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Sans qu’on puisse mettre un trait d’égalité entre le RN et la Nouvelle droite, il faut saisir l’apport essentiel de cette mouvance à l’extrême-droite tant sur le plan idéologique que sur la formation intellectuelle de ses cadres. La Nouvelle droite est une entreprise de blanchiment car derrière le ‘pluralisme’ dont elle se targue, se cache directement le nazisme et le néo-fascisme terroriste. La grande blanchisserie aujourd’hui est le Rassemblement national. < Back Le racisme aussi peut être pluraliste Lubin Parisien March 31, 2025 « Je ne suis absolument pas raciste, » simplement il faut « faire des différences [...] en fonction de l’appartenance ou de la non-appartenance à la nation. » D’ailleurs, « nous considérons que c’est la seule discrimination en même temps légale et morale. » Bref, Marine Le Pen n’est pas raciste. C’est du moins ce qu’elle affirme dans une interview accordée à BFM TV le 6 mai 2024 au moment de la campagne des européennes. Le programme de préférence nationale qui est celui du Rassemblement national, ex-Front national, ne serait donc pas discriminant envers les personnes racisées car, affirme-t-elle dans cette interview, les Mahorais à 95% musulmans ont voté pour le RN lors des diverses élections précédentes. Le repli raciste et ethnonationaliste passerait inévitablement par le rejet des Noirs et des Arabes et le postulat de leur infériorité: rien de tout ça en effet dans le programme du RN… Pourtant, le refus du métissage et du mélange entre les ‘cultures’ sans en affirmer une hiérarchie trouve sa source dans la production intellectuelle de la ‘Nouvelle droite,’ une mouvance d’extrême-droite née dans les années 1970. Le droit à la différence? Le mouvement de la ‘Nouvelle droite’ se structure autour de revues et d’organisations ‘savantes;’ dès 1968, la revue Nouvelle école est créée. Un an plus tard, Dominique Venner fonde le Groupement de recherche et d'études pour la civilisation européenne, le GRECE. Il s’agit de discuter savamment des problèmes du temps, l’ambition n’est pas de faire de la politique mais de la ‘métapolitique.’ Jacques Marlaud , qui a présidé ce cénacle pendant quatre ans, explique que la métapolitique « se réfère à tout travail de réflexion, d’analyse, de diffusion d’idées et de pratiques culturelles susceptible d’influencer à long terme la société politique. Il ne s’agit plus de prendre le pouvoir, mais de lui fournir un aliment idéologique, philosophique, culturel… capable d’orienter (ou de contredire) ses décisions. » Il y a donc une certaine distance avec les partis politiques et les groupuscules d’extrême-droite, mais le GRECE se conçoit, selon Jean-Yves Camus en 2015 dans Les faux-semblants du Front national , comme une élite devant s’éduquer et être partout où il est possible de s’infiltrer pour concrétiser la pensée de la Nouvelle droite dans la politique nationale. Le postulat central est l'ethno-pluralisme, ou ethno-différentialisme: c’est l’idée selon laquelle toutes les cultures se valent. Hélas, elles ne sont pas compatibles, affirme la Nouvelle Droite. Les différences culturelles fondent l’impossibilité de l’assimilation et de la possibilité d’une cohabitation entre immigrés et natifs, principe qui vaut aussi contre une certaine colonisation ‘généreuse’ et ‘assimilationniste.’ Cette posture radicale surprenante est bien exprimée par un important idéologue de la mouvance, Alain de Benoist , en 1992: « je ne suis fondé à défendre ma différence que pour autant que je reconnais et respecte celle d'autrui. »C’est sur cette base qu’il critique la posture de Jean-Marie Le Pen—qui déclarait préférer « [s]a fille à [s]a cousine, [s]a cousine à [s]a voisine »—qui est un égoïsme subjectif à courte vue selon Alain de Benoist. Un mouvement respectable? Serait-ce donc vraiment une nouvelle droite radicale débarrassée de l'obscurantisme raciste? Cela est encore à vérifier surtout quand on discute d’une mouvance qui puise dans les références nazies et dont les compagnons de route sont pour certains d’authentiques nazis. Ainsi, le politiste Stéphane François indique que d’anciens SS tels que Saint-Loup, alias Marc Augier, ou encore Robert Dun, alias Maurice Martin, « participent aux travaux de la nouvelle droite » et cela « jusqu’au milieu des années 1980. » Idéologiquement, un des points communs avec le nazisme est le rejet du christianisme et la valorisation du paganisme comme la « vraie religion de l’Europe » pour reprendre le titre d’un ouvrage de Sigrid Hunke sur le sujet, une amie d’Alain de Benoist et membre du NSDAP . En effet, le christianisme et sa volonté évangélisatrice sont considérés comme les prémisses de l’universalisme contre lequel se dresse l'ethno-différentialisme. Ainsi, la Nouvelle droite se réclame du courant völkisch, « un courant apparu à la fin du XIXe siècle, habité par la nostalgie d’une Allemagne païenne, une fascination pour la race blanche et ses prétendues origines scandinaves, » selon Stéphane François. Les penseurs du GRECE se réclame aussi de la ‘révolution conservatrice’ allemande durant la République de Weimar. La Nouvelle