aussi un défi pour que les œuvres originales ne soient pas marginalisées. L’âge d’or de la littérature occitane a eu lieu au 13ème siècle, ce qui correspond avec l’époque des Troubadours. Leurs œuvres ont souvent été traduites, et Dafydd ap Gwilym, qui écrivait en gallois à la même époque, a été profondément influencé par leurs thèmes, surtout l’amour courtois. On dit que ap Gwilym est le poète qui a eu l’impact le plus significatif sur la poésie galloise, introduisant des nouvelles idées et structures qui conservent une valeur importante jusqu'aujourd'hui. Ainsi, cette histoire nous rappelle que la littérature en traduction construit des ponts entre les langues et les cultures pour un enrichissement mutuel.

It’s time to embrace these styles as more than just ‘trends’, but as a long-lived facet of Black culture. Recognizing the enormous influence that Black communities have had on fashion and aesthetics will allow for the long-overdue dismantling of structural hegemonies, which not only ignore Black culture but also build an alarming double standard between races in the fashion industry. < Back “Clean Girl” or “White Girl”? Exploring Racial Double Standards in the Fashion Industry Loowit Morrison April 30, 2025 Clean girl. We can all picture her: slicked-back bun, neutral nail polish, “no-makeup” makeup with lip gloss. She is an image of sophistication, elegance and fashion, not to mention hyper-trendy. She is a model off-duty. She is praised as glowing. And, more often than not, she is white. The clean girl aesthetic is widely credited to celebrities such as Gigi Hadid, Hailey Bieber and Kendall Jenner, champions of the “model off-duty” look. However, the unquestioned praise of white women who flaunt the clean girl look perpetuates a deep double standard in the fashion industry. Despite the face of the aesthetic being white, the clean girl was born in Black communities. The typical “clean girl” gold hoop was not born with the emergence of the clean girl aesthetic in the early 2020s. They actually have roots traced back to fourth Century Africa, in modern-day Sudan. In the U.S.’ Jazz Age of the 1920s and 1930s, singer Josephine Baker pioneered hoops as a fashion statement, and thus began their ascent to staple jewelry. Throughout the 1900s, stars such as Cher and Diana Ross continued to popularize the hoop. Chola style, defined by Chicana women on the U.S.’s West Coast, was also instrumental in the popularization of gold jewelry. Chola was used to symbolize Latina women’s struggle and to assert their unique cultural identity. Perhaps the most appropriated element of historically Black fashion is lip liner. An essential in many girls’ bags, no matter their race, lip liner was not just invented to upgrade a lip look. Liner first emerged in Black communities in the 1920s as a way to combat the exclusion of Black women from the beauty world. At a time when shades of brown were not even available in the makeup industry, Black and brown women had to “be the creators of their own beauty”, according to NYC makeup artist Sam Fine. While seen merely as a makeup tool today, the history of the lip liner is a story of protest—of Black women seeking femininity in a white hegemonic social landscape. What, then, allowed lip liner to expand past Black and brown communities? Well, it was only when white women adopted it, when liner went “mainstream”, that the negative connotations associated with it evaporated . Once viewed as “ghetto,” as soon as it was claimed by white women, it became “sophisticated.” In August 2022, Hailey Bieber’s tutorial on her “unheard of technique” for “brownie glazed lips” went viral. A combination of brown lip liner and clear gloss, this look was received with praise and enthusiasm as the “hot new thing” in makeup. However, this look was not a “new thing” at all. It was merely the elevation of a Black beauty trend by a thin white woman. The adoption and appropriation of Black fashion trends by white women is not limited to makeup. Long nails, which date back to Egyptian women in 3000 BCE, have long been donned by Black women. Black disco icons in the 1970s U.S. expanded the popularity of acrylic nails, which were brought to the forefront of fashion after being worn by Donyale Luna, the first Black supermodel on the cover of Vogue , in the March 1966 edition of the magazine. The growth of the acrylic nail was fostered by other Black icons, including track star Florence Griffith-Joyner and pop stars Missy Elliott and Janet Jackson. Today, acrylics are celebrated among all races. However, their perception on white women versus Black women reveals a deep double standard in fashion. When white women wear acrylics, whether a clean girl “Bubble Bath” pink or with an elaborate design, they are seen as chic and cute. When a Black woman wears acrylics, on the other hand, she is seen as “cheap” and “unprofessional.” Even the same set of nails would be seen in a completely different light based on the race of the person wearing them. Hoops, lip liners and acrylic nails are only three examples of the clean girl’s double standards. Despite its roots in Black culture, the clean girl aesthetic is rarely associated with Black girls. In fact, while heralded as fresh and cute on white girls, when Black girls wear hoops and nails, they are seen as the opposite. The clean girl aesthetic is not the only example of fashion’s racial double standards. Black people have long been pioneers of fashion, and can be credited with many of society’s favorite looks today, from athleisure to logomania and all-leather looks. This influence, however, is often pushed aside and purposefully ignored by a white-dominated fashion landscape that refuses to give credit where credit is due. Along with the slick back bun, braids have been a defining source of double standards in the fashion industry. Braids and cornrows date back thousands of years, the earliest known depiction of which is illustrated in a rock painting from the Sahara desert, around 5,000 years ago. While braiding culture is not limited to Black culture, braids gained a special significance during times of slavery in the Americas. Various braiding styles were used to draw maps of escape routes, denoting obstacles and pathways to freedom. Braids hold inextricable cultural significance in Black communities, highlighting a long-fought battle for freedom and unique identity. However, braids are also a place of contention. Despite holding a large place in Black identity, braids are a source of stereotypes and stigmatization, especially in the workplace. A study from CROWN Workplace Research in 2023 found that one-fifth of Black women surveyed between the ages of 25 and 34 had been sent home from the workplace due to their hair, and Black women’s hair was two-and-a-half times more likely to be considered unprofessional. Black women’s hair, whether in braids or an afro, has been widely regarded as “messy.” However, when a white woman wears braids, such as Kim Kardashian’s “ Bo Derek braids ,” she is praised as cutting-edge and cool. The more we analyze current trends, the more we uncover the ignored influence that Black culture has had on fashion. Without trailblazing Black leaders in the fashion industry, the world wouldn’t have sneakers, hoodies or name-plate necklaces. These trends have been seized and appropriated by the white-dominated industry, distorted to appear as belonging to white people only. This isn’t to say that the world should stop wearing sneakers or hoop earrings. Actually, we should do the opposite: it’s time to embrace these styles as more than just ‘trends’, but as a long-lived facet of Black culture. Recognizing the enormous influence that Black communities have had on fashion and aesthetics will allow for the long-overdue dismantling of structural hegemonies, which not only ignore Black culture but also build an alarming double standard between races in the fashion industry. So the next time you reach for hair gel, lip liner, or even your favorite pair of sneakers, think back to where they came from. So much of what we, as a society, love today has roots in Black culture, and it’s time to recognize, celebrate and uplift that. Photo source: Historical Liscense on Flickr

Essentially, the work that Jean-Luc Godard accomplished transcends cinema. < Back The Children of Marx and Coca Cola: The Life and Work of Jean-Luc Godard Beyond the Aesthetics By Ecesu Basara for Cinémentongraphe December 31, 2023 "The philosopher and the filmmaker share a certain way of being, a certain view of the world that is that of a generation.” - Maurice Merleau-Ponty Jean-Luc Godard is perhaps the most iconic figure in cinematic history; he is the first name every person who calls themselves a cinephile should know. His name reverberates with such significance that its absence from one's cinematic lexicon may induce shaming by others. The French-Swiss film director, known for his contribution to the New Wave movement of the 50s and 60s, pioneered new narrative structures, innovated and developed filmmaking techniques and produced many masterpieces, some of which you may all have heard of, such as Pierrot Le Fou or Breathless ( À bout de souffle ). Yet, we tend to ignore Godard's impact beyond his cinematic aesthetics and his role as a political activist who used his art to articulate his socio-political convictions. A period of civil unrest and social upheaval took place in France, particularly in Paris, during May and June of 1968. Mai ‘68 started as a series of student protests but quickly escalated into a widespread movement involving millions of people from various societal sectors. This upsurge symbolized defiance against established authority, denounced the suppression of academic freedoms within universities, and later gained the support of labor unions. Artists joined this vibrant societal movement, among whom Godard's stance was particularly significant: the director got the world-renowned Cannes film festival canceled, his impassioned words —"I talk to you about solidarity with students and workers, and you talk to me about tracking shots and close-ups! You're idiots!"— showed his commitment to sociopolitical justice and solidarity over formalities such as film festivals. His activism also took more implicit forms as he communicated his political views through his films. In Masculin Féminin , based on two short stories by the great French author Guy de Maupassant, the story revolves around the romantic relationship between Paul, a young man who is looking for a job and protesting against the Vietnam war, and Madeleine, an aspiring pop singer. The film captures the essence of the youth in the 1960s; Godard shows the youth’s raw struggles, relationships, and opinions during the period. He uses the characters' dialogues and interactions to reflect the political apathy and growing shift away from traditional political ideologies. He states in an intertitle that, “This film could be called The Children of Marx and Coca Cola,” confirming his efforts to portray the political climate of the time through a cinematic lens, illustrating the romantic lives of young Parisians, busy signing petitions against restrictions of freedom of speech and quoting philosophers such as Maurice Merleau-Ponty. Essentially, the work that Jean-Luc Godard accomplished transcends cinema. He manages to depict a moving history of social revolutions and reflect the dynamics of political dissent and periods of social change. His legacy lives on not just in the frames of his many films but also in his ever-present dedication to promoting social change and expressing his beliefs through the medium of film.

