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< Back Organized Crime, Migration, Prostitution: A Hidden Link or an Obvious Collaboration? By Greta Murgia November 30, 2021 When it comes to organized crime – or mafia – and migration, it is commonly known that there is a hidden yet indissoluble connection between the two. What is the extent of the link between migration and organized crime? How can the phenomenon be explained? What are the different fields affected by this phenomenon? From migration to prostitution Migration is one of the most profitable sources of gain for the mafia, since it represents a persistent and flourishing business which involves different agents and actors. Since immigration towards Europe and, more specifically, Italy is constant, the mafia is extremely present, as it is easy for parties practicing organized crime to build connections with Northern Africa’s communities, and play a major role in human trafficking. The Juju’s Ceremony – Nigeria and sex trafficking One of the most lucrative aspects of mafia’s business around immigration is prostitution. The main country from which the girls originate is Nigeria: here, major importance is given to the Juju’s ceremony, still quite unknown in Europe, but relevant when it comes to the flow of immigration related to prostitution. Between ages 12 and 17, girls living in the Edo State and the Delta State in Nigeria, and belonging to the Juju religion, go through a ceremony led by the town’s priests. The priests collaborate with the smugglers operating in the region, as well as with “ madams ” (women, who have been prostitutes themselves), and conduct the ritual to get the girls’ loyalty and full support. This all relies on the power of superstition and religion. The fear that the dead will chase and kill them – or make them crazy – if they ever try to escape from their protectors or refuse to pay a debt makes these girls prisoners of the smugglers and the madams . This is the process that pushes them, consciously or not, towards the world of European prostitution. Once under the protection of human traffickers, who promise the girls a better future and a good job in what is presented as the “promised land,” there is little chance for the girls to improve their situation or reconquer their lost freedom. Without accessing money nor savings through prostitution, the girls are in the hands of the traffickers, who take them through the exhausting and frequently deadly travel to an unknown land. During this journey, the girls have no way of going back to their hometown nor asking for help. Only once they arrive – if they arrive – to Italy or to the other European countries, they find out they have been lied to: the promised land with the numerous possibilities of success turns out not to be as promised, and the hard reality is that they find themselves alone, in an unknown and often unwelcoming country. Moreover, they have no documents nor knowledge of the language, but they have a debt to the traffickers of about 30,000 euros. They are therefore forced to work for the smugglers who paid for the trip, as well as the food and shelter they are provided with. They are aware that because of their illegal condition they can’t rely on external help and the Juju ceremony makes it unthinkable for them to denounce their protectors. Most of them end up living in buildings usually owned by criminal associations for years, without any real possibility of change. The role of SPHR and Caritas in Ventimiglia When SPRH (Sciences Po Refugee Help) goes to Ventimiglia to provide food and support, girls and women are almost never alone: they are accompanied by men who define themselves as cousins, boyfriends or husbands, and the volunteers rarely have the chance of talking to them alone. This is because the protectors know that, being alone, the girls might ask for help, and succeed in getting out of their situation. Caritas is an organization that takes care of women who are embedded in prostitution. In Ventimiglia, it offers women and their children shelter and food, and provides them with the help they need to get out of their critical situation. No men are allowed in the buildings offered to women by Caritas, and victims slowly gain confidence and find the courage and the mental strength needed to reach the practical independence to get out of their condition. The main criminal organization dealing in the immigrants’ business in Ventimiglia is called ‘Ndrangheta, as Rocco Ciarone states in the essay “Mafie del Nord.” Non-profit organizations and Law Another interesting fact is that those who are attempting to make a difference while working on the ground and truly engaging in the cause are volunteer-based non-profit organizations, and not the authorities, the State, nor the police. In fact, the system in France allows immigrant women to ask for citizenship only if they can provide proof of not having been part of the prostitution network – which is, even if true, extremely hard to provide. For this reason, some associations help women in the process by providing them with testimonies attesting that they have never seen them in a prostitutions’ environment. Such organizations are very few and hard to find, and this kind of solution cannot apply to every case and woman: this shows how flawed and desperate for change the system is when it comes to migration policies. A sense of fear and gratitude Another factor that makes it difficult for women to get out of the prostitution network is a sense of gratitude towards their guardians, even if unjustified and unneeded. The awareness that protectors represent the only option of safety, and the fact that the authority will not help them and could instead work against their situation, pushes the women to contribute to the vicious circle of submission and resignation. Organized crime and mafia – denounce or support? And what is the role played by criminal organizations, and especially by the mafia, in the field? It is hard to determine, as there are multiple ways for organized crime to profit from immigration – this ranges from prostitution, to the dealing of drugs, to forced labor – and immigrants have no reason nor incentive to denounce such organizations. If they do, they will lose the protection they are being provided with by their smugglers: on the other side, the State will not provide them with help nor support. On the contrary, it will most probably condemn and expel them from the country. In fact, these women are not only illegal immigrants, but they have also collaborated with the mafia in illegal businesses. How do we detect the presence of organized crime? Another factor that makes it difficult to detect the presence of mafia on the territory is its fluidity: especially on the border, migrants move suddenly, and people who are in one place one day, might be hundreds of kilometers away shortly afterwards, complicating the process of detecting how and where organized crime behaves. The problem does not rely on the immigrants themselves, as it is not their wish to become drug dealers or prostitutes, but it lies in the European Union and in states’ inefficient and unsuccessful handling of the immigrants’ crisis. If nations unite themselves in order to find a common and efficient solution, a lot of progress could be made, and such extreme situations would be rarer. Through cooperation, a solution could be possible.

< Back Cocteau’s Azur: Exploring Queerness in Menton Ema Nevřelová At first glance, Menton appears to be a quaint and peaceful town on the French Riviera—a place of leisure, history, and, of course, lemons. But is Menton truly as fruity as it seems? To uncover the realities of queer life in this picturesque coastal town, I conducted a brief survey among fellow Sciences Pistes. Their an swers reflected diverse and sometimes conflicting experiences. My first question centered on safety—something that is a recurring concern in Menton. Anyone who reads the Sciences Po group chat knows that it sometimes turns into a site of distressing stories recounting harassment and scary encounters with strangers. Still, the queer students who responded saw safety through different lenses. One noted, “Yes, it’s pretty quiet,” while another pointed out, “There’s a bunch of rightist guys who tend to be very homophobic. But you see allies hanging out with them, which makes me question people’s moral and ethical integrity.” This may sound familiar to anyone who has spent time in certain social circles at Sciences Po. While most students are openly supportive of the LGBTQ+ community—or part of it themselves—there are still spaces where discriminatory comments are not called out. And it’s not just about the students. Nearly a third of Menton’s population is over the age of 65, and some of those residents are not fond of Sciences Po students, in general and queer people in particular, causing a sense of alienation for some queer students beyond the campus. Despite this, most survey respondents agreed that Menton and Sciences Po provide spaces where they feel free to express themselves. Still, Menton offers little in terms of queer visibility or cultural representation. Perhaps the only formal nod to LGBTQ+ identity in the town is the Jean Cocteau Museum. Cocteau—a French poet, filmmaker, and artist—left behind a legacy shaped by Orientalism, surrealism and queerness, evident in his love letters to actor Jean Marais. In a letter from 1939, Cocteau wrote : “ My Jeannot, adore me as I adore you and console me. Press me to your heart. Help me to be a saint, to be worthy of you and of myself. I live only through you. ” But even this representation is complicated. Cocteau’s relationship with Marais, marked by a 24-year age gap, seems disproportionate in terms of power and manipulative, to say the least. Not to mention that the museum does not particularly embrace Cocteau’s sexuality. For example, on the website of the Museum Jean Marais, Cocteau’s lover, is mentioned several times in Cocteau’s biography, but the romantic relationship between the two is essentially omitted. On the contrary, it displays drawings of fetishized females turned into “mythical” creatures, making the entrance fee feel like a contribution to modern orientalism rather than to queer representation. With enough determination, one might stumble upon two paintings by British artist Francis Bacon in the Gallery of Palais de l’Europe. Like Cocteau, Bacon lived a frivolous and hazardous life, but what they both have in common is their romantic interest in younger men. My second survey question focused on dating and relationships. Responses varied: one student mentioned being in a relationship with another Sciences Po student, while another wasn’t seeking a connection. Interestingly, one respondent described the gay community on campus as “mean,” also noting that some students engaged in “outing” others—speaking publicly about someone’s sexuality without their consent. Conversations about who is or is not queer are not uncommon on campus, even though sexuality is a deeply personal matter. The environment at Sciences Po can foster an unhealthy curiosity, reinforcing a link between gendered stereotypes and sexual identity. It’s one thing to be curious or to hope for connection; it’s another to pressure people to “confess” or treat queerness as a fuel for gossip. The reality for queer Sciences Pistes becomes even more intricate as some students’ cultural background and family pressure create significant internal conflict. Some come from countries where homosexuality is criminalized or where queer people lack certain rights. Others are dealing with trauma from homophobic upbringings. Even in a relatively open environment like Sciences Po, those emotional scars can prevent students from exploring or embracing their identities. Queerness in Menton is undeniably present, even if it sometimes feels silent or silenced. While some are desperate to find even the smallest traces of representation in this fruity town, the right approach isn’t to squeeze people’s sexuality out of them. Instead, we should work toward building spaces that feel safe not only for queer individuals, but for all marginalized communities—and remain committed to calling out homophobia when we see it. Real inclusion isn’t just about visibility; it’s about cultivating empathy, respect and genuine solidarity. Ultimately, Menton’s beauty isn’t just in its scenery—it’s in the values we choose to embody and the community we create. Photo source: Ted Eytan on Flickr Previous Next