droite a aussi une certaine vision du dépassement des clivages politiques classiques et sait ainsi brouiller les pistes. Par exemple, il y a dans les travaux du GRECE une vraie vision de l’Europe. Celle-ci n’est pas du tout la CEE et l’UE de Bruxelles telle qu’on la connaît—une « province de l’Internationale atlantique dirigée par les États-Unis » selon Jacques Marlaud. Il s’agit avant tout de penser une unité de la ‘civilisation européenne’ menacée par l’immigration et la mondialisation, c’est-à-dire la menace de la mixité. « L’idée est d’essayer de penser des aires culturelles débordant le cadre strict de la nation » affirme la doctorante en philosophie politique Périne Schir dans un article du Monde consacré aux projets européens dans l’extrême-droite. Cette Europe doit émerger en opposition aux autres civilisations qui posent un problème dès qu’elles mettent le pied en Europe avec l’immigration. Il y a un dépassement de la Nation—sans qu’on ignore les spécificités locales—pour adopter le cadrage culturel ethno-pluraliste d’exclusion des autres ‘cultures.’ Il y a également une volonté affichée de dépassement en essayant de penser hors des catégories gauche-droite, ce qui se manifeste par le cadrage culturaliste et par l’usage assumé de figures de camps politiques adverses. L’antifasciste préféré des néofascistes: Le grand apport de la Nouvelle droite, c’est aussi l’importation d’Antonio Gramsci dans les terres de l’extrême-droite française. Il est banalement utilisé pour dire qu’il faut gagner la bataille des idées et imposer sa vision du corps social. L’usage d’extrême-droite de Gramsci débute juste après la débâcle fasciste de la Seconde Guerre mondiale avec la nébuleuse d’« Ordine Nuovo », dont le journal, Ordine Nuovo , a le même nom que le journal d’Antonio Gramsci créé en 1919. Inspiré par le philosophe néo-fasciste et anti-moderne Julius Evola et son fondateur Pino Rauti , le mouvement participe pleinement aux Années de plomb en Italie avec de nombreux attentats comme en 1969 à Piazza Fontana à Milan (17 morts). Alain de Benoist a grandement contribué à inventer le ‘gramscisme de droite’ français. Ses liens avec les fascistes italiens sont connus et ses accointances sont publiques. Ainsi, il publie un article dans Europe-Action en 1963 sur le MSI—Mouvement social italien, parti néo-fasciste prédécesseur de Fratelli d’Italia—où pointe du doigt sa désorganisation , sa tendance trop légaliste à son goût et préfère les méthodes de l’ Ordine Nuovo . C’est de là que vient la référence à Gramsci à l’extrême-droite, mais discuter du militant communiste permet de ne pas évoquer les vrais maîtres à penser, à savoir Julius Evola et Pino Rauti. C’est ainsi que la référence à Gramsci est devenu un marqueur de l’extrême-droite, le GRECE ayant organisé un colloque en 1982 à son sujet et Jean-Marie Le Pen utilisant cette référence en 2007 pour justifier de sa stratégie. La Nouvelle droite et le Front national: la filiation ou la rupture ? La slogan d’une bataille culturelle à gagner avec Gramsci est le signe de la porosité entre la Nouvelle droite et le Front national. Néanmoins, il faut aussi concevoir la multiplicité des sources irriguant le programme frontiste et les fractures qu’il y a avec la Nouvelle droite. Il y a certes des liens personnels avec des gens issus du GRECE et ayant fini au FN tels que Pierre Vial ou Jean-Yves Le Gallou . Néanmoins, Alain de Benoist a eu des mots durs contre le FN en 1992: « En vérité, ce n'est pas parce qu'il y a des immigrés que la France est menacée de perdre son identité. C'est plutôt parce qu'elle a perdu son identité qu'elle n'est plus en mesure de faire face et de résoudre le problème de l'immigration. En montrant du doigt les immigrés, on opère donc un gigantesque détournement d'attention. » Nous savons ce qu’est l’ethno-pluralisme défendu par Alain de Benoist, mais remarquons ici la force pernicieuse du discours de l’intellectuel de la Nouvelle droite qui pourrait se faire passer pour un modéré. Le programme économique du RN ex-FN, fondamentalement libéral , doit beaucoup au Club de l’Horloge , créé en 1974 et qui se distingue du GRECE par son ultralibéralisme en matière économique en soutenant la révolution conservatrice, mais pas celle sous Weimar, plutôt celle de Thatcher et Reagan dans les années 1980. Le national-libéralisme ‘pragmatique’ de Bruno Mégret et des nombreux cadres qu’il a formés au FN s’inscrivent dans cette lignée. Sur la question de l’euroscepticisme et de la prétendue générosité coloniale, les différences sont palpables face à une Nouvelle droite quasi-fédéraliste sur l’Europe—d’un point de vue institutionnel, sans idée universaliste aucune—et jugeant l’entreprise coloniale comme un dangereuse émanation de l’universalisme judéo-chrétien. On aurait toutefois tort de s’arrêter là car ce serait ignorer que le RN fait de la politique et la Nouvelle droite de la ‘métapolitique,’ elle ne s’engage pas dans l’arène mais elle en fournit les armes. Ainsi, Périne Schir déclare dans un article de Mediapart au sujet des liens entre Jordan Bardella et des personnalités issus de la Nouvelle droite que ce mouvement apporte aujourd’hui au RN présidé par M. Bardella la « substance théorique » dont manque le parti suite à la stratégie de ‘dédiabolisation.’ Cela permet d’irriguer le discours de justification de l’idée d’un ‘grand remplacement’ que le président du parti décrit comme pointant une « réalité juste. » L’idée d’incompatibilité des cultures permet de donner un fond intellectuel à la chose sans parler de hiérarchie, évitant ainsi de se faire trop remarquer par son racisme. Sans qu’on puisse mettre un trait d’égalité entre le RN et la Nouvelle droite, il faut saisir l’apport essentiel de cette mouvance à l’extrême-droite tant sur le plan idéologique que sur la formation intellectuelle de ses cadres. La Nouvelle droite est une entreprise de blanchiment car derrière le ‘pluralisme’ dont elle se targue, se cache directement le nazisme et le néo-fascisme terroriste. La grande blanchisserie aujourd’hui est le Rassemblement national. Photo source: Joe Mud on Flickr

Fasting in different religions does not divide us. It just makes us realize how similar we are, how we have the same needs, temptations and desires. And that’s precisely what I realized when I came to Menton, a campus full of diversity—ethnically, culturally and religiously. At the core, we are all the same… < Back Fasting, not a dividing element after all Eleni Dimitropoulou March 31, 2025 This year, Orthodox Lent and Western Easter coincide almost exactly with the Islamic Ramadan and Jewish Passover. This gives us the exceptional opportunity to highlight the similarities and differences, but most importantly, to understand how members of diverse religious groups experience this special pious period. The term “Fasting” can indicate either an abstinence from specific categories of food, or even from all foods for specific hours of the day. Interwoven with the worship of all major religions, fasting is observed in each for different reasons: as a practical sign of reverence; as a means of purification; as an expression of faith, moderation, restraint, self-control; as an exercise of humility and self-punishment; and even as an expression of mourning. However, in all cases, fasting leads to spiritual upliftment. This habit began long before the advent of Abrahamic religions. The first references to the practice of fasting come from the Far East. In the Hindu Law of Manu (Manus ti /Manava Dharmasastra), written in Sanskrit and dating from between 1250 and 1000 BC, we find the first commandments related to abstinence from food. Although no relevant sacred text or code of commandments has ever been found in Egypt, it is known that the Egyptians fasted on the feasts of Isis and almost all of their religious and social festivals. Connected with the worship of all major religions and philosophical currents, voluntary abstinence from food is observed in each for different health reasons. In particular, priests were subjected to abstinence from seven days to six weeks, which was determined by the goddess Ma'at, who was the personification of absolute truth and defined the ethical and moral codes that every Egyptian had to obey in their life. The diet of the ancient Greeks, until the fourth century BC, was particularly austere, and the Athenians fasted only during the festivals of the Eleusinian and Thesmophorian festivals. Those who participated in the mysteries necessarily abstained from food and drink, for purification and expiation, to ensure the favor of the gods during initiation. However, from the literature of the period, we can assume that fasting had been more closely associated with mourning, as is at least evident from a line in Aristophanes' Clouds: “ And often, while we gods are observing a fast, when we mourn for Memnon or Sarpedon, you are pouring libations and laughing .” In the three monotheistic, Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam), fasting is an important—sometimes necessary—stage for the psychophysical preparation of the believer. It is based on similar trials of biblical figures. It is characteristic that Moses fasted for 40 days before climbing to the top of Mount Sinai to receive, according to religious tradition, the Covenant of the 10 Commandments from God. Fasting gave him the courage and mental strength to "face" the Creator, while in the case of Samson, it was the real secret of his strength. After a 24-hour fast, Daniel " survived " the lions ' den ; while Jesus Christ, before starting his teachings , withdrew to the desert , where he spent 40 days fasting and praying. More specifically, in the one of three most popular doctrines of Christiniaty in the Orthodox Church, fasting occurs on designated days throughout the year , totaling approximately 180 to 200 days. More specifically, fast is held during the following days : Great Lent from Clean Monday, the first day of the 48 days throughout which believers are called to leave behind all sinful habits, including savory, non-fasting foods, thus cleansing the soul and body until Easter, 40 days before Christmas, from November 15 to December 25, Of the Holy Apostles, that is, after All Saints' Sunday (which