Here are recent environmental developments to help ease your climate anxiety. < Back These Six Environmental Developments Will Help Your Climate Anxiety By Lara Prakash and Titouan Huber September 24, 2022 Clean energy projects surge after Biden approves new climate bill. Since U.S. President Joe Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act, a climate bill, this past August, large corporations have announced projects that promote sustainability. The bill provides financial incentives to companies that make their products more sustainable and accessible. In accordance with the act, Toyota will invest in a $2.5 billion electrical car parts factory. First Solar, a large solar manufacturing company, has pledged to build a factory in the United States. These initiatives will take a few years to come into fruition, and political leaders still want to “accelerate America’s transition away from fossil fuels and to reduce dependence on foreign suppliers, especially those in China.” As such, Biden aims to work on transmission projects in the meantime. These initiatives will be necessary for getting solar and wind power to states that want clean energy. With big corporations and political figures collaborating, slow but steady progress will be made in creating a more eco-friendly future for America. This summer, Solar power helped the European Union avoid €29 billion in gas imports. In the European Union, 12.2% of the electricity generated this summer was from solar power, the highest amount ever produced by this alternative power source. Natural-gas burning plants would have cost the EU approximately 29 billion euros, substantiating the claim that solar is beneficial for the environment and cost-effective. According to the think tank Ember, solar usage increased by 28% this summer compared to last year. The Netherlands and Germany were the two countries that used the most solar energy: 23% and 19% of the countries’ electricity expenditure, respectively. Between the rising gas prices and the increase in power costs due to the war between Russia and Ukraine, solar is greatly impacting the environment and helping citizens save money. Love coffee pods but hate the waste? This Swiss company has invented a green alternative. People all over the world say that drinking coffee is a central part of their morning routine. Many make their daily cup of coffee at home using single-serving coffee pods. Most coffee machines use aluminum and plastic pods, contributing to immense quantities of environmental waste. Migros, a Swiss company, has launched “Coffee Balls,” which are climate-friendly, dissolvable coffee grinds that will replace capsules. These coffee balls, known as Coffee-B, will work in a specific machine called the “Globe.” This innovative approach to making coffee may seem simple, but it will have a significant impact on the amount of waste produced if the majority of people using aluminum or plastic coffee pods make the transition. Marseille dévoile le premier ferry au monde n'émettant aucune particule polluante Lundi 5 Septembre, un engin très particulier à été dévoilé à Marseille: un ferry n’émettant aucune particule polluante! Cette première mondiale a vu le jour dans le but de faire face aux enjeux de protection de l'environnement, dans une ville où les habitants se plaignent souvent des résidus de pollution liés aux émissions des multiples ferrys circulant dans les eaux. Avec ce ferry, renommé le Piana, vous pouvez oublier la fumée noire et l’odeur de souffre des ferrys classiques qui détruisent l’environnement, Équipé d’un filtre à particules, unique au monde, il limite la pollution de l’air et de l’eau : une très belle avancée technologique. Et, cerise sur le gâteau, cette innovation révolutionnaire a lieu dans notre belle région. Google Maps veut faire économiser du carburant aux automobilistes français Depuis mercredi 7 Septembre, l’outil Google Maps a lancé une nouvelle fonctionnalité qui va réjouir de nombreuses personnes. Il est désormais possible de demander à l’application GPS un itinéraire “bis” pour se déplacer, permettant de faire des économies et de rejeter moins de CO2. Ces itinéraires, parfois plus longs de quelques minutes, seront le plus économe en essence possible, permettant de faire d’une pierre deux coups en réduisant notre empreinte carbone et en soulageant notre portefeuille. L'algorithme se base ainsi sur de nombreux facteurs comme la vitesse autorisée, les embouteillages, les côtes et les descentes ou encore le nombre de feux rouges. Testé depuis l’an dernier en Amérique du Nord et en Allemagne, la fonctionnalité aurait entraîné une réduction de plus de 500 000 tonnes d'émissions de CO2, soit l'équivalent de 100 000 voitures à moteur thermique retirées de la circulation. À Toulouse, 6 millions de litres d’eau récupérés dans une piscine pour arroser parcs et jardins Présenté comme le bassin le plus grand d’Europe avec ses 150 mètres de long et 50 mètres de large, la piscine Alfred-Nakache, construite dans les années 1930 à Toulouse, va servir d’exemple du changement que les “nouvelles” problématiques environnementales nous imposent. En effet, là où chaque année, en Septembre, la tradition voulait que le bassin soit vidangé, et où des millions de litres d’eau étaient gaspillés, une révolution s'amorce. Ces 6 millions de litres sont, cette année (et, on l’espère, pour les prochaines à venir), récupérés pour arroser les parcs et jardins de la ville, une grande première qui s’est mise en place dans le contexte de la sécheresse dont fait preuve le pays. Grâce à l’évaporation naturelle du chlore au contact de l’air, cette eau est totalement saine et va permettre de soulager de nombreux arbres victimes de la sécheresse. À l’avenir, la ville de Toulouse (et d’autres, on l’espère) renouvellera l’expérience et étendra son champ d’action à d’autres bassins.

Art has become the playground of impostors and also a means to escape taxes. Everything must be immediate and, most importantly, one arm away reachable. The greater threat was not totalitarianism, as Orwell thought, but the irremediable attraction of the immediate and the always reachable, as Huxley proposed in his dystopia, Brave New World. We are definitely not that far from that. < Back The mediocratization of the world Amer El-Ibrahim March 31, 2025 This article will be dedicated to an idea that has been remarkably captured in Mario Vargas Llosa’s book-” The Civilization of the Spectacle”, a literary masterpiece that deserves far more recognition than it had received. Dealing with a critical issue of contemporaneity, that of the decline of culture in its pure sense, this is a manifesto against the status quo of our times. The book's main point is that the word “culture” lost its previously high standards interlinked with engaging in literature, philosophy and the arts , and has become something much more semantically ambiguous. The word “culture” is now interlinked with a number of topics unrelated to its original sense, such as Cancel Culture, to name one of them. Subsequently, the previous definition of culture could be called in today’s terms high culture. This cleavage shows the transformation this word had through the decades and thus the greater implications outside semantics this implies. Progress and empowerment always come at a cost, and only through analyzing this cost can one decide whether it is better to reform or to maintain what still exists. For example, when planes were invented and massively produced, that was considered a major leap for humanity since transport became faster than ever before. But this innovation utterly tainted the inviolable and quasi-mystical flight of the dove; if humans manage to fly too, then all “magic” related to such a bird is lost forever. The same could be said about the number of published books. Each year, more and more books are published, thus making it harder for a good book to prevail in a sea of market-oriented books that tackle immediate subjects. That could be an explanation for the fact that almost all the classics we learn about in school are long-dead. This was also the case for the huge empowerment the middle class saw after WWII, especially in Europe. As part of its aftermath, the whole continent saw a drastic change in the quality of life of the average man, with the introduction of modern housing with electricity and sewage systems, more jobs on the market, higher literacy rates, and stronger welfare states. The elitism, both cultural and material, of the ancienne regimes was now eliminated, and workers finally had a voice. But at what price was this accomplished? With this empowerment of the middle class, however historically needed and sought after it might have been, came about the end of the so-called “high culture.” This democratization of society, as in a microrevolution from below against the traditional hierarchies that existed, even in authoritarian regimes such as those in Eastern Europe, was not limited only to the political sphere. Culture was naturally affected as well. The gradual rise of access to television and to newspapers lowered the quality of the produced content to mere entertainment. The worker, after all, wants to relax after his long working hours, and what was an easier way to do so other than through some good old-fashioned, cheap and immediate entertainment? Intellectual depth of any kind is now absent on any major news channel. Journalism, currently, is very much plagued by scandals and gossip, and not on a small scale. There are always people, see Murdoch, who capitalise on these very human needs for entertainment and immediate gratification. Contemporary literature is, similarly, plagued by the law of supply and demand, as I have mentioned above. . Art has become the playground of impostors and also a means to escape taxes. Everything must be immediate and, most importantly, one arm away reachable. The greater threat was not totalitarianism, as Orwell thought, but the irremediable attraction of the immediate and the always reachable, as Huxley proposed in his dystopia, Brave New World . We are definitely not that far from that. On an ending note, the easiest way to actually get a grip on this decline is by analysing how journalism, specifically, evolved. Specifically, because newspapers catch almost perfectly the Zeitgeist of an era. Thus, one could open any mainstream news outlet, such as The Guardian or The New York Times and read any article there and compare it with those of any newspaper from the 20s, 30s, or 40s. A very quick analysis would highlight that les anciennes did not just report on x events—they were not just simple accountants of facts, stern and emotionless. They were active participants in the society they were a part of, fighters for their own ideas and principles, and never afraid to show their opinions on the current events of their world. This tumultuous and never-ending passion, this combativeness that does not settle, this have we forever lost. Photo source: Wikimedia commons

