< Back Minors are Pushed Back at the Franco-Italian Border By Saoirse Aherne September 27, 2023 Since February, Sciences Po Refugee Help (SPRH) has been conducting weekly permanences at the Franco-Italian border to document the pushback of people on the move. At the permanences, SPRH volunteers wait outside the Italian border police station to receive migrants turned away from France. In total, the student association is stationed at the border for 11.5 hours each Sunday. Volunteers bring tea and coffee, notify individuals that no buses run on Sundays and guide them toward Ventimiglia. The aim is to create a sense of accountability among authorities, as the presence of volunteers reminds police that their actions are under observation. SPRH ensures that the Red Cross is called when young children are released, and volunteers can contact other regional solidarity actors to connect people on the move with local services. SPRH members offer what limited information they can, explaining in simple terms why a person has been rejected and where to go in Ventimiglia for food, legal support or a place to charge their phone. Ultimately, the extent of the support that can be provided is limited, and volunteers frequently encounter victims of unclear legal processes for whom no solution can be offered. In many cases, all volunteers can do is provide conversation, recognition and kindness. In 105 hours of observation, SPRH has encountered over 600 men, women and children at the Franco-Italian frontier. This suggests that about seven people are forced back from the border per hour. Of those pushed back, close to a fifth have been women, while close to 11 percent were accompanied minors, many of whom were under 12. About two percent were identified as unaccompanied minors. January 22 2023 Volunteers encounter a group of 16 year olds upon their rejection from France The first boy holds up his rejection paper, his age has been falsified: “My birthdate is the 23 of April 2007. They put the 23 of April 2004….With all this suffering, I ask myself why the French behave in this way, why are they cruel to us? We are minors.” After beginning this project, volunteers quickly noticed a perpetual violation of international law at the border via the pushback of unaccompanied minors. This observation has been corroborated by a number of humanitarian groups working along the Franco-Italian border. The right to asylum for minors is established by the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which states in Article 22, “State Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that a child who is seeking refugee status… Receive appropriate protection and humanitarian assistance.” Equally, French law recognizes the right of minors to claim asylum as, in 2018, the Nice Administrative Court ruled that it is illegal to send minors who enter French territory back to Italy. The European Council on Refugees and Exiles maintains that asylum-seeking children must be considered as children before they are considered asylum seekers. This means they ought to be awarded all the rights guaranteed to children in the United Nations Charter of the Rights of the Child. The Nice court, however, found the French authorities guilty of “a serious violation of the higher interests of the minors.” Despite the numerous denunciations of the pushback of minors from both local and international humanitarian organizations, French police have continued the practice. SPRH has gathered dozens of accounts of police forging signatures and incorrectly documenting dates of birth to justify the expulsion of children from French territory. Albeit true that many minors are first incorrectly registered as major when they arrive in Italy and thus appear as such in the system on the Italian side of the border, French police remain accountable for the forgery of signatures and dates of birth. Moreover, in cases where individuals can present documents that prove their status as minors, it should not be at the discretion of border police to determine whether these documents are sufficient proof of minor status. Ultimately, French police have no actual legal authority to determine who is a minor; however, gaps in the vague border protocol have resulted in police exercising this authority. March 26 2023: Testimony from an SPRH volunteer “We encountered a group of minors with documents proving their age. What’s more, they claim to have been registered as minors in Italy. They say they escaped from a camp for minors in Lampedusa as the conditions were unbearable. Given this, we approach the Italian police and ask why the boys are being rejected. They tell us the machine to check the registry for the boys' age is broken and that they should come back the next day. It is shocking that a faulty machine is sufficient justification for the arbitrary expulsion of unaccompanied minors.” The Border Report The perpetuation of this illegal practice has sparked the interest of the SPRH research pole, who have decided to investigate this border in more depth. Students have engaged in broader research on the violations of international law by authorities in this region. This includes the suspension of human rights in the informal detention center at the Franco-Italian border in Menton, as well as the lack of sufficient basic health services, the consequences of the militarisation of the border and the practice of racialized controls. The research, which has been conducted over the course of the last 6 months and on par with the border permanences, is being compiled in a report which will be published on June 1st, 2023. The project is called “Stories in Motion” and a website, which we invite you to visit at https://storiesinmotion.glitch.me is already up and running. Follow @st0riesinm0ti0n on instagram for more testimony from the people working in, living on and crossing the Franco-Italian border.

< Back Pandora Papers: Everything You Need to Know About the ‘Biggest Ever’ Leak of Off-Shore Data By Celeste Abourjeili November 30, 2021 Making headlines earlier this fall, the Pandora Papers are a leak of nearly 12 million documents which implicate world leaders in legal and illegal tax evasion, hidden wealth, and even cases of money laundering. Despite the massive breadth of the leak, which exposed 330 politicians and indicated over 10 trillion USD in offshore investments and accounts, the Pandora Papers have received little coverage. This article will cover the most important details of the leak, and feature an interview with Thinking Like a Lawyer professor and legal scholar Daniel Traficonte. What exactly are the Pandora Papers? The Pandora Papers are a leak of documents that have been thoroughly investigated by 600 journalists from 117 sources for several months. In the United States, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) was heading the investigation. In the United Kingdom, the initiative was spearheaded by BBC Panorama and the Guardian. The leak included documents, photographs, emails, and spreadsheets amounting to a grand total of 12 million objects. The most significant components of the leak concerned offshore wealth, including offshore investments of 330 politicians. What does offshore wealth consist of? Offshore wealth has provided a means for the world’s most affluent people to conceal their assets and minimize taxes. Wealth can be legally concealed when spent or saved in “tax havens,” or nations with low taxation, such as Panama, Dubai, Monaco, Switzerland, the Cayman Islands, and a number of American states. Investments such as home ownership may be conducted through anonymous companies that conceal their owner’s identity. Some countries do not require the identity of “beneficial owners” of property. In these cases, the beneficial ownership loophole allows owners to legally hide behind false company names. “I think global tax-dodging is a classic case of ‘legalized corruption,’” said Traficonte. He believes that the legality of this kind of tax evasion may be one of the reasons why public reaction following the leak has been low. “But of course what is ‘legal’ can still be extremely corrupt and harmful to society, and people shouldn't lose sight of this distinction,” he said. What are the implications of the leak? With such wide wealth disparity in the status quo, the implications of the leak could have been massive. The leak revealed that many political leaders who claim to support the common people are, in fact, hiding extreme amounts of wealth. This could also have created a public resentment against leaders for their lack of transparency. Russian president Vladimir Putin was implicated by his associates’ assets in Monaco, including that of a woman with whom he is suspected of having a child. The king of Jordan was found to have used anonymous companies, known as shell companies, to acquire a large number of properties in the United States and abroad. While there may not be direct repercussions for this hidden use of extravagant wealth, political leaders may face a reputational slap in the face. “Of course, in authoritarian regimes, high profile corruption is nothing new. But the example of Czech prime minister shows that the differentiation between [authoritarian regimes] and modern, ‘good’ liberal democracies is rather illusory,” said Political Humanities major Stanislaw Naklicki. Traficonte also pointed to the fact that “global wealth inequality is probably much worse than the official numbers would suggest, since the global ultra-rich are so easily able to hide the true extent of their wealth from official data.” Traficonte also suggested that world leaders may face more pressure to conceal their wealth as this form of private power is becoming “obviously excessive and undemocratic” in the public eye. Traficonte used the king of Jordan as an example: “[he] doesn't have to hide the fact that he owns all this luxury real estate in California. The fact that he feels he now has to is pretty interesting.” The economic implications of the storage of 10 trillion USD in offshore assets is worth considering, as well. “The macroeconomic implication is that so much… global capital that could be used to generate growth, particularly in the sectors that we might think are important (i.e. green and sustainable technologies), is basically sitting idle and collecting rents,” said Traficonte. He also pointed to a theory which suggests that, in the past 40 years, or since the rise of ‘neoliberalism’ in Western states, the economic elite have stopped investing in productive activities (e.g. buying companies or investing in new products). These classic ‘capital’ investments, it seems, have stopped being profitable — or so the elite believes, according to this theory. “These leaks I think could be some confirmation of that view, since what we see here is the ultra-rich just parking their money into real estate, for the most part,” said Traficonte. What now? The European Union and the United States, among other governing bodies, have both said that they will respond to the Pandora Papers with new legislation to crack down on methods of tax avoidance. At a glance, legal repercussions and changes in legislation would seem like practical solutions — if they actually happen, that is. “The ideal solution,” said Traficonte, “would be an international treaty with real "teeth" –– real enforcement mechanisms that force governments to crack down on this kind of activity. The problem is that, if you have any holdouts, those are going to become the new tax havens.” In other words, without a “totally comprehensive international regime,” there will always be other options and methods for people to move and disguise their wealth. For that reason, Traficonte concluded that this solution seems unlikely. However, “there is plenty that national governments could do to control capital outflows, if they chose to.” Yet, he believes that more attention and political mobilization on this topic would be needed before serious solutions can be considered. Given the amount of political leaders who were directly involved, it is hard to imagine that such a solution could realistically take place in most states. What are some long-term consequences of the Pandora Papers leak? Considering its size, this leak has received relatively little coverage and attention. The Panama Papers, a similar leak in 2016 of a much smaller size, received a lot more public attention, for instance. “The Panama Papers were ‘the revelation,’ the first hint which stimulated the instinct that the global financial/political system may be more rotten than previously thought,” said Naklicki. “Every next leak was… nothing new. I think there is no way the leak will actually change something substantially.” Traficonte believes that people fail to draw the connection between global stashing of wealth and domestic issues in their everyday lives, and this could be a reason for the low public backlash. However, he told us “the connection is real: this is all money that should be taxed and used for social and public services. I think the media needs to do a better job at pointing out these connections, otherwise people will continue to see this as a distant problem and it'll just keep blowing over.” Though there might be some resignations following the leak, Naklicki stipulated that as long as the system remains, such an abuse of power is sure to continue. “History taught us on the example of the Panama Papers that nothing is bound to change… we have gone ‘too deep’ into late capitalism to actually see an alternative.”