falls 56 days after Easter) until June 29, when the memory of the Apostles Peter and Paul is celebrated, Of the Fifteenth of August, to be precise, from August 1 to the 15 of the same month (the birth of the Virgin Mary, mother of Jesus Christ), On August 29, commemorating the beheading of John the Baptist. On September 14, the day we celebrate the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. On the eve of Epiphany, that is, January 5. Every Wednesday and Friday. In Christian Orthodoxy, fasting does not only mean eliminating certain foods from our diet, such as meat, eggs, milk, cheese, fish and oil. It also means learning to control the amount of foodeaten. It is an exercise, a physical and spiritual effort to restrain oneself from eating, and most importantly, to watch over behavior (anger, lies, bad words, etc). Saint John Chrysostom says: “Show me your fasting by your works… for what is the benefit, if we do not eat meat, but devour our brothers?” Lent for Western Christianity begins on Ash Wednesday and ends on Holy Thursday, before the celebration of the Last Supper. Westerners celebrate the Resurrection of Christ on Holy Saturday evening and Easter Sunday. The fasts of the Catholic Church are more relaxed than those of the Orthodox Church, since they essentially prohibit only meat and distinguish between fasting (jeûne) and days of abstinence from meat and fat (jours maigres/d’abstinence), that is, all Fridays during Lent (Carême). For it, followers reduce their number of meals—they eat one main meal and two smaller ones within 24 hours. For their part, Protestants have generally abolished food fasting, which they do not include in their life of worship. They consider fasting to be completely optional, and the faithful apply it by their own choice—usually in the form of complete abstinence from food—only in exceptional cases. In Judaism, fasting is called “ta’anit” or "tsom” (humiliation) and is a period of voluntary deprivation of food and drink, including water, but also any pleasure and is observed for reasons of public repentance, mourning and purification. Ta’anit is observed on the Day of Atonement, Yom Kippur, a day dedicated to repentance, prayer and invocation of the greatness of God. It involves a 25-hour fast accompanied by prayers for forgiveness. During the Day of Atonement, the Jewish community experiences a profound suspension of activity; the shops are closed, the streets are bare and mediums are silent while believers undergo a 25-hour fast and pray fervently for the forgiveness of their sins. Also, the Tisha B'Av fast on the ninth of Av, the fifth month of the year, is the most tragic day of the Jewish calendar; a remembrance day and mourning of the destruction of both holy temples. Therefore, they fast a total of six fasting days per year, complying with kashrut. Kashrut, the Jewish dietary laws, divide food into 'clean' (including veal, sheep, goats, deer, and fish) and 'unclean' (including pork and seafood). These laws govern what is permissible to eat, similar to halal in Islam, and are separate from the concept of fasting. To Muslims, too, fasting is more than mere abstinence from food; it is a form of submission to Allah. It is observed from sunrise to sunset during the ninth month of the Islamic calendar named Ramadan and is one of the holiest moments in Islam, commemorating the revelation of Allah, or Laylat al-Qadr or the Night of Decree. It is believed that in 610 AD, the Prophet Muhammad was visited by the Archangel Gabriel, who disclosed the Quran, the sacred book, to him during the month of Ramadan. Islamic scholars instruct that fasting is the development of gratitude and compassion for the less fortunate. Charity and assistance to the poor are the hallmarks of this month, during which adherents usually pray more and read the Quran more. Fasting is considered by many as a cleansing and spiritual rejuvenation process. Fasting is among the five pillars of Islam. Iftar, the breaking of the fast, follows afterward. Often at iftar, people gather with loved ones. Suhur is the meal before sunrise. In Hinduism, fasting is not obligatory , but a voluntary act of spiritual purification. Hindus also fast on certain festivals as part of their spiritual discipline. A quite popular fast in Hinduism is Ekadashi, which is on the eleventh day of each lunar cycle when the moon is decreasing in light. There are, however, numerous other occasions when Hindus fast, including but not necessarily limited to Navratris, Janmashtami and Shivratri. Individuals may fast entirely, only partially or choose to forego their favorite foods for a specified period of time. In Buddhism, fasting has been recognized as one of the methods of practicing self-control. Fasting for Buddhists means vegetarianism and cutting off from the joys that food offers to man in order to mobilize the desire for taste. They abstain from meat twice a month, on the days of the new moon or full moon, or six times a month and more often. According to the Buddhist religion, children rarely fast. That is also relevant for Judaism and islam where children, elderly