Vivant le monde méditerranéen tous les jours, à travers nos travaux, nos lectures et nos expériences personnelles sur la riviera française, il serait bien temps pour nous de le goûter aussi. < Back Le Régime Méditerranéen: La Clé Pour Une Approche Plus Équilibrée À Notre Existence? Margarita Kopsia September 30, 2024 Entre readings , examens et deadlines de toutes sortes, la vie courante des science pistes mentonnais, soucieux de mieux comprendre le monde méditerannéen et moyen-oriental, peut parfois s’apparenter à un flot continu d’aventures et de responsabilités. Si c’est précisément au sein de cette expérience singulière du temps où réside toute la beauté de la vie mentonnaise, force est de constater qu’une approche plus équilibrée de notre quotidien nous serait fort bénéfique et ne ferait qu’embellir ce ravissant trajet. Vivant le monde méditerranéen tous les jours, à travers nos travaux, nos lectures et nos expériences personnelles sur la riviera française, il serait bien temps pour nous de le goûter aussi. Intéressons-nous aux modes d’alimentation qui sont propres à la Méditerranée et surtout à la manière dont ces principes ont pris forme dans l’espace et dans le temps, reflétant les valeurs et les idéaux véritablement méditerranéens. Qu’est-ce qui fait du régime ou de la diète méditerranéens un mode d’alimentation et d’existence qui mérite d'en parler, si ce n’est d’éventuellement en emprunter certains aspects? Capables de nous inciter à adopter une posture plus harmonieuse vis-à-vis de nos études et de notre quotidien, ces derniers sèment la voie pour une réflexion que nous nous devons à nous-mêmes: comment pouvons-nous tirer profit des ressources dont il est possible de bénéficier ici à Menton, ville qui ouvre sur le bassin méditerannéen et qui est caractérisée par un climat qui lui est propre? Mais, avant d’attaquer tous ces différents points et avant de tenter de discerner ce lien subtil qui peut exister entre ces deux modes de consommation, entre consommation alimentaire et consommation de la vie, il faut s’efforcer de comprendre ce que signifie réellement la notion de « régime méditerranéen » : qu’est-ce qui fait la spécificité et l’intérêt de la diète méditerranéenne? La diète méditerranéenne: une approche singulière à la tradition, à l’histoire et à la culture S’il s’avère que les concepts de régime méditerranéen ou de diète méditerranéenne ne furent eux-mêmes inventés que dans les années 1960 et 1970, ces derniers puisent leurs origines dans des habitudes et des traditions qui remontent bien plus loin dans le temps. Ainsi, parler de régime méditerannéen ou de diète méditerranéenne semble être une affaire relativement contemporaine, ne datant que de quelques décennies, c’est pourquoi il faudrait plutôt s’intéresser à l’histoire et aux principes de l' alimentation méditerranéenne, qui nécessite de changer entièrement d’échelle pour parler en fonction de siècles, voire de millénaires. Entre ses débuts, ses nombreuses redécouvertes et évolutions jusqu’à sa théorisation et sa conceptualisation, l’alimentation méditerranéenne rassemble en elle et à travers le long chemin qu’elle a parcouru la grande majorité des éléments qui caractérisent aujourd’hui ce qui est plus largement désigné comme la « culture » et le mode de vie méditerranéens, dans une optique visant à dépasser les différences entre pays et cherchant précisément à en faire des entités comparables, voire similaires, sur certains points. Ainsi, il n’est possible de parler du régime et de l’alimentation méditerranéens sans faire allusion au rôle déterminant des acteurs qui ont cherché à en acquérir une meilleure connaissance et qui ont examiné leur efficacité, de sorte à avoir éventuellement engendré leur adoption par des populations de plus en plus nombreuses et différentes. Ancel Keys, surnommé « Mister huile d’olive » et « pionnier de la recherche nutritionnelle moderne » selon les auteurs de l’article Histoire de l’alimentation méditerranéenne , participa alors de manière décisive à la redécouverte de l’alimentation méditerranéenne et à « l’invention » du régime méditerannéen. Le terme qui fut alors employé pour caractériser ce mode d’alimentation fut la « Mediterranean Diet », la notion de « régime » ( diet ) étant ici comprise en fonction de ces racines étymologiques pour se référer directement à un ensemble d’habitudes bien ancrées dans les mœurs et dans le temps, conformément à l’origine grecque du mot diaita signifiant « way of life ». Cela nous incite alors à détourner notre attention d’une vision erronée du régime méditerrannén qui serait associée à l’idée de la restriction alimentaire, pour insister directement sur ce qui fait son cœur et sa force, c’est-à-dire le fait qu’il ne soit en fin de compte que le partage de certains motifs répétitifs bien précis, promœuvant la santé et le bien-être général, résistant aux frontières géographiques et incarnant les valeurs du dialogue et de la convivialité. En effet, le régime méditerannéen pourrait et devrait être compris à la lumière du « climat », des « festivals » et des « célébrations » à travers lesquels il se manifeste et qui permettent aux valeurs de la « transmission intergénérationnelle et interculturelle » de prendre forme. Il n’est également possible de traiter de la diète ou du régime méditerranéens dans leur ensemble sans commenter les résultats de la Seven Countries Study , c’est-à-dire l’enquête menée par A. Keys depuis 1957 sur sept pays différents (les États-Unis, l’Italie, la Grèce, la Finlande, les pays qui à l’époque constituaient la Yougoslavie, les Pays-Bas et le Japon), qui s’était fixée pour objectif d’établir une corrélation entre la santé cardiovasculaire, la résistance aux maladies et le mode de vie et d’alimentation. Nous pouvons en effet supposer que cette étude, ayant mis en évidence l’importance de consommer des céréales complètes, des fruits et légumes en abondance et à limiter la consommation de produits transformés et ceux riches en graisses et en sucres, a eu une certaine incidence sur la composition des différents modèles de nutrition qui lui ont succédé, tels que la fameuse pyramide alimentaire qui est elle-même censée refléter un équilibre nutritionnel quasi-parfait. C’est en 2013 que la « diète méditerranéenne » fut inscrite sur la Liste représentative du patrimoine culturel immatériel de l’humanité de l’UNESCO et qu’elle est officiellement définie comme « un ensemble de savoir-faire, de connaissances, de rituels, de symboliques et de traditions qui concernent les cultures, les récoltes, la cueillette, la pêche, l’élevage, la conservation, la transformation, la cuisson et, tout particulièrement, la façon de partager la table et de consommer les aliments. », selon le site officiel de l’UNESCO pour le patrimoine culturel immatériel . Ce n’est pas un hasard: vous l’aurez compris, la diète méditerranéenne constitue bien le reflet d’une approche singulière à la tradition, à l’histoire et à la culture, qui mérite d’être protégée et célébrée. De ce fait, nous lisons qu’ « elle joue un rôle important dans les espaces culturels, les fêtes et les célébrations en rassemblant des populations de tous âges, classes et conditions. » Un regard de plus près sur le lien fondamental entre équilibre et nutrition Mis à part tous ces attributs exceptionnels du régime méditerannéen, « présenté comme un bouclier contre la “westernisation” de l’alimentation, et comme un outil majeur de prévention » , il faudrait également comprendre qu’un tel rapport à la nourriture, marqué par le respect et la qualité, peut avoir des répercussions directes sur notre bien-être général. Ainsi, il est tout à fait possible de tisser des liens entre cette approche alternative à la nourriture et différentes philosophies de vie, telles que celles issues de la Grèce antique. Cette dernière constitue d’ailleurs le berceau de l’alimentation méditerranéenne, sachant que « le style alimentaire méditerranéen s’est très vite cristallisé autour de la triade fondamentale du pain, de l’olivier et de la vigne. » Ainsi, l’éthique épicurienne, qui peut être résumée comme la sagesse qui « consiste à vivre au présent [...] et à atteindre le bonheur en recherchant à satisfaire les désirs naturels et nécessaires [...] de façon à éprouver les plaisirs stables que procure une vie saine , » semble être tout à fait adaptée à un style de vie et d’alimentation qui cherche à concilier le plaisir de bien vivre avec celui de bien manger, d’autant plus que la richesse des goûts et des couleurs qui caractérisent la diète méditerranéenne figure parmi ses plus grandes forces. Mener une vie saine et équilibrée passe aussi par un rapport plus harmonieux à notre environnement: nous constatons alors que de plus en plus d’études n’hésitent pas à faire allusion aux bienfaits environnementaux de la diète méditerranéenne, en expliquant en quoi il est possible de voir dans ce mode de production et de consommation de la nourriture des pratiques prometteuses et plus durables. En effet, l’alimentation méditerranéenne est censée privilégier la production locale, dans le respect de la terre et des ressources qu’elle a à offrir. Ainsi, mener une vie plus équilibrée, c’est aussi assumer une plus grande responsabilité dans notre rôle dans la crise climatique et écologique actuelle, en revisitant des pratiques qui rappellent l’importance de bien produire et de bien consommer. D’ailleurs, c’est dans l’article « Underrated aspects of a true Mediterranean diet: understanding traditional features for worldwide application of a “ Planeterranean ” diet » que ce régime devient un régime « planétaire », en promouvant « une approche respectueuse de l’environnement, contrôlée et inspirée par des procédures plus anciennes et traditionnelles [...]. ». S’il semble qu’aujourd’hui nous soyons de plus en plus réduits en consommateurs cherchant à maximiser leur plaisir individuel et à en tirer profit, essayons du moins à en devenir une meilleure sorte. Engageons-nous en faveur d’idées et de pratiques qui nous permettent d’être plus respectueux envers nous-mêmes, envers les autres et envers l’environnement. Atteignons un meilleur équilibre tant dans nos assiettes que dans nos vies.

The trend of "sassy-man politics" shows a shift in politics, where personality and showmanship often take priority over serious policy discussions. Politicians using humor, boldness, and sarcasm to connect with the public are gaining attention, especially on platforms like TikTok, which favor short, attention-grabbing clips over deeper conversations. < Back Sassy Man in Politics Nil Çelik October 31, 2024 Donald Trump infamously stated in the course of his 2016 presidential campaign: “I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn’t lose voters.” This audacious assertion explicitly exemplifies what has come to be known as the “sassy-man in politics.” In this approach, male politicians shift away from profound, thoughtful debate and instead depend on arrogance, sarcasm and stage performance, leading to significant social and cultural changes. The rise of media-influenced political leaders is often seen as the root cause, starting with television and later amplified by social media platforms. These platforms award politicians who amuse viewers and provoke controversy instead of concentrating on significant issues with screen time. Political figures such as Trump and British statesman Boris Johnson have evolved into the symbols of this initiative. This transition in political discussion indicates a concerning deviation from established principles of leadership like skill, morality and responsibility. With it, the priority has shifted to politicians who behave in a manner resembling performers who strive to gain “likes” and “shares” instead of the trust of the public. The social media platform TikTok, renowned for its short and entertaining videos, has contributed greatly to this transition. The TikTok phenomenon “ Sassy Man Apocalypse ” is a projection of men who are often referred to as flamboyant and emotional, accepting and celebrating their “sassy” characteristics. The term “sassy” was originally utilized to ridicule men who displayed non-traditional masculine manners. Nevertheless, TikTok creators such as Prayag Mishra have begun to reshape it, shifting being sassy toward a more positive demonstration of self-confidence, and emotionality. These characteristics are now established as acceptable, instead of being seen as a weakness. Although this development has led to crucial debates about toxic masculinity, critics argue that trends alone do not lead to actual social change. Even though the “sassy-man apocalypse” began as a joke on the internet, it has now impacted real-world politics, with male politicians integrating this demeanor to relate to meme-loving younger viewers. A relevant example is Mustafa Sarigul, who is currently serving as the member of parliament in Erzincan, who used a playful and non-traditional style of campaigning during the 2023 elections. Sarigul posted several theatrical and entertaining videos on his TikTok and Instagram, including one where he drove a tractor on the Erzincan fields, addressing local voters while combining political messages with everyday life. His over the top delivery where he humorously, combined with relatable humor led to the videos going viral, allowing him to connect to younger audiences. His social media presence through this approach led to him being erected for parliament. This approach shows Mustafa Sarigul utilizing internet culture to remain relevant in Turkish politics. However, young viewers have also utilized this internet phenomenon to ridicule the bold statements that male politicians make. The result of this change has been consequential. Sassy-man politics decreases the importance of governance, downplaying substantial subjects in the interest of self-centered acts. This action resonates with a public that concentrates more on personality than policy. This produces a series of politicians who must constantly outperform each other with controversial arguments to stay relevant. Since social media platforms gradually change the cultural environment, this manner of politics may continue, drawing concern about whether future leaders will be determined by their skills to lead or by their skills to entertain the public. As politics becomes more about spectacle, there’s a danger that the focus on governance and long-term solutions will be replaced by short-term popularity contests, potentially leading to leaders who lack the necessary expertise to effectively manage public affairs. The 2024 presidential debate between President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump openly displayed the concept of sassy-man politics, characterized by sharp discussions, interruptions and sarcastic remarks. Trump didn’t withhold from delivering sarcastic and offensive statements. At a particular moment, he stated , “Biden doesn't even know that he’s running for president.” This mocked both Biden’s age and cognitive capabilities. Biden retaliated, claiming, “I’ve been doing this longer than you’ve been making money off bankruptcies.” These sassy remarks entertained some viewers but transitioned the debate from profound policy discussions to personal insults. This led to viewers seeing viral moments of the debate instead of having a concrete understanding of the candidates plans for governance. The overall result of this “sassy” back-and-forth was a debate that was concentrated more on personal drama instead of real policy issues. Short clips of this debate circulated on social media platforms such as TikTok and Instagram, strengthening the view that sassiness in politics is seen as a main way to achieve the attention of the public. Likewise, the 2024 presidential debate between Vice President Kamala and Former President Trump followed a similar sassy style. Trump stated that “Harris was the worst Vice President in history” and that “she’s so good at being invisible, I forget she’s even on the ticket.” These indicated Trumps’ strategy of attacking Harris by using sharp and repeatedly mocking comments. Although his sassy attitude and remarks resonate with his fan base, it demonstrates the more profound issue of how women, specifically women of color, are treated in political debate. This pattern becomes even more distinct when political figures face attacks that question their competence and authority through demeaning humor or stereotypes. While these tactics may rally Trump's base, they also serve to reinforce harmful gender and racial stereotypes, diminishing the legitimacy of women, particularly women of color, in positions of power. This evolution in Trump's approach signals a broader issue of how women in politics are not only undermined in their capacity as leaders but also weaponized as subjects of ridicule, demonstrating the intersections of misogyny and racism in modern political discourse. Harris rebutted his statements firmly, but it was difficult to overcome Trump’s offensive language. This trend of shifting political discourses into witty interactions is altering American politics, promoting entertainment instead of profound debates, and influencing political norms and gender roles. The trend of “sassy-man politics” has also affected the Governor of Florida Ron DeSantis , who has become a primary target on TikTok after the phenomenon of the “sassy- man apocalypse.” While the TikTok trend didn’t start politically, DeSantis has been the topic of millions of views on TikTok, as users developed and shared content ridiculing his character. Recently videos of an irritated reply from DeSantis concerning a Guantanamo question have led to hundreds of viral contents, gathering over two million views. His aggressive standpoint as a savior of traditional values, especially with the anti-LGBTQ+ legislation such as the “Don’t Say Gay” bill, has made him a figure of mockery for young progressive Americans. Polls in the beginning of the year showed that DeSantis had one of the most negative ratings among Republican candidates between the voter age group from 18 to 34. The given age group could be said to respect diversity and expression of gender and sexuality more, driving DeSantis to be a primary target for critics due to his policies. As he is known for being defensive and sensitive, this leads to the creation of the “sassy man” and “short king panic” memes that are commented on posts that involve him. However, Ioana Literat, an associate professor at Teachers College Columbia University who studies the civic engagement of young people, stated that these videos indicate a more comprehensive critique on what acceptable actions are in today’s politics. The trend of "sassy-man politics" shows a shift in politics, where personality and showmanship often take priority over serious policy discussions. Politicians using humor, boldness, and sarcasm to connect with the public are gaining attention, especially on platforms like TikTok, which favor short, attention-grabbing clips over deeper conversations. Leaders like Donald Trump, Boris Johnson, and Mustafa Sarigul show how this entertaining style appeals to certain groups, but it can also distract from real issues. This trend has also highlighted stereotypes and, at times, undermined the authority of women and people of color in leadership. Overall, "sassy-man politics" raises concerns about whether leaders are more focused on gaining popularity than effectively addressing important problems, potentially weakening trust in the political system.