< Back L'OCS ou la Peur a L'Occident Eloïse Franzmann September 30, 2025 Le 1er septembre 2025, lors du sommet annuel de l’Organisation de Coopération de Shanghai (OCS), Xi Jinping dénonçait une « mentalité de guerre froide » et des « actes d’intimidation » visant implicitement l’administration américaine. Ces propos, repris dans de nombreux médias occidentaux, renforcent une certaine inquiétude quant à la montée en puissance de la Chine. L’OCS est fondée en 2001 comme prolongement et institutionnalisation du « Groupe de Shanghai », forum de coopération régionale créé sous l’impulsion de la Chine et de la Russie. Comme mission première, assurer la stabilisation sécuritaire de l’Asie centrale, bien que la coopération économique et commerciale revêt désormais une dimension tout aussi importante. La Charte de l’OCS, adoptée la même année, fixe comme principaux objectifs « la lutte contre le terrorisme, le séparatisme éthnique et l’extrémisme religieux ». Néanmoins, en pratique, cette doctrine des « trois fléaux » (terrorisme, séparatisme, extrémisme) élaborée par Pékin, permet de justifier de nombreuses politiques autoritaires, que ce soit la répression de groupes d’opposition en Russie ou la répression virulente des Ouïghours en Chine. Si l’organisation est fondée par 6 pays (Chine, Russie, Kazakhstan, Kirghizistan, Ouzbékistan et Tadjikistan) elle s’est progressivement élargie à l’Inde et au Pakistan en 2017, ainsi qu’ à l’Iran en 2023, représentant aujourd’hui 42% de la population mondiale. Parallèlement, le nombre de pays observateurs (Mongolie, Biélorussie, Afghanistan, etc.) et « partenaires de dialogue » a considérablement augmenté, passant de 6 en 2022 à 16 en 2025. De cette expansion indéniable découle une sphère d’influence agrandie, qui s’étend au-delà du continent asiatique jusqu’au Moyen-Orient. L’OCS s’affirme par conséquent comme un pôle incontournable pour les États eurasiatiques. C’est dans le contexte d’un ordre multipolaire, où l’influence occidentale est remise en cause, que l’OCS apparaît, aux yeux des spécialistes, comme une force diplomatique prééminente sur la scène internationale. Alors que Xi Jinping défend une « gouvernance mondiale plus juste et plus équitable,» certains perçoivent avec l’ascension de la diplomatie chinoise un essoufflement de l’hégémonie occidentale. Le sommet de Tianjin, du 31 août au 1er septembre 2025, s’est d’abord présenté comme le théâtre de l’amitié sino-russe. De fait, les dirigeants Vladimir Poutine et Xi Jinping n’en sont pas moins qu’à leur soixantième rencontre. Quelques jours après l’OCS, à l’occasion des commémorations du 80e anniversaire de la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale le 3 septembre 2025, Vladimir Poutine mais aussi Kim Jong-un ont été conviés au défilé par Pékin. Une amitié qui met en scène leur unité face à l’Occident. De même, la présence du président iranien Massoud Pezeshkian et la signature de 24 documents finaux sur le renforcement de la coopération de l’OCS, nourrissent les préoccupations des Etats-Unis et de leurs alliés quant à la consolidation d’un axe Russie-Chine-Iran concurrent et autonome. Toutefois, si les présences russes et iraniennes n’ont rien d’insolite, la venue du président indien Narendra Modi est assez inédite, marquant le retour du président indien en Chine pour la première fois depuis le contentieux frontalier sino-indien dans la vallée de la Galwan en 2020—où des soldats des Etats respectifs s’étaient affrontés. Le sommet de Tianjin témoigne d’une nouvelle réussite diplomatique, certainement plus marquante après l’intégration simultanée de l’Inde et du Pakistan en 2017, alors même que les litiges frontaliers persistent depuis des années. Malgré des rivalités, la coopération n’est pas nécessairement bloquée. Cette idée fait écho à la logique développée par le chercheur en relations internationales Robert O.Keohane qui, dans son ouvrage After Hegemony, convient que “la coopération n’est pas un état exempt de conflictualité, mais une réaction à la conflictualité ou à sa potentialité”. Si la Chine apparaît, aux yeux de la plupart des observateurs internationaux, comme une puissance fédératrice à travers l’OCS , l’inquiétude au sein du bloc occidental, qui comprend notamment les États-Unis et l’Union européenne, est bien celle de se marginaliser face à un bloc eurasiatique organisé autour de ses plus grandes puissances. Alors que la Turquie ne possède jusqu’alors qu’un statut de “partenaire de dialogue”, Recep Tayyip Erdogan annonçait dès 2022 sa volonté de rejoindre à part entière l’organisation, dénotant le poids de l’OCS. Pour autant, sous couvert d’une démonstration d’unité, des rivalités internes persistent entre les différentes puissances membres de l’OCS et peuvent empêcher son bon fonctionnement. Les Etats membres affichent des ambitions géopolitiques divergentes, voire concurrentes. Ainsi, la bonne entente entre Pékin et Moscou n’empêche pas une compétition persistante entre les deux puissances. De fait, le rapprochement récent entre Moscou et Pyongyang, qui s’est traduit par la signature d’un accord d’assistance mutuelle en juin 2024, a contrarié Pékin. Xi Jin Ping entend dès lors rappeler sa prééminence régionale, notamment à travers le défilé militaire du 3 septembre 2025 auquel la Russie et la Corée du Nord étaient accueillies. De même , le sommet de Tianjin n’a pas pu cacher les divergences entre la Russie et la Turquie. Le président turc, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, invité en tant que partenaire de dialogue a proposé à Vladimir Poutine une médiation dans le conflit russo-ukrainien, proposition qui fut très mal reçue. Cette hétérogénéité témoigne d’une chose : l’OCS incarne un projet d’affirmation collective anti-occidental alors que sa capacité à se construire en tant que bloc reste entravée par des rivalités internes. Par ailleurs, face à la consolidation d’un bloc eurasiatique, plusieurs questionnements surgissent à propos de l’organisation même de l’OCS, en particulier de sa possible dimension militaire. Depuis 2005, plusieurs exercices conjoints dédiés à la lutte antiterroriste, telles la « Peace Mission » ont été organisés, mobilisant les forces nationales respectives des États membres. Toutefois, l’OCS est dépourvue des attributs d’une véritable alliance militaire. Celle-ci ne dispose d’aucune clause de défense mutuelle comparable à celle de l’article 5 du Traité de l'Atlantique Nord et ne possède pas non plus de forces de projection. L’OCS ne prétend aucunement créer une alternative à l’OTAN, l’organisation semble davantage rester fidèle à ses objectifs initiaux et ainsi fonctionner comme un forum diplomatique et sécuritaire plutôt que comme une coalition militaire. L’OCS occupe désormais une place significative dans le concert des nations. Il convient d’admettre que la force diplomatique de l’OCS provient certainement de sa capacité à prendre en compte des intérêts stratégiques communs entre plusieurs pays d’Eurasie, que le multilatéralisme occidental n’aurait pas assez considéré. Cette coopération entre pays, non seulement en proposant un bloc alternatif au système occidental mais aussi en servant d’appui stratégique aux ambitions chinoises et russes remet en cause la domination économique, sécuritaire et idéologique occidentale. Pour autant, sa posture menaçante est à mettre en perspective. Selon Cédric Garrudo, diplômé de sinologie et analyste en stratégie internationale, il convient de prendre ces précautions quant à l’analyse parfois instrumentalisée et politisée qui présente l’OCS comme une organisation profondément et essentiellement anti-occidentale, une vision qui serait entretenue “pour encourager au réarmement et resserrer les rangs des pays de l’OTAN”. https://legrandcontinent.eu/fr/2025/08/30/lorganisation-de-cooperation-de-shanghai-represente-23-du-pib-et-42-de-la-population-mondiale/ (chiffre : membres de l’OCS représentent 42% de la population mondiale). Photo Source: Minister of External Affairs of India, Flickr

< Back Iraq at the Ballots Kerem Demir Karahan December 10, 2025 On Nov. 11 Iraqis went to the parliamentary election ballots to determine who gets the 329 seats on Iraq’s Council of Representatives. Following their loss in the 2021 legislative elections four years ago, supporters of Iran-backed parties attempted to storm the government buildings within the Green Zone in Baghdad. This led to violent clashes between security forces and protestors, leaving 125 individuals injured and two dead. On Nov. 7 two days after the attempted storming, Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi survived a drone attack. No group claimed responsibility for the attack, however, Iraqi governmental sources state that Iran backed militias were responsible. The violent clashes were then followed with an eleven-month-long political crisis where members of the Council of Representatives were unable to form a functioning coalition government and therefore elect a president. Demonstrators supporting the Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr had stormed the Parliament building in the Green Zone in order to stop the nomination of anti-Iran al-Sudani for Prime Minister. In August, another series of clashes took place in Baghdad, pitting al-Sadr, a Shiite cleric, against pro-Iranian militias. The clashes in August left 30 people dead and over 700 injured. Following violent protests in Baghdad, the Parliament chose Abdul Latif Rashid as the new President of Iraq, who then tasked Al Sudani with forming a government. This year’s elections saw an unexpectedly high 56.11% participation rate, an increase of 12.81% from the 2021 elections where many politicians threatened boycotts over claims of corruption, perhaps signaling an increased confidence in the democratic process in Iraq. However, Erika Solomon and Falih Hassan of the New York Times note that “though the stakes are high, public confidence in Iraq’s democratic process is low, with nine million eligible Iraqis not even registering to vote [...]”. Ihsan al-Shammari, a political scientist at Baghdad University,mentioned in the same article, states that “This is intentional obfuscation of participation to boost their [the election’s] legitimacy”. Another attack on the legitimacy of the elections were the claims by various parties that “vote-buying” had taken place. The AP reported that “Last week, security services arrested 46 people accused of illegally buying and selling voter cards in sting operations in several provinces, and some 1,841 cards in their possession were seized.” Previous elections in Iraq were also riddled with claims of “vote-buying”, showing a trend in the apparent illegitimacy of Iraqi elections. The counting of votes was largely completed the following day, with projections showing Prime Minister al-Sudani’s party at first with 46 seats out of 329 in the Parliament and 12.06% of the popular vote. Following him in the popular vote was Masoud Barzani with 10.09% of the vote translating to 26 seats. However, the party with the second most seats in the parliament was the State of Law Coalition led by former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Prime Minister al-Sudani will now need to get into coalition talks, which may take many months, all while trying to navigate both American influence demanding the dismantling of Iranian militias and Iranian groups who listen to Tehran more than Baghdad. In order to cozy up to the Americans, al-Sudani presented himself as a “tough-on-Iran” Prime Minister throughout the electoral process, and reiterated his commitment to rid the country of foreign influence following the announcement of votes. Still, 22 years after the American-led invasion of Iraq that toppled Saddam Hussein’s regime, the country’s politics remain to be dominated by the Shiite-majority, many parties of whom are still close to Iran (al-Sudani, an Iraqi Shia, and his party is a notable exception). These parties are now threatened by louder calls from the United States, highlighting the “urgency in disarming Iran-backed militia”. Another aspect of his character that al-Sudani reinvented for his elections was his characterization as a businessman, an attempt to appeal to President Trump. In order to succeed in gaining Trump’s favor, al-Sudani oversaw several deals with American oil giants and has vowed to encourage Iraqi billionaires to invest in the United States. In return, he has received promises of decreased American military presence in Iraq, with only a small number of soldiers to remain in order to ensure the Islamic State doesn’t pose any threats. The Iraqi Parliament will start attempting to form a government in the coming weeks, and their success, or lack of, will once again leave its mark on Iraq’s uneasy experiment with democracy after the American invasion.