Des salles de bals étincelantes de Bridgerton à l'aesthetic Regency Core sur les réseaux sociaux, la génération Z semble obnubilée par une période qu’elle n’a jamais vécu. Comment peut-on expliquer cette fascination pour un monde vieux de deux siècles ? < Back Nostalgie historique et la génération Z: liaisons dangereuses ? Elsa Uzan November 13, 2025 Des salles de bals étincelantes de Bridgerton à l'aesthetic Regency Core sur les réseaux sociaux, la génération Z semble obnubilée par une période qu’elle n’a jamais vécu. Comment peut-on expliquer cette fascination pour un monde vieux de deux siècles ? Cet attrait pour le passé est bien plus qu’un engouement esthétique car il s’inscrit dans un phénomène plus profond, celui de la nostalgie historique. Ce concept désigne une nostalgie éprouvée de la personne interrogée vis-à-vis d’une période qu’elle n’a pas vécue voire d’une période antérieure à sa naissance. Selon Chris Marchegiani et Ian Phau, cette forme de nostalgie ne repose pas sur une expérience individuelle et directe du passé, mais plutôt sur une représentation collective de celui-ci, puisque les personnes ne l'ont pas vécue et se créent leur propre vision — parfois idéalisée — du passé. En effet, la connaissance de ces périodes provient de récits, d’images ou de discours socialement transmis, ce qui explique le caractère collectif de cette mémoire. Ainsi, le phénomène relève davantage d’une mémoire partagée, transmise voire même construite par la société moderne. Mais cette transmission du passé n’est pas passive: elle s’accompagne du phénomène plus contemporain de la « nostalgie simulée » qui en est une forme plus médiatisée. Théorisé également par les deux auteurs, il désigne la construction et la mise en scène d’un événement auquel on attribue – notamment à travers la publicité – une signification symbolique en y associant des objets censés l’incarner, alors même que la personne ne l’a pas vécu. Cette nostalgie historique 2.0 trouve un terrain d’expression privilégié dans le monde numérique. C’est ce que soulignent Huanshu Jiang Jie Yao Peiyao Cheng et Shumeng Hu, chercheurs à l’Institut de technologie de Harbin à Shenzhen, en démontrant que la génération Z se distingue par son inclination à se plonger dans des mondes virtuels qui s’explique par le fait qu’elle a grandi avec Internet et les écrans. Dans ce contexte, les interactions contemporaines entre une vision du passé et le rapport au numérique favorisent à la fois une circulation et une réappropriation des références nostalgiques. On peut ainsi observer l’expression d’une instrumentalisation du phénomène de la nostalgie historique par les entreprises comme un outil de stratégie marketing. En effet, l’étude des chercheurs à l’Institut de technologie de Harbin à Shenzhen a montré que les Générations Y, Z et alpha (nées entre 1981 et 2024) ont tendance à considérer les marques et toute forme de designs mobilisant de la nostalgie comme authentiques, crédibles et expressifs, créant une distance par rapport aux produits modernes qui sont considérés comme factices. Cependant, penser la nostalgie historique comme une stratégie marketing serait réducteur. En effet, la génération Z ne se borne pas à copier les styles anciens ou à romantiser le passé, mais elle va construire une réflexion renouvelée sur des objets d’une époque particulière, sur des événements et des symboles du passé pour développer ses outils propres d’expression personnelle entre autres par le biais des réseaux sociaux. Cela traduit de manière plus significative comment la génération Z renouvelle les interactions avec le passé dans l’optique de répondre à leurs besoins psychologiques de stabilité et d’épanouissement personnel selon les observations de Clay Routledge and Nicola Avis. Il s’agit aussi de relever les défis contemporains en s’inspirant du passé. La valeur des expériences plus lentes et manuelles du passé s’en trouvent d’autant plus valorisées que selon une étude du Human Flourishing Lab , 60% de la génération Z aux Etats-Unis aimerait revenir à une période où tout le monde n’est pas connecté, dans un monde avant l’invention des réseaux sociaux et d’Internet. Réduire ce rapport au passé à une stratégie commerciale reviendrait à nier sa dimension réflexive. La romanticisation reste en effet une caractéristique essentielle de la nostalgie historique. La création de nombreuses séries en témoigne, que ce soit sur la régence anglaise avec la série Bridgerton , ou sur la fin du XIXème siècle et le début du XXème siècle avec The Gilded Age ou Downton Abbey . Ces séries et particulièrement Bridgerton sont selon Sharmini Kumar l’illustration d’un pur fantasme d’évasion, visible notamment par les nombreux bals plus exubérants les uns que les autres. Les robes en style régence changeant à chaque évènement traduisent une vision d’âge d’or de la société anglaise. De plus, à chaque apparition de la reine Charlotte, le spectateur découvre une perruque différente, parmi lesquelles une volière ou encore une avec un étang et un cygne en mouvement. Ces facettes de la série montrent une image de prospérité et de luxe de la Régence. Toutefois, Bridgerton néglige la réalité criante de l’industrialisation et surtout par une pauvreté importante de la population urbaine qui n’est ni montrée, ni mentionnée dans la série. Par la romanticisation, le passé devient un univers séduisant et accessible où le spectateur projette ses désirs personnels d’appartenance et d'évasion. L’idée d’évasion associée à Bridgerton est renforcée par la manière dont l’inclusivité culturelle remodèle les représentations historiques et, par extension, la nostalgie historique. La série présente en effet plusieurs inexactitudes historiques, particulièrement du point de vue de la représentation de la culture indienne. La langue utilisée dans le programme est erronée et conduit à des ambiguïtés. Les termes « Didi », « Bon » et « Appa » traduisent une vision superficielle de la culture indienne car ils appartiennent à des langues et des régions différentes. Cette simplification de la diversité culturelle indienne et la confusion entre des expressions linguistiques et régionales peut être nocive. En effet, cette représentation imprègne la génération Z d’une image erronée car trop largement simplifiée, malgré le caractère divertissant du programme. Cette vision euro-centrée représente ainsi un danger dans le sens où elle peut pérenniser de telles représentations dans la société à l’échelle mondiale, vu le succès retentissant de la série. Bridgerton met en avant la diversité comme argument marketing, à travers une représentation faussement authentique. Plus récemment, de nouveaux phénomènes sont identifiés par les chercheurs, au-delà de la nostalgie « simulée ». Parmi eux, la notion de « méta-nostalgie », théorisée par Clay Routledge et Nicola Avis, désigne un intérêt des jeunes pour les expériences nostalgiques des générations antérieures qu’ils réinterprètent. C’est ainsi que naît un dialogue intergénérationnel qui s'appuie sur des repères culturels communs à ces générations. Ainsi, la nostalgie historique révèle bien plus qu’un goût esthétique de la génération Z: elle s’inscrit dans une recherche de sens et de stabilité dans un monde fragmenté. L’avenir du phénomène demeure toutefois incertain puisque la quantité considérable d’informations disponibles interroge : aurons-nous toujours le temps de penser le passé – surtout celui que l’on n’a pas vécu ? C’est peut-être là tout le paradoxe de la nostalgie historique: dans un monde saturé d’informations, elle devient l’incarnation d’une forme moderne de rébellion, de refus de la surinformation.

“There’s nothing like the Arab world’s hatred of the truth.” < Back Arab Netflix: To Stream or not to Stream? By Lara-Nour Walton April 29, 2022 My cousin Zeina delighted in the sprawling array of Egyptian films before her. In years past we had shared halwa over Charlie and the Chocolate Factory, camped out in front of Black Mirror for hours, and swooned over Baz Luhrmann’s expert castings of Dicaprio. She introduced me to “Gone Girl,” “Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind,” “Inglorious Bastards.” Zeina has always loved her cinema, always reveled in good television. But, I’d never known her to be a connoisseur of Arabic programs until I visited her over this past winter break. She enthusiastically scrolled through Netflix’s seemingly never-ending queue of movies and shows from the Arab world, explaining the summary of each. I asked her why she’d never exposed me to this passion of hers, and she shrugged her shoulders: “I suppose I’ve never known how to show you.” On December 9th, Netflix launched an Arab cinema catalog comprising 58 films by 47 different filmmakers. The American streaming service titled this release “Celebrating Arab Cinema” and aimed to “explore the breadth and beauty” of the region and culture with the collection. Now, a large variety of Arab movies are accessible to anyone with a Netflix subscription, permitting Zeina to finally show me her Arabic favorites. While the “Celebrating Arab Cinema” launch was largely welcomed by the South West Asian and North African (SWANA) and international community alike, Netflix’s other Arabic initiatives have experienced cooler receptions. On January 20, the release of the first Arabic Netflix original, “Ashab Wala A’azz,” sparked mass controversy in the Arab world. A remake of the hit Italian box office hit “Perfect Strangers,” “Ashab Wala A’azz” implicates SWANA audiences in discussions about queer identity, infidelity, and premarital sex. However, many Netflix users from the region worry that the movie’s themes do not mesh with Arab society, some asserting that Western films cannot be made into SWANA adaptations due to insurmountable cultural differences. Lebanese English track 1A Angela Saab Saade repudiates this sentiment. “I don’t think it’s a matter of whether or not the Arab world is ready for this type of movie. I think it is imperative that we acknowledge that these things exist in Arab society. It is not a crime to address reality,” she said. However, Saab Saade’s perspective is purely normative. Broaching contentious subject matter in the Middle East should not be a crime, but it is certainly still condemned. According to Lebanese journalist Rabih Farran, “There’s nothing like the Arab world’s hatred of the truth.” This antipathy for candor, this cultural reluctance to recognize what happens behind closed doors, has been made all the more visible by the audience response to “Ashab Wala A’azz.” However, the public’s reaction raises questions that transcend Netflix’s scope. It reveals the heated duel between social sensitivities and artistic freedom in the Arab world — a battle that seems to have no end in sight.

< Back Taiwanese Elections: Where Are We Heading? By Lydia Ntourountou February 29, 2024 2024 is considered the election year, as at least 64 countries are meant to hold national elections over the upcoming ten months. The results of these elections will not only determine their political and economic state, but in some cases they will also fundamentally shape their approach to international relations. As the diplomatic ties between the United States and China are already causing multiple concerns on an international scale, the upcoming American presidential election could unleash disastrous repercussions. Amidst this tense climate, Taiwan (officially the Republic of China) held its presidential elections on Jan. 13 2024, and the results are worthy of analysis. A Very Brief History of Cross-Strait Relations, with the U.S. in the Middle The relations between China and Taiwan are complicated, and result from a long history marked by the first Sino-Japanese war in which Taiwan was ceded to Japan. However, Beijing’s position–claiming that Taiwan is a part of China–has remained firm since then, as Xi Jin-Ping reminded us in his New Year’s speech: “China and Taiwan will surely be reunified.” The Shanghai Communiqué (1972), issued by the US and China on the last evenings of President Richard Nixon’s diplomatic visit could be considered to have bolstered China’s permanent position. In this document, the U.S. formally acknowledged the fact that “all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China,” contrary to the modern gestures of support that the U.S. is often seen offering Taiwan. The complicated relations between Taiwan and the U.S., which in return define Cross-Strait relations, are evident in the Taiwan Relations Act (1979) which states the fact that the US does not have diplomatic relationships with the island, all while confirming military support in case of a potential Chinese invasion. Tensions between the three countries mounted in 1995, after Taiwan’s President at the time, Lee Teng-hui, visited the U.S., and China objected strongly to the U.S. decision to grant him a visa. Following this event, multiple ballistic missiles were fired in close proximity to the island, an ongoing tactic of the Chinese military. Instead of only applying political pressure, China has also tried to indirectly create vulnerability as well as dependency in the Taiwanese economy. According to Al Jazeera, in 2021 China banned the importation of pineapples produced in southern Taiwan due to pest issues. However, prior, Taiwanese pineapple farmers exported the majority of their fruits to China (an industry worth around 284$m a year), and this abrupt restriction resulted in an incredible financial loss for the farmers and the larger economy. Though a very simple example, this showcases the potential fallouts that could erupt in case China decides to limit its commercial relations with Taiwan, especially since the cross-strait trade was valued at 205$ billion in 2022, according to data collected from the Taiwanese Ministry of Finance. The Long Awaited Elections Taiwan follows the regime of a representative democratic republic, with a multi-party system, currently dominated by two major parties: the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in favor of Taiwan’s sovereignty, and the Kuomintang (KMT) which advocated for closer relations with mainland China. This constitutes another factor of conflict, considering the political situation in China is often criticized as authoritarian due to the lack of democratic procedures. Tsai Ing-wen, former President of Taiwan, shaped a political landscape characterized by the strong refusal to recognise the “1992 consensus,” and made clear that Taiwan would not recede to Chinese threats. On the Jan. 13, after her presidential term expired, elections were held and the three main candidates were as following: Lai Ching-te, previously a legislator from DPP, Hou Yu-ih from KMT who advocates discussions with Chinese Communist Party to avoid the rise of tensions, and lastly Ko Wen-je from Taiwan’s People’s Party and who, according to the Economist, has been more preoccupied with domestic issues than Cross-Strait relations. However, the Cross-Strait tensions did not prevent the voters from electing a democratic and “separatist” President Lai Ching-te, with a plurality of 40.05 percent. By choosing Lai Ching-te as their representative, the people of Taiwan confirm their support for the political “legacy” built by Tsai Ing-Wen, and which Lai Ching-te can not only preserve, but evolve according to his own political vision. The new President himself announced multiple times during his campaign that “there is no need to declare independence, because Taiwan is already an independent sovereign state.” The results of the Taiwanese elections are only one of the many factors that could aggravate the political situation in the South China Sea, and that implicate the involvement of external forces, such as the U.S. or Europe. Thus the following months will be revelatory, in a political landscape that is becoming increasingly tense, with no hopes of dialogue nor compromise.