Tandis que les élections européennes approchent, l’Union européenne a décidé dans la nuit du 20 mars de réinstaurer des droits de douane sur certains produits agricoles ukrainiens. < Back Terres fertiles et défis amers : L’Union européenne et l’agriculture ukrainienne By Jonathan Smidtas March 30, 2024 Bon sens paysan ou trahison ? Tandis que les élections européennes approchent, l’Union européenne a décidé dans la nuit du 20 mars de réinstaurer des droits de douane sur certains produits agricoles ukrainiens. Le pays, un des principaux producteurs mondiaux, avait vu ses exportations vers l’Union européenne grimper en flèche à la suite de l’invasion du pays par la Russie car les taxes sur les importations agricoles ukrainiennes imposées par l’Union européenne avaient alors été supprimées. Depuis, la colère des agriculteurs européens dénonçant une concurrence insoutenable a marqué l’actualité. Alors que l’invasion à grande échelle de l’Ukraine a commencé il y a plus de deux ans, il semble de plus en plus clair qu’aucun camp n’est en mesure de l’emporter militairement, sauf retournement de situation majeur. L’on parle déjà de l’après-guerre, de la reconstruction de l’Ukraine et de son intégration à l’Union européenne. Alors que pendant des années les capitales européennes se sont opposées à l‘entrée de l’Ukraine au sein de l’UE, généralement en invoquant la faiblesse de l’état de droit et la corruption qui minent ce pays, une autre raison émerge aujourd’hui : l’agriculture. Des terres exceptionnelles Depuis des siècles, l’Ukraine a été surnommée le grenier à blé de l’Europe. Grâce à sa concentration en humus très élevées, les “terres noires” ukrainiennes sont extrêmement fertiles. Aucun pays au monde ne dispose de sols cultivables aussi productifs. Cela constitue un avantage comparatif certain pour ce pays, mais n’a pas été sans tragiques conséquences tout au long de son histoire. L’Ukraine a ainsi été conquise tantôt par les polonais, les autrichiens et les russes souhaitant, entre autres, assurer leur sécurité alimentaire grâce à l’Ukraine. Le pays était avant guerre le premier producteur mondial de tournesol, et dans le top dix pour ce qui est du blé, du maïs, de l’orge et du colza. Des salaires bas En comparaison avec les pays de l’Union européenne, l’Ukraine est un pays très pauvre. En dépit de l’héritage industriel de l’époque soviétique, le salaire moyen y est inférieur à 400 euros, sept fois plus faible qu’en France et encore trois fois moins important qu’en Pologne. Les coûts de la main-d'œuvre très faibles permettent à l’Ukraine de proposer des prix agricoles très intéressants sur le marché mondial. Un potentiel L’intégration de l’Ukraine dans l’UE permettrait d’assurer la sécurité alimentaire de cette dernière. Les capitaux et technologies des pays riches transférés en Ukraine entraîneront une hausse de la productivité des terres en dépit des normes environnementales européennes qui devront s’appliquer. La concurrence accrue sur le marché européen causera une baisse des prix de l’alimentation et augmentera le pouvoir d’achat des consommateurs européens. Les investissements d’entreprises agricoles européennes en Ukraine permettront de relancer l’économie du pays après la guerre et la pression exercée sur le marché de l’emploi poussera les salaires à la hausse. Les craintes Qu’adviendra-t-il des agriculteurs des autres pays européens ? Ils dénoncent déjà une concurrence insoutenable et craignent d’être les grands oubliés de l’entrée de l’Ukraine dans l’Union européenne. Après l’expérience de la désindustrialisation qui a entraîné une hausse du chômage dans les pays de l’Ouest et déstabilisé les sociétés, l’idée de voir le même schéma s’appliquer dans le domaine agricole est effrayante. De plus, concentrer la production agricole en Ukraine, c’est s’exposer à une vulnérabilité si la Russie décidait un jour d’attaquer de nouveau. Espoirs Il faudra donc assurer à l’Ukraine des garanties de sécurité afin de pouvoir sereinement y investir. Une démilitarisation de la Russie semblant irréaliste, l’intégration à l’OTAN et le stationnement de troupes occidentales nombreuses sur le sol ukrainien pourraient être une solution. L’agriculture des autres pays européens devra monter en gamme afin de pouvoir faire face à une nouvelle concurrence. La réduction du nombre d’agriculteurs, dont beaucoup ne parviendront vraisemblablement pas à demeurer compétitifs, implique la nécessité de penser dès maintenant aux solutions politiques afin d’éviter une catastrophe sociale. La formation semble être une des clés, alors que les subventions ne feront que créer une distorsion de concurrence inefficace. L’entrée future de l’Ukraine dans l’Union européenne représente un risque existentiel pour notre modèle agricole actuel. Transformer ce risque en opportunité est possible, mais nécessitera une implication forte des pouvoirs publics afin de repenser l’agriculture européenne. C’est bien plus facile à dire qu’à faire et cela explique pourquoi l’entrée de l’Ukraine dans l’UE ne semble pas être pour demain. Cette entrée soulève de véritables dilemmes. Certains suggèrent d’exclure initialement l’agriculture ukrainienne du libre marché et de progressivement abaisser les droits de douane. Ce serait une façon d’intégrer l’Ukraine dans l’Union en évitant un choc fatal aux agricultures européennes. Néanmoins, assumer de créer une Europe à différents niveaux c’est ouvrir la boîte de pandore. Quant à faire patienter trop longtemps l’Ukraine hors de l’UE, c’est la priver du développement économique qu’a entraîné l’UE pour ses États-membres. Il est dans l’intérêt des démocraties européennes d’avoir une Ukraine développée et prospère à ses frontières afin de contribuer à la stabilité et la paix de la région. Ne ratons pas le coche.

< Back A Guide to Menton’s Places of Religious Worship Stanimir Stoyanov While relatively small in size, our beautiful town of Menton has a significant number of various religious sites. We all know about the picturesque basilica in the old town and we all hear the church bells ringing throughout the day. Have you ever wondered why those bells ring at specific times? What about other religious denominations? This article will look into the world of religion within Menton, providing answers to these questions and adding interesting information about its religious sites. Religion is a multifaceted topic and this article does not have any purpose of discussing different religious practices; its goal is to simply showcase information on different places in Menton affiliating themselves as religious. In France, secularism is a constitutional principle and the 1905 French law on the Separation of the Churches and the State ensures the freedom of conscience and guarantees the free exercise of religion. While the majority of the population doesn’t identify as religious, the most prevalent religious affiliation in France is Catholic, with a sizable population of people following religions such as Islam, Judaism and others. Our town of Menton also reflects this diversity to an extent and, despite its small size, has a total of ten places of religious worship. These include seven Catholic churches and chapels, an Orthodox church, an Anglican church, a Mosque and a Synagogue. So, what is there to know about them? Basilica of Saint-Michel-Archange Probably Menton’s most famous attraction, the basilica was constructed between 1619 and 1819. At the time, Menton was part of the Principality of Monaco and Prince Honoré II commissioned it in order to affirm the role of the Catholic faith at the time of the Reformation in Europe. The basilica’s baroque architecture was heavily influenced by the Genoese style and is exceptional in its detailed and intricate facade and interior. The church bell, locally known as the “Campanin” was erected in 1701 to serve both a religious and functional purpose, acting as a watchtower over Menton. Until Dec. 31, the basilica is open to the public from 3 p.m. to 5 p.m. everyday except Sunday, when it is accessible only for mass at 11 p.m. It is located on Place de l’Eglise in the old town, admission is free and when visiting you even have the possibility to climb up the tower for a one of a kind view over Menton. The Mosquée Taqwa in Menton Located on 113 Avenue de Sospel, Menton’s Mosque offers the Muslim population of Menton a place of worship. It is open five times a day for the different prayers throughout the day, with opening times varying each day according to the changing times of prayer. Even small in size, the mosque has separate praying spaces for men and women. It is associated with the Association Culturelle Mentonnaise and also engages in cultural events and community activities, such as offering guided tours for Europe’s Heritage days on Sep. 21 and Sep. 22. Synagogue de Menton “Centre Altyner” This synagogue, found on 106 Cours du Centenaire, was founded in 1964 by Holocaust survivors who discovered that there was quite a significant Jewish population in Menton. In 1987 they decided to construct this synagogue with the help of donors, whose names are inscribed on a marble plaque in front of the synagogue. One of these names, interestingly, is that of the renown fashion designer Karl Lagerfeld, who lived nearby at the time and was moved to donate by a friend of his. The synagogue offers regular Shabbat services and observes Jewish holidays, its open hours are Friday, 6:30 p.m. to 8:30 p.m., Saturday 9 a.m. until 2 p.m. and at 5 p.m. and on Sunday between 9 a.m. and 1 p.m. The synagogue also facilitates cultural events and celebrations, organizing events for the local Jewish community. The Orthodox Church “Our Lady's Church, Joy for the Afflicted and Saint Nicholas the Miracle Maker” This church is located on 12 Rue Paul Morillot and serves as a place of prayer for Christians following the Orthodox denomination. It is operated by the Russian Orthodox Church under the Moscow Patriarchate and its history spans from 1884 when a Russian duchess found its establishment important, recognizing the expanding Russian presence in the region. Originally, it was housed in a small chapel that can still be found at the old castle cemetery on Mnt du Souvenir. In 1892, the current church was built in an unconventional architectural style blending Eastern and Western designs. During WWII, the church was damaged from bombings and, in 1958, it was renovated. It is frequented by the surprisingly large Orthodox population of Menton and the region as both a place for prayer and cultural exchange. It is still worth a visit by anyone interested due to its unique appearance in contrast with the local architecture. Unfortunately its working hours are not clearly set and vary each month with the specific times for mass being posted at the entrance of the church’s garden. The Saint John's Anglican Church Found on 31 Avenue Carnot, this is the neo-Gothic church that you see when walking near the city center. Established in 1867 to service the growing British community in Menton, this church nowadays serves the Anglican population of the town. It regularly holds Sunday service in English starting at 10:30 a.m. The church also houses the St John's English Library, offering around 4,500 books, open to the public on Wednesday afternoons from 2:30 p.m. to 5:30 p.m. and Saturday mornings from 9:30 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. It is also equipped with a pipe organ, used during services and concerts, enhancing the musical experience for congregants and visitors. It is part of the Diocese in Europe, often collaborating with other local churches and organisations for events and celebrations. Its fascinating blend of Gothic elements and Italian influence makes it a unique site worth paying a visit to. Other Catholic churches and chapels Menton also houses another three Catholic churches and three smaller Catholic chapels, more notably the Église Saint-Joseph, Église du Sacré-Cœur, Église Notre-Dame du Borrigo, Chapelle des Pénitents Blancs, Chapelle des Pénitents Noirs, Chapelle Saint-Roch . While the listed chapels do not have working hours and are rarely open to the public, the two churches are often open during mass hours and can be accessed for visits if you have the interest. As we can see, even our quaint Menton has a vast list of places of religious worship and hopefully now you are a bit more familiar with them. If this article has sprung your interest you can feel free to visit and enjoy them so long as you remain respectful to the people who may be practicing their religion there. They all have their unique architectural characteristics and religious significance. As a person who has had the fortune of visiting all of them, I truly recommend the aforementioned places if you want to experience Menton in all its character. Previous Next