Le désir d’aller contre tous les pronostics, de rendre fier tout un campus, de montrer que le cholismo n’est pas mort, en bref ; montrer aux yeux du monde (ou au moins quelques centaines de sciencepistes) que oui, Menton n’est pas mort, Menton ne baissera pas la tête, Menton va rivaliser et bien plus que cela, que nous n’avons jamais été aussi forts qu’aujourd’hui, plus qu’hier et moins que demain. < Back Association Feature: l'Équipe de Foot By Samy El Maloui April 29, 2022 Le bruit du ballon en cuir qui roule sur le terrain synthétique. Les éclats de voix, pour exprimer la désapprobation face à un geste raté ou l’émerveillement suivant un dribble chaloupé. La sueur stigmate de l’engagement des joueurs sur le pré (ou le cardio aberrant de certains, mais c’est un autre sujet). Les premiers automatismes qui se forgent et les premières affinités qui se créent. Le temps était doux en cette soirée qui marque la fin du mois d’août et tout doucement celle de l’été. La semaine d’intégration, les rencontres entre 1A et 2A (voire 3A un peu trop accrochés à la perle de la french riviera), l’agitation estudiantine dans la cité mentonnaise, mais surtout, la reprise de la pratique du sport roi pour les lions des Alpes. La rareté du fait donne de la valeur à la chose. Après quasiment un an d’arrêt en raison d’une pandémie qui avait mis un terme dès octobre 2020 à la rencontre, à l’interaction, au contact, à la vie en somme. Mais enfin, c’était le moment. Nous étions fringants. Après deux mois de vacances où certains traînèrent leurs carcasses à Dubaï et d’autres en Franche-Comté (grand respect pour le Football Club de Sochaux Montbéliard nonobstant), les mines étaient pleinement revitalisées, les jambes fourmillantes à l’idée d’un objectif. Le seul, l’unique, celui qui prenait toute la place dans les esprits et surtout celui du néo-capitaine : le Minicrit. Devenu un mythe pour certains, la compétition fétiche des campus de Sciences Po avait semblé avoir disparu pendant deux longues années estampillé COVID-19. Les joueurs étaient donc logiquement surmotivés à l’idée de se frotter aux dijonnais, havrais, nancéiens, parisiens, poitevins et autres rémois. Mais avant cette perspective excitante, il s’agissait de s’entraîner dur pour arriver prêt et ne pas être frauduleux à Nancy, ville d’accueil du Minicrit pour cette année. Ainsi s'enchaînèrent les séances, montrant le talent exacerbé de certains, destinés aux plus grandes carrières mais qui se retrouvaient sur ce terrain de foot à 5 miteux dans une ville peuplée en majorité de vieillards séniles. Les semaines passèrent, au gré du passage au temps automnal puis hivernal, l’obscurité de la nuit qui arrivait de plus en plus tôt, la présence de certains qui se faisaient de plus en rare, en corrélation avec le froid mordant qui avait remplacé la brise chaleureuse de l’été révolu. Le mois de novembre marquait un match contre l’école de commerce niçoise de l’IPAG dont vous connaissez sûrement l’épilogue : rappelons que ces cuistres de futurs dévots à la start-up nation ne méritaient sûrement pas de l’emporter mais sans rancune, nous avions un joueur de champ et accessoirement danseur émérite dans les buts. Mais alors que l’année battait son plein et que nous nous approchions tout doucement de la fin du premier semestre, un constat clair et net s’imposait dans les esprits. Pourquoi diable ne pourrait-on pas s’entraîner sur le non moins célèbre stade Lucien Rhein, celui-là même que El Pibe de Oro, Diego Maradona, avait foulé de ses pas en mai 1995 ? Notre capitaine, fort de ses talents de persuasion et négociation, se lançait alors dans ce qui serait un bras de fer avec celle-dont-on-ne-doit-pas-citer-le-nom, la terrible, l’infernale, la coriace… administration. Par respect pour ses membres qui ne sont pas tous à blâmer dans cette affaire, nous utiliserons uniquement ce terme plus général désignant l’institution à l’origine de tous nos atermoiements. S’enchainèrent un premier mail, deux mails, trois mails, quarante, deux-cent cinquante, trois-mille quarante… mais toujours pas de réponse satisfaisante et la lassitude commençait tout doucement à faire son lit. L’administration ne semblait pas vouloir répondre à nos revendications légitimes, celles de perpétuer l’héritage pré-Covid de nos prédécesseurs qui s'entraînaient lors des matinées du cinquième jour de la semaine. Le créneau était même en temps normal entièrement alloué à cet effet alors que nous avions, pour notre part, l’obligation d’assister à des cours plus ou moins monotones. Alors que l’espoir semblait mort et enterré, et que le rêve de se mouvoir sur le terrain synthétique du plus beau stade de la ville s’éloignait de plus en plus, le deuxième semestre avait apporté son lot de miracles. Malheureusement, M. Amouri n'était pas toujours pas venu nous gratifier de ses talents intergénérationnels sur le terrain mais nous avions enfin eu des échos positifs et obtenu un créneau après tous ces efforts. Nous allions enfin pouvoir avoir accès à ce qui semblait être l’impossible, avec un entraîneur spécialement réquisitionné pour nous afin de nous préparer dans les meilleures conditions pour le Minicrit. Après de nombreux aléas et imprévus, qui ne l’étaient parfois pas vraiment, nous nous retrouvions dans une position difficile avec de nombreux absents avant cette compétition. Mais qu’à cela tienne ! Nous étions motivés, ragaillardis, prêts à croiser le fer avec des Dijonnais inconnus, des Poitevins forts de leur préparation digne d’une équipe professionnelle avec de (très) nombreux matchs de préparations (en même temps, que peut-on faire de mieux à Poitiers…) et des Havrais que nous étions prêts à rétamer, pour leur montrer que la mer Méditerranée sera toujours meilleure que la Manche. Face à toutes les difficultés que nous avions pu rencontrer cette année spéciale, nous avions toujours cette fougue au fond de nous, celle du feu sacré. Le désir d’aller contre tous les pronostics, de rendre fier tout un campus, de montrer que le cholismo n’est pas mort, en bref ; montrer aux yeux du monde (ou au moins quelques centaines de sciencepistes) que oui, Menton n’est pas mort, Menton ne baissera pas la tête, Menton va rivaliser et bien plus que cela, que nous n’avons jamais été aussi forts qu’aujourd’hui, plus qu’hier et moins que demain. « Le sport va chercher la peur pour la dominer, la fatigue pour en triompher, la difficulté pour la vaincre. » Pierre de Coubertin

< Back European Asylum Overhaul Nears Finish Line By Yasmin Abbasoy December 31, 2023 Touted as a “historic” resolution to years of contention among Member States, the European Commission’s New Pact on Asylum and Migration has been the subject of controversy regarding the changes proposed to the procedure followed at European borders. The planned changes have been widely criticized, and non-governmental organizations have warned they could lead to a crumbling of human rights and the solidification of dangerous and often excessive practices at the borders Negotiations on the pact, proposed by European Commission President, Ursula Von Der Leyen, almost three years ago, are reported to be in their final stages. On the heels of a characteristically prolonged period of conciliation between European institutions, officials have made their intentions of finalizing the content of the pact before the new year. It has become a priority to push the pact through before the upcoming European elections in the summer of 2024. The pact is composed of five principal pieces of legislation which collectively aim to define and present a coherent legal framework outlining the measures to be taken in ordinary and extraordinary situations at the external borders of the Union. By formalizing procedures to be followed in the event of unusual pressure at the borders, the pact is envisioned to put an end to the autonomous and uninhibited responses of states to the increasingly common phenomena of border crises. It will also provide some relief to so-called frontline countries, whose national borders form the external borders of the Union and who must evidently bear the brunt of new arrivals. These nations have thus been the most vocal in their support of migration reform to reduce the perceived inequalities with regards specifically to the distribution of migrants across the 27 member states. The “Screening Regulation” envisions a 5-day screening procedure to be imposed on all people on the move who enter the territory of the Union irregularly. During the course of this procedure, national authorities will collect biometric information and perform security and vulnerability checks. This preliminary inspection of the migrant’s profile will, in theory, allow for more accurate decision making as the asylum process continues. The data collected will be stored in the European Dactyloscopy database, which is used to keep track of and verify the identity of those who submit asylum requests. The prospects of this regulation in light of the constantly shifting migratory fluxes remain grim. However, the amount of time allowed for the procedure (extended to 10 days in the event of a “massive influx”) is more likely to lead to an increase in time spent in detention centers, waiting for a screening, rather than a well-functioning procedure. Furthermore, the fast-tracked procedure casts doubt on the ability of officials to correctly determine vulnerabilities or security risks and provide the necessary support. Alarmingly, all screening procedures will take place under what is called the “legal fiction of non-entry,” which establishes a difference between the physical border and the legal one. While they may have crossed the physical border, migrants are not considered to have entered the territory of the Member State until their presence is established and validated by a border official, which is the end-result of the screening procedure. As a result, they have crossed the ‘legal border’ and can now be considered as within the territory of the European Union. The European Council on Refugees and Exiles comments that in practice, this creates a transitory space of diminished protections, where Member States can potentially derogate from ensuring the rights that they would otherwise be compelled to if the migrant were to be inside their territory legally. This space is essential for the increased efficiency of border procedures, as it is the part of the justification used to impose limitations on movement, such as in detention centers, and increased observation on migrants. After undergoing the screening procedure, migrants seeking asylum will be directed to one of two channels: normal asylum procedures, or the newly-introduced accelerated procedures, also termed border procedures. The border procedure applies to those applicants who are perceived to present more of a risk – those who have provided incorrect personal information, or that come from countries from which more than 20 percent of asylum applications were rejected. These asylum seekers may be detained for a period of up to 12 weeks, after which authorities will be granted a further 12 weeks to deport applicants in case of a rejection. In the common case where returning the migrant is not possible in this timeframe, the return regulation allows for up to 6 months of detention pending an impending deportation. The allowance for this extended period of detention would see migrants spend months in detention facilities and closed camps, which have until now proved to be ill-equipped to manage even their current load: inadequate access to shelter, food, and water are constantly reported at camps including in the frontline country of Greece. The border procedure also takes place within the context of the aforementioned legal fiction: access to free legal aid, usually taking the form of further explanation of the asylum procedure and work on the potential and viability of appeal procedures, is not guaranteed by the pact, and the filing of an appeal does not inhibit the return procedure. This means that a person could be deported outside of the country while the appeal to a rejection is actively being processed. The border procedure, then, creates a hierarchy among asylum-seekers, based on not only their actual and potential behavior but immutable characteristics such as ethnicity. It risks generalizing the nationals of a particular nation to such an extent that the asylum procedure, meant to provide protection to the vulnerable, loses meaning and effectiveness. The legislation introduced for the benefit of frontline countries is one of forced solidarity: when a frontline country declares itself to be in a state of migratory crisis, other member states must either relocate some migrants to their own territories or provide monetary support to the country undergoing the crisis. Tellingly, the European Commission has continuously stressed that payments made to the “solidarity pool” (which amount to 20, 000 euros per individual migrant) will exclude member states from having to relocate migrants to their own territory. There is no proposed guidance for the apportionment of the money, and thus no guarantee that it would be spent on bettering the experience of asylum seekers rather than strengthening border control mechanisms which would only serve to keep more people out. The single most contentious segment of the pact is the proposed Crisis Regulation. This regulation, which comes into effect only during a “migratory crisis” or a major unforeseen event, allows member states to derogate from standard asylum procedures. The length of border procedures, and thus the length of potential detention, could be extended by a period of 8 weeks, and parameters for directing asylum seekers to the border procedure could be loosened. The terms which form the cornerstone of this part of the regulation, crisis and force majeure, are not clearly defined. This leads to a situation where member states are incentivised to adopt a loose definition of crisis in order to more effectively create optimal conditions for their own goals, thus normalizing derogation from European Union law as a valid response to events that may or may not be considered “emergencies.” Non-governmental organizations such as Amnesty International have strongly criticized the pact, with Director of the European Union office, Eva Geddie, commenting that “This agreement risks leaving people stranded, detained or destitute along Europe’s borders and will do nothing to improve the protection of asylum seekers in the EU.” in response to an agreement on the crisis regulation reached in October, while Human Rights Watch has stated that the pact will do nothing but increase suffering at the borders. In the European parliament, the Left party has consistently advocated centering the rights of asylum seekers, with member of parliament, Cornelia Ernst, referring to the pact as “making a bad situation orders of magnitude worse.” The European Commission's New Pact on Asylum and Migration, aimed at resolving long standing disputes, faces significant criticism for its proposed border procedure changes. Concerns about potential human rights erosion, disproportionate practices, and procedural complexities persist. As negotiations near completion, the pact's impact on the rights and well-being of asylum seekers remains a contentious issue, drawing attention from both NGOs and within the European Parliament. The coming months will reveal whether these concerns are addressed in any meaningful way or if the pact proceeds despite the raised objections.