< Back Yves Juhel Elected Mayor of Menton By Saoirse Aherne & Cameron Sterling March 31, 2022 Introduction On February 6, 2022, Yves Juhel was re-elected mayor of Menton after a four month period of political turmoil. The office had previously been held by Jean-Claude Guibal, who had governed for 32 years, or six terms, with tenure spanning from 1989 to 2021. In late October, the office was vacated by Guibal, who died of a heart attack at age 80. Juhel, then the second-deputy mayor, was elected to succeed Guibal by the 35-seat municipal council on November 9, 2021. His candidature defeated Sandra Paire, then first-deputy mayor, by one vote. Juhel’s victory is considered controversial; one of his votes came from the Rassemblement National, a party labeled as extreme by many. Further, Paire, as the second-deputy, considered herself to be the natural successor to Guibal. Following her defeat, she led a string of resignations from the municipal council, leaving it nearly one-third vacant. This was a calculated move, forcing the municipality to hold another election in the next three months under article L2122-8 of the General Code of Local Authorities. According to Fanny, a 36-year-old shopkeeper, there was chaos after the election. The town was divided over who to support, with many conflicting views expressed on social media. Round One: A Strong Showing of Conservative Loyalty After rushing to build lists by the January 13 deadline, Menton saw five competing factions: Collectif Citoyen Menton Autrement, Réconcilions Menton, Menton Avec Vous, Unis pour Menton, and Menton pour Tous. Historically, Menton has been a strong base for conservative French politics, notably the party Les Republicains (LR). During this cycle, two lists — Collectif Citoyen Menton Autrement and Réconcilions Menton — ran outside of that label. Collectif Citoyen Menton Autrement, led by Marjorie Jouen, is a nonpartisan list seeking greater transparency in local governance. Réconcilions Menton, representing le Groupe Régional d’Europe Écologie, was headed by Stéphanie Loisy. Neither list made it past the first round of elections on January 31. The second round of elections saw competition between the three conservative lists: Yves Juhel’s Menton pour Tous, Anthony Malvault’s Menton Avec Vous, and Sandra Paire’s Unis pour Menton. In the end, Juhel’s list won with 43.11% (4,722) of the votes cast. He was closely followed by Paire, who won 40.24% (4,408). Malvault received the remaining 16.65% (1,824). Though the right wing saw a strong showing, it is important to note that turnout was relatively low, hanging at 50% of the voting population. Important Issues in the Election The 2022 municipal elections in Menton centered around three issues: youth life, urban planning, and security. Many citizens have expressed concerns about the economic difficulties that young people face in Menton. As mentioned by Frederic, a 41-year-old fisherman, the youth encounter a lack of affordable housing opportunities, need more aid in finding jobs, and more activities. On this issue, Mayor Juhel has several plans. In an interview with the Menton Times, he said that he is committed to “preserving Menton” while creating more housing. He is also planning on making Menton a more active town by developing nautical sports, opening a nightclub, authorizing places to stay open later at night, and further developing Bastion. He also plans on creating a committee to focus on youth life in Menton and a job service to centralize employment opportunities for young people. With this, Juhel also hopes to revive tourism in Menton and attract younger populations. On the issue of urban planning, many have expressed issues with traffic in town. Arlette, a retired 75-year-old, complained about traffic and parking, specifically the danger of speeding motorcycles. Juhel also has plans for this, hoping to expand the use of electric bicycles and charging stations. There is also the issue of security. Many, such as Arlette, complained that the police do very little and that there is a general security issue in France. Juhel agreed, naming the issue first when asked about problems in Menton. However, his platform on this issue is very vague with few concrete plans. Guib-oligarchy: The Role of the Guibal Clan in City Hall Jean-Claude Guibal, the late mayor, had a 30-year career in office characterized by corruption and scandal. Throughout his tenure, Guibal systematically spread his clan throughout important regional positions, with, according to Issey Bavarian, (Co-President) of Comprende la Mafia,“a family member in nearly every pertinent political body.” Guibal himself took part in this practice, heading the “communauté d'agglomération de la Riviera française” for 20 years. In addition, his wife, Colette Giudicelli, was Senator LP of the Alpes-Maritimes from 2008 until her death in 2020. She was also appointed deputy mayor by her husband in 1989, staying in the role for twenty years. Guibal’s daughter in law, Celine Giudicelli, remains the director general of the SPL ports of Menton. Guibal’s time as mayor saw the eruption of numerous scandals. A 2016 complaint filed by the anti-corruption association, Anticor, accused Guibal of using public funds to purchase 20,810 euros worth of cigars between 2006 and 2009. This case was dropped such that it was “insufficiently characterized” according to the Nice prosecutor. Anticor has filed other complaints pertaining to issues such as the award of fraudulent contracts and favoritism. However, the validity of these claims is questionable. Though Anticor claims to be a “bipartisan” group, it is represented by the leader of the opposition Parti Socialiste (PS) in the Menton City council. Furthermore, in July of 2021, the townhall, the headquarters of the local public office company, the ports of Menton, and the home of Celine Giudicelli were searched by local authorities. These searches were part of a larger investigation led by the Nice public prosecutor’s office over allegations of “influence-peddling, corruption, illegal taking of interests, and misappropriation of public funds,” with regards to the ports in Menton. The Guibal clan is not the only actor that has been accused of corruption. In November of 2021, Olivier Bettati, former mayoral opposition candidate, was arrested along with 35 others in connection to a network of organized crime operating throughout the Cote d’Azur. The operation aimed to bring down Aurelio Garcia, dubbed the “Godfather” of the Cote d’Azur by Nice Matin, for his connection with criminal association, racketeering, extortion, running gambling circles, and influence peddling. Also, as reported by Nice Matin, police accumulated hundreds of hours of evidence via microphones which were planted in bars and apartments across the region. These tapes revealed a number of racketeering projects, involving construction companies, along with intentions to “take over Menton: on its port, its private beaches, and its public market.” Olivier Bettati found himself implicated in this investigation due to a member of his “Menton Demain” list: Carole Bacoue. Bacoue is the girlfriend of Jean-Laurent Comparetto, the lieutenant of Aurelio Garcia. In spite of this, he was released from prison after five nights and sources close to the investigation claim that the Menton aspect of the case is largely unfounded. Same Story, New Actors? Though many hoped that a new mayor in November of 2021 would mark a new era of Mentonese politics free from corruption and scandal, this has not proven to be the case. After Juhel’s initial election in November, Menton saw an onslaught of corruption allegations. Juhel claimed to have witnessed two trucks removing 600 kg of documents from town hall to be burned. He also called for an audit on the town hall computer, which allegedly resulted in the discovery of an illegal email monitoring system. Both of these accusations are now under investigation by the Nice Prosecutor. However, after Juhel’s allegation of document theft, Sandra Paire noted, “Nothing has disappeared since all the files are computerized.” Paire has filed a complaint “for defamatory remarks in response to Juhel’s accusations.” In December of 2021, the investigation into missing documents from the Mairie progressed as three relatives of Guibal were taken into custody. Going into the January election, tensions mounted. On January 27, an anonymous citizen attempted to have Anthony Malvault’s late registration canceled, accusing him of lying about his motivation for moving to Menton. Malvault registered his list after the deadline of December 24, in accordance with Article L30 of the Electoral Code which asserts that those domiciled in another municipality for professional reasons may register after the deadline. However, Malvault moved to Menton on December 31 and established his scooter company on January 5. He presented this evidence at a public hearing and was acquitted of all charges on January 28. Following the first round of the election, Stephanie Loisy, the candidate for Europe Écologie les Verts, criticized irregularities, claiming to have noticed that “two ballot boxes were not sealed before the end of the vote and that an assessor was refused access to the polling station at 8:02 a.m.” There were also two fires on January 30, election day. The parents of Sandra Paire reported a fire in the courtyard outside their ground floor apartment. Paire’s mother, Georgette, speculated that the fire was intentional, however, authorities maintain it was an accident. Hours later, the Roquebrune-Cap-Martin home of Anthony Malvault’s parents also caught fire. Though Malvault’s parents, residing on the lower floor, were unaffected, one of Malvault’s business studios was lost. The candidate stated “I really hope this is all accidental. But no lead is ruled out. It came an hour after the election results fell… And with the legal case for which I was summoned, this address — where one of my companies is domiciled — has circulated a lot.” What is next for Menton? This month’s municipal elections mark the first time that Menton has had a new mayor in over 30 years. Running on a platform of youth engagement and civic revival, Juhel’s tenure in office may bring desperately needed changes to the town. However, most of city hall’s staff are holdovers from the Guibal administration, calling into question the town’s ability to escape its patterns of corruption and scandal.

While restaurant food and your roommates' ready-to-eat options all seem like acceptable means to satiate your hunger, an array of more efficient, cheap and satisfying options will save you from unnecessary tensions with your roommates and a possibly drained credit card. I hope to help you prepare balanced meals that will fuel you for your long study sessions while simultaneously not exhausting the limited amount of time on your hands. < Back Eats with Angela: Speedy October By Angela Saab Saade October 31, 2022 October is a transitional month for most of us; the weather is as unstable as Katy Perry's ex, the tourists of Menton are departing, freeing up our lonely town's streets, and mid-semester stress factors, such as midterm exams, vacations plans, third-year abroad decisions and parcours civique preparations are constantly lurking in the back of our minds. Overwhelmed with these important matters, we may find ourselves betraying our kitchens by avoiding the hectic task of food preparation. While restaurant food and your roommates' ready-to-eat options all seem like acceptable means to satiate your hunger, an array of more efficient, cheap and satisfying options will save you from unnecessary tensions with your roommates and a possibly drained credit card. Research shows a strong relationship between stress and nutrition. Mindful balanced eating “provides the extra energy needed to cope with stressful events.” Other findings posit that short-term stress actually reduces appetite. The disparity in the literature indicates that there is no single truth that generalizes the effect of stress on individuals. What is certain however, is that comfort food — as its name implies — is meant to yield comfort in anxious times, for example, eating a pack of chocolate for breakfast (guilty as charged). Nonetheless, I hope to help you prepare balanced meals that will fuel you for your long study sessions while simultaneously not exhausting the limited amount of time on your hands. The Veggie Roast The veggie roast includes three simple tasks: Place the vegetables of your choice onto a baking sheet (cut if necessary or preferred). Some usable vegetables include zucchini, tomato, broccoli, brussels sprouts, carrot, pepper, beetroot, potato, sweet potato, onion, butternut squash, corn, and cauliflower. You can use fresh vegetables, frozen or canned; whatever suits you! Place the vegetables into a preheated oven and set the oven temperature and your timer based on your vegetables of choice. Drizzle some olive oil, sprinkle lots of sea salt and enjoy! For a more flavorful and fulfilling serving, I recommend preparing eggs, tofu or your choice of meat to go with your mix, and, for a wiser use of your time, do so while your veggie mix is cooking. My recipe involves fresh tomatoes (not cut or peeled) and fresh cut-in-half zucchinis and carrots, alongside some frozen bell peppers and broccoli. I grease the baking tray, throw in my veggies, and add frozen filet fish on that same tray, since the vegetables and protein source I have chosen conveniently require a similar cooking time. Speedy Bowls Aside from being time-efficient, as its name implies, making this delicious dish only requires two components: a bowl and a microwave. Microwaves have repeatedly come to my rescue for quick breakfasts prior to eight am classes and effortless late-night snacks. However, for those of you without a microwave, do not fret! The oven is just as efficient as an appliance; the main difference is that ovens need to be preheated. Find below three basic items with which you may craft delicious, quick and balanced meals! Oatmeal Vitamin-rich and mineral-dense, oats are a great source of fiber which may be cooked by different means and with various ingredients to fulfill savory or sweet cravings. Plus, they are incredibly cheap! Simply throw some oats in a bowl and pour in water or your choice of milk. If desired, add chopped fruit, honey, peanut butter, seeds, nuts, coconut flakes, candy (I would recommend crushing Oreos, M&M's or sweet biscuits) or whatever else may sound appealing to you. Place the bowl into a microwave and determine the heating time as per the appropriate consistency. I enjoy adding yogurt for a cold twist to my warm oatmeal. Oatmeal serves as a great snack too! Sweet potato Sweet potatoes are rich in vitamins, minerals and fiber. Poke holes in your sweet potato and place it in your microwave for a few minutes, et voilá! You can melt cheese on the potato, add cold or cooked vegetables and chickpeas into the equation.Top with spices and a dressing of your choice for a delightful and filling meal. My sophisticated roommate expertly embellishes her sweet potatoes with marinated tofu, chopped tomatoes and a fried egg. Unfortunately, I am far too lazy for this haute-cuisine and opt to put minimal effort into my sweet potato creations. But, if your ambitions surpass mine, I support you in your gastronomical escapades. Corn Corn is a canned gem — it may be consumed with olive oil and salt, cream and sugar, or cinnamon and lemon juice. It may also enrich your meals with more flavor and color. It is perfect for tasty corn soup too. Some items I bet you do not know exist that are advantageous in autumn Packaged Soup As repulsive as that may sound, packaged soup is cheap, quick and quite flavorful in comparison to what its name may signal. You just pour the soup in a bowl and cook in the microwave or on a stove for a few minutes and enjoy! Purée I do not know how you feel about mashed potatoes, but I adore them. Warm and savory, mashed potatoes will work wonders if you give them the chance. Unfortunately, however, cutting, peeling and mashing the potatoes is not a good use of your time. For that reason, I often head to the store and purchase eight packs of powdered mashed purée (each pack makes one to two servings) for approximately three euros. Whenever I have no time on my hands, I empty a pack into a bowl, add milk or water, microwave the bowl for a few minutes, drizzle some oil and sprinkle some salt. Complemented by boiled eggs, beans or vegetables, this platter tastes heavenly. Last tip While creating quick meals is ideal for stressful days, it is also worth considering cooking one “proper” meal and storing it for the longer term. This could be as simple as making a pot of pasta or rice and storing it for future consumption. In fact, if you are seeking shortcuts, you can find portioned bags of rice or couscous that simply need to be dropped into boiling water for consumption. For example, a meal that takes under ten minutes to prepare is the combination of couscous, lentils, and a side salad. I apologize in advance for my North African counterparts, however I prepare couscous by just placing the couscous in boiling water and covering them for five minutes. Meanwhile, rinse some canned lentils, chop up an apple and parsley. Add all ingredients on the plate and add the dressing of your choice. I added olive oil and salt on the couscous and lentils and opted for balsamic vinegar for the side salad. If speedy and cost-effective recipes are your jam, stay tuned for next month’s edition of Eats with Angela. Traditional Lebanese recipes that require under 10 minutes preparation await you.