< Back A Facebook Reckoning: Revelations from Frances Haugen’s Senate Testimony By Saoirse Aherne November 30, 2021 Former Facebook employee Frances Haugen left the company in May of 2021. She subsequently handed over thousands of pages of incriminating internal documents which she had collected during her time at Facebook to The Wall Street Journal. On September 13 of 2021, the Journal rolled out “The Facebook Files:” a collection of 11 major articles detailing the contents of Haugen’s leak. On October 5, Haugen testified before a United States Senate committee on commerce, science, and transportation, and asserted that Facebook harms children, sows division and undermines democracy in pursuit of “astronomical profits.” Who is Frances Haugen Haugen is a 37-year-old computer science and Harvard Business School graduate. She has worked for Google and Pinterest, and co-founded the dating app Hinge. Haugen began working for Facebook as a product manager in 2019, just three years after the Cambridge Analytica scandal when Facebook allowed the British consulting firm to collect data from millions of users without their consent for use in political campaigns. In light of Facebook’s reputation at the time, Haugen reportedly aspired to change the company from the inside. After two years at Facebook, Haugen felt her goal to rectify the ethical issues in the company was going nowhere. She came to realize that Facebook was aware of the harm of its products and was intentionally concealing this knowledge from users and investors. Haugen began to collect evidence of this through Facebook’s internal social network: Workplace. Employees share product research and discuss company strategy on this platform, thus making confidential information available to all company members. As Haugen encountered documents detailing unethical conduct, she took pictures of them and compiled a collection of evidence which exposed the role of Facebook products in aggravating a number of social and political issues across the globe. Haugen released the documents with the hope that they might increase public pressure for Facebook to change. She underlined that Facebook cares more about profits than public safety in an interview with 60 Minutes in spite of its claim that it does not “build services to make money.” Haugen has filed a whistleblower complaint with the United States Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). If the agency attempts to take civil action against Facebook, Haugen could receive between 10 and 30 percent of any fines Facebook is forced to pay. What did the documents contain? Over a dozen news organizations have reviewed the redacted versions of the documents and identified a number of key takeaways. As reported by CNN, the documents show that Facebook was fundamentally unprepared to deal with the January 6 “Stop the Steal” insurrection movement. This contradicts Facebook’s Chief Operating Officer Sheryl Sandberg, who stated that the company “took down QAnon, Proud Boys, Stop the Steal, anything that was talking about possible violence” in the weeks before the attack on the U.S. capital. In fact, the documents reveal that, leading up to the insurrection, almost all of the fastest growing groups on Facebook were related to the Stop the Steal movement. One of the leaked documents contains a picture of a table labelled “US2020 Levers, previously rolled back,” referring to the guard rails on misinformation and harmful content that Facebook removed before the 2020 presidential election. It is unclear from public statements why Facebook rolled back these measures, and Haugen asserted that the measures were only reimplemented after the insurrection flared up. The Washington Post commented on internal documents surrounding body image, teen mental health and appearance-based social comparison on Instagram, a social media network owned by Facebook. One document found that “social comparison is worse on Instagram,” and that “social comparison journeys mimic the grief cycle.” In response to this, the document said that the company must “engage at each step of the social comparison journey by creating targeted product interventions.” The documents noted that “mental health outcomes related to [social comparison] can be severe,” acknowledging the role of Instagram in prompting or exacerbating eating disorders, body dysmorphia, body dissatisfaction, depression and loneliness. Another document blatantly stated, “we make body image issues worse for one in three teen girls.” The Atlantic reported on another shocking revelation from the documents. In 2019, a BBC report found that a broad human trafficking network for domestic workers was facilitated by Facebook and Instagram, aided by algorithmically boosted hashtags. The internal documents released by Haugen make clear that this issue was known to Facebook before the BBC inquiry, and that the company only took action when Apple threatened to pull Instagram and Facebook from the App Store. According to the Atlantic report, the documents show that Facebook has the most harmful impact in vulnerable and unstable areas of the world. Facebook is aware that its products “facilitate hate speech in the Middle East, cartels in Mexico, ethnic cleansing in Ethiopia, extremist anti-Muslim rhetoric in India and sex trafficking in Dubai.” In an internal report from March 2021, Facebook admitted, “we frequently observe highly coordinated intentional activity… by problematic actors:” that is, “particularly prevalent… in At-Risk Countries and Contexts,” yet it stated that “current mitigation strategies are not enough.” An internal Facebook report from the winter of 2020 found that only 6 percent of Arabic-language hate content on Instagram was detected by Facebook’s systems. According to the documents, only 13 percent of Facebook’s misinformation-moderation staff hours were devoted to non-U.S. countries in spite of the fact that more than 90 percent of Facebook’s users do not reside in the United States. Despite at least 160 languages being spoken on the platform, Facebook has created AI-detection systems for only a fraction of those languages. Speaking to the Observer about her decision to come forward as a whistleblower, Haugen said, “I did what I thought was necessary to save the lives of people, especially in the global South, who I think are being endangered by Facebook’s prioritization of profits over people.” The Senate Hearing On October 5, Haugen testified to a United States Senate committee. Haugen emphasized that Facebook knows that its algorithm is harmful to users. She stated that Facebook's advertising-based business model needs people to stay on its platform for as long as possible, and the company exploits negative emotion to accomplish this. Lawmakers at the hearing were particularly concerned with the impact of Instagram on children. Subcommittee Chair Richard Blumenthal said, “Facebook exploited teens using powerful algorithms that amplified their insecurities.” Haugen also spoke to the structural issues faced by the company, stating that, “Facebook is stuck in a cycle where it struggles to hire. That causes it to understaff projects, which causes scandals, which then makes it harder to hire.” During her time at Facebook, Haugen “worked on the counter-espionage team, and at any given time… could only handle a third of the cases,” due to lack of manpower. Haugen does not believe Facebook should be broken up, but instead encourages more stringent regulation of the platform. Chair Blumenthal is discussing the proposal to allow private citizens to sue Facebook and other social media companies for harm caused by their algorithms. Currently, a law known as Section 230 immunizes social media companies from being sued over what users post, however Blumenthal is interested in “curtailing that legal shield and immunity so as to give victims… some recourse.” Other legislative responses currently being considered include a national privacy law and stronger safeguards for children online. Lawmakers insist that Haugen’s leak of internal documents and Senate testimony have motivated Capitol Hill to take action against Facebook. In response to the Senate hearing, Facebook spokesman Andy Stone said, “we continue to make significant improvements to tackle misinformation and harmful content.” Stone also questioned Haugen’s credibility on matters pertaining teen mental health, stating that “Frances Haugen did not work on child safety or Instagram, or research these issues, and has no direct knowledge of the topic from her work at Facebook.” However, Samidh Chakrabati, the former leader of the Civic Integrity Political Misinformation team at Facebook, said on Twitter, “there are countless other integrity professionals with experience on the issues raised today… who similarly agree with the substantive points shared at the hearing.” Going Forward This leak may inspire other whistleblowers to come forward. According to Haugen’s legal team, inquiries from other potential whistleblowers have been raised, and another SEC complaint was filed in October. The damning evidence brought to light by Frances Haugen has ignited a push to regulate Facebook and other social media giants. Haugen herself has expressed a desire to “start a youth movement,” to restore power among a portion of the population whose lives to date have been unquantifiably influenced by social media. Hopefully, this most recent leak will be enough to actualize Haugen’s desire for large-scale change.