< Back The New EU Commission and its Implications Stanimir Stoyanov December 31, 2024 December marks the beginning of a new five-year mandate of the European Commission. In June 2024, Europeans headed to the polls to elect their representatives in the European Parliament, tasked with voting in a new European Commission. On Nov. 27 Members of the European Parliament voted in a new Commission headed by Ursula von der Leyen. As the executive branch of the European Union, the Commission is one of the most important political bodies in the world. Despite its critical role, it remains relatively unfamiliar to the general public. So, this prompts the question, why is the European Commission important? The power of the European Commission The European Commission holds the majority of executive power within the EU. Its functions are to propose legislation based on parliamentary resolutions, enforce EU Regulations and manage the Union’s day-to-day affairs. Put simply, it steers the ship, which carries around 450 million citizens from 27 member states. The Commission's main jurisdiction is regarding trade agreements and environmental policies, which are considered collective European efforts. The Commission's decisions are detrimental on both the European and global stage. It is even responsible for the small things in our everyday lives, such as bottle caps being attached to plastic bottles or Apple being forced to change its charging cables to the universal Type-C. With political instability prevalent in many member states, more significantly in France and Germany, the Commission holds an increasingly important role in European unity. The New European Commission The Commission comprises one member for each of the 27 member states, including six Executive Vice-Presidents. Following this year's EU elections, the European Parliament faced the task of selecting a new Commission President. On July 18, Ursula von der Leyen was re-elected to continue her presidency. Despite a Parliament with more left-leaning MEPs than before, von der Leyen secured her position, albeit with a narrower margin of approval compared to her first term. Meanwhile, the Commission she proposed in November reflected a noticeable shift toward the center-right, with strong representation from the European People’s Party and other conservative groups, echoing the political turbulence seen across EU member states. However, the composition of her new team reflects both continuity and change, with a reshuffled College of Commissioners aiming to tackle pressing issues such as digital transformation, climate policy and industrial competitiveness. These are the new Collage’s six Executive Vice-Presidents, each overseeing critical policy areas: Teresa Ribera Rodríguez (Spain) – Leading the EU's Green Deal efforts for a just and competitive transition. Henna Virkkunen (Finland) – Focused on digital sovereignty and technological innovation. Stéphane Séjourné (France) – Tasked with revitalizing European industry and the single market. Roxana Mînzatu (Romania) – Overseeing education, skills, and social policies. Raffaele Fitto (Italy) – Managing cohesion policy and regional development. Kaja Kallas (Estonia) – Serving as Vice-President and High Representative for Foreign Affairs Prospects and implications of the new European Commission Before being voted in as President of the new Commission, Ursula von der Leyen addressed the European Parliament, outlining her plans and goals for the next five years. Her key priorities include advancing climate neutrality targets, promoting technological sovereignty and strengthening the EU’s influence on the global stage. A central theme of her speech was the Commission’s firm stance against Russia, bolstered by strong critics like former Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas, now serving as High Representative for Foreign Affairs. This is a continuation of current EU politics when it comes to dealing with Russia, with an even tougher emphasis on support for Ukraine. The Commission also aims to bolster the EU's defense sector by increasing spending and investments. The task of delicately balancing economic growth with environmental commitments has been entrusted to France’s Stéphane Séjourné and Spain’s Teresa Ribera Rodríguez. In addition, the EU is working to achieve greater economic independence, particularly in light of proposed tariffs from the incoming U.S. president. This reflects a broader effort to reduce reliance on external actors for innovation and economic stability. Additionally, von der Leyen has proposed stricter migration policies, emphasizing increased deportation measures, following demands from many national governments for a tougher EU-wide stance on the matter. Is it really a “new” Commission? Some have voiced critical opinions of the new Commission, arguing that it represents more continuity than change. The approach of appealing to a wide political spectrum by providing broad and vague commitments has led to concerns that the Commission’s agenda lacks the required innovation to tackle emerging challenges effectively. This Commission was voted in with the lowest level of support ever, which is raising concerns about political stability on the European level. While such factors, coupled with the same President’s face suggest a continuation of existing policies, the College choices hint at a lean to the right in European politics. We are now at the beginning of the new 2024-2029 European Union mandate, with the future being as uncertain as ever, the new Commission has the important task of representing the European people and fulfilling its duties faced by both internal and external hardships. While its plans appear promising on paper, only time will reveal whether it can achieve its ambitious goals. What is clear, however, is that during a time of deep polarization within Member States, the Commission plays a vital role in maintaining cohesion among Europeans while advancing the EU’s global ambitions.

< Back An Ode To Menton: Notes From the Edge of France Maria Eirini Liodi Moving to Menton has been a crazy journey (to say the least), most akin to a fever dream. Living in l a perle de la France looks a little like this: swarmed by tourists in-season, and then left mostly empty for the rest of the ye ar, minus the retirees, bored teens and of course a bustling couple of hundred Sciences Pistes. I wanted to write this little article, partly for myself, partly for Sciences Pistes (old and new) and partly for Menton. As we 2As prepare for our departure, I wonder what my biased memory will frame my time in Menton to be. Is living in the Côte D’Azur really as luxe as Instagram stories sell-it to be? This is my little reflection to remember the highs and the lows while they're still fresh in my memory. Here are ten lessons (from the 100s) from Menton: 1. Small town life Living in a quaint little French town is cute and memorable. Small town gossip, also very real. With the windows open in an apartment overlooking Rue Longue, all sorts of news reverberates in the silence, and any tea you may be spilling will likely be overheard by your (probably also student) neighbors. As reflected in last month’s article on the romantic realities of this little town—the pool of young people in Menton is saturated—welcoming boredom, hence gossip, messy love triangles, and well, situationships you can’t escape when walking home from Carrefour. An additional plus is bumping into peers whose texts you haven’t responded to in days on your way to the gym… Love when that happens! 2. 5’ away Small town life isn’t all bad. Especially for those living in the vielle ville, rolling out of bed and into class within minutes has never been easier. I haven’t taken for granted that it is not the norm to live three minutes from campus and at most a five to ten minute walk from your friends. It’ll be difficult transitioning to a long-distance friendship routine where time differences and Google Calendar invites replace the daily: “I’ll be there in 5!” Also, I can’t skip the perks of proximity when it comes to our uni group chat—texting in the “Sciences Po Menton Communities 2024/2025” on Whatsapp to ask for virtually anything—to borrow a baking tray, a screwdriver, glue stick or someone to come over and kill a spider and actually getting a response? A rare and beautiful thing in my book. 3. Three countries in a day Being based in Menton comes with the bonus of casually crossing into another country after a 2km leisurely stroll by the beach in one direction and hopping on a train 10’ in the other direction into another. So, croissants in France, pizza in Italy and dinner in Monaco—100% doable. While cool, this reality also reveals deeper contradictions. Just a few hundred meters away from the glamor of Mirazur, you have borders that are open for some and violently closed for others—a harsh reminder of the uneven freedom of movement that defines the region. 4. Twelve km from ‘paradise’ to poverty Working with Sciences Po Refugee Help has been an important wake up call to the harsh humanitarian crisis at the Franco-Italian border, bringing me close to scenes that don’t make it into travel blogs and insta stories. The border, just minutes away from Menton’s colorful skyline and overpriced restaurants, is the site of daily pushbacks, systemic neglect and abandoned hopes. Studying refugee law in parallel made things even more jarring. While political rhetoric in Europe often speaks in ideologically-charged extremes of ‘illegal’ immigrants, the reality is far more nuanced. Refugee camp closures post-COVID have resulted in even harsher conditions for people on the move, with many sleeping under bridges and relying on food from local organizations offering support. The securitization rhetoric of politics often distorts, what is at the core, a much more complex, human story. 5. Multilingualism Arabic, Spanish, Italian, French, Greek, English, Hebrew, Turkish—just a few of the languages you’ll hear on an average day while walking out of class. I’ve never been in a consistently multilingual and multicultural environment like that of Sciences Po Menton. Conversations blend between languages, cultural references overlap and slowly your world expands without you realizing it. If any place has taught me about different cultures, perspectives and ideas, it’s been this campus. 6. 365 sunsets by the beach Living by the beach is so cool. Simple. Bad days, post-midterm cries, or existential breakdowns are a whole lot more poetic when you're sitting by the beach, gazing at the glistening water of the Mediterranean with the sublime backdrop of the Italian mountains. Problems don’t disappear, but perhaps feel slightly more manageable with the sound of the ocean in the distance. 7. The French uni system is hardcore Should I have been more mentally prepared coming to Sciences Po Menton? Probably. Transitioning from an Anglo-Saxon education system to a blend of the French system rigor and a more Western-interdisciplinary approach has been a process for sure. Unlike the typical Anglo-Saxon approach, attendance is strictly mandatory with little margin of error. No lecture recordings, limited extensions, and regular 8-10 hour work days that make the live, laugh, love mindset a little more challenging to embody. Has it made me more resilient, organized and better at working under (a lot of pressure)? Yes. Has my Google Calendar looked like an overflowing rainbow with minimal blanks? Also, yes. Would I do it again? 100% Being booked and busy is the Menton student default, but so is balancing multiple extracurriculars for fun, Thursday Retro nights, culture days and jam sessions! Work-hard play-hard as they say. 8. Fake it till you make it? When I came to Menton I told myself that I wanted to push myself outside of my comfort zone, but not merely in the academic domain. I started performing (singing!) live for the first time, became the head of the music club and worked with so many talented musicians. I took tango classes, explored international security, met professionals and heads of states, made my case for the CROUS scholarship in broken French, and spoke on national TV through a student initiative that brought me back home to Cyprus (Babel!). My time here was one of many firsts—a place of gentle chaos and a small, often comforting community that welcomed my trials, failures, experimentation and growth. 9. The grass is always greener on the other side If you go back to my first article of the semester (an interview with our director, Mr Halaoua) there’s a section where we discuss the ‘unlucky’ nature of not having as many opportunities as students based in Sciences Po Paris when talking about conferences, networking events, career fairs etc. His response was that the essence of the grass is always greener on the other side. Honestly, he wasn’t wrong. Sure there are the pros of being on a bigger campus in a capital, but every place has its pros and cons. At Menton I’ve attended a series of incredible events—conferences on Palestine, anti-Semitism, Gulf economies, international security, and more. For all those dreaming of escaping the anonymity of the city, or the individualism plaguing modern capitalist metropoles, studying in a little French town isn’t all soft girl era and sunset journaling . Don’t get me wrong, it has been an absolute blessing to live here, however small town life has also felt limiting, constraining and a little boring at times. Menton taught me that even the prettiest places hold an ugliness within them. Ultimately, it is up to us what we make of it. 10. French boulangeries are elite With the recent I don’t wanna be French meme (insert Lady Gaga’s ‘Bad Romance’) taking the internet by storm, I want to focus on the unequivocally incredible things I’ll miss when I leave France. French boulangeries. The effortless chic of carrying a baguette in your tote. The joy of a fresh croissant in the morning. The delight of moules frites paired with a local white wine—pretty awesome if you ask me. Say what you want, but this part of French life? Iconic. I’ll miss it dearly. Menton, thank you for being the birth of my love-hate relationship with France, which as I depart is leaning more towards love <3 Cheers to Mitron’s supreme medialunas (top tip: go before 10:30am as they usually sell out), O Recife ’s iconic coffees and Sciences Po’s insane schedule (and honorable mentions to Narev’s for being the gym all of Sciences Po suddenly goes to when summer’s around the corner, Vulcano for bearing with our crowding outside for take-away pizza and of course, Demontis for bringing the most delicious ice-cream I have ever tried to this little town). It’s been an unforgettable ride. À bientôt! Photo source: Maria Eirini Liodi Previous Next

Sport is key for every individual. It constitutes an integral part of human life. Essentially, it keeps us fit and sane while reinforcing mental and physical strength. Biologically, it keeps our prominent organs alert and in turn the heart becomes stronger when it is met by regular exercise. Serving as a tool to help build the character and personality of a person. Sports have gained priority in all aspects of life while uniting the people. < Back Sports as a Way of Life By Joudi Arafa November 29, 2021 Sport is key for every individual. It constitutes an integral part of human life. Essentially, it keeps us fit and sane while reinforcing mental and physical strength. Biologically, it keeps our prominent organs alert and in turn the heart becomes stronger when it is met by regular exercise. Serving as a tool to help build the character and personality of a person. Sports have gained priority in all aspects of life while uniting the people. What can be learned from Sports? Sports bring utility. Notably, they establish discipline in life as they teach the fundamentals of communication, mobility, hard work, fairness etc. Psychologically, sport advances a human's thinking ability and decreases the stress of mind. It teaches control of emotions; the essence of staying focused in attaining discipline. Consequently, how does one attain their desired levels of discipline to reach a desired goal? First and foremost, it is essential to highlight the value of discipline in shaping determination and mindset. Discipline is a crucial foundation for any sport, and also a major aspect to succeed and dominate in other areas of life, especially in one’s career. As mentioned, it assists in achieving a certain mindset towards realizing great things. Another angle that can be taken when stating the lessons learned from sports is leadership skills. Even without being the captain of the football team, all teammates gain leadership skills. Sports always encourage people to strive to be the best that they can be, acting as a role model in their surroundings. Undoubtedly, physical activity is a core mental skill because it impacts other parts of our lives, like school and relationships with family and friends. It acts as an opportunity to build self-confidence, by embracing getting along with all kinds of people. Being a part of a group is motivating by itself; there is a group energy that occurs when people come together to take part in the same fun event. To sum up, discipline and focus are just two of the life skills that sports can illustrate; responsibility, goal-setting and working within a group are all equally beneficial and vital when recognizing sports and physical activity as pillars of leading a happy healthy life. Technology in sports The world of sport is perpetually changing over the years, and the use of technology is just one area that has made an impact on many sports in the modern day. Nowadays, technology plays a significant role in sports, and its use is indeed growing significantly. Advanced technology has become more resilient and less burdensome over this last decade, paving the way for new opportunities. Athletes currently wear sensors that portray real-time information to a trainer’s tablet, a GPS that precisely pinpoints motion, and wearable tech that prevents injuries. Compared to whiteboards and post-practice reviews, technology has substantially increased athletic potential. Take, for instance, swimmers and divers who participate in an extremely technical sport and have adapted the use of sensors into their usual practices. When swimming or diving, sensors measure more than the usual time and effort metrics. They map movements like rotational speed, dive angle, leg movement and hydrodynamics. Observing movements like those listed is groundbreaking, and allows trainers to help athletes further perfect their movements. Remarkably, they may only shave milliseconds off a performance, but a millisecond in a race can make all the difference needed to secure that desired gold medal! Importance of sports for students life As mentioned, sports have a massive positive impact on both the mind and body. It is therefore imperative to assess the various benefits that a student will gain from engaging in sports activities while also attending class. One can not deny how much sports aid in the overall development and growth of a student when effectively balanced with academia. While engaging in sports activities may seem to deduct time from studying, research has shown that more active students have better cognitive abilities. Sports along with other physical activities are beneficial to the brain, which allows students to remember or understand consistently what they read. In turn, it also increases competence when planning, creating strategies, and building team work, all of which are vital skills to have when being part of society. Development from sport goes beyond learning new physical skills. Sport helps students develop better ways to cope with the highs and lows of life. Constructive use of time and discipline is a major characteristic of any sportsperson. If a student plays sports, they need to demonstrate commitment of time, to be in a particular place at a particular time every day as a part of their routine. Simply put, participating in sports encourages a mindset towards practice, growth, and improvement: principles that encourage students to also hold academically. Becoming better at a sport results in self satisfaction, and sports are an excellent way to experience tangible improvement. From improving social skills to teaching self-esteem and personal resilience, sports can instill lifelong values for students that reach far past the classroom. With that being said, let’s hear what students from our Sciences Po campus had to say when asked about staying active: Carolina MOHR, 18yrs What sport do you play? “Soccer” Why is physical activity important for you? “Mental health, specifically for focus and I also just generally feel better because of endorphins.” Samanéa Rousseau, 18yrs What sport do you play? “I did competitive swimming for 12 years and eventing in horse-riding for 10.” Why is physical activity important for you? “I liked the idea of pushing myself to see where it takes me. I liked the outcome of mixing sports and people- it brought me amazing teammates, made me travel, encounter people and places I would not have otherwise. It taught me how important connections between people are. Those people picked me up when I was at my lowest and also pushed me to do my best. Go try new things, meet people; those things will teach you a bundle of values about life that you don't even know you need. I wish it to everyone, don't be scared to make the leap because you have nothing to lose.” Lena Westlund, 18yrs What sport do you play? “Boxing” Why is physical activity important for you? “Beneficial for physical and mental health.” David Ederberg, 21yrs What sport do you play? “For most of my life I’ve been doing Krav Maga, here in Menton I mostly play Volley- and Basketball. But I also like going running and doing different workouts to stay fit.” Why is physical activity important for you? “For me, being physically active is the perfect way to clear my mind, gain new energy and to be able to better focus and concentrate on school work. I love it when after a workout you know that you really challenged yourself and accomplished something - it's the best feeling ever.”