At the start of the 1920s, although hard to imagine today, the Riviera was practically deserted during the summer months. Hotels and restaurants catering to the European elite would close shop after spring, as their wealthy patrons would leave for colder climates. The Murphys were the first to convince hotels in Antibes to stay open during the summer months, as a way to host their American friends. Thus beginning the transformation of the Riviera into the summer destination it is today. < Back Americans on the Riviera Kerem Demir Karahan September 28, 2025 The French Riviera may seem far too beautiful to inspire the Valley of Ashes , yet Scott Fitzgerald’s timeless classic “The Great Gatsby” was partially written here. Another one of his books, “Tender is the Night” is set in the French Riviera, around Cannes, telling a story far more dramatic than the feuds between modern movie stars who convene there every year. With the conclusion of American isolationism thanks to the American intervention in the First World War, members of the American gentry began to resettle in the Old World, especially Southern France. Brilliant mansions began to appear across the French Riviera, coupled with wonderful gardens, rivalling the splendor of British villas, such as Eilenroc in Antibes, dotting the shore from Cannes to Menton. The forerunners of American migration to the Riviera were Gerald and Sara Murphy. Their home in Antibes, Villa America , hosted parties and was the centerpiece of a social circle composed of not only Americans such as Ernest Hemingway, and Zelda and Scott Fitzgerald, but also European artists like Jean Cocteau and Pablo Picasso. They embodied what was the “Jazz Age” in the United States, importing the Charleston for the French “Années folles.” At the start of the 1920s, although hard to imagine today, the Riviera was practically deserted during the summer months. Hotels and restaurants catering to the European elite would close shop after spring, as their wealthy patrons would leave for colder climates. The Murphys were the first to convince hotels in Antibes to stay open during the summer months, as a way to host their American friends. Thus beginning the transformation of the Riviera into the summer destination it is today. With that, the “Lost Generation” , the group of authors who became adults during the First World War, found themselves a home on the French Riviera. Ernest Hemingway, the Fitzgeralds and John Dos Passos, among others, all took refuge on the Riviera from their personal woes that they hoped to leave behind in the States. Still, it is hard to say that the Riviera was without its share of the signature decadence of the Jazz Age . Fitzgerald does not shy away from showing the echoes of that decadence on the Riviera by telling the story of the lavish lives of his two main characters, based on the Murphys, in “Tender is the Night . ” On the other hand, Hemingway takes a contrasting approach, exhibiting the Lost Generation as more resilient than decadent in his book “The Sun Also Rises , ” telling stories of his Parisienne days. This convening of great minds in such a small region helped build relationships between flag-bearers of American literature and European art. They vacationed, ate, partied, and drank together for many years, influencing one another. Gerald Murphy’s time with Picasso even led Murphy to pick up painting as a pastime. The lives of the Murphys provided ample material for Fitzgerald and Hemingway when reflecting on their own experiences in France. Fitzgerald’s “Tender is the Night ” acknowledges the Murphys’ inspiration, beginning with the dedication “To Gerald and Sara, to many fêtes.” The American experiment on the Riviera was cut short in 1929, when the Great Depression hit stock markets across the world. At the same time, the secondborn child of the Murphys’ was diagnosed with tuberculosis, which proved to be the end of the Murphys’ time in the Riviera. They would then go to Switzerland and then back to the States. The Villa America, whose poolside sunbeds inspired Picasso, Fitzgerald, Cocteau, Hemingway and many more, would fall into disrepair during those years until its purchase by a Russian oligarch. The Riviera’s influence on American literature and art is hard to exaggerate. Both Hemingway and Fitzgerald, two of the most consequential writers of the 20th century, wrote arguably their most impressive works while at the Riviera. However, Americans were not the only ones savoring the Riviera. France’s vanguard of the avant-garde, Jean Cocteau, called Menton his home. Likewise, Pablo Picasso continued spending his summers on the Riviera long after the Murphys left. However, the allure of the Riviera didn’t end with the departure of Villa America ’s patrons. In 1960, perhaps the most influential author of the civil rights movement in the United States, James Baldwin, followed in the footsteps of the great writers before him and came to the Riviera to escape the social woes at home. Baldwin, like the Lost Generation, was on the lookout for a breath of fresh air. However, whereas the Lost Generation enjoyed the riches of life on the Riviera, Baldwin was there on a mission to continue his advocacy. Disillusioned by the way colored people were treated in the States, Baldwin found a much needed base in the Riviera where he could continue focusing on his commentary on American society. His time in France and the Riviera brought American social problems to the public's attention across Europe, and also helped him see America from an outsiders' lens. The Riviera is now more characterized by its famed and rich residents rather than the famed writers and painters it has inspired. Grace Kelly’s highly publicized marriage to the Prince of Monaco, Rainier the Third, brought the Riviera to the public consciousness across the world, identifying it with luxury. Similarly, Sean Connery, the first and most iconic of all James Bond characters, took up residence in the Riviera, purchasing a Belle Époque villa in Nice. Parties whose luxury would put Jay Gatsby to shame are held every summer in St. Tropez, showcasing how vacationing and residing on the Riviera turned into a status symbol. Still, the streets of Menton and the wider Riviera are filled with tiny ateliers with wonders inside, inspiring those who are willing to take on the challenge to match the beauty of the world around them. With its cosmopolitan SciencesPistes, vibrant BDA, and a breathtaking view of the Old City, perhaps 11 Place Saint Julien today embodies the spirit of Villa America: brave, unapologetic, and dangerously creative. Photo Source: Unknown Author, Wikimedia Commons

Confronted by a tirade of questions expressing concerns about inflation,, rising energy costs and economic recession, Liz Truss chose to deflect by focusing her attention on the Labour opposition’s inability to elect a leader that “is not male or from north London.” Setting aside the observation that statements such as these are symptomatic of the conservative cabinet’s disease, preventing its elected members from answering the questions posed to our government, Liz Truss’ comment does raise questions about equality in a political party which generally claims to stand for progressive ideals < Back Are problems with female leadership unique to Britain’s Left? By Leo Gerza October 31, 2022 Ensuing the crowning of Liz Truss as victor of the summer palaver that was the contentious Conservative Party leadership election, many in Britain and abroad had the opportunity last month to watch the new prime minister jousting in her first Prime Ministers Questions. Confronted by a tirade of questions expressing concerns about inflation,, rising energy costs and economic recession, Liz Truss chose to deflect by focusing her attention onthe Labour opposition’s inability to elect a leader that “is not male or from north London.” Setting aside the observation that statements such as these are symptomatic of the conservative cabinet’s disease, preventing its elected members from answering the questions posed to our government, Liz Truss’ comment does raise questions about equality in a political party which generally claims to stand for progressive ideals. The fact is that all three of Britain's female prime ministers have been leaders of the Conservative Party. On the other hand, Labour has only ever had three female leaders during periods of opposition, all of which were in an “acting” capacity, thus temporary by design. Yet, the Conservative Party looks towards its elected female leaders with great reverence, especially Margaret Thatcher, who has become idolized by the Thatcherites, swooning over the glory days of the “Iron Lady.” How is it that the party of progress lags behind the party of right-wing beliefs and politicians stolen from a museum display when it comes to electing women? This phenomenon is difficult to dissect but seems to be guided by deep-rooted and outdated misogynistic political beliefs. The leading theory suggests that this phenomenon is not solely a problem in the UK. In fact, across G7 countries, “widespread distrust in women at the top” has been a core barrier, according to the Reykjavik Index, which outlines that in almost all western countries, men are perceived as more capable leaders than women. This ultimately suggests that, in a democratic system which still suffers from institutional sexist ideas, men are more likely to be elected into positions of power because there is a greater belief in their competence to perform as a leader. I think Boris Johnson and Donald Trump exemplify this truism. The study also hints towards a rising tide of misogyny in recent years against female leaders. They have always faced more vicious scrutiny, yet the outpour of criticism in reaction to a video of the Finish Prime Minister partying demonstrates that double standards remain a core-rotting pillar in politics. Increasingly concerning is that the same Reykjavik Index, outlining the general bias towards men, also found that 18 to 34-year-olds have a “less progressive attitude to gender and leadership.” Could this signal a warning that we may be diverging from decades of progress on gender equality? I would argue that attitudes perpetuated on social media sites, such as Tik Tok, are both a manifestation of this statistic and a source of its existence. The hyper-macho content and misogynistic comedy featured on the app combine to convince impressionable youth that men are the apex of society and that women are an evolutionary tool for man’s benefit. This is to say that these issues are not exclusive to the Labour party, they are global. In fact, Labour can claim to have had significant impacts on the fight for equality by introducing the Equal Pay Act of 1970 and the Equality Act of 2010. Perhaps more significantly, Labour also introduced all-women shortlists to select half the candidates running in the 1997 United Kingdom general election. The affirmative action taken by Sir Tony Blair saw a record 101 female members of Parliament elected to the House of Commons. However, more needs to be done so that rather than mitigating inequality our political parties can be actively promoting it. As for Liz Truss’ comments, perhaps she can be credited with raising important questions about equality in politics, but it should not distract from the dismal omnishambles her prime ministerial career has been so far.

MEDMUN’s President and Vice-President, Inès Jabri and Maria Azadian, respectively, have been unequivocally toiling away to put together a schedule and a plan so that you, dear Sciences Pistes, can get excited about the newest SPMUN and MEDMUN conferences of 2022 and 2023. < Back New Year and New Plans for the Mediterranean Model United Nations: What Should We Expect? By Georgia McKerracher September 30, 2022 Well, it’s becoming more than clear that the summer break is officially over. Despite the straggling remains of tourist crowds traipsing through the streets of Menton, ice creams in hand, Menton’s Sciences Pistes are starting to smell the beginnings of a new academic year. Readings are already stacking up, various looming assessment deadlines are being discernibly placed in calendars, and the once-toasty temperature feels as though it may be beginning to drop at Sablettes. However, with the onset of this fresh new year, Menton’s student organizations are beginning to get their acts together. The Mediterranean Model United Nations is no exception — not only have interviews been conducted, but the board is coordinating two major events to be hosted in Menton this year. MEDMUN’s President and Vice-President, Inès Jabri and Maria Azadian, respectively, have been unequivocally toiling away to put together a schedule and a plan so that you, dear Sciences Pistes, can get excited about the newest SPMUN and MEDMUN conferences of 2022 and 2023. Now, ‘what is the difference between these two conferences?’ you may well be asking yourself. Fortunately, Jabri and Azadian took the time to let us all in on this information. SPMUN is a conference that “caters to people with interests in all regions of the world,” Azadian states. It offers an opportunity for all Sciences Pistes with passions “from the Americas to East Asia” to come together and get to know one another. A pivotal part of this conference will be drawing inspiration from our fellow students’ passion, learning from one another’s experiences, and considering what it means to be a globally-engaged citizen in an ever-changing socio-political environment. The theme for this year’s SPMUN on the Menton campus is “Reconstruction and Redirection: Imagining a Post-Crisis World.” Intrigued by the decisions behind the choice of such a compelling theme, I quizzed Azadian about some of the thought processes that underpinned the MEDMUN board’s final choice. “We had many discussions about the theme for this year’s conference,” she said, “[and] we noticed that the discussion often centers around the ‘why’ and the ‘how’ of conflicts today.” While deliberation about the current crises — the crippling consequences of climate change and the ongoing public health crises, to name a couple — were all taken into consideration, Jabri and Azadian considered how these everyday topics and questions “miss a part of the bigger picture.” “With the geopolitical, economic, environmental, political, social and judicial thematics,” Jabri says, “participants will get a multifaceted perspective of today’s global issues.” Instead, people need to think more openly of the disturbingly daunting question that humanity should be asking itself now: “how can we rebuild (our) world?” Under the umbrella of such a moving theme, SPMUN will bring together Sciences Pistes from all six of the Menton Campus’ neighbors — a unique opportunity for the Mentonese to get to know some of their otherwise distanced peers (and in some cases, rekindle a few close connections to other students from across campuses originally made in Reims last year). Moreover, for the first time in its history, the SPMUN conference will be trilingual — with committees discussing global issues in English and French and now in Spanish. MEDMUN also focuses on the Middle Eastern and Northern African regions, allowing for dialogue with delegates who either come specifically for the conference’s unique regional focus or who simply enjoy the opportunity to meet a few new faces and enhance their understanding of diverse worldviews and opinions. Jabri eagerly states that MEDMUN expects over 400 students from all over the globe to arrive in Menton, allowing for the “accomplishment of a year of teamwork,” which she reflects will “make our little city shine.” Regardless of some key differences in the content explored by the conferences, both will undoubtedly offer their participants a diverse number of unique and exhilarating opportunities. As Azadian puts it, “each conference, at the end of the day, creates its community of people passionate about debate and diplomacy.” Jabri further elaborates, saying that “having two MUN conferences on the Menton campus is an incredible opportunity” for all students to benefit from “not only… the intellectual aspect of these experiences, debating topical subjects in different committees,” but also to “share their culture, knowledge and advice.” Despite its poeticism, Jabri’s firm belief that “diversity and multiculturalism become the backbone of these events” rings true for all participants. Heads of Crisis, David Ederberg and Riwa Hassan, are also cooking up a storm. Ederberg emphasized his excitement at seeing “students from all campuses… use their different backgrounds and perspectives” to come to meaningful and insightful conclusions in their respective “captivating crisis” committees. Both conferences will offer Sciences Pistes some of the most fantastic opportunities to meet new and exciting people from France and the world. Menton’s upcoming MUNs create incredible opportunities to “learn about international relations,” and “expand network[s] and lifelong friendships,” according to Azadian However, aside from the cerebral rewards of conference participation, “debating with a stunning view of the Mediterranean right outside your window is not such a bad thing either!” Jabri correctly puts it when she states, “Get ready for the first intercampus event of the year, located on the beautiful Riviera, where you will have the opportunity to debate, create memories [and] share your experience!” SPMUN will be held in Menton from the 11th to 13th of November, 2022, and MEDMUN will be held from the 31st of March to 2nd of April, 2023.