Australia's treatment of children, particularly Indigenous and asylum-seeking children, violates global human rights standards and raises several critical questions: Why are these vulnerable children subjected to such mistreatment, and why does Australia continue to incarcerate and detain them unlawfully? What purpose are these punitive measures serving for Australia as an ongoing colonial project, and why are Australian people allowing such blatant violations of both national and global human rights to be carried out in their name? < Back Australia’s Colonial Logic of Child Imprisonment: How Indigenous Incarceration and Asylum Seeker Detention Violate Human Rights Finn Leary for Amnesty Menton October 31, 2024 Australia is a nation predicated on a fair go for all; a country that prides itself on its multiculturalism. Yet, these mythologies fail to stack up when applied to the First Nations People, who are victims of discrimination and marginalization. The same can be said when one looks at Australia’s vilification and demonization of refugees and asylum seekers. Australia’s carceral and immigration systems—systems designed to uphold and perpetuate a white, Anglo-centric Australia—continue to violate human rights, especially those of children. Indigenous youth are disproportionately affected by hyper-incarceration, facing imprisonment rates that far exceed those of non-Indigenous youth and global averages for youth incarceration. Although only about 5.7% of people aged 10–17 in Australia are First Nations, 63% of the children in detention on an average day in 2023 were First Nations. This means they are 29 times as likely as a non-Indigenous child to be in detention. For children aged 10-13, this figure rises to 46 times. The incarceration and brutal treatment of Indigenous youth in detention is a direct extension of the colonial logic that saw children removed, excluded and missionized in the 19th and 20th centuries. It is the Stolen Generations all over again—a period where Aboriginal children were forcibly taken from their families—simply in a new form. It seems inevitable that, like Prime Minister Kevin Rudd's 2008 apology , there will be many apologies to come for these concurrent violations of humanity. Despite a promise to eliminate the detention of all children by the end of 2019, asylum-seeking children remain in detention and alternative arrangements. The treatment of these children has been described as highly damaging, cruel, degrading and unlawful. Australia's treatment of children, particularly Indigenous and asylum-seeking children, violates global human rights standards and raises several critical questions: Why are these vulnerable children subjected to such mistreatment, and why does Australia continue to incarcerate and detain them unlawfully? What purpose are these punitive measures serving for Australia as an ongoing colonial project, and why are Australian people allowing such blatant violations of both national and global human rights to be carried out in their name? These questions demand serious reflection on Australia's commitment to justice, equality and human rights, especially as a nation predicated on a “fair go.” The answers shed light on the lasting impacts of colonialism and the twisted ways in which the colonial project continues to be upheld. The following stories are those of children who have been victims of Australia’s disgraceful carceral system and immigration system. These stories should unsettle, disturb and enrage. In February this year, the Queensland government released a report on the deaths of two boys who had spent extensive time in solitary confinement while in youth detention. Both were First Nations children with disabilities. Despite this, they were kept in solitary confinement for prolonged periods, a practice that the United Nations Expert on Torture has consistently urged to be abolished. The first spent 128 nights in detention, with 78% of that time isolated in his cell; the second spent 55 days locked in his cell alone for over 22 hours each day. Both had been repeatedly detained from the ages of 11 and 13. Both boys committed suicide following incarceration. This report arrived at the same time as the Queensland and Northern Territory governments are pushing to reduce the age of criminal responsibility back to 10 years. Queensland has had to suspend its Human Rights Act to rush through legislation to make this possible. The newly elected Northern Territory government is set to pass similar legislation in its first parliamentary session. These practices—of locking up young and vulnerable Indigenous youth—are fundamental to the youth carceral system in Australia. Incarcerating Indigenous youth sustains the prison-industrial complex, notably in remote and rural areas, by employing law enforcement, corrections officers, social workers, legal professionals and support staff. It costs approximately $1.03 million per annum to lock up one child, money that could be diverted into consistent and long-term community care and support services. Incarceration is the bedrock of coloniality in the modern era. It is the tool with which Indigenous sovereignty is denied. It is a continuation of the exclusions, interventions and social controls faced by Indigenous children over the past two centuries, cloaked in the legitimacy of pursuing ‘community safety’. As Matthews & Holden assert, “Whether on a mission or in a cell, Aboriginal movement is contained to prevent the transfer of language, knowledge, ceremony and culture to their descendants.” Asylum-seeking children continue to face a similar fate in Australia, driven by the same underlying logic of exclusion, control and dehumanization. Mandatory offshore detention has deeply damaged many lives over the past two decades, compounding the adversity, trauma and loss of family that many asylum seekers have experienced. Children forced to flee, often unaccompanied, from war, persecution, violence, sexual abuse and forced recruitment have found themselves detained, imprisoned, and isolated in Australian territory rather than receiving the protection and care they desperately needed. The National Inquiry into Children in Immigration Detention found that some children had spent over five years in detention before their applications were processed—for no reason other than to serve as examples of Australia’s ‘firm stance’ on ‘illegal’ immigration. The impact on the mental and physical health of these children has been severe, with over half of those detained experiencing post-traumatic stress disorder, self-harming behaviors and heightened anxiety or depression. A young child on Nauru, the site of one of the offshore detention centers, when asked about her experiences, said , “Of all the bad things that have already happened now, I feel I wish I died at sea instead of dying slowly here.” Another unaccompanied child said , “I don’t care about a visa anymore. I want to finish everything. My life is very difficult. I don’t understand why I am here. I am beginning to feel crazy; my situation is very bad and getting worse. I am alone, no family, nobody here. I’ve been here 15 months; I need to do something.” While no Australian government has officially abandoned mandatory indefinite detention, its application is in significant decline . However, this decline has led to a greater reliance on other punitive measures, such as the Temporary Bridging Visa Scheme. The story of Mano Yogalingam speaks to the failings of this scheme, particularly for asylum-seeking children. On Wednesday, the 28th of August, Tamil asylum seeker Mano Yogalingam self-immolated, setting himself on fire in an eastern suburb of Melbourne. He was a key organizer of protests calling for an end to the temporary visa scheme . Mano had arrived in Australia as a 12-year-old fleeing persecution in Sri Lanka. After spending over a year in detention, Mano was placed on a bridging visa. Ten years later, he remained on that bridging visa—his imprisonment had simply taken on a new form. This temporary bridging visa scheme has been designed to make asylum seekers deportable or re-detainable. By keeping people on this visa indefinitely it destabilizes and undermines their place in the Australian community. Many on the visa scheme are denied education, healthcare, and the right to work—leaving them trapped in poverty and positions of social exclusion, unable to access basic services or opportunities for self-sufficiency. This scheme—underpinned by a harsh regime of surveillance, control, and punishment—lies at the heart of the government's relentless strategy to punish and deter asylum seekers. So, where does the real connection lie between these two issues? Both Indigenous youth and children seeking asylum in Australia have been “othered” to serve as scapegoats, “othered” through being framed discursively as threats to security and community safety. Australia’s systems are rooted in settler-colonial norms and values upheld by racist institutions and political ideology. These systems are inherently designed to prioritize certain groups and "standards" over others while excluding those deemed incompatible with settler-societies norms. In Orientalism (1995), Edward Said asserted that modern colonialism relies entirely on having a knowledge system that separates the colonizer from the colonized. Said infers that those blatant forms of colonial violence—genocide, enslavement and segregation—have gradually been replaced by less visible expressions of coloniality, such as immigration laws, sterilization practices, child welfare apprehensions and an over-reliance on carceral systems. Institutionalized settler colonial norms and ideologies of whiteness have become so normalized that these racial hierarchies are rendered invisible. Australia as a country has been founded upon dangerous myths—myths that today express themselves in the eradication and silencing of certain minorities. These issues will not change without a strong commitment to meaningful truth-telling processes at both the community and national level. The more that history reveals its truths, contradicting the accepted “facts,” the more cracks appear in mythologised colonial narratives. This is the idea Naomi Klein describes in Doppelganger , referencing the discovered mass graves of First Nations children at Canadian missionary schools. In an age of resurging ultra-nationalism and far-right authoritarian governments, it seems these issues will continue to be complex battlegrounds. Given the widespread collapse of the rules-based international order and the erosion of international humanitarian and human rights laws , it is more important than ever that pressure is placed on our governments domestically to uphold commitments to human rights. This must begin with stronger commitments to our children, particularly the most vulnerable among them .

Il semble important de se rendre compte que donner une presence mediatique aux organisations telles que Women Wage Peace est un premier pas crucial pour faire evoluer les termes de la discussion et rapeller qu’aucun conflit n’est purement noir et blanc. Soutenir ces associations est le seul moyen de soutenir un drapeau blanc et un futur ou les deux peuples on l’opportunite de faire le deuil ensemble. < Back Women Wage Peace: Donner une Voix à L’Espoir Anna Halpern October 31, 2024 W omen Wage Peace est le plus grand mouvement populaire pacifiste israélien. Fondée à la suite de la deuxième guerre à Gaza en 2014, l’organisation est maintenant forte de plus 44 000 membres, en majorité des mères de famille qui s’opposent à voir leurs enfants mourir dans une guerre sans fin. En 2022 il s’associe au mouvement palestinien Women of The Sun, crée en 2021. Depuis, bien qu’on ne leur donne pas le quart de l’attention médiatique qu’elles méritent, ces femmes commencent à être reconnues pour leur immense travail. En effet, Dr. Yael Admi and Reem Hajajreh, représentantes de ces deux mouvements, ont été nominées dans la liste des 100 Femmes de l'année 2024 du Times Magazine. De plus, ces deux organisations ont été nominées pour le prix Nobel de la paix de 2024, le prix Sakharov (présentées par les groupes parlementaires européens S&D et Renew Europe ) et ont reçu le Albie Award. Dans le conflit brutal qui secoue la région, avec une prolifération de haine et de violence qui peut sembler omniprésente, ces femmes représentent une lueur d’espoir que l’on se doit de mettre en avant. En effet, ces femmes ne se sont pas perdues dans des discours de vengeance et de haine après la mort de Viviane Silver—activiste israélo-canadienne et co-fondatrice de Women Wage Peace —assassinée durant les attaques du 7 Octobre 2023. Elles n’ont pas non plus cessé leur combat au long cette longue année pendant laquelle les partis extrêmes de tous côtés n’ont eu cesse de promouvoir une idéologie de haine qui semble avoir touché le monde entier. Elles n’ont jamais cessé de se battre pour un meilleur futur pour leurs deux peuples. Elles représentent une opposition bien réelle à la politique du gouvernement d'extrême droite du Premier Ministre Benjamin Netanyahu qui, depuis le 7 Octobre, est souvent tenu pour responsable de cette guerre désastreuse qui a causé tant de morts et n’a toujours pas atteint son objectif affiché de ramener les derniers otages et « détruire le hamas. » Ces femmes offrent une alternative, une vision pacifiste d’un futur où ces guerres n’auraient plus lieu d'être. Women Wage Peace agit concrètement, rencontrant des dirigeants internationaux, mobilisant des foules en Israël et à l'international et sensibilisant à la réalité du conflit. Elles ont soumis une proposition de loi au Knesset qui, si adoptée, obligerait le gouvernement à considérer toutes les options politiques avant l’utilisation de moyens armés. Elles organisent toujours des marches, des rencontres avec des experts, des veillées, et des discussions avec des personnalités politiques israéliennes. Chacun d’entre nous peut activement participer en signant l’« appel des mères » lancé en association avec Women of The Sun , mais il est encore plus important que, chacun à notre échelle, nous gardions en tête que personne ne gagne jamais vraiment dans une guerre: les deux sociétés qui en souffrent se retrouvent chaque fois plus fractures et plus endeuillée. C’est une idée simple et universelle que ces organisations s’efforcent de soutenir malgré la difficulté de se faire entendre à travers le bruit des divisions partisanes qui s’empressent d'ajouter de l’huile sur le feu. Les personnes et gouvernements à qui ce conflit tient à cœur ont donc un devoir de partager et de promulguer cette vision plutôt que de répéter des slogans et discours divisifs proférés par les membres les plus extrêmes de chaque camp. En ce qui concerne l’attention, et l’« instrumentalisation » internationale du conflit, le fils de Viviane Silver le met extrêmement bien en mots, il ne sert a rien d’« importer notre problème au lieu d’exporter des solutions. » En effet, chaque vie compte, chaque personne mérite de vivre une vie longue et heureuse, et ceci ne devrait pas être une question partisane. Chaque dirigeant, chaque activiste et chaque individu devrait pouvoir s’en rendre compte et réussir à comprendre que « la vengeance n’est pas une stratégie , » et peut choisir d’apporter son soutien et son attention aux associations telles que Women Wage Peace . Chacun peut soutenir leur « appel des mères, » demandant aux dirigeants israéliens et internationaux de soutenir une solution pacifique au conflit et de promouvoir un futur viable pour les deux peuples. Malgré tout ceci, cette organisation, et les multiples autres organisations pacifistes, anti-gouvernement et pro-dialogue restent aujourd’hui largement noyés dans un raz de marée de violence et de discours brutalement insensibles proférés par les dirigeants de tous les partis. Il n’y a pas une seule raison à ce manque d’attention médiatique et cet abandon du public international de la cause pacifiste. Néanmoins, nous pouvons souligner quelques choses que nous avons souvent pu voir au niveau personnel en tant qu'étudiants en sciences politiques, mais aussi comme toute personnes subissant les spams des réseaux sociaux et de la politique du clic. Notre besoin de simplifier tout en ‘bien’ et ‘mal’ et de se placer dans une case bien définie pour se rassurer parmi un groupe établi de ‘partisans’ sans nuance nous pousse à des positions extrêmes qui justifient de perdre de vue l'humanité de ceux en face. Il est beaucoup plus difficile et courageux de savoir prendre ses distances et se positionner dans un juste milieu ou l’on accepte d'entendre des opinions divergentes et de sacrifier un peu de sa sacro-sainte doctrine pour une vision de paix. Il semble important de se rendre compte que donner une presence mediatique aux organisations telles que Women Wage Peace est un premier pas crucial pour faire evoluer les termes de la discussion et rapeller qu’aucun conflit n’est purement noir et blanc. Soutenir ces associations est le seul moyen de soutenir un drapeau blanc et un futur ou les deux peuples on l’opportunite de faire le deuil ensemble. En effet, « la mort est impartiale et la guerre est aveugle » comme l’a dit Yonatan Zeigen dans son hommage a sa mère Viviane Silver. Ces deux peuples ont le droit de se reconstruire sans la manipulation politique et internationale dont ce conflit a souffert depuis des décennies. Pour ceux que cela intéresse, je vous redonne le lien vers la pétition en vous encourageant à la signer: L'appel des mères - Women Wage Peace .