< Back Schengen: Border(less)? Stanimir Stoyanov In the year 1985, in the small town of Schengen, Luxembourg, the concept of a borderless Europe was born . 40 years later, the Schengen Area encompasses 29 European countries, guaranteeing freedom of movement to nearly 450 million people. If you were to explain this idea to a person living in the era of the Iron Curtain, they would probably see it as unrealistic humor. But does Schengen truly live up to this utopic practice? Rising concerns about national security are now testing Schengen’s limits. What is the current reality of a borderless Europe and is it truly borderless? The two sides of Schengen In its current situation, Schengen can be described as a two-sided coin. On one side, January 2025 saw the introduction of Bulgaria and Romania into the visa-free zone. On the other hand, countries around Europe reintroduced border control in response to rising anti-immigration sentiments. After years of striving for membership, on January 1, Romania and Bulgaria celebrated full accession into Schengen. Both countries have external borders with non-Schengen states, which is why, despite meeting the Schengen acquis criteria as early as 2011, their full membership has been repeatedly delayed due to concerns over corruption, rule of law and border security. Beginning in 2022, the Netherlands and Austria blocked the accession process, citing fears of increased irregular migration and weaknesses in the judicial systems of both countries. In 2024 the debate coincided with elections in Austria and the Netherlands, where in both cases migration was a crucial topic. Both of the countries lifted their objections following their elections. At the same time, there has been a wave of Schengen members who have recently temporarily reintroduced border control. The Schengen Agreement officially allows for such exceptions due to national and public security concerns. Austria, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Slovenia, Norway, Sweden and Finland began temporary control on their borders throughout the last months of 2024, with some of them persisting up until today. Most people might not relate to this being an issue yet, since air travel has not been affected. I personally have had to experience this situation when driving from my home country, Bulgaria, to Menton, France. I would expect that after entering Croatia through Serbia, I would not face any further border delays. Arriving at the Slovenian border, I was baffled to see a long queue of trucks waiting on the side of the road. Even though Schengen has abolished borders between its members, the structures of the past checkpoints remain so they can be reinstated quickly if needed. At the Croatia-Slovenia border, there were border guards and police stopping each vehicle and checking their documents. The same happens when entering Italy. On the highway border crossing, there is an improvised checkpoint with police tents where you have to stop and wait for your documentation to be checked. I was also asked to provide information about my destination and purpose of travel, even having to explain my field of study. There have been pledges that the checks will be conducted less frequently, and in most cases, not every vehicle is stopped. Most often it is foreign registration plates arousing suspicion that are pulled over. The Menton border experience Living in Menton gives us Sciences Pistes the unique experience of having a first-hand look at the beauty of the Schengen area. It allows us to make use of the often cheaper Italian prices of goods, such as groceries and tobacco. When going to the nearest city, Ventimiglia, most people take the train where enforcement has been increased and travelers are often checked on the train or when exiting the train stations. Overall, most do not experience any trouble when commuting by train, but when it comes to crossing the border by car, the situation is different. Right after going into Italy, there is a supermarket and tobacco store, which I frequent quite often. When passing the border on the Italian side there is no issue, but when it comes to the French side there is always police. Each vehicle has to stop at the checkpoint, where most are just told to continue, but some are stopped to have their documents checked and sometimes their cars searched. While individual cross-border shopping for cheaper goods like cigarettes remains common and legal within set limits, the presence of organized smuggling networks has prompted authorities to maintain vigilant border controls. For example, this cross-border activity isn't limited to individual consumers. The region has also been a hotspot for organized cigarette smuggling. In January 2025, the European Public Prosecutor’s Office dismantled an international smuggling network operating in Italy and France. The group concealed up to 800 kg of cigarettes in food shipments from North Africa into Italy, using falsified documents to mislead customs officials. Some of these smuggled cigarettes were transported to the French Riviera. #GO2025 The attitude of the European Union towards the topic is dual-sided. This can be illustrated with this year’s European Capital of Culture and the #GO2025 campaign that goes with it. This year's capital of culture has very symbolic connotations, the chosen city/ies of Gorizia, Italy and Nova Gorica, Slovenia tell the inspirational story of two communities once divided. Following significant border augmentations after the two world wars, the people of the town ended up on two sides of the Iron Curtain. With Slovenia’s accession into Schengen in 2007, the border was completely demolished and division became a remnant of a past full of struggle. I was fortunate enough to attend the opening ceremony of the 2025 Capital of Culture. The personal testimonies I heard showcased the importance of reconciliation. A foreign student, studying at the university in Nova Gorica remarked: “Today was the best day of my life. Seeing people from both sides of the border partying together. Back in my home country we argue which side of the border has a deeper dump.” At the same time, crossing the border within the town, the border checkpoints now stand again. While not technically fenced off, police checkpoints operate, with cars not registered in one of the two towns, often being checked. It is exhilarating to see people from different linguistic, cultural and ethnic backgrounds coexisting in a cross-border community, but it also seems that current challenges are being put under the rug. So, will Schengen endure in its current form, or will more exceptions gradually erode its foundations? The answer lies not just in policy decisions in Brussels but in the daily reality on the ground in places such as our little lemon town. In cities like Menton, Nova Gorica and many others, border guards, migrants and residents navigate the complex intersection of law, politics and human rights. The aforementioned border(less) experiences act as a litmus test to the Schengen concept and it is up to the people to prove its resilience. Photo credits: bobbsled on Flickr Previous Next

< Back Romania: East or West? Amer El-Ibrahim December 31, 2024 More and more Eastern European countries are swept by liminal illiberal parties and rulers, which alienate themselves more and more from the European sphere of influence and tend, vicariously, toward Russia. Slovakia, Bulgaria and Hungary have shown that they sympathize with the Federation, especially through their actions during the ongoing Ukrainian conflict. Following the latest presidential elections in Romania, saying that this statement applies to it as well will increasingly be more difficult. Will it fall prey to the vying tentacles of the Kremlin and join the aforementioned list of countries? The first round of the presidential elections was held on Nov. 24, and the surprising results came out on Nov. 25. The clear winner of this election was Calin Georgescu, a seemingly independent candidate whose main form of publicity was through TikTok. The second candidate in the hierarchy was Elena Lasconi, coming from an ex-anti-system party that strives for anti-corruption. The candidates for the main political parties that have dominated Romanian politics over the last decade, The Social Democratic Party and the National Liberal Party, shockingly failed in getting to the second round of elections. Going back to the winner, Georgescu has made his campaign almost exclusively on TikTok, where he posted himself saying general, mostly false, statements that would greatly appeal to the public, such as the fact that the Ukrainians are getting too much help from the government. His mystical-nationalistic utterances aimed at stirring a very primordial and nonsensical patriotism in his viewers. Additionally, he portrayed himself as a new man, who was not part of the system and who would save the precarious economic and social situation of Romania—in short, a Messiah, another Il Duce on the panoply of history. What is important to observe that the Romanian diaspora has voted mostly for him, and this action/protest became the utter expression of the disgust towards the current political class I state this because Romania is the 17th globally at emmigration rates, with almost 6 million Romanians having decided that living abroad is better than home. However, after the results were released, a considerable amount of incriminating evidence surfaced about Georgescu. He has been a man of the political system since the fall of the Iron Curtain, being part of important ministries, enjoying strong connections with neo-fascist groups and having a campaign funded by foreign state powers, namely Russia. According to Romania’s Secret Services, he also used bots and influencers to secretly promote himself on TikTok. The general consensus regarding his win is the fact that the majority of the population, at home or abroad, is sick and tired of the usual suspects of Romanian politics: the two aforementioned parties and their people. They wanted something new, far away from the perpetual corruption and callousness of the main parties (their candidates refused to participate in any debate, betting on the fact that one of them will get in the second round of elections by default). It was a vote against the system. The ineffectiveness and incompetence of institutions of all kinds have also played a role in this affair. The utter expression of the failure of the Romanian state was the fact that the extremely generously funded Secret Services could not find—or did not want to publish them in due time—any link between Georgescu and the Russians during the presidential campaign, revealing such information three days before the second round of elections. Subsequently, the Constitutional Court of Romania decided the following day to cancel the elections and redo the whole process once again. On a second level, this decision evinces officials’ lack of connection and tact regarding what one would call the “obvious reality.” By cancelling the elections, the Constitutional Court allowed more radicalization and division in society. People who were already disappointed with the state of the nation felt, and that is the best word one can use in this context, that the current power—the status quo— was doing everything in its reach to prevent a transfer of power, thus leaving the impression of an authoritarian kleptomaniac rule and not a democratic one. Regardless of whether the decision to cancel the elections was dictated or not by the government, this impression will last for all subsequent elections. The average citizen feels lost, lied to, abused and distrustful of all information sources and quite justifiably so, since almost all major media outlets have received millions of euros from party coffers. Change was what was wanted, but is this the change we all are striving for? I doubt that.