The Menton Times is Sciences Po Menton’s student-run newspaper. While we publish weekly issues in the spirit of journalism, our focus is less on breaking news and more on original perspectives, sharp commentary, and unique topics. From deep-dives into MENA politics to niche cultural pieces, film critiques, city reviews, and campus reflections, our content reflects the variety of the writers behind it. We’re simply a group of students who care about words, ideas, and crafting meaningful, personal pieces. Whether you want to write regularly, contribute occasionally, or help shape the editorial vision of the newspaper, there’s a place for you in our team. This year we aim to expand our reach—through a digital mailing list, broader contributor base, and more Menton-centered content than ever. So, if you’ve got something to say—-or have just been waiting for an excuse to write it—the Menton Times is ready to hear it! Founded in 2021, the publication is entirely undergraduate-led. The Menton Times offers a wide scope of quality content and has opportunities for students with interests ranging from reporting, editing, design, photography, website development, and more. The Menton Times est le journal étudiant de Sciences Po Menton. Bien que nous publiions des numéros hebdomadaires dans un esprit journalistique, notre objectif n’est pas tant l’actualité brûlante que les perspectives originales, les commentaires incisifs et les sujets uniques. Des analyses approfondies sur la politique du Moyen-Orient et de l’Afrique du Nord aux articles culturels de niche, critiques de films, chroniques urbaines ou réflexions sur la vie du campus, notre contenu reflète la diversité des voix qui le composent. Nous sommes simplement un groupe d’étudiants passionnés par les mots, les idées, et la création de textes personnels et percutants. Que vous souhaitiez écrire régulièrement, contribuer de temps à autre ou participer à l’élaboration de la ligne éditoriale du journal, vous avez toute votre place dans notre équipe. Cette année, nous souhaitons élargir notre portée — grâce à une newsletter numérique, une base de contributeurs plus large et un contenu encore plus centré sur Menton. Alors, si vous avez quelque chose à dire — ou si vous attendiez justement une excuse pour l’écrire — The Menton Times est prêt à vous lire ! Fondée en 2021, la publication est entièrement dirigée par des étudiants de premier cycle. The Menton Times propose une large gamme de contenus de qualité et offre des opportunités aux étudiants intéressés par le journalisme, la rédaction, la correction, le design, la photographie, le développement web, et bien plus encore. Managing Board 2025/26 Rebecca Canton Editor in Chief & Head of Website Design Rebecca is a second year student, majoring in Politics & Government with a concentration in law. Her interests lie in international law and modern history, and she particularly likes writing cultural pieces. At the Menton Times, Rebecca is the proud Editor in Chief and also head of Website Design. Pracheth Sanka Managing Editor Pracheth is a Politics and Government major on the dual degree with Columbia. He is interested in foreign policy, law and U.S. politics, while enjoying writing about sports and culture as well. He is happy to be this years Managing Editor and looks forward to expanding the scope of the publication. Stanimir Stoyanov English Copy Chief Stanimir is a Politics and Government major and eager to be a Copy Chief at Menton Times this year. Mainly engaged with diplomacy, migration and economics, he is excited to work together with incoming talents passionate about journalism. Melissa Çevikel English Copy Chief Melissa is a second year Political Humanities major. She is interested in sociology and Middle Eastern history, with her pieces mostly focusing on pop- culture and entertainment. Lubin Parisien French Copy Chief Lubin est dans la majeure PolGov. Prêt à débusquer la politique partout où elle se cache, il ne mord pas ses mots contre le fascisme et ses sbires, bien qu’il vive parmi eux en Côte d’Azur. Sinon, il divague dans le monde des idées et fait des commentaires grinçants sur les articles en français du Menton Times avant la parution. Ema Nevřelová Head of Photography Ema is a PolGov major with a sharp eye for activism. When she's not behind the lens or in lectures, you'll find her either deep in the latest from The Guardian or researching Creative Commons photos. Viktorie Voriskova Head of Marketing Viktorie is in her second year of her bachelor’s studies at Sciences Po Menton, majoring in Economics and Society. She has been writing stories and articles since high school, and in her free time, she enjoys reading, preferably with an iced Americano in hand.

As more French social media users engaged in the MeToo trend and shared their stories, controversy followed — with even some women in the French entertainment industry condemning the movement. < Back Harvey Weinstein and French MeToo Movement By Peyton Dashiell January 31, 2023 Following weeks of heavy and emotional testimony from over 40 defendants, American film mogul Harvey Weinstein was convicted of one count of rape and two counts of sexual assault in the case that spearheaded the 2017 MeToo movement. Weinstein’s accusers, including actresses Gwyneth Paltrow, Selma Hayek and Rose McGowan, have alleged that Weinstein used his power and connections in the entertainment industry over several decades to rape and coerce women into sex. If his victims chose to pursue justice, they were met with threats of an industry blacklist and a ruined career. While the phrase “MeToo” was coined in 2007 by activist Tarana Burke, the current MeToo movement began in 2017, when actress Alyssa Milano asked women who had been sexually assaulted to spread the phrase on social media to illustrate the gravity and frequency of the issue. The movement led to millions of social media users sharing their stories of rape and sexual assault, several high profile terminations of alleged abusers in business, entertainment and politics, and a reignited cultural and legal conversation surrounding sexual assault, consent and coercion. Legally, the movement led to a ban on non-disclosure agreements in several states — Weinstein’s assistant could not speak out for decades due to a hush contract. In Congress, Representative Jackie Speier introduced the Member and Employee Training and Oversight on Congress Act (METOO Act) to change the way the federal government handles sexual harassment and assault reports. MeToo quickly spread globally through social media, and in France, Twitter users began to use the hashtags MoiAussi, NousToutes, and Balancetonporc. The former two are an equivalent to the English MeToo, and the latter a controversial call for women to publicly name their abusers. As more French social media users engaged in the movement and shared their stories, controversy followed — with even some women in the French entertainment industry condemning the movement. In the newspaper Le Monde, 100 women led by actress Catherine Deneuve signed an open letter denouncing MeToo, characterizing it as a puritan American export with no relevance to the French tradition. While French social media users continued to share their stories, the movement failed to gain significant momentum for several years. However, MeToo was propelled in France in 2019 after public accusations were made by actors Adele Hanael and Valentine Monnier against director Roman Polanski and several others. For the first time since the advent of the French movement, significant professional consequences were brought against an industry professional accused of rape. Polanski’s new film, “An Officer and A Spy,” halted promotion, and the ARP director’s guild began the process of suspending Polanski. This year, the Cesar Awards, scheduled for February 24 in Paris, will ban any actors or film industry workers who have committed sexual violence out of respect for the victims. But what explains the relatively delayed spread of MeToo in France compared to the United States? And has the movement been effective in either country? Many attribute the cold reception of MeToo in France to a culture that often separates personal transgressions from professional life. An anonymous 2A theorized that this variance comes from differing attitudes in France towards gender roles – “in France, it’s often expected for a man to pursue a woman until the woman directly objects, and it is considered less inappropriate to make advances even in contexts like the workplace.” While the relative outrage in the United States over MeToo may lead one to think that the movement experienced wide success, many abusers still hold high status.Men like Harvey Weinstein, Bill Cosby and R Kelly have been almost universally denounced for their crimes. Yet, confessed rapists like, most-followed Instagram user globally Cristiano Ronaldo have enjoyed new heights of fame and shirked responsibility for sexual assault offenses that they explicitly admit to. Weinstein’s conviction and sentencing may be a watershed moment in a new era of accountability, but there is still much work to be done to remove abusers from positions of power and success.