< Back Tuition Faces Historic Rise Amidst Menton Administrative Chaos By Peyton Dashiell February 28, 2023 In Nov. 2022, word broke through French news outlets and social media that Sciences Po Paris tuition fees will increase by 7.5 percent for the 2023-2024 academic year. The initial increase, which passed unanimously among the Sciences Po Paris board minus two abstentions, was planned at 9.5 percent. However, it was slightly reduced after representatives from the Union Nationale des Étudiants de France (UNEF) and NOVA met with administration on Nov. 23, 2022. Citing inflation and the European energy crisis as factors influencing the hike, tuition at Sciences Po for undergraduate non-scholarship holders will rise to 14,437 euros, while graduate students can expect to pay over 20,000 euros. As recently as 2020-2021, tuition stood at 10,760 euros — this measure represents more than a 30 percent increase in just three years. Furthermore, this tuition increase will have particularly severe consequences for scholarship holders. Neither CROUS nor supplementary scholarships from Sciences Po will rise according to this new calculation. CROUS scholarships will increase by a mere four percent, while Sciences Po scholarships like Emile Boutmy will increase by seven percent. These plans directly contradict remarks made by Sciences Po President Mathias Vicherat, a former UNEF representative himself, as recently as March 2022, when he pledged that “les frais d’inscription n’augmenteront pas” (enrollment fees will not rise) during his presidential term. But despite this promise, the tuition hike is not unprecedented. Measures taken following Vicherat’s ascendance to director of Sciences Po have been characterized by financial prudence. To bankroll the costly Paris campus move in January 2022, he announced that he planned to prioritize economic consolidation and profitable “continuing education” initiatives. Additionally, the Sciences Po administration has remained silent in the face of the increase. While major French media outlets like Le Monde rushed to publicize the “vertigineuse” (steep) increase, Sciences Po administration has failed to release a single statement or email to the undergraduate student body, forcing student unions like UNEF and NOVA to liaise between administration and students and share information about the tuition rise via Instagram and Facebook. In a series of Instagram posts, UNEF president Anissa Chehbib labeled the increase as “une hausse colossale, qui nous révolte,” (a colossal increase that revolts us). Furthermore, UNEF noted that ongoing increases in inflation and cost of living have exacerbated the financial situations of low-income Sciences Pistes and their families. NOVA’s social media advocacy echoed these complaints — in addition to negotiating down to the 7.5 percent increase rate, they pledged to ensure that Sciences Po administration will improve social assistance measures and eliminate “useless expenditure.” Additionally, Solidaire joined UNEF and NOVA in condemning the increase, telling President Vicherat, a former Danone executive, that “a university should not be run like Danone” and denouncing the “unacceptable process of liberalization and privatization of education and research.” They also noted their exclusion from the meeting between President Vicherat and representatives from UNEF and NOVA. This announcement also comes at a time of particular administrative upheaval on the Menton campus — with the majority of the already weary administrative staff out on leave, the myriad of registration issues that naturally accompany the beginning of a new semester have largely gone unfixed as mid-February approaches. Many students still miss language and atelier classes, and repeated emails and visits to the office rarely grant resolution. While a student-led letter prompted a visit from the Paris administration and several measures to help administrative staff regroup and resolve issues, significant problems have persisted, making this steep rise in tuition even harder to fathom. When students cannot take required courses, promises of campus facilities go undelivered and administration is unresponsive through it all, does rising tuition truly reflect the student experience?

On the one hand, the eleventh of November is a day during which many people in the world reflect on the horrors that ancestors had to endure during the four years of World War One, reminding us that our freedom should not be taken for granted. On the other hand, this day has also become not just an anniversary of the end of the war, but also a celebration of militarism itself, leading to debates on whether it has not evolved into a day of military glorification instead of a day for reflection. < Back When does a celebration become an indoctrination? Viktorie Voriskova November 30, 2024 Each year, on November 11th, at eleven in the morning, the world goes silent for a minute, in commemoration of the anniversary of the signing of an armistice in Compiege in the region of Picardy, France. This agreement took effect at 11:00 am, ending the war on the Western Front and, with it, the First World War. This anniversary is celebrated mainly in the United States but also France, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Nigeria, Germany, Australia and New Zealand. Every year, these countries organize parades, their citizens wear the symbolic red poppy flowers, and heads of state give speeches at war memorials. Is there a line at which it becomes too much? On the one hand, the eleventh of November is a day during which many people in the world reflect on the horrors that ancestors had to endure during the four years of World War One, reminding us that our freedom should not be taken for granted. On the other hand, this day has also become not just an anniversary of the end of the war, but also a celebration of militarism itself, leading to debates on whether it has not evolved into a day of military glorification instead of a day for reflection. The duality of this internationally celebrated and appreciated holiday highlights the thin line between reminiscing about our past and glorifying it. Therefore, while the original aim of the celebrations of the Armistice Day war peaceful reconciliation and remembrance, these days there seems to be a shift towards militarism and glorification of military action, which has sparked discussions—even controversies—around the values the Eleventh of November embodies and its role in modern society. In the years following 1919, Armistice Day ceremonies were used to promote the message that “never again” should we engage in the brutality and futility of war. At this time, the grief caused by war was raw. People felt real loss—one fourth of the population in the Western world lost at least one family member during this conflict—and the need to have a collective ceremony to mourn nationally was understandable. Over decades, this anniversary has evolved into a day of solemn reflection for those lost in all conflicts. In the early 1950s, the celebrations underwent another change in their symbolism: in 1954, in the U.S., Armistice Day was renamed Veterans Day to honor all veterans, not just those who have fought in World War One. Some advocates argue that this change diverted attention from the original peace-oriented message, leading to a rise of glorification of military intervention, meandering away from the initial intention of reflecting on the war and remembering those who have lost their lives during the conflict. One of these critics is the professor of Environmental Health from Boston University School of Public Health, H. Patricia Hynes, who claims that the renaming of Armistice Day to Veteran's Day led to the discarding of “ all public ideals of peace with all other peoples.” She goes on to add that “the rebranding of Armistice Day to Veterans Day [is] enabling militarists and war profiteers “ to celebrate and promote militarism … misrepresent war members of the military as heroes, and encourage the enlistment of cannon fodder for future war for profit.” Controversies surrounding the nature, which often tends to be rather militaristic of Remembrance Day, the official name of the Armistice holiday in the United Kingdom, have a long history too: participants in Armistice Day events have almost always worn or displayed red poppies in English-speaking territories, cornflowers in France and Belgium since the poppy became associated with the holiday because of the popularity of the poem, “ In Flanders Fields ,” written in 1915 by Canadian soldier John McCrae. However, as early as the 1930s, people began wearing the white poppy instead of the original red one to reject the perceived militarism associated with Remembrance Day. Other scholars corroborate this view on the significance of Armistice Day: Olivia Abbott, a writer for the Organisation for World Peace, wrote an article titled: “ Rethinking Remembrance Day: Unpacking Memory, Identity And War” in 2019, where she voices her opinion as follows: “Remembrance Day prevents us from moving forward. We should not forget our national history, but the rhetoric of “keep calm and carry on” and “lest we forget” focuses on the past and stops us from looking forward. […] The longer we hold onto the emphasis on remembrance, the longer we will hold back from pursuing a brighter future.” Abbott’s criticism of Britain’s approach to Remembrance Day celebrations is yet another example of the controversies that this holiday creates—it represents a controversial focus on the past and its glorification instead of a reconciliation that would help the nation in moving forward. Furthermore, there is also a very recent example of the November 11th celebrations being controversial: the pro-Palestinian protests that took place in central London. Many people think that protesting on Remembrance Day as a sign of “ disrespect ” towards the fallen. Others talk about the dangers of militarism as one of the core values of this holiday and the glorification of war that is perpetuated through the celebration of this anniversary. On November 11th last year, Clément Voule, the UN’s Special Rapporteur for the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, discouraged painting the protests as “ hate marches .” He argued that it could risk public disorder and more public disagreement on the validity of Remembrance Day. Commemorating an anniversary of the end of a war or another military action will always spark controversies because of the thin line between appreciation and glorification. There has been a major shift in the symbolism of the Eleventh of November—renaming of this holiday in America or the rise of unrest these ceremonies bring about in the present exemplify this. Despite the shift in the values and importance of this holiday, which should be reflected upon during this anniversary, the core idea that led to its establishment is still relevant: the horrors of the past cannot be forgotten. Otherwise, we run the danger of repeating them.