< Back Non-State Universities in Greece: A Privatization of Higher Education? By Lydia Ntourountou April 30, 2024 “No to private universities” and “Free education for all” read some of the signs seen in the protests that shook numerous cities of Greece from the beginning of January until the end of March. Students and teachers took to the streets to express their opposition to the proposition of a legislation titled “Free university,” aiming to improve Greek higher education, all while hiding some important contradictions. The education system in Greece might not be fundamentally different from other European countries, however it does present a major particularity: foreign and non-state universities are prohibited from opening branches in the country. According to Article 16 of the Constitution: “Education at university level shall be provided exclusively by institutions which are fully self-governed public law legal persons. These institutions shall operate under the supervision of the State and are entitled to financial assistance from it.” And while a couple of private universities do exist (such as The American College of Greece) , they are seen as inferior in terms of recognition and are not necessarily as appreciated by the population. This stems from the belief that the diploma acquired by someone who studied hard to pass the Panhellenic (university entrance) exams and got into a public university, should not be considered equal to someone who did not put in the same effort, but had the financial means that helped them get into a private one. While this might sound absurd to most, considering that private and branches of foreign universities exist almost everywhere around the world, in a country such as Greece, ensuring that higher education remains public has been a fundamental goal. So, the question remains: will the new law passed by the Parliament put at risk public higher education, or will it reshape the education landscape in Greece, attracting foreign students, and possibly, investments? The Ministry of Education defines the term "Free University" to describe, on one hand, the strengthening and additional autonomy of public academic institutions and, on the other hand, the liberation of higher education from an anachronistic state monopoly. According to the new Bill, students enrolling at private branches of private universities, will have to meet certain criteria, such as going through Panhellenic exams and achieving a minimum pass mark for the subject they intend to study. However, couldn’t this still be criticized as unconstitutional, given the fact that the law directly violates Article 16? To answer this concern, the Ministry of Education underlined the importance of not considering the Constitution as a series of legal principles frozen in time, but rather as something that needs to be interpreted according to the context and the changes that a country must go through to evolve. Since this topic has caused polemic reactions in Greece, I decided that it was necessary to ask the opinion of a student currently studying in the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens (UoA), who could share their view on a decision that directly impacts them and their education. Why do you think the new bill allowing the establishment of branches of foreign private universities in Greece has caused such strong reactions from students and professors equally? A: There was a severe lack of information on the law and what changes exactly it would bring, which aggravated the situation. But most importantly, the bill “Free university” could depreciate the diplomas obtained from state universities, as well as “reduce” the effort that students put in, in order to get into university. As far as the value of the diploma goes, so far having graduated from a state university has been appreciated more than graduating from a private one. Do you think that this law would deteriorate public higher education, or do you consider that certain progress might come out of it? I personally believe that it’s extremely important that as a country we have maintained and protected our right to free higher education for all. Also, it is true that students put in a lot of effort to get into university and the depreciation of their diploma is a real risk. However, it’s possible that more international students might choose Greece to study thanks to the availability of English taught classes. Even if universities such as UoA already have classes taught in English, these universities might have a more organized approach. Problems might arise however, if the State reduces even more the funding that it provides to public universities, in order to benefit foreign ones. While this law remains extremely contradictory, it is important to highlight the fact that having branches of foreign universities and non-state ones, could contribute to the effort of reducing the Brain drain that the country has long suffered, by attracting international students and foreign investments. However, could this necessarily be considered the best solution, considering state universities in Greece are already facing numerous problems, such as a lack of funding and academic staff, hampering their ability to meet the demands of students seeking quality higher education?

< Back 102 Deaths and 40 Missing : Lebanon’s economic crisis is pushing people towards absolute desperation By Ghazal Khalife October 29, 2022 Bodies drifting ashore, sirens blaring, and families frantically searching for survivors: this was the scene when a boat carrying 150 people capsized close to the Syrian shore. On Sept. 22, 2022, a boat carrying 150 emigrants — most of whom were Lebanese citizens, but also Palestinian and Syrian refugees — capsized near the coast of Tartous, Syria. More than one hundred bodies have been found, while 40 other victims are still lost. Syrian and Lebanese authorities have cooperated to locate these missing persons and inform their families of their fates. Lebanese officials, meanwhile, succeeded in capturing the smuggler and accomplices involved in the scheme. The scene is nothing short of a tragedy. Testimonies from the few individuals who survived and from victims’ relatives show just how calamitous the incident was. What pushed these people to embark on a journey where the death toll exceeds the survival rate? Mostafa Mesto, one of the fatalities, reportedly sold all his belongings to collect the 12 thousand dollars that the smuggler demanded. It was Mesto’s last chance to escape Lebanon with his family after his four failed attempts at legal immigration. Desperation is the common motive for victims of the illegal immigration industry and they are often inspired by success stories of families who reached Europe. A Palestinian survivor, Jihad Michlawi, explains how friends that migrated to Europe by sea promised that conditions in European migrant camps were more dignified than living in Lebanon, alleging that “even the food is way better.” This highlights the despair that the Lebanese population is feeling, faced with an ever-deteriorating economic crisis and a shamelessly negligent political class. It appears that this disaster will be repeated as more Lebanese citizens struggle to make ends meet and lose faith in a promising future. A Dire Economic Crisis with no Glimmer of Hope Most of the people on the boat came from Lebanon’s Northern region, Akkar and Tripoli, one persistently neglected by the government even before the financial crisis that plagued the country in 2019. According to a report by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 2022, 708,000 out of the 1.1 million residing in Lebanon live under the poverty line, among them 266,000 Syrian refugees and 88,000 Palestinians. As a result, it comes as no surprise that the demand for the Lebanon-Cyprus illegal immigration industry is increasing. In one year, Lebanon’s migration rate increased by 426%; many are comparing the current immigration wave to that of the 1880s. The financial crisis blew up in 2019 after successive governments borrowed money with few restraints. Prior to this depression, the balance of payments deficit was usually remedied by foreign aid and remittances from the Lebanese diaspora. However, as the budget deficit skyrocketed and the government implemented few reforms, foreign donors refrained from handing out billions of dollars worth of pledged aid. The symptoms of a plummeting economy began to emerge in 2016, but the impending market slump was hastened by the 2019 protests. In short, a combination of poor financial planning, a turbulent political climate, and foreign investors’ loss of faith, further worsened by the pandemic and the Beirut explosion, paralyzed the Lebanese economy. As an import-dependent country, Lebanon’s sharp currency depreciation caused prices to increase drastically almost overnight. The price of bread rose 900%, and unsurprisingly wages could not keep up. In Tripoli’s densely populated Tabbene neighborhood, where most victims originated, the economic situation hit families hard — with disproportionately higher unemployment rates and close to no government intervention compared to the rest of the country. Furthermore, the consequences of the financial crisis have manifested themselves in greater emigration and crime rates. One of the more recent developments has been attacks on banks. Within a few months, there were two cases of desperate depositors attempting to access their money by holding bank employees hostage. The general public even sympathized with these depositors, hailing them as heroes who were “claiming their own rights.” Sally Hafiz, a woman who raided a bank demanding 13,000 dollars from her account to fund her sister’s cancer treatment, said in an interview, “ I had begged the branch manager before for my money, and I told him my sister was dying, didn't have much time left… time was running out and I had nothing to lose.” Hafiz’s case exemplifies the desperation uniting much of the Lebanese public.Fears of an even more dire future have inhibited popular protests. Lebanon is experiencing a vicious cycle of an increasingly dysfunctional political class and an apathetic population looking for ways to escape or reach short term solutions rather than demanding fundamental reforms. This reaction is shared by the masses — many are too occupied with securing their day to day needs rather than engaging in political activism which already proved ineffective in changing the existing political regime. As the perilous political and economic climate persists, Lebanese residents continue risking their lives in search of dignity andfundamental rights. They are looking for a solid government plan to resuscitate the dying economy and collapsing country. As long as no evidence of realistic, firmly implemented economic and politicalreforms appear on the horizonLebanese residents will continueembarking on suicide missions to seek out a stable livelihood. In an interview following the migrant boat’s capsize, 16-year-old Rawane El Maneh, arelative of one of the victims, said, “they went looking for a new life, and there they are in anew life, hopefully, one better than this one.”

The small number of spectators, the 100% artificial snow, the ubiquitous KN95 masks, and the obligatory 21 day quarantine for COVID-19 positive athletes made the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics vastly different from previous winter Games. < Back At the Beijing Olympics, Norway Dominates Once Again With a Record-Breaking Performance By Colin Lim March 30, 2022 The small number of spectators, the 100% artificial snow, the ubiquitous KN95 masks, and the obligatory 21 day quarantine for COVID-19 positive athletes made the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics vastly different from previous winter Games. . The second Olympics to be held during the pandemic, the Games of Beijing 2022 were similar to their more traditional predecessors in one notable way — Norway dominated the medal tables. The kingdom earned a total of 37 medals (16 gold, eight silver, and 13 bronze), outranking the Russian Olympic Committee and Germany for total number of medals, and surpassing Germany and China for the number of gold medals. The Norwegian athletes who won the most individual medals were biathletes, Johannes Thingnes Bø and Marte Olsbu Røiseland, and cross-country skier, Therese Johaug. Norway set the previous world record for the most gold medals won by any country in a single Winter Olympics (14 gold medals) at the 2018 Winter Olympic Games in Pyeongchang, South Korea. In Beijing, however, Norway broke its previous record, earning 16 gold medals. This feat was especially impressive considering the absence of many of its athletes due to COVID-19. The windy conditions and harsh northern Chinese winter weather did not help either, with temperatures regularly reaching -15°C in Yanqing and Zhangjiakou, which hosted ski, snowboard, and biathlon events. Daniel Aakre Faradonbeh, a 1A from Norway, was delighted to see his country perform so well. He definitively declared, “we are clearly the best in the world at winter sports.” However, Norway’s victory led him to wonder why other Nordic countries who, “despite enjoying the same benefits as Norway (namely weather and money), are far, far worse than us.” Aakre Faradonbeh gave credit to Sweden, however, for earning half the number of medals as Norway (eight gold, 18 overall), though he was quick to add that Sweden’s population is twice that of Norway’s. Friendly intra-Scandinavian rivalries aside, the immense and consistent success of Norway in winter sports competitions has intrigued both experts and casual observers. Boasting the highest Human Development Index (HDI) in the world, mountainous topography, and a cold climate, Norway’s successes begin to make more sense. Nonetheless, the magnitude of its training resources are still difficult for many outside observers to comprehend. Team Norway’s performance in Pyeongchang caused Luke Bodensteiner, then-director of sport for the US skiing governing body, to tell his team “we are going over there, and we are going to figure out what the hell is going on and what they are doing.” The Norwegian winter sports machine will continue running strong as the country prepares for the 2026 Milano-Cortina Winter Olympic Games in Italy. The country is sure to remain a fixture in the world of winter sports.

< Back Promising: New Covid Treatment Gives Hope By Saoirse Aherne October 31, 2021 New Treatment On September 28, Merck — A German multinational science and technology company — announced that it has created a pill to treat SARS-CoV-2 in partnership with Ridgeback Biotherapeutics. The drug in question is called molnupiravir, and while it was initially created to treat influenza, it has been in development as a broad-spectrum antiviral for about 10 years. Merck CEO Robert Davis stated that the company was “actively working with regulatory agencies around the world to submit applications for emergency use or marketing authorization in the coming months.” Who will be able to access the pill? This pill will be used to treat COVID-19-positive patients as soon as they begin showing symptoms. As is the case with most respiratory viruses, it is best to begin COVID-19 treatment early on. An initial lessening of the viral load reduces the risk of developing severe symptoms and lowers the likelihood of transmission. Merck’s phase three clinical trial enrolled unvaccinated, high risk individuals. Initially, molnupiravir may only be available to this demographic, however it will likely become more widely available over time. Merck intends to have this drug authorized in the US before the end of 2021. This appears to be a feasible objective considering that White House advisor on the health crisis, Anthony Fauci, called the data from the clinical trial “impressive.” Moreover, the U.S. government has preemptively ordered 1.7 million courses of treatment. Merck claims it will be able to produce enough pills for 10 million people by the end of this year. Efficacy and Appeal According to Merck, this drug reduces the risk of hospitalization or death due to COVID-19 by 50 percent. In the third phase of molnupiravir’s trial, a group of volunteers suffering early symptoms of COVID-19 were studied. Half of the volunteers were treated with molnupiravir while the other half received a placebo pill. Of the volunteers that received molnupiravir, only seven percent were hospitalized. In contrast, the group that received placebo pills displayed a hospitalization rate of 14 percent. One limitation of this drug trial was the relatively small sample group that was studied, which included only 775 at-risk patients. Molnupiravir demonstrates lower efficacy than monoclonal antibodies; the intravenous cocktail that is currently used to treat high risk people with COVID-19. These antibodies can reduce hospitalizations and death by up to 85 percent. The appeal of the molnupiravir pill, however, is that it is far easier to administer and can reach a much larger population than the complex intravenous cocktail treatment. More importantly, the infusion treatment requires a hospital visit, thus demanding time and resources from medical professionals, and costs approximately 1,000 euros per injection. Naomi Cailes, a registered nurse at the Peterborough regional health center, agreed that “the fact that [molnupiravir] is an oral pill is a huge advantage over current antivirals or monoclonal antibody infusions'' as these treatments are “invasive and depend on lots of resources.” Cailes, who has firsthand experience dealing with COVID patients, described the emotional toll of being a health care worker during the pandemic, citing the fact that there was “no time to grieve” after a patient died as there was always another patient requiring medical attention. As such, she expressed hope at the prospect of a drug which could reduce hospitalizations. However, as much as Cailes recognized the promise of monlupiravir, she was adamant that “vaccination should continue to be our first-line defense against COVID-19.” Side Effects and Concerns Molnupiravir is a mutagenic drug, thus it reduces viral load by forcing the COVID-19 virus to make mistakes while copying RNA. A Clinical Trials Arena article observed that there are “persistent side-effect concerns with mutagenic molnupiravir.” In fact, Merck required male participants of their phase three trial to abstain from sex or use of contraception, and only included female participants who were not breastfeeding or pregnant, also requiring them to use a highly effective contraceptive or be abstinent during the study. Merck virologist Daria Hazuda ensured that “no evidence of the potential for mutagenicity” has been observed in molnupiravir. According to an article published in Antimicrobial Agents and Chemotherapy, molnupiravir showed no serious adverse effects in its first-in-human phase one trial; fewer than half of the test subjects reported any effects, and of those that were reported, 93.3 percent were mild. It must also be noted that Molnupiravir is intended to be administered on a short term basis, which greatly reduces its risk of causing adverse effects. Other Promising Treatments The appeal of a simple, ingestible COVID-19 treatment is widely recognized in the pharmaceutical industry with both American Pfizer and Swiss Roche set to reveal the results of clinical trials for their own pills in the coming months. Conclusion Molnupiravir has the potential to greatly reduce the severity of COVID-19 symptoms, potentially preventing the need for hospitalization in many cases and thus opening up hospital beds for those who need them. From first hand sources, it is clear that high hospitalization rates are emotionally draining for patients and healthcare workers alike. This pill marks an important development in virus control and is likely also useful against influenza and ebola. It seems probable that this pill will soon be widely available, however it should not be treated as a replacement for vaccination, which remains the optimal defense against the spread of COVID-19.