< Back Turning Red or Blue? The Impact of the Presidential Debate on Undecided Voters Viktorie Voriskova September 30, 2024 Two candidates. Red and Blue. Ninety minutes that could have decided the direction the whole world will be heading in for the next four years… What were the consequences? On Sept. 10, at 9 p.m. EDT, the presidential debate between the Republican candidate Donald Trump and the Democratic candidate Kamala Harris took place on ABC News . As the debate approached, high anxiety and nervous anticipation flooded America. It was the first time presidential candidates met in a debate setting after the debacle that the world witnessed on June 24—the debate between the previous Democratic candidate, current American President Joe Biden, who withdrew from the race on July 2, and Donald Trump. Ever since the fiasco of the June debate, which was one of the main reasons that President Joe Biden decided to drop out of the race for the next presidential term, all eyes have been on Kamala Harris, the current vice president of the United States. Before the debate, Harris had appeared publicly during her numerous rallies and solo interviews, which she has given over the last few weeks. However, the general electorate still felt they needed to get to know the Democratic nominee more. A New York Times/Siena College poll stated that 28% of likely voters and 31% of registered voters expressed this sentiment. These numbers were glaringly high compared to how the electorate felt about the Republican candidate—only nine percent of the people questioned claimed that they needed to get to know Trump better. This statistic was of special importance, especially in regards to the so-called “swing states” —states in the United States of America that don't always “turn Red” or “turn Blue.” Among these “swing states” almost all sources listed the following: Arizona, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Georgia, and Nevada , possibly also Florida, which has been won two times by each party in the most recent four elections, always by a margin no bigger than two percent . It is very often the case, as can be seen from both the 2016 and the 2020 Presidential elections, that these few states may impact the final result of the presidential race. It was Arizona, Georgia, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin that all “turned blue,” which gave Biden the necessary electoral college votes to win the election. This gains even more significance with how tight the election currently seems to be: in a poll conducted by the Pew Research Centre during the days before the debate, about an equal percentage (49% of registered voters) claimed they would vote for Trump while an identical share would vote for Harris. Both candidates had a chance to present themselves, as well as their prospective policies, and show to the not-yet-decided voters that they were the right choice for them. Did they manage that? Right after the debate, Harris gained a five percent point lead among registered voters, just above the four-point advantage she had over Trump in an Aug. 21-28 Reuters/Ipsos poll . Another announcement, made within the first day after the debate, claimed that Vice-President Harris' campaign had raised $47 million in the 24 hours . Furthermore, there is clear evidence that confidence in Trump's victory is faltering within the stock market.hares of Trump’s company that owns the social media platform “Truth Social” slumped by 14% as betting odds of a win for Harris grew after the debate. Additionally, Trump Media & Technology (of which Trump owns more than 50%) slumped by 60% ever since mid-July, when Kamala Harris replaced Joe Biden as the Democratic candidate. Another slump was in TMTG's market value—it had jumped as much as $9.2 billion as expectations of a Trump victory rose early in the presidential race, mostly after he crossed the delegate threshold necessary to win the nomination, which is 1,215 votes . However, after Sept. 10, the stock has slumped 76% compared to its peak in March. Therefore, after the debate, there has been a clear shift of support towards Harris and, as shown by the major stock slums, a loss of trust in a possible Trump victory. However, how does all of this affect swing states and the electorate? In other words, did this debate have any real impact on the not-yet-decided voters? Before delving into analyses, a couple of facts about the electorate need to be established for the real power of the “swing-states” to be made clear. It is important to acknowledge that Trump's base of support is solid and has a strong core in Texas, Alaska, Louisiana, Arkansas, and other states that “turn Red” in (almost) every election. This all means that Trump has a solid base of electoral college votes that he is almost certainly going to get from Texas. This will likely be the consequential 40, which is the overall biggest number of votess. However, Democrats also have their strongholds, especially on both the West and the East Coast, with New York, New Jersey, California, Oregon and Washington almost always voting Democratic at least in the last 4 elections and bringing in a significant number of electoral college votes on their own. Therefore, both candidates are confident about a large amount of electoral votes and are now fighting over the not-even-third of the electoral votes that are left. Now, onto the analysis of the debate. Harris balanced several more liberal stances with more conservative ones, which is a staple of her strategy: attempting to present herself as a candidate that represents the values of a wide range of people. Harris continued to reinforce the argument, which she has been repeating for the last four weeks of the campaign, that Donald Trump is not a person that can be trusted on any major issue, be it abortion, the war in Ukraine, the Israel-Hamas war or any other polarizing problem. She also made a strong statement about arms ownership, saying that she “is a gun owner ”, which is controversial for many Americans. However, it goes to show that she has certain conservative values that could help her lure in undecided voters who are more on the right side of the political spectrum. Furthermore, right after the debate, Harris flew over to North Carolina, a state that has voted Republican in three out of the last four elections, where she amassed over 10,000 Democratic supporters . This is a part of the Democratic strategy of entertaining rallies “on a wide map, ” which, as her administration team admits, is costly. Nevertheless, it allows Harris to try and lure electoral votes even from counties that have predominantly voted “Red” in the last four years, as North Carolina did. On the other hand, Trump has mainly stuck to the narrative of connecting Harris with the Biden administration, talking about inflation and blaming it, as well as the slow job-opportunity growth, on the Democrats and her. Furthermore, he also took a strong stance on international politics—reinforcing the refusal to be a part of NATO if other member states don't spend the demanded two percent of their GDP on defense. Additionally, Trump’s advisers see one of the most efficient electoral paths to the White House in holding onto North Carolina while winning back Pennsylvania and Georgia, battleground states won by President Biden in 2020. This shows that the Republican strategy is much more focused compared to the Democratic one. This allows Trump to take a more specific stance towards his potential voters, which is exactly what he did during the presidential debate—demonizing Democrats, spreading lies about their policies and convincing the audience that the only path to economic growth and stability is voting red. So, how big can the impact of the debate on the undecided voters be? Charu Chanana, global market strategist at the investment platform Saxo, claims that "The U.S. Presidential debate achieved its goal by providing a decisive edge to one of the candidates in what has been an exceptionally close race.” On the other hand, Michelle Goldberg, a columnist in the New York Times stated, “I fundamentally don’t believe that people whose minds aren’t made up in this election are waiting to hear a certain policy position. If you’re making up your mind between voting for Kamala Harris and voting for Donald Trump, you are somebody who probably doesn’t care a lot about politics or pay a lot of attention to politics.” In short, we can say the debate was successful in drawing support for Harris and a speed bump for the Trump campaign. However, these statistics still say very little about the real number of people that this event has convinced to vote one way or another. Trump and Harris have very contrasting opinions and stances on controversial issues, making it clear for many people who of the two to vote for, or rather who to definitely not vote for. Therefore, it is difficult to say if a single debate was enough to convince the undecided voters if they have not decided yet, after several long months of campaigns. However, its overall impact is difficult to tell and we will have to wait until Nov. 5 to see if the debate, campaigning and interactivity have been fruitful for either candidate.

< Back Chemical Weapons Used on Pro-Palestine Students at Columbia University By Selin Elif Kose February 29, 2024 On Jan. 19, students from Columbia University assembled in front of Low Library for a “divestment now” rally. The pro-Palestine protest was organized by the Columbia University Apartheid Divest, which is a coalition of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP). Howev er, after the protest, multiple students reported a putrid smell on their clothes, followed by physical symptoms including nausea, headache, and burning eyes for ten students, three of whom later sought medical care. Yet, the administration stayed silent which was quite unusual as Columbia sends alert emails for even small crimes like robberies around campus. Lacking administrative support, the Columbia University Apartheid Divest took the matter into its own hands and started an internal investigation into the incident by collecting testimonies, photographs, and videos from the students at the protest. According to the results of this inquiry and medical reports from hospitals, protestors were sprayed with skunk water, which is known to be a chemical that smells like “sewage mixed with rotting corpses,” and has been used by Israeli soldiers on Palestinians. This chemical was developed by the Israeli company Odortec and is marketed as non-lethal and non-toxic, yet high doses of this can produce severe physical symptoms and, at worst, may even prove lethal. The attackers were students from the School of General Studies who were also former Israel Defense Force soldiers dressed in fake keffiyehs to mix with the crowd. It was later revealed that one of the attackers also had been previously reported as calling Palestinian and pro-Palestine students “terrorists” and “Jew killers” but was not sanctioned. After four days of silence, on Jan. 23, Interim Provost Dennis A. Mitchell issued a statement saying “After the Department of Public Safety received an initial complaint late Friday night, the University immediately initiated steps to investigate the incident, and has since been actively working with local and federal authorities. The New York City Police Department is taking the lead role in investigating what appear to have been serious crimes, possibly hate crimes.” This vague statement faced serious criticism as it lacked transparency and simply did not identify the details and the sides in this incident while also not proposing any alternative safety measures for students. However, this is not the first time the Columbia and Barnard administrations failed to protect the pro-Palestine students on campus and their rights. Notably, three weeks after the Oct. 7 attack, the Department of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Barnard College released a statement on their official website declaring their stance on the conflict and said, “We support the Palestinian people who have resisted settler colonial war, occupation, and apartheid for over 75 years while deploring Hamas’s recent killing of Israeli civilians.” Just two days later, this statement was removed from the website by the Barnard administration without prior notice. This violation of academic freedom and freedom of expression in Barnard sparked protests in other American universities. Yet, Barnard refused to take a step back and altered their policies on political activity, website governance, and campus events, expanding their power to decide what is and isn’t considered permitted political speech and gaining the final say on everything published on the Barnard website. The censorship and limitations on freedom of speech were further followed by the banning of student organizations, Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) by University Director Minouche Shafik in November. This was the reason why Columbia University's Apartheid Divest was created in the first place. The New York Civil Liberties Union has publicly announced that they will be suing Columbia if they will not lift the suspension of SJP and JVP by March 1. The investigation by the NYPD still is ongoing but the victims are still frustrated by the lack of response from their university. The students who were hospitalized because of skunk spray shared that the Columbia administration refuses to reimburse their medical bills. This whole situation remains highly concerning both for student safety and the future of freedom of expression on campus.

According to the erroneous idea we have of philosophy as a discipline totally detached from reality and concreteness, rooted in something metaphysical transcending the tangible world,  Hegel should be considered an anti-philosopher. < Back Aufhebung: The Importance of Hegel's Philosophy in Today's World By Francesca Di Muro October 31, 2023 "I then thought that Hegel would have been very sensitive to this object which has two opposing functions: at the same time not to admit any water (repelling it) and to admit it (containing it) . He would have been delighted, I think, or amused (as on vacation), and I call the painting Hegel's Holiday." - René Magritte According to the erroneous idea we have of philosophy as a discipline totally detached from reality and concreteness, rooted in something metaphysical transcending the tangible world, Hegel should be considered an anti-philosopher. However, there is nothing more embedded in reality than philosophy, and not a more perfect philosopher than Hegel. Careful in refulging any abstract reasoning, he brilliantly highlights reality’s shades and its dynamics. This article has no intention of being a description of Hegel’s philosophy. It has, rather, the mission of showing a Hegelian perspective on our reality, who we are, our lives and our beings. Hegel’s fundamental philosophical trait is its dialectic, which configures itself firstly as a universal law of beings. Born from the refusal of rigid binary logic, it has a triadic configuration. Reality is made up of three different stages, which interact reciprocally, and are in movement and strict correlation. These movements are referred to as thesis, antithesis and synthesis. The thesis is the affirmation, while the antithesis is its negation and the synthesis is no more than the union of both thesis and antithesis; the combination of the negation of what used to be the thesis’ negation (antithesis) and its affirmation. The most important passage is the one from the antithesis to the synthesis; it is the main nucleus of the reflection that is collocated. The synthesis, which etymologically means union of two, is a combination of two paradoxes, holding together parts of the thesis and parts of the antithesis, according to the key concept we refer to as Aufhebung . This German term has no perfect correspondent in other languages, and is often translated to the English term of ‘overpassing’ or ‘to surpass’, in order to convey the idea of overcoming certain parts of the thesis and antithesis; to give birth to a synthesis as union of both. The moment of synthesis, in fact, is also described as overpassing in the sense that it isn’t merely limited to the reaffirmation of the thesis, but to its integration with the negative parts of the antithesis. This is the nucleus of the concept of Aufhebung: an ‘elimination that keeps traces of what is eliminating’, the eradication of the antithesis but the permanence of its experience. And this is where Hegel’s philosophy meets our beings, our lives and our own relations, with things, peoples and ourselves. In what sense? By keeping us aware of the importance of the ‘negative’; of the ‘positivity’ of its role. By putting in contact and enhancing the dialogue between oppositions, the antithesis makes the differences edificant, telling us that the reality is in continuous movement, with encounters to different elements of tragedy, conflict, and defeat. However, it gives energy to them, hence encapsulating their dynamism. Defeat is essential and integral to our reality, through which we acquire knowledge and experience. In other words, defeat is something through which we grow; we develop the synthesis of who we are. The negative is seen as no more than the other side of positive. Through the moment of the synthesis, we can let all of our contradictions coexist, breathe and develop. After a tormented experience, the process of synthesis allows us to regain our identity, creating a certain unity from an initial fragmentation. We, humans, comprehend beauty only after having faced its contrary painfully. And, perhaps, if we learn to see the negative this way, contradictions will find their place in and outside of ourselves, giving meaning to our sufferings and directions to our pains in a superior perspective of unity. In this sense, Magritte’s quote at the top acquires meaning, giving value to both the thesis and the antithesis in defining one’s identity and one’s perspective.