Drunk on camaraderie and laughter, we mill about the shops we’ve been to hundreds of times before; we argue about the state of the world and how much more heavy cream should be added to our pasta dishes; we soak in the time winter break has allowed us, because for now, that’s all we have. < Back Beautiful Brooklyn Brownstones: Why We Should Live Near Our Friends By Marly Fisher January 31, 2024 Drunk on camaraderie and laughter, we mill about the shops we’ve been to hundreds of times before; we argue about the state of the world and how much more heavy cream should be added to our pasta dishes; we soak in the time winter break has allowed us, because for now, that’s all we have. My friends are my home. So why did we all leave it? In the age of the modern family, we are quick to move. For school, for careers, for our partners… my own mother (albeit reluctantly) traded her community of friends and familiarity in the suburbs of New York for the empty tumbleweeds of New Mexico and my father’s career. The Land of Enchantment is its motto. The Land of Entrapment is what she (perhaps not so) affectionately calls it. It seems that in a world of constant motion, our friends are the first to be left behind. Not truly, of course — technology makes for an easy way to stay in touch — but the physical location of the people closest to us is no longer as important. Living with companions — roommates in college, apartment-mates during internships and first big jobs — are a cherished stage of life. But it is seen as nothing more than a liminal space between childhood and the real world. There is a kind of time limit on these types of living spaces, at least until the purported love of our lives comes around to sweep us off our feet and we can create our true homes together. Our lives and purpose are structured around the love we build. So why don’t we live with our friends? At the very least, why don’t we make an active effort to be near them? One of the purest parts of the university experience, as profoundly demonstrated by the construction of the living spaces in Sciences Po, is its community. We cook together, we swim together, we laugh and talk until the sun is up. There is a unique sense of togetherness here, a promise that your favorite conversationalist is right next door. It is when college ends that separation begins. We leave the bonds we’ve created in search of the vague and inevitable next step. It is — was — what I’ve been preparing for my whole life. But I don’t want to. My best friend and I have a pact that we call the Brooklyn Brownstone, a promise that if we are unmarried by age 40 we will buy the most lavish brownstone in the city and live out the rest of our lives in companionship. But it rests on the assumption that our future would require a separation in the first place. I want to live near my best friend always. I want to live near all of my close friend always. It would make me happy. And statistically, happiness spreads, according to Atlantic writer Adrienne Matei: When one person becomes happier, their next-door neighbors' chances of also growing happier rise by 34 percent; friends living within a mile of each other are 25 percent more likely to feel happy, and their friends have a 10 percent chance of feeling happier too. Moving away from our chosen families does not just affect our personal wellbeing, however; we have lost kinship in the workplace, as well. Modernization and industrialization have taken away time as an entity that belongs to us. Where leisure and labor were once intermingled, where the workday ended on the family farm with the sunset, now an employer's time is acutely different from that of those who are employed. those. In the words of historian EP Thompson, the “employer must use the time of his labor, and see it is not wasted: not the task but the value of time when reduced to money is dominant. Time is now currency: it is not passed but spent. ” Existing with my friends need not not be temporary. When, or if, I do begin to raise a family of my own, I want to be surrounded by a community I have built myself. I want my children to know and love my companions the way I do. Especially after having lived with a roommate for the past few months, I have little desire to live alone. Ever. What good is independence if we are lonely? If we miss those we love the most? At the time that this article is being written, I’m sitting in the airport returning home after visiting my best friend at her college. Mark my words: in fifty years, a cluster of beautiful Brooklyn brownstones will be deemed the happiest square mile in America. We will change the world together.

It was arguably the recent administrative scandal, which sparked mass intercampus outrage on social media, that first put Le Havre on the radar of most Sciences Po students. However, upon transferring to Menton, I can only posit that the situation here is not as dissimilar as one would think. < Back ‘Isn’t That the Campus Where…?’ The Student Experience in Le Havre By Magdelena Offenbeck March 30, 2022 It was arguably the recent administrative scandal, which sparked mass intercampus outrage on social media, that first put Le Havre on the radar of most Sciences Po students. Upon transferring to Menton merely a month after the incident, I most frequently was asked “what happened with your admin?” when I told students that I came from Le Havre. It seems that the Normandy campus is now associated with two things: bad weather, and an even worse admin. However, my experience as a 1A for the first semester cannot be simplified to these two terms. The port city of about 274,000 inhabitants that inspired Jean-Paul Sartre’s “Nausea” creates a student experience of its own. Whether it be housing in shipping containers, nightly electric scooter races, or stargazing on bunkers from World War II, Le Havre has about as many similarities with Menton as it has differences. Here is my experience with the two campuses on opposite sides of France. The Weather Questions about the failure of the Le Havre (LH) administration are quickly followed by jokes about the Normandy weather. These are not unfounded, as it does rain constantly. Not only do the rain and the freezing cold of northern European winter make walks to class painful, but the wind will, at times, make it feel as though you are walking on a treadmill on maximum incline. Summer starts early and winter ends late, but when the sun does shine, the city transforms. The ocean promenade fills with skateboarders, ice cream shops, and brave swimmers who dip their toes into the 16-degree Atlantic Ocean. The cafés and parks come alive, and there is a sense of common appreciation for the rare days of sunshine. While it may be unfortunate that LH students are forced to leave their summer clothes in their suitcases, the weather does have two advantages. Firstly, complaining about the rain and wind with fellow Sciences Pistes is as much of a conversation starter as it is a bonding experience. Secondly, even though the wind makes every day a bad hair day, there is no risk of sweating on your way to class. The Student Life What Le Havre lacks in scenery, it makes up with vibrant student life. As there is no Côte d’Azur that provides a student experience for itself nearby, students have created a range of associations and clubs that entertain when the Le Havre city environment does not. Throughout the week, the hallways of the half-a-building campus Sciences Po shares with INSA become alive when student initiatives hold their meetings. In addition to the usual student activities, there are five different dance clubs ranging from Bollywood to Contemporary, three campus bands, as well as a sailing and a Mixed Martial Arts club to name just some. Furthermore, where the curriculum fails to holistically engage with most parts of Asia, student clubs, such as the Southeast Asia Society, fill the gap and create opportunities for cultural exchange. The party life also does the Sciences Po reputation justice, even though the Menton warmth favors more frequent and larger events. As home to 13,600 students, Le Havre boasts a wide selection of bars — open year-round — which can be used as an alternative to house parties. The Region Menton and Le Havre may both be port towns on paper, but they could not be more different. LH stands as a relatively isolated industrial city that has yet to be connected to a high-speed train network. Hence, there is nothing comparable to the ten-minute trip to Italy or short stopover in Monaco that Menton students use. Despite the lack of speedy public transport, LH is approximately two hours away from Paris by train, which allows for frequent day trips to the capital. Within Normandy, the regional capital Rouen and Caen are readily accessible. But, the most scenic nature can be seen at Étretat, which offers white cliffs with a view of the Atlantic Ocean. Le Havre itself is a UNESCO World Heritage Site for its post World War II concrete architecture designed by Auguste Perret. The city’s unique historical look creates an interplay of Parisian architecture and Soviet-style cement in the centre. Additionally, the hills above the city, notably the commune Sainte Adresse, still have countless French Norman style villas overlooking the ocean. While the statues and artistic constructions across the city only marginally counteract its dreary gray, stargazing on deserted bunkers while overlooking the ocean does provide for an inimitable experience. The Typical Day After checking the weather app to find out whether rain, wind, or clouds will be the challenge of the day, a LH student typically puts on a rainproof jacket and takes a Lime to campus. Limes are electric scooters that owe their name to their green-white color and can be found everywhere in the city. They are as much death traps as they are practical and constitute the main mode of transportation for those who do not like to cycle. As most teachers can take a direct train from Paris, Zoom classes are a rarity. However, one may need to make use of Zoom links when the bridge connecting most student residences and campus is closed, forcing students to walk around the entire basin. Between classes, students use the spacious library which is equipped with computers and study rooms. After class, student life usually takes place in 2A apartments or the many student residences. Most 1As live in CROUS residences, government-sponsored housing that usually offers rooms with en-suite bathrooms and kitchens for around 300€ a month. The most famous residence is arguably the repurposed “A Docks,” where students live in repurposed shipping containers. Even though Le Havre is a larger town, most students live close together, and it is almost as challenging to avoid SciencesPistes on the streets as it is in Menton. The Admin It is only appropriate to finish this portrait with a note on the controversial Le Havre administration. In general, the issues one faces with the admin in LH are similar to those in Menton. Both campuses share unresponsiveness, ignorance towards student needs, and a lack of organization. While the recent scandal concerning the LH campus director was a particularly shocking incident, it arguably only highlighted one institutional issue. Sciences Po fails on several ends to provide adequate support to its students, especially outside of the academic framework. In the course of the LH administrative scandal, many of the problems that were identified and passed on to Paris were entirely out of the hands of the regional campus administration. While they were no less pertinent and urgent, this created the image of an administration that fails on more levels than that of other campuses. Upon coming to Menton, I can only posit that the situation here is not as dissimilar as one would think.

“Bab el Hadid” captures the commotion and emotion of the Cairo train station as a hub: a place where people reunite after years apart; where people say goodbye to their loved ones; where people are always in a rush to get to the next destination. < Back Reflecting on Egypt’s Youssef Chahine: Film Review of “Bab el Hadid” By Celeste Abourjeili November 29, 2021 The movie “Bab el Hadid” brings back memories of the notorious Grand Central station in New York City, where I grew up. It captures the commotion and emotion of the train station as a hub: a place where people reunite after years apart; where people say goodbye to their loved ones; where people are always in a rush to get to the next destination. The Cairo station, like all train stations, is inherently not a destination but simply a part of the journey. However, in “Bab el Hadid,” which focuses on the station’s daily functioning, the place is redefined as a destination of its own with a community of its own. This raw vision of the train station provides a nuanced commentary on class struggles because it exposes the station for what it is: a place for homeless people to take shelter, for the crazy to roam around, and for the lower class to make a spare buck by selling newspapers and fresh drinks. Throw in a street performer and lost tourists, and you have Grand Central. But this was not Grand Central — this was the 1958 Cairo station at the brink of an era of underclass mobilization and women’s emancipation. In its realism, the movie unravelled the themes of women’s rights activism, sexualization of women in the workplace, and unionization of laborers. The film’s honest and brutal commentary on these themes made it by far and away more real and relevant than many other Arab movies of that era. While it maintained the theme of a tragic love story that could never come to be due to class differences (i.e. Kenawi’s love for Hanuma), the context surrounding this plot is so much more nuanced that one could hardly call it a love story. Moreover, the extravagant decor of Egyptian films in the early 1900s was long forgotten in the production of this film, where the most commonly featured house decor was lewd magazine clippings of women pasted on the walls. The portrayal of Kenawi’s fixation on women provided insight into the truth of sexualization of women: in many cases, it is incredibly creepy. By featuring an insane man in this role, the film was more sympathetic to women in instances of catcalling and stalking. It exposed the ugly truth that women are frequently physically threatened simply for the act of rejecting a man. After the idealized films from the earlier era, the honesty in this film was welcome, familiar, and, in a way, homey to me. The portrayal of a woman like Hanuma, who was sexy and desirable, in a tough and rude connotation was also a welcome reality and break from the “femme fatale” prototype in previous films, at least in the beginning of the film. However, her attitude and disregard for Abu Serih’s instructions along with his violent reaction brought back the power imbalance between men and women. Hanuma’s seductive response was even worse and regressed her character back to the “femme fatale” prototype, disappointing the earlier characterization of Hanuma as a new kind of woman. The theme of insanity with Kenawi matched his disconnect with the hub of the train station. He talked about moving to his village, away from the noise and the people and the confusion, when he proposed to Hanuma. He was an outsider from the get go, not belonging in the train station community nor in the train station itself. Despite his violence and creepy behavior towards women, I could not help but feel for Kenawi in the moment when Madbouli talks to him at the end of the film because we saw that his desires were quite simple, like anybody else’s, after all. This film succeeded at making unlikely characters relatable and telling the stories of those whom society would never have considered or accepted before.