< Back Last Call for Legality: International Law's Scrutiny of Israel Niccolo Gentile October 31, 2024 Since Oct. 7, 2023, the war in Gaza has attracted all-consuming international attention, far exceeding the sporadic focus previously given to the conflict in recent memory. The critical gaze of the international community has been accompanied—just as in previous flare-ups in the conflict—with mounting legal pressure. This time around, that pressure has materialized in the form of a series of remarkable court rulings and attempted prosecutions which advise that Israel should pull out of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), which constitutes the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem, or face international prosecution. While these steps are not completely unprecedented, they do mark a notable shift in the position of international legal institutions regarding Israel and Palestine. While the decisions remain based on impartial evidence, this sets the international justice system on a course of clashing with Israel and its Western backers, namely the United States. There are two major international courts handling cases related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: In the International Court of Justice—the principle judicial body of the United Nations meant to resolve disputes between its member countries—has presided over two cases during the war in Gaza. The former, an inquiry based on a 2022 Resolution of the General Council, ruled in an advisory decision in July that Israeli settlers must immediately withdraw from the OPT, further adding to the international jurisprudence that declares Israeli settlements in the West Bank to be a violation of international law. The latter, an ongoing court case alleging that Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians, continues to pit South Africa and a growing number of supporting states against Israel and its Western allies. Meanwhile, the Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, concerned with the prosecution of individuals in matters of international crime, has decided to bring charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes against both Israeli and Hamas leaders. In response, Israel denied the ICC’s right to investigate such matters, essentially refuting the international court’s jurisdiction over Israeli citizens. The UN and other international institutions are not known for their efficacy in fulfilling their mandate without significant Western backers. Thus, it is doubtful whether these filings will or would ever be meaningfully implemented if Israel is found guilty. That being said, the recent backlash to Israel’s war on Gaza trumps any previous litigation of Israel’s actions, spurring European states to recognize the State of Palestine and Turkey to cut trade with Israel. Viewing Israel-Palestine as a flashpoint in the growing fears of a New Cold War, it is worth pointing out that the battlelines weave a complex tale of who might take which side. Take the supporters of either side in South Africa’s genocide case at the ICJ. While the core Western powers of the US, France, Germany and the UK have all rallied around Israel, countries like Spain, Ireland and Belgium have decided to endorse South Africa’s accusation. Additionally, strong support for South Africa’s case comes not just from the some Arab states, but also from Latin America and China, as well as the Non-Aligned Movement. Russia remains absent as a continued black sheep in the conflict due to its ties with both sides. This speaks to a far more complex world of international issues than the Cold War of yore. The highly awaited rulings of the ICC and ICJ will likely spark further responses on the global stage. International organizations , American policymakers and humanitarian experts all have certain expectations of what will emerge from these debates. When they inevitably leave some of these unmet, faith in the already-tenuous “rules-based” world order will be confronted with the dashed hopes of the idealistic generations who instituted it. Whatever the case, there is little hope these contested pressures will restrain actions in the Gaza Strip and beyond. On the ground in Israel and Palestine, international legal matters hold little sway. Israel has now been invading Gaza for over a year in retaliation for the October 7 attacks, in turn, a response to Israeli violence at the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. A cycle of violence continues to devastate the region with no foreseeable end in sight. Try as it might, the international community lacks the will, drive, or direction to impose lasting measures on the conflict. Whether such a move would have a positive or negative impact is debatable, but the current standstill in relation to the two main actors in this conflict seems to be coming to some sort of head. The situation that emerges in response to the international judicial decisions remains critical for the future outcome of this issue, even if it has little material effect for those immediately harmed.

< Back Rupture: Angela Merkel’s Exit and What it Means for Germany’s Future By Lionel Chambon October 31, 2021 Berlin. At 6 p.m. Central European Time, the German state television announced the first exit polls following the Federal Election. Jörg Schönenborn, the election night presenter, looked at his cards containing the results, looked up into the camera, took a breath, and said: “I can promise you numbers like we have never seen them before.” After 16 years under Angela Merkel, this would be the first time that the election outcome was actually impossible to predict. As I wrote for Le Zadig last semester: “The Greens have consistently polled at 20 percent or more, in striking distance of the CDU, while it has comfortably overtaken the SPD (…), possibly ending decades-long domination by the CDU and SPD.” While my prediction was not quite accurate, now that the results are in, we are certain that the Merkel era has ended — and there is no turning back. A Conservative Nightmare Let us deconstruct these results step by step, starting with the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) which has been leading the country for 52 years since 1949. Scoring 24.7 percent, the party received a catastrophic result in comparison to its yields of 41.5 percent in 2013 and 32.9 percent in 2017. I have previously written that this decrease was partly due to Merkel’s lack of a clear, conservative profile. Her expansion of the welfare state and her management during the events of 2015 moved the CDU to the left, arguably creating a vacuum on the right. Nonetheless, this does not explain why the CDU slumped to 24 percent from over 30 percent in polls a few months back. This shocking result was entirely rooted in a disorganized campaign that exposed the party’s internal feuds. For starters, it took the party way too long to actually decide on a candidate for chancellor. The fight was between its chairman, Armin Laschet, and the governor of Bavaria, Markus Söder. Throughout the campaign, Söder made his disdain for his rival no secret, repeatedly challenging Laschet in public. The latter eventually asserted himself after weeks of uncertainty. Protocols surfaced of secret, backdoor meetings between party officials, angry phone calls from local politicians, illustrating a party in disarray. While others were concerned for the country, the CDU was concerned with itself. Things soon got worse when a severe flood struck parts of Western Germany. Laschet was caught laughing in the background while German Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier held a eulogy for the lives lost during the storms, a number which went into three-digit numbers. The photo of him smirking on such a dire occasion was a mishap from which he could not recover. His biggest obstacle, however, was the incessant calls from his opponents within the party notifying him that he was doing a bad job, exposing internal rivalries when he needed a unified base. Out of all the parties, The CDU was the last to present a program, and nobody really knew what a post-Merkel CDU stood for. Laschet did not either: asked on the road and on camera about his three favorite ideas from his own program, he could not provide an answer. His plan was to count on voters that had always voted CDU out of tradition, “as usual.” However, his judgement was ill-fated. A Social Democratic Miracle When I first wrote about this election last semester, things were not looking good for the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and their candidate, Olaf Scholz. Polling at barely 15 percent, 2021 was set to be a disaster for him. The party was barely attracting attention in the media, and its successful left-wing policies implemented under Merkel were not rewarded in the polls. Yet, the SPD managed to win the election with a score of 25.7 percent, even gaining 5.2 percent from 2017. This remarkable turnaround came down to Olaf Scholz alone. When the CDU was busy arguing out its private battles, Scholz had been declared candidate months in advance. Scholz remained calm, composed, and campaigned successfully without any unfortunate incidents or mishaps. He had been Merkel’s vice chancellor and minister of finance, and the only candidate with experience in the highest positions of government. His efforts for a global minimum corporate tax, proposed by the G7, resonated well with the German public. In three televised debates between the three candidates for chancellor, surveys indicated Scholz to have won them all. However, the results also suggest that Scholz was heavily perceived as simply the better alternative to an unsophisticated Armin Laschet and a disorganized CDU. The SPD gained almost two million votes from those who supported the CDU in 2017, which is a highly unusual turnover rate. The SPD was also the first to formally present a program. This all suggests that this election was less about policies and ideas and more about which candidate was deemed fittest to run the country. After all, the SPD’s program proposed many ideas it could have enacted during its 12 years in government. Yet, unlike his opponents, Scholz never let his guard down and showcased statesmanship the other candidates lacked, reassuring many voters uneased by the challenging times Germany is experiencing. The Green’s Missed Opportunity and the Youthful Free Democrats For the first time ever, there were not two, but three candidates for chancellor. Usually, this privilege was reserved for the CDU and SPD, which used to be the only realistic contenders to win an election. However, as Germany's party landscape is becoming increasingly fragmented, the Greens sought to seize their opportunity. They had nominated Annalena Baerbock to head the campaign, and during the summer, the idea of finishing above 20 percent suddenly seemed within reach, maybe even finishing on top. Election night yielded a very strong, yet still disappointing finish of 14.8 percent. Hopes of leaving the SPD behind were not satisfied and most Greens certainly hoped for better. Mainly, this result was caused by Baerbock stumbling unnecessarily over amateur errors: her team made mistakes in her official CV, she forgot to declare bonus salaries from party bank accounts, and her autobiography, which was supposed to launch the candidate into the German public, was filled with plagiarism. The Greens faced fierce criticism over their trustworthiness, and possibly lost many potential voters to the much more experienced Scholz, who capitalized on Baerbock’s beginner mistakes. However, the Greens campaigned as a force for change, and this was ultimately rewarded at the ballot box. The centrist Free Democratic Party (FDP) managed to, for the first time in its history, score above 10 percent in two consecutive federal elections, with a strong finish of 11.5 percent, its second-best result ever. Together with the Greens, the FDP even scored first among first-time voters; its youthful appeal largely inspired by its chairman, Christian Lindner. Its advocacy for social mobility, including market solutions to climate change, equitable economic opportunity, and digitalization of the German bureaucracy resonated well. The Liberals’ strong finish among young voters suggests that they have managed to widen their electoral base considerably in the last eight years. What Next? If you by any chance read my previous piece on German politics, you will find that the increased fracturing of the German electorate is rather new. Arduous coalition bargaining could be a consequence: in 2017, it took almost six months to form a new government. In 2021, however, it is likely that politicians have learnt their lesson. At the time of publishing, SPD, Greens and FDP have officially entered negotiations for a "traffic light" coalition. This seemed an unlikely scenario before the election — after all, the FDP has very different opinions on state finances, taxation, and government expenditure than its red and green counterparts. However, the dismal state of the CDU forced the FDP and Greens to think carefully. They have tentatively agreed to form a government by the end of November, and Olaf Scholz is set to be voted in as new chancellor during the first week of December. It is likely that the FDP will be more assertive on economic and fiscal policy, whereas SPD and Greens will be able to execute their programs on issues related to climate change and social policy. It seems, however, that common ground unites them all: the need for change after 16 years of conservative government. The modernization of the state will be a top priority, as will be the ecological transformation of the country into the age of green industry. Party leaders Scholz, Baerbock, and Lindner have emphasized the need for urgent and long-term climate action. Emission trading schemes, infrastructure investment and increased research and development are on the agenda. Personally, I believe this coalition could bring Germany into a greener, prosperous, and more equitable future, and it is genuinely exciting to see what will follow. Of course, official negotiations have barely yet begun, and many details remain to be worked out. However, the opportunity is there, and I hope Germany seizes it.