“In each newspaper, you encounter accounts of incredible queerness. For our writers these occurrences are fantastical, and Their Lords do not even want to take them into consideration, whilst they are the reality in itself, because they consist of random events. Who would want to observe, to elucidate and to register them? Events as such are consumed continuously, day by day, and are not exceptions. All of the reality passes us incessantly.” < Back News: Informative or Desensitizing? Amer El Ibrahim February 28, 2025 News. They are everywhere. Opening up our phones, news inundates us immediately. Watching the TV has become a sine qua non means to propagate news intensely, perpetually, with no rest or response. Relatives and loved ones get together in this ridiculous and quite tragic game, filling the void of the silences one always encounters in day-to-day inter-human relationships with some novelty that has happened somewhere: “Have you heard that…?” One really ought to wonder whether these reported occurrences should actually be disseminated or not and whether their spread affects our means to reason and feel in a positive or negative manner. News, as in the reported occurrences distributed by newspapers, social media, TV and so forth, could be well regarded as a means to a greater end. After all, one can know through trusted sources about the atrocities of the Israelis in Gaza, the genocides in Myanmar, the fall of the Boeing plane in South Korea, the casualties and evolution of the war in Ukraine, and the list goes on endlessly. On a more microcosmic level, one is deemed to find out about the local murderer/rapist/pedophile of the country or region one lives in, along with a thorough exploration of their psyche by verified “experts”. Indeed, this showcase of evil, decay, misery, death and injustice, may alight in some the desire to fight against this aesthetic of ugliness type of spectacle (graced by Baudelaire). And on a grander level, it is exactly this news that indirectly creates associations and NGOs that fight the darkness of this world—a rare case of nobility being born out of despair and suffering. However, to my naked eye, this category of noble warriors is or seems an outright minority. For the rest of us mortals, negative news provides a blessed opportunity for morbid entertainment. One feels a type of fear and trembling when one hears about a terrible train accident near one’s city, but, simultaneously, one also feels a certain delight that they were not on that train, that they survived and the others did not. Moreover, the majority of news conveys tragic events, not because of higher ideals but because that is what the public demands . The negativity bias is not an appendage of the pessimist, but a real phenomenon that affects all of us. We are, indeed, much more moved by death rather than the blooming of a flower. Adding to this propensity for negativity which is very much indulged by the rule of supply and demand, the pervasiveness of news in our lives not only entertains us but desensitizes us to the spectacle that life offers us daily. How could one be moved intrinsically by the bleak and silent suffering of the poor pensioner, the next-corner beggar, the lone mother or the common orphan in times when we hear constantly about the piles of corpses gathered in Palestine and Ukraine, the deaths of thousands in floods and earthquakes and the genocides that sporadically occur in Africa or Asia? This is the perfect recipe for bleakness through over-shadowing events. So much death and suffering, yet one remains completely detached from this debacle. Then the following question must be asked: How does one benefit from being a third-party witness to such atrocities? The grandiosity of all these major events that usually happen somewhere far away adds another dimension: magical realism. Through their distance from us, they become almost fabulous events that seem to be spurned out of the fantasy of an imaginative child rather than from the outside reality. Such events are the reality in all of its randomness, cruelty and fugitive play, not a dream-like theater of forces outside of our grasp. This prevalence of negative news has developed and enhanced a spiritual organ or mechanism with which we have already been endowed. This organ acts to rebut such events from our consciousness, which, by the rule of chance and luck, could have regarded us in their course, but which have not. Thus, to achieve this, this organ places such events in the land of the fabulous and magical, even though they might seem to the helpless reason as real as they can get. The heart, as Pascal would say, has a completely different reasoning. This organ also allows a steady march through life, as it diminishes the effect the surrounding human suffering has on us. It is as if one is gently tased, but no more than what someone with an auditive prosthesis could hear. This probl é matique posed by news has been identified since its beginnings almost 200 years ago, by writers such as Dostoyevski or Flaubert. A quote by the former is edifying in this sense: “In each newspaper, you encounter accounts of incredible queerness. For our writers these occurrences are fantastical, and Their Lords do not even want to take them into consideration, whilst they are the reality in itself, because they consist of random events. Who would want to observe, to elucidate and to register them? Events as such are consumed continuously, day by day, and are not exceptions. All of the reality passes us incessantly.” On an ending note, there is no clear path to take regarding news. Out of the pendulum of either/or presented above, a middle way seems to prevail: moderation in the consumption of news. Elimination is impossible, while overindulging is mental and sentimental castration. And one more thing: let us see reality through our own eyes and in itself (as much as one can, thanks Kant!), not through the lens of statistics, assertions or real but miraculous occurrences. Photo credits: Miguel Ángel Arreguin Padilla, 2022

< Back Donald Trump vs The Stock Market Stanimir Stoyanov January 31, 2025 The results of the U.S. election in November 2024 have rippled across the country and the world. The election of Donald Trump has been received with both horror and joy across different fields of society. When it comes to the economy and the stock market, the implications of the election are undeniable. The day Trump was elected, the stock market saw unprecedented gains. This reignited debates about Trump's aggressive political presence and its impact on global markets. As can be seen with the way Trump’s 2024 bid shaped financial speculation, market trends are deeply intertwined with political realities. Trump’s history with the Stock Market Trump’s first term in office emanated mixed yet extreme feelings from investors. His corporate tax cuts and deregulatory agendas were simply manna for Wall Street, which reciprocated with record-breaking market highs. The Dow Jones Industrial Average soared by nearly 60% during his first presidency, with much of this growth being attributed to Trump’s pro-business rhetoric and investor-friendly policies. Still, it wasn’t all smooth sailing. Tenuous trade relations with China introduced new uncertainties with material shortages across industries. Dips in the market became commonplace where tariffs were announced, then paused, and then escalated again. Trump’s practice of using Twitter (now X) to openly express his ideas and opinions has led to an unpredictable environment due to the high level of influence his words hold. A single tweet by him could lead to a company’s stock tanking or rallying. While Trump’s first term echoed the bullish market sentiment, investors and the market also have had to deal with many uncertainties during his office. With Trump’s second term having commenced in January 2025, the market is now preparing for a second round of turbulence, while simultaneously showing enthusiasm as seen on the day of the election. The November 2024 Fallout With the 2024 election approaching, the stock market entered a period of heightened volatility. Historically markets have indicated voter attitudes in this case, some predicted a political shift due to economic instability. Prior to the election, polls showcased a very tight race, with most declaring Harris as the candidate likely to emerge from the race victorious. However, online betting sites such as Polymarket saw people betting a total of more than two billion dollars, with Trump’s odds of winning being much higher than those of his opponent, Kamala Harris. This showed that people were ready to bet their money on Trump even if the data signaled against him. As votes were being counted and Trump’s victory became imminent, the stock market began to move rapidly. Nov. 6 saw the market indicators making record gains, with the Dow Jones Industrial Average rocketing 3.6%, the S&P 500 up 2.5%, while the Nasdaq climbed nearly 3%. U.S bank shares were also on the rise, and the US dollar rose to its highest value since 2020. Still, this initial growth did not prove sustainable, with markets stabilizing around the end of November and even experiencing some losses at the end of the year. In December 2024, Jerome Powell, Head of the US Federal Reserve, stated that they expect inflation to continue rising in 2025, leading to negative reactions from the market. This act and its after-effects acted as a clear questioning of Trump’s actual influence over the market. The president-elect expressed his opposition to the Federal Reserve, raising concerns about future clashes between the two institutions and undermining Trump’s effective power over the U.S. economy. So, who was the real winner? Trump’s 2024 campaign saw him working closely with influential businessmen such as the richest person in the world, Elon Musk. Gathering increased public exposure and support in large part due to the popularity and social media influence Musk holds, Donald Trump began shaping his campaign around the billionaire and his companies. This led Musk and his companies to make a huge profit following the election. Even though Trump’s policies suggest fewer incentives for the electric vehicle market, Musk’s Tesla Corporation saw a rise of 15% right after the election. Trump’s personal net worth also experienced a substantial increase with his company Trump Media and Technology Group, seeing an initial 30% gain, which later fell to an overall gain of 6%, increasing Trump’s personal stake by around 290 million dollars. Probably the biggest market change following Trump’s win was seen in the cryptocurrency world. Bitcoin immediately surged to an all-time high on the day of the election and then in the following weeks reached over 100,000 dollars, after which it stabilized a bit above 90,000. Ethereum and other altcoins also saw double-digit gains. There might be various factors contributing to this, many of which are connected to Trump. Firstly, analysts believe people prefer decentralized assets amidst political uncertainty. At the same time, Trump’s campaign can be described as a fruitful romance with cryptocurrency. The president-elect has expressed his passion for crypto and has stated that he wants to make the US the “crypto capital of the planet,” pledging an increase of governmental cryptocurrency funds. Additionally, he has promised his campaign supporters Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy the creation of a so-called Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), in which they will have a role in improving the government's handling of funds. Why should the world care? Being the second-largest economy in the world and a leading player in global finance, the United States and its economy have implications in many aspects of social, political and financial life outside its borders too. The day of Trump’s election had effects on markets outside the U.S.; European stocks fell almost proportionally at the rate that U.S. stocks were rising. At the same time, European defense companies saw massive gains, marking both a shift from U.S. military reliance and echoing Trump’s stern stance on Europeans needing to increase military spending. Trump’s Middle East policies and his incentivization of the U.S. domestic oil industry have resulted in oil prices across the world taking a loss, while natural gas prices have spiked. Trump’s aggressive foreign policy and protective attitude towards the U.S. economy have led to increasing fears about possible material shortages in some industries that rely on imports from countries like China. Many things remain unknown concerning Trump's second term, but the only thing certain is that it will not be a mundane one. Amid this pressing backdrop, U.S. markets must brace for a period of both market-oriented policies and uncertainty. From what can be seen, crypto investors and stock market enthusiasts are both enthusiastic and cautious. It is up to us as individuals to decide whether or not we want to capitalize on the changing market, but if we do, it is clear that we should not only follow financial data but also closely monitor the actions of one man named Donald Trump. Photo credits: Gage Skidmore and James Smith on Wikimedia.

If you ever find yourself in Turkey, pack your bags and go east. Drive through the Anatolian plateau until you can almost touch Armenia, and there you will find a piece of history: Ani. < Back Visiting Ani: The Long Lost Capital of Armenia By Viola Luraschi September 26, 2022 If you ever find yourself in Turkey, pack your bags and go east. Drive through the Anatolian plateau until you can almost touch Armenia, and there you will find a piece of history: Ani. Once the “city of 1,001 churches” and the “cosmopolitan capital of medieval Armenia,” Ani now lies in ruins, a product of war, conflict and political tensions. Ani’s early days Ani’s days as the capital of the Bagratid Armenian kingdom were numbered from the start. However, its advantageous location between the Black and the Caspian Seas, its many religious buildings and its sophisticated fortifications were able to secure it the title of capital from 961 to 1045. After the Bagrationi dynasty ruled Ani, the Byzantines took over from 1045 to 1064. The earliest ruins were found by archaeologist Mark Gioloany in 1955, dating back to the 5th century; at the time, Ani was a strategic fortress on a hilltop under the control of the Armenian Kamsarakan dynasty. Size, power and wealth made the city an important trading hub, leading to a growth in cultural capital, so much so that it became the site of the royal mausoleum of the Bagratuni kings. The city saw days of prosperity under the reign of King Gagik I that lasted from 989 to 1020, during which it was one of the largest existing cities with a population greater than 100,000. The Armenian nation found a part of its identity in Christianity, which was adopted as the state’s religion in 300 AD. Its presence is reflected in the ruins of Ani, where historians and archaeologists excavated as many as 50 churches, 33 cave chapels and 20 chapels. Scholars have argued that its gothic style later influenced the early Romanesque and Gothic designs found in many European cathedrals. Ani’s downfall Being a center of cultural exchange and economic prosperity, Ani received much attention from its neighboring states. Over the years, the 85 hectares on which Ani stands were home to numerous languages and civilizations (23), including Armenian, Greek, Turkish, Arabic, Georgian and Persian. Ani’s downfall began in 1064 when it surrendered to Persian control during Seljuk Sultan Alparslan’s 25-day siege, which slaughtered much of the city’s population. Not long after, the Seljuks sold Ani to a Muslim Kurdish dynasty, the Shaddadids. Under the Shaddadids, the people of Ani saw an attempt at reconciliation. However, the populace appealed to the Christian Kingdom of Georgia, which was able to capture the city a total of five times between 1124 and 1209. The first three times, Ani was recaptured by the Shaddadids. However, when it was taken in 1199 by Queen Tamar of Georgia, it was placed in the tight grip of generals Zakare and Ivane, who established control under a new dynasty: the Zakarids. During the reign of the Zakarids, Ani saw prosperity once more through further fortifications and an increase in religious buildings. While the Mongols failed to gain control of the city in 1226, they were successful in 1236 when they massacred a large portion of the population. By the 14th century, however, Ani was under the reign of a succession of Turkish dynasties. Through the years of Turkish rule, the Jalayirids and the Kara Koyunlu were the only two dynasties that made Ani their capital. The 1319 earthquake further destabilized the city by reducing the infrastructure to shambles. When the capital finally transferred to Yerevan, Ani lost most of its wealth and power. The city joined the Ottoman Empire in 1579 under the rule of the Safavids; by then, only a tiny fraction of the town remained inside the walls, and by 1735, the last monks left the monastery in the Virgin’s Fortress or Kizkalesi. Ani was left abandoned. Modern day Ani Few make their way to what was once the great city of Ani. In the second half of the 20th century, tourists stayed away from the geopolitical fault line on which Ani stood; the land between North Atlantic Treaty Organization member Turkey and Soviet-controlled Armenia. For many Armenians, Ani is yet another reminder of what the Turkish took from them. I made my way to Ani in July of 2022. Upon arrival, the old city walls are the first thing you see — colossal walls made of large boulders, big enough to make anyone feel small. Aside from my family and me, there were only two other tourists and a few locals. Ani lacks attention and restoration; once beautiful churches are now being covered in weeds, the affreschi on the walls have been scratched and written on and a few pieces of wood pretend to prevent the remaining structures from collapsing. Once a city of cultural exchange and economic prosperity, Ani is now a place of loss and mourning for the Armenian nation and a strategic advantage for the Turkish. If you ever manage to explore Ani, I suggest you visit during the last light of day, when the sun shines a little more orange, bringing out the reds and yellows of the local basalt stone.