< Back First Death of the Year: Migrant Found Charred Atop Train in Menton By Lara-Nour Walton January 31, 2023 What was his name — the suspected migrant found charred atop a train at Menton’s Garavan station? Where was he from? These questions remain unanswered by French and Italian authorities. Yet, the man’s intended destination was clear. Like so many other asylum seekers, he sought a better life somewhere beyond the French side of the Franco-Italian border. The John Doe’s body emerged from the glow of an electrical fire at approximately 18:00 on Jan. 9, 2023. Train services were suspended for three hours as French first responders attempted to identify the victim. Agence France Presse reports that considering the chosen transit method, the man was likely an African asylum-seeker from Ventimiglia. An InfoMigrants article about the incident corroborates this presumption: “Francophone African migrants who arrive in Italy via the Mediterranean… often have connections and family and sometimes better job prospects over the border because of their knowledge of French.” Desperate times, desperate measures The suspected migrant’s death comes on the heels of tightening Franco-Italian border controls following a diplomatic row between the two countries. Tension skyrocketed in early November when a migrant rescue ship, the Ocean Viking, was refused safe port on the Italian coast and deferred to Toulon, France. The boat, run by humanitarian organization SOS Mediterranee, had been carrying 234 migrants since late October and filed 43 unsuccessful docking pleas with the Italian government before rerouting to France. After authorizing the Ocean Viking’s port in Toulon, the French government denounced Italy for its refusal to accept the ship. Paris asserted that because the vessel had been in Italian water for an extended period, the migrants, under maritime law, were Italy’s responsibility. But, Giorgia Meloni does not care for decorum. The right-wing Italian Prime Minister, who ascended to power at the end of October, pledged to close off Italy to the vast majority of migrants and requested that other coastal countries accept rescue boats. In a move described by Italy as “disproportionate” and “aggressive,” French authorities responded by effectively sealing the Franco-Italian frontier and withdrawing from the European Union’s Voluntary Solidarity Mechanism, introduced in June 2022. Murderous Border Clandestine Franco-Italian crossings have always been perilous and potentially deadly. On Nov. 7, 2022, 19-year-old Afghan refugee Ahmed Safi was hit by two cars on the A10 motorway as he attempted to traverse into France. He was only laid to rest after his body was dragged by a lorry to a tollbooth 500 meters away. Now that border controls have intensified, Italian newspaper, Il Messaggero, predicts that Ventimiglia’s migrants will be forced to resort to even more dangerous means of entering France. Transportation atop trains is only one of the many high-risk methods they may turn to. Safi and the John Doe are far from the only victims of what The Roya-Citizen Association calls the “murderous border.” Director of the Ventimiglia branch of Caritas, Christian Papini, estimates that at least 33 people have died in Franco-Italian crossings since 2015, while Nice-based lawyer Mireille Damiano puts the number at 50. First death of the year The John Doe’s death grimly kicks off yet another year on the Franco-Italian frontier — his scorched body marks the first migrant fatality of 2023. It appears that Italy’s new unforgiving asylum seeker policy and France’s progressively stringent border controls are not inhibitors enough. Migrants, chasing ever-elusive livelihoods, will pursue cross-border journeys at any cost.

< Back The Rising Threat: High Water Levels and Their Impact on the Rise of Extremism Viktorie Voriskova October 31, 2024 From Sept. 9 to 15, 2024, sirens were going off across Eastern Europe. Evacuations, threatening news, panic spreading through countries like wildfire. What was happening? The biggest floods in the last 120 years spread across the Czech Republic, Poland and Austria. In the Czech Republic itself, the damage is estimated to be up to 17 billion Czech crowns (around 673 million euros). Metro stations flooded. A football stadium was completely underwater. Fifty-one thousand households were evacuated. Five people died. The Czech Republic went through the worst flooding in its history. And a week after that, the state faced another challenge—regional and senate elections which had only 33% public participation. A populist party that had led the government three years ago won in almost every region, in some by almost 20%. Is it possible that these results were impacted by the extreme floods that had taken place? All political parties tried to catch voters’ attention by reacting to this crisis, either criticizing the government or organizing aid. The party that had posted the most about this crisis is “ANO”, a center populist political party that led the governing coalition three years ago, now in the opposition. Most of their content and program, on and off social media, is centered around criticizing the government’s “failures” and trying to convince voters that they were better off with ANO as the leading coalition, not the current government. They made several X and Instagram posts, as well as multiple TV proclamations, concerning this issue, among them ones posted by the leader of ANO, Andrej Babiš, stating that: “ Mr Prime Minister Fiala (ODS) cannot stop lying. He lied about the aid from Brussels that we were supposed to get help with the floods. Last week, before the regional elections, he claimed that we would get 50 billion crowns (1,975 billion euros) from the Cohesiveness Fund. That is a lie; we will not get anything like this, and there will be no more money. We can use the money that we already have, but it will be missing somewhere else. Thank you, Prime Minister, for not doing anything for the Czech Republic yet again.” The party leader then followed up this point by re-posting his tweet , stating that he “wishes the best of luck to all of those affected by the flooding”. He went on to say that he has lived through the previous floods that have affected the Czech Republic, showing solidarity with people who were suffering and ending by stating that he and his party (ANO) are ready to go out and help everyone who is affected by this crisis. In other posts on his social media, he criticized the government further, claiming over and over that it is incompetent and that it has done very little to support the people during these two weeks. There is seldom any concrete evidence for what he is criticizing the Prime Minister for, never drawing from any statistics and making false claims. Another Czech political party that used the floods across the Czech Republic to spread its political ideas were the SPD—the “Liberty and Direct Democracy” party that is on the authoritarian right side of the spectrum—made multiple posts on Instagram X and several TV declarations, commenting on this crisis and blaming the current government. In one of the most liked ones, the leader of SPD, Tomio Okamura, called out the government for: “decreasing pensions, increasing the age limit for retirement and increasing the commission fees of the ČT [Czech Television—national TV channel] while SPD [his political party] is supporting aid against floods . ” As the leader of ANO, Tomio Okamura also does not provide any evidence for his claim, making blatant statements without supporting them without any real statistics. SPD’s social media was considerably less focused on the floods than ANO was. However, there were still several posts made throughout the crisis that mentioned the floods, mostly concerning the failures of the government in their handling of them. The third opposition party that has been active on social media during this crisis was the “ KSČM” – Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia. They made several posts, both on Instagram and X, as well as numerous TV proclamations, most of them based on their new slogan: “Stačilo!” (Enough!) — claiming that the republic has seen “enough” of the government’s incompetence, not only in dealing with the floods. They go on to reinforce the idea that the government is failing the people and that they are not doing enough, circling their arguments back to how the KSČ would make sure that people in the Czech Republic would be treated better than under the current leadership. How did this all affect the result of the elections? ANO won 35.4%, increasing their influence by almost 14% compared to the previous elections, which were held in 2020. Second, by a considerable margin, came ODS, the Citizens’ Democratic Party, which received 5.9%, dropping by almost a percentage compared to the last elections. SPD received 3.3%, getting 18 mandates in total. Lastly, the coalition of KSČ was voted by 1.4% of the Czech population. ANO, which won the elections by a very large margin, is a populist party. However, it cannot be defined as an “extremist party”, countering the argument that the floods had led to the triumph of extremism in the Czech Republic. On the other hand, both KSČ and SPD can be seen as such, therefore, an analysis of how the extreme situation in the form of floods affected the support these two parties received during the elections. Comparing the number of votes each party was predicted to receive even before the floods started to the number of votes they received after the floods provides reliable evidence as to how significantly this extreme event influenced. In February 2024, according to “ STEM analytics” , ANO was predicted to receive 29.3% of votes, 8.5% would have voted for ODS , for SPD it was 6.4% and KSČ would have been supported by 3.5% of voters. 22.3% of people who were asked chose to answe r, “I don’t know”, 7.8% said “a different answer,” and 0.6% stated that they would vote for “a different party . ” Now, we can compare this to the predictor polls that were taken in mid-September during the floods. 32% of voters would then have chosen ANO and 20% the coalition SPOLU, consisting of the parties ODS, TOP-09 and KDU-ČSL . SPD would have received 7% and KSČ 5%. In conclusion, if we compare these statistics with the real results of the elections, we can see that there has not been a significant rise in the popularity of extremist parties caused by the floods. The party that had won the elections was an opposition party. However, it was not an extremist party, therefore not being entirely relevant to the premise of this article. Both extremist parties analysed in this article ended up with a relatively small number of votes, both receiving less than what was predicted they would receive. Furthermore, it is also important to recognize the fact that only 32% of the population voted in the elections in the end, not only making the election one of the lowest ever in regards to participation rate, but also skewing the relevance of the vote itself. To summarize, despite the results not being relevant to the real increase of extremism within society due to the very small percentage of people who turned up at the voting poll, there has not been a significant rise in extremism. Even though the opposition party largely bases itself off on criticism, the leading coalition did get more votes than predicted, showing a certain degree of frustration with the current government of the Czech Republic and a desire for change, although not a direct turn to extremism.

< Back Meet the Class of 2026 By Colette Yamashita Holcomb December 31, 2023 As the semester comes to an end, the Menton Times brings you our annual class profile. The class of 2026 answered our anonymous survey on their backgrounds, ambitions, and lifestyles. We have drawn comparisons to our profile on the Class of 2025, but do not have official data on the makeup of either class. Due to rounding, statistics may not total 100 percent. Demographics Unsurprisingly, Menton has maintained its gender ratio; 71.6% of students identify as female and only 23.9% are male. However, the number of students of West Asian or North African descent has decreased from the previous year, making up only 22.4% of students. For the first time, we surveyed sexuality and found 31.3% of survey respondents identify as a member of the LBGTQ+ community. Socioeconomic backgrounds have diversified slightly, but Sciences Po remains predominantly middle class, with 60.7% identifying as such, 20.9% defining themselves with high socioeconomic status, and 13.4% with low. With a campus as international as ours, it is also no surprise that the overwhelming majority (71.6%) hold more than one nationality and span across six different continents. Religion & Politics Survey results show that the class is much more religious than their preceding counterparts; 64.2% said religion plays a role in their life, with 37.3% saying religion plays somewhat of a role, 19.4% as a moderate role, and 7.5% said it plays a very large role. By comparison, only 48.7% of the Class of 2025 said that religion played a role in their lives. Within this demographic, however, this year’s class had much larger amounts of moderate and somewhat religious students and fewer students who consider themselves “very” religious. Politically, students tend to lean left — 55.5% declared their political persuasion as left, a slightly lower percentage than last year’s class. Many more students consider themselves as center, with 28.4% reporting such compared to 17.9% last year. The extreme left had 6% of respondents, and none reported for the extreme right, a decrease in both categories since the previous survey. When it comes to drinking, 77.3% said they drink alcohol, while 21.2% said they did not. Last year, only 68.1% of students chose to drink, while 29.2% chose to remain sober. The Path to Sciences Po Approximately 16.4% of students are in one of the seven offered dual degree programs, programs where students attend Sciences Po and a partner university and graduate with two Bachelor’s degrees. Columbia University remains the most popular dual degree, with 60% of dual degree students attending after their first two years. Students are also in the University of California Berkeley, University of British Columbia, University College London, and the University of Sydney dual degree programs. For 83.6% of respondents, Sciences Po was their first choice university. This is a significant decrease from last year’s 94.7%. Fewer students also intend to do their masters at Sciences Po; only 64.2% said yes, an 11% decrease. There are fewer legacy students, albeit only by a 1.3% difference. Beyond Menton Regarding careers, most students chose government, which comprised 35.8% of students, while 20.9% plan on working in an NGO, followed by law and academia, with 11.9% and 10.4% of students, respectively. Roughly 4% plan on pursuing journalism, while both business and arts had 3% each. The remainder of the students are still undecided.