< Back Daring More Progress: Freedom, Justice, and Sustainability are Germany's new Leitmotifs. Florian Heydecker December 31, 2021 On November 24, the Social Democratic Pary (SPD), the Greens, and the Liberal Party (FDP) presented the coalition agreement for the next four years of government. The paper is the result of almost two months of negotiations that aimed at forming the first three-party coalition and the first government after sixteen years of Angela Merkel. Two weeks later, Olaf Scholz, SPD candidate and Minister of Finance in the previous government, was elected Bundeskanzler (Chancellor) and took office on December 8. Now Germany has a new leader, a new government, and a new agenda. The parties called their coalition ‘traffic light’ referring to their colors: red for SPD, yellow for the FDP, and the Greens. Briefly, the traffic-light coalition will increase the minimum wage, respect the balanced budget amendment, implement the coal phase-out, and legalize cannabis. Post-Merkel Germany will revolve around these new axes. Voting rights & Cannabis The new government is committed to lowering the active voting age for elections to the Bundestag and the European Parliament to 16. The traffic light coalition also wants to revise the electoral law “within the first year” to prevent the Bundestag from growing. Furthermore, the government wants to introduce the controlled distribution of cannabis to adults “for consumption purposes” in licensed stores. This reform would supervise quality, prevent the distribution of contaminated substances and ensure the protection of minors. The regulations for marketing and sponsorship of alcohol, nicotine, and cannabis will become more restrictive. Minimum wage & Housing The statutory minimum wage should increase to 12 euros per hour in a one-off adjustment, hence overcoming the current wage of 9.60 euros per hour. The minimum wage commission is then to decide on further increases and adapt it to the national and international circumstances. In addition, the coalition agreement outlines the goal of building 400,000 new homes per year, including 100,000 publicly subsidized homes. An “affordable housing alliance” will be established, and a new non-profit housing scheme with tax incentives and investment subsidies is to be launched immediately. The rent brake will be extended and tightened. In areas with a tight housing market, rents will be allowed to rise only up to 11 percent within three years instead of up to 15 percent as before. Climate The traffic light coalition wants to bring forward the coal phase-out. “Ideally, this will already succeed by 2030,” the agreement said. This eight-year process will revolve around the expansion of wind and solar power. By 2030, 80% of electricity consumption is to come from renewable energies. This will require more gas-fired power plants. The partners want to more than the triple solar capacity to 200 gigawatts (GW), by making photovoltaics mandatory on commercial roofs, among other things. They also want to accelerate the expansion of offshore wind energy, which is to climb to 30 GW in 2030 (previously 20 GW). Two percent of Germany's surface area is to be reserved for onshore wind energy. The phase-out of coal is also to be accelerated via European trading in CO2 pollution rights. The coalition, therefore, intends to lobby the European Union (EU) for a minimum price for these certificates, which power plants require. If this is unsuccessful, it will be fixed nationally such that the price does not fall below 60 euros per ton. In the future, climate protection will be more strongly integrated into the decisions of the German government than in the past. Each ministry is to review its draft laws for climate impact and compatibility with national climate protection targets and provide an appropriate justification — the so-called climate check. The Federal Climate Protection Act will be further developed “consistently” before the end of 2022, and an emergency climate protection program will be introduced. Nuclear weapons The new federal government wants to abandon Germany's fundamental rejection of the United Nations Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons and thus deviate from the previous. Germany will participate in the Conference of the Parties as an observer. The controversial treaty banning nuclear weapons was adopted by 122 of the 193 countries of the United Nations in 2017 and entered into force at the beginning of this year. It prohibits the possession, acquisition, development, and deployment of nuclear weapons. All nuclear powers, as well as all NATO countries, and thus also Germany, have so far rejected it because they considered the previous treaties to be a better basis for nuclear disarmament. Transport Starting next year, the regional funds for local transportation will be increased. Quality criteria and standards for services and accessibility for urban and rural areas will be defined by both the federal states and local authorities together. Deutsche Bahn AG will be retained as an integrated group, including the group's internal labor market, under public ownership. Internal structures will be made more efficient and transparent. The infrastructure units (DB Netz, DB Station und Service) of Deutsche Bahn AG will be merged into a “new infrastructure division oriented toward the common good.” Cross-border traffic will be strengthened and night train services developed with the EU and the member states. By 2030, 75 percent of the rail network is to be electrified. Germany aims to become the lead market for electromobility, with at least 15 million electric cars in 2030. The SPD, Greens, and FDP also want a reform of the truck toll. In 2023, a “CO2 differentiation” of the truck toll is to be implemented. Commercial road haulage of three and a half tons or more will be included in this toll, and a CO2 surcharge will also be introduced — on condition that a double burden from the CO2 price is ruled out. Migration and right to stay Visa issuance is to be accelerated and increasingly digitized. Residence permits should not expire during temporary stays abroad. The “complicated system of toleration” is to be reorganized. “Well-integrated young people,” up to the age of 27, will be allowed to stay after three years of residence in Germany. People who have lived in Germany for five years by January 1, 2022, have not committed any criminal offenses, and are committed to the free democratic basic order will be able to obtain a one-year probationary residence permit. For faster asylum procedures, the new coalition wants to relieve the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees. “We want faster decisions in asylum proceedings, as well as a standardization of jurisdiction and will quickly present a bill to this end,” the three parties announced. Financing The Balanced Budget Amendment enshrined in the Basic Law is to be complied with again starting in 2023. In the coming year, however, new loans will have to be taken out again due to the ongoing consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. Municipalities with high levels of old debt are to be relieved. “In 2022, there will also be continuing pandemic consequences to deal with, which will continue to constitute an exceptional emergency in the sense of the debt rule,” the agreement said. “Beginning in 2023, we will then limit debt to the constitutional margin provided by the debt brake and comply with the debt brake requirements.” Foreign Policy The signal of continuity in German foreign policy could not have been clearer. At the G20 summit in Rome, Chancellor Angela Merkel (CDU) and her vice-chancellor and successor Olaf Scholz (SPD) took part in a virtual duet and completed all the important talks together. The administration of U.S. President Joe Biden continues to rely on a strong Germany that assumes responsibility within the EU, NATO, and the international community. The U.S. will pay particular attention to how the new German government positions itself vis-à-vis China and Russia. Washington D.C. is pushing for a more confrontational approach to its strategic rival, whereas Merkel's government has tended to focus on dialogue and good trade relations. As for China, Merkel is already sorely missed in Beijing because she spoke her mind honestly, but also always showed understanding for China and pursued a more business-oriented China policy. Beijing hopes that Scholz is also aware of how dependent Germany is on economic cooperation with China. Yet, the Greens and the FDP not only want to do more for human rights, including the persecution of Uyghurs and Tibetans and the situation in Hong Kong but also advocate free trade and fair market access. This last aspect resonates well with the increasing tensions between Beijing and the U.S. Further developments will become more visible in the future. Back to Europe, Russia does not expect a fundamental improvement in its relationship with Germany given the severe tensions of recent years. Moscow-based Germany expert Vladislav Belov, however, expects the chancellor to continue to set the foreign policy lines. He does not see a new confrontational course under Scholz. “The coalitionists are not starting from ‘red lines’ but a constructive approach,” said the head of the Germany Center at the European Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences. On the other hand, Turkey will likely face a tougher course from the new German government concerning human rights issues and the EU-Turkey refugee deal. Both SPD and the Greens are committed to emphasizing the respect of human rights and the right to asylum. Concerning Israel, a policy of continuity can be expected from the traffic light government as a whole. The new government is also committed to a two-state solution in the Middle East. Meanwhile, Palestinians are expected to make “progress on democracy, the rule of law and human rights.” Israel is expected to halt settlement expansion in the Palestinian territories and, hence, promote a future peace settlement. Finally, the EU expects a solid continuation of Merkel’s European commitment. With the SPD, the Greens, and the FDP as pro-European parties, Paris expects a certain continuity of previous German policies. Scholz, as an already well-known and experienced politician, gives Paris a certain degree of security and is seen as a desirable partner. Some concerns might arise due to different views between the Greens and the FDP. France also observes the way Germany will combine climate investments and strict debt policy. The strengthening of the collaboration with Italy has also become a further point of the EU balance. Thus, the new German government entails both continuity and rupture with the Merkel era. Although Olaf Scholz should preserve, if not even strengthen, Germany’s transatlantic and European commitment, the coalition will adopt a more liberal line for national politics and a harder approach with regards to human rights and the rule of law abroad. Post-Merkel Germany has taken its first steps, the race has just begun.

< Back Frontex : The EU Agency That Has Been Accused of Covering up Illegal Migrant Pushbacks By Viola Luraschi December 31, 2022 What is Frontex? The European Border and Coast Guard Agency, also known as Frontex, was established in 2004 under the European Union to help members and Schengen-associated countries manage their external frontiers. European borders have witnessed an unprecedented rise in asylum-seeking migrants and refugees in recent years. Thus, Warsaw-based Frontex, tasked with coordinating maritime operations and external land borders, has served as a prominent presence at several international union-country airports. The accusations against Frontex On April 29, 2022, the resignation of Fabrice Leggeri, former Director General of Frontex, was approved. The resignation followed an in-depth investigation by OLAF, the European Anti-Fraud Office, whose European Union-designated role is to combat illegal activities. The inquiry found the agency guilty of “harassment” and “misconduct.” Frontex was accused of playing a role in violating the fundamental rights of refugees in Greece by forcing the return of migrants. The Frontex reporting system has concealed numerous pushbacks in the Aegean sea, and in the words of Giorgios Christides, “between March 2020 and September 2021 (the agency) was involved in 222 incidents in the Aegean, resulting in the summary expulsion of at least 957 and potentially 8,355 asylum seekers.” The OLAF reports include 20 witnesses and over 120 pages of research conducted over 16 months. A pushback case that underlines the illegal actions of Frontex dates back to August 2020. On the morning of Aug. 5, the Greek Coast Guard dragged an inflatable raft with around 30 migrants back toward Turkey instead of taking them to Greek shores where they were headed. In one of many similar cases, an aircraft operated by Frontex was streaming the pushback live. A handwritten note on Nov. 16, 2020, by Frontex employees states that they had “withdrawn [their] FSA (Frontex Surveillance Aircraft) some time ago so as not to witness” the human rights violations. This statement clearly shows that the European Union agency was aware of the violations but instead decided to ignore the situation that it was established to prevent. Furthermore, the report included evidence that taxpayer money was used to fund the pushbacks. The Aug. 5 incident was led by the vessel “CPB 137,” which was co-owned by the agency. Leggeri was also accused of obstructing previous investigations regarding his agency’s illegal activity. Furthermore, his private messages revealed his conservative beliefs about the refugee crisis. Samuel Abraham: a personal account On Apr. 10, 2021, Samuel Abraham and 62 other people left the Libyan shore in a small rubber boat. Out of the 63 people who set off on the journey, only 51 were alive by the end. Abraham recounted, “the plane circled over our heads again and again, but no one helped us.” This plane was operated by Frontex, who witnessed the perilous situation below but refused to act. Moreover, he said that during their five days at sea, a cargo ship appeared; however, no help was offered, and the three people who jumped from the boat in attempts to reach the vessel failed and drowned. The secrecy behind the content of OLAF’s report Regulation 1049 of 2001 outlines the fundamental right of both residents and citizens of the European Union to access documents of and held by its institutions. While this regulation aims at promoting transparency and ensuring accessibility to all citizens, Article 4 (of Regulation 1049) identifies exceptions that can deny total or partial access to documents. It is under this article that Frontex continues to keep the OLAF report classified. However, some investigative journalists (Der Spiegel and Lighthouse Reports) have been able to leak parts of its contents. Resentment in response to the agency’s secrecy is widespread, especially considering the report’s allegations of misuse of union funds and international law breaches. The inaccessibility of the documents has meant that the agency’s victims have been unable to exercise their right to an effective remedy. Therefore, their right to a fair trial has been obstructed. However, it must also be noted that hindering investigations is not inherently illegal and, depending on circumstances, may even be deemed appropriate. Yet, when considering the far-reaching implications of the report, it is only normal to question the inconsistency between the findings of the report and the actions that will be taken against Frontex. The aftermath of the OLAF report Only one resignation has occurred as a consequence of the OLAF report: that of Fabrice Leggeri. The European Parliament has continuously refused the approval of the agency’s budget. In September, Frontex announced “recent changes within the agency,” among which the suspension of operations in the Aegean sea was unmentioned. Article 46 of the Frontex Regulation states that the Executive Director should “suspend or terminate activity by the agency, in whole or in part, if he or she considers that there are violations of fundamental rights or international protection obligations related to the activity concerned that are of a serious nature or are likely to persist.” However, there is still a lack of Serious Incident Reporting on the island of Samos in Greece, where it was flagged that authorities were using intimidation tactics that discouraged incident reporting. The European Commission has continued to be reluctant to take a stance on the matter.