sick and women on their period are absolved from fasting. As fasting for monks is a much more difficult practice,as it involves extended periods of fasting and stricter regulations (e.g. abstinence after midday) thus it is carried out under the guidance of a teacher. The four rules regarding food, according to the ascetic practice called “dhutanga” (rejuvenation), are: eating once a day, eating only one meal, reducing the amount of food and consuming only as much food as they received from the first seven houses they blessed. How does the latter translate? Buddhist monks go around villages and bless people and, in return, they accept the food that people throw into their bowls. Sikhism is one of the few religions that does not require fasting as a meritocracy. This religion considers fasting inferior to "truth" and "right action," which, according to the founder of this religion, are superior. Fasting is a significant aspect of Jainism. It is regarded as a method of purifying the body . I t is also a method of eliminating bad karma. Fasting can last from one day to more than a month. People can do complete or partial fasting, or give up their favorite foods for a certain period of time. Today, fasting has been mainly associated with abstinence from certain foods, such as meat, fish and animal products. Another important consideration to make however, is to question by what criteria were certain foods excluded. The high temperatures of the Middle East, the nomadic lifestyle, the lack or effects of certain foods, such as spices, the need to differentiate from previous religious practices were some of the environmental and social reasons that influenced the formation of fasts. At the same time, they can be perceived as an attempt to equalize rich and poor before God. It is worth noting that as religions spread, fasting adapted to the climatic conditions and dietary habits of the region. How different is the fasting followed in the Mediterranean from that of believers living in the low temperatures of frozen Lapland or insular Greenland, where meat is imposed, rather than excluded! Fasting, nevertheless, has progressively been stripped of its theoretical background and religious meaning, and has been used as a weight loss tool and more. Nowadays several diets incorporate periods of fasting, such as the 5:2 diet, which limits the intake of "uncontrolled" calories to two days a week, considering it a healthy way to lose weight, or more recently the 16:8 diet or intermittent fasting, according to which for 16 hours (usually between 10 a.m. and 6 p.m.) a complete fast is observed, from which water and calorie-free drinks are excluded, and for 8 hours any type of food is allowed, regardless of quantity. I firmly believe that fasting, this struggle, the spiritual fight with ourselves, gives us the chance to test our limits, focus on the meaning, not on the materialistic dimension of life. It brings us together, regardless of our socio-economic background. The race is the same; we are equal, and that unites us as people. Fasting in different religions does not divide us. It just makes us realize how similar we are, how we have the same needs, temptations and desires. And that’s precisely what I realized when I came to Menton, a campus full of diversity—ethnically, culturally and religiously. At the core, we are all the same… Photo source: Zoheir Seidanloo on Wikimedia commons

We’ll find ourselves scrolling through 2.7 million posts ranging from references to the album, people talking about and embracing themselves using the brat aesthetic and lyrics from the album, photos of vice-president Kamala Haris, and tutorials on brat green hair and makeup. Nevertheless, there remains the question: How did being ‘brat’ come into the mainstream in an era dominated by the highest grossing tour in history, Taylor Swift’s Eras tour? < Back BECOMING BRAT Ema Nevrelova September 30, 2024 Contrary to many trends circulating on social media, the “brat summer” trend emerged from an album title. In the era of short videos and short extracts for songs, it sometimes seems impossible to appreciate more 'time-consuming' forms of art and music, but Charli XCX proved us wrong. Songwriter and artist Charli XCX released her sixth studio album, Brat, on June 7, 2024. It is worth mentioning that Charli has maintained her relevance for over 15 years, and has accomplished exactly what she had imagined for herself back in 2009 when she stated in an interview for the magazine Dazed Digital: “I want to prove to people that you don’t have to become this big, commercial pop writing machine to be successful, you can just do whatever you want, and it will be fine.” However, the recent resurgence of her popularity led some people to believe that she made an overhyped album with sloppy covers. Yet, her true fans know that coloured background and blurry title has been the aesthetics of her past four albums (including Brat). Fittingly, “you can just do whatever you want, and it will be fine” could also be a good basis to establish the definition of term brat, even though the commonly cited description of “brat essentials” by Charli XCX as having a “pack of cigs, a Bic lighter and a strappy white top with no bra.” There definitely has been room for interpretation illustrated by the #brat on Instagram. We’ll find ourselves scrolling through 2.7 million posts ranging from references to the album, people talking about and embracing themselves using the brat aesthetic and lyrics from the album, photos of vice-president Kamala Haris, and tutorials on brat green hair and makeup. Nevertheless, there remains the question: How did being ‘brat’ come into the mainstream in an era dominated by the highest grossing tour in history, Taylor Swift’s Eras tour? As Charli XCX alluded to in her interview for podcast Sidetrack, there is a cultural shift and “ the niche is being rewarded.’’ Her statement might be confusing to most people as they probably connect Charli with her second and arguably most mainstream studio album Sucker (which included hits like Break The Rules or Boom Clap ) released in 2014. What is perhaps lesser known is that she has been active in the Underground scene since her teenage years—attending raves or DJing in clubs. Charli has also collaborated with a producer named SOPHIE who, I would argue, helped shape her work towards hyperpop , a microgenre of electronic and pop music originating in the UK (mostly spread through SoundCloud). There are other reasons apart from a higher appreciation for the niche that made this album relevant this summer. An important factor for the promotion of the album was that Charli is the embodiment of brat—from the way she dresses to her confident yet vulnerable presence. Eye-catching colour, her strong personality and Tik Tok opened the door for her album into the mainstream. Another good marketing strategy and demonstration of various meanings of brat was the reconciliation of Lorde and Charli over the song “ The girl, so confusing” – even though they never really had a falling out. The 3.9 million views on YouTube prove that communication, female solidarity and friendship are brat. When discussing friendship that should have happened sooner, let’s look at the song “ Guess” featuring Billie Eilish. The song “ Guess” doesn’t appear on the original album Brat, but on its extended version called “Brat and it’s the same but there’s three more songs so it’s not” released on June 10. This queer hit pushed the brat obsession even further, with some of us longing for “lower back tattoo”. Possibly, the biggest ‘brat move’ surrounding the song was Charli and Billie donating around 10 000 of undergarments, from the Guess videoclip, to the I Support The Girls nonprofit organization providing ‘‘distribution of undergarments and menstrual products to folx experiencing homelessness and to victims of domestic violence.’’ Charli doesn’t just address important topics in real life but also in her songs. “ I think about it all the time” touches on the thought process and expectations around having children. Lines that resonate are “Should I stop my birth control? ‘Cause my career feels so small in the existential scheme of it all.’’ A second song with heartbreaking potential (not in a romantic way) is Apple . Unveiling Charli’s complicated relationship with parents allows for a reflection on our own childhood traumas and for a realisation that “the apple doesn't fall far from the tree.’ ’ Notably, the most emotional and vulnerable song is “ So I” – tribute to Charli’s long time music mentor, DJ and producer SOPHIE, who passed away in 2021. Slower tempo and reference to SOPHIE’ song It’s okay to cry should make us all cry. Clearly, brat isn’t solely about being a shallow bad girl, rather, it deals with the intricacy of womanhood from a messy feminine perspective. That is not to say that there is not a party element to the album, as Charli XCX revealed in the Therapuss podcast: “It [the album] is very personal but there are songs about just like getting f*cked up.’’ The party songs include 360 , 365 , Rewind or Club classics and that is where Charli utilized her skills from DJing. The tempo is fast, almost to a point where you feel dizzy but in a soothing tipsy way, at the same time the lyrics serve as reassurance that we don’t have a perfect routine, body or personality. We can “just rewind’’ and “say something stupid.’’ The popularity of this trend got so widespread that it even found its way into U.S. politics. After vice-president of the U.S. Kamala Harris announced running for presidency; Charli XCX endorsed her by writing on X: “kamala IS brat.’’ Harris’s campaign adopted the brat aesthetic and produced memes, making many people quickly forget about the attempted assassination of Donald Trump—a success, from a marketing point of view. Despite Harris’s quick rise to internet fame, it wasn't coincidental. As many politicians before her she likely aimed at younger voters in hopes of securing their votes. It remains to be seen if this tactic will prove to be successful, as Democrat voters among Generation Z and Millennials tend to sympathize with Palestine and criticize President Joe Biden’s policy in the current Israeli-Palestinian war. Harris will likely follow in his footsteps if she becomes president. Regardless of the outcome of the U.S. presidential elections, it is safe to say that “kamala IS brat’’ will not be forgotten. To conclude, this summer we witnessed a cultural shift during which, paradoxically, niche became part of mainstream culture and politics. But has the Brat album made a societal impact? As with any trend or album we will probably forget brat summer ever happened. Nevertheless, it will be one more summer which 2.7 million of us spent being less self-conscious and less bothered by other people’s expectations. Charli XCX reminded us, in her blunt and unhinged way, that we can be confident and vulnerable and there is in fact nothing wrong with our imperfect, complicated personalities. After all, if the potential U.S. president can be brat, can’t we all?

Our beloved SciencesPistes became more comfortable both on and off the slopes — daring to dive into challenging skiing and dynamic conversations. < Back Menton à SuperDévoluy: Sciences Pistes Spend Last Week of Break at BDS Ski Trip By Gigi Hodes January 30, 2022 When 2A Samanéa Rousseau, president of the Bureau des Sports (BDS) on campus, sent a flyer advertising a ski trip for students, I was apprehensive to sign up. The task of organizing a trip to the Alps for 50 SciencesPistes seemed Herculean and I was unsure whether it would work out. Now, after returning from the trip, I am so glad I went. The five-day experience was a great way to spend some time outdoors, connect with nature, and bond with other students. The adventure began with a schlep to the stadium. There, we boarded the bus that took us to SuperDévoluy, a ski resort a few hours north of Menton in the French Alps. The excitement was palpable — for the first few hours, everyone was chattering away. Our journey lasted around six hours, but in this distance, we managed to go from sunny Menton to snow-capped mountains. After disembarking with our luggage, it was time to check into our rooms at the Hameau du Puy residence and get settled in. A few sighs of frustration later, (doing an état des lieux in a mountain hotel is no more fun than in a seaside apartment, especially with a 200 euro deposit on the line), we were ready to explore. I was most excited to play in the snow; it had been years since I had seen it piled up like that. We all immediately donned our snow pants and went outside. Suddenly, I felt a cold thud against my right shoulder. I turned around to see a gloating 2A Isabella Aouad, proud of her aim. After that, it was on. We spent a good hour tumbling across the landscape, hitting each other with snowballs until we were all exhausted and ready for some beauty sleep. Though the sound of my alarm the next morning was not exactly welcome, I was excited to hit the slopes — skiing was a childhood favorite for me. I felt butterflies at the thought of returning to it now, at least a meter taller and 10 years older. Thankfully, the BDS took care of the equipment rental package, including the (objectively uncomfortable) ski boots and bright helmets. For beginners like 2A Paris Sistilli, it was a bit daunting to head out to experience the sport for the first time. However, there was an instructor waiting on the bunny hill to teach the 15-person group the basics. The rest of us split up to tackle what SuperDévoluy had to offer. At first, people were more comfortable sticking to their friend groups from home or their flatmates. However, as the trip progressed, it became more practical to organize according to skill level and confidence, which meant spending quality time with people you may never have gotten to know. 1A Sienna Bertamini was pushed outside of her comfort zone and forced to make new relationships with 2As since not many people in her cohort decided to come. She explained that it was nice to build connections with people outside of her closer core. According to her, this bonding was especially fostered during group dinners and other collective activities. She said, “it was like Integration Week all over again … it definitely helped with bonding.” Another 1A agreed, saying that interactions became more fluid by the second or third day. People bridged the gaps that usually split the Ummah. There was an overwhelming sense of solidarity and collaboration when it came to the sport, with advanced skiers often offering to help the beginners and pushing them to feel more confident. This led to a group of novices tackling a blue slope (easy-intermediate level) together for the first time! Though the trip had some serious hiccups (a torn ligament here, sliced finger there), it was a really fun experience overall. We had amazing weather; all blue skies after fresh snow — nearly perfect powder conditions. Our beloved SciencesPistes became more comfortable both on and off the slopes — daring to dive into challenging skiing and dynamic conversations. As a 2A who is nearing the end of her time on campus, I thought this was an exciting way to kick off the semester, as it fostered bonding across the Ummah and helped me start the year on the right foot.

Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. < Back The Menton Times: A Year in Review By Celeste Abourjeili April 30, 2022 Mentoniya, Mentoniya. Last summer, I was struck with a vision for a newspaper that would synthesize campus discourse and bring all student events together in one collective monthly recount. Though I was committed to bringing it to life, I never foresaw the scope or size that it would reach in just one year. Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. The journey of creating a newspaper from scratch was filled with the unexpected — it was a turbulent yet irreplaceable experience. I got to watch our designer and my dear friend, 2A Ada Baser, create a layout template from scratch. She pieced together over 30 articles worth of content into one digital masterpiece each and every month. “Starting the design of a paper from scratch wasn’t the easiest experience… [but] at the end of the day, it’s been a pleasure to work with the many different members of the team, because designers need to communicate with reporters, photographers, and the editorial board,” said Baser. “I hope I have been able to bring their amazing works to life.” Her clean-cut designs have been praised by Mentonese students. “I really like the mise-en-page,” said 1A Amira Zargouni, “it’s really easy to read.” Our editorial team, made up of 1A Ayse Lara Selcuker, 1A Lara-Nour Walton, 2A Morgane Abbas, and myself, has had to edit just as many articles to fulfill our three-step editing process. “Editing felt special to me because journalism has been a really formative source for me,” said Walton. “To make this newspaper a reality was genuinely so fulfilling.” My role as Editor-in-Chief, besides managing and organizing the team, consisted of a wondrous albeit time-consuming process by which I had to review each article that was ever published. I knew that I was collecting stories from the students, combining them in one collective and polished form, and sending them back to the student body for all to read, and I wanted to do them justice. I grasped the significance of my job in qualifying the words our students were entrusting to the paper to send out to the world. Our photography team, led by 1A Hugo Lagergren and composed of 1A Emilia Kohlmeyer and 2A Wang Di, has brought each and every story to life with its talent and eye for the camera. “ The staff reporters and guest reporters, without whom this paper would not exist, made the decision to share their stories with us and with you — a decision for which we are endlessly grateful. “Writing for the Menton Times has been incredible! I joined the team with little writing experience, but I saw my skills improve through the feedback and support of our editors, and my articles allowed me to further immerse myself in the topics I am most passionate about,” said 1A Magdelena Offenbeck. Over the course of one year, we have worked with a team of about 20 people and around 39 guest writers. We wrote articles in collaboration with a variety of associations, ranging from Sciences Alcoolémiques to the Stone Skipping Society to the BDS to Babel, MEDMUN, TedX, Environnementon, and the list goes on. 2A Isabella Aouad, who contributed to the newspaper as a guest reporter, noted, “It was very impressive how, in one year, the Menton Times became a real thing. It was very consistent and rigorous and featured really high quality articles.” 1A Joudi Arafa, who claimed she was proud to contribute as a guest reporter, affirmed, “The Menton Times is a big campus name.” I’m proud of our team for creating a shared vision out of what started as a small idea. The process behind the paper starts with our monthly meetings, which take on the form of a team brainstorming session, to choose article topics for that month’s issue. “I really enjoyed the flexibility of choosing my topics instead of having them assigned,” said 1A staff reporter Luca Utterwulghe. I’ve always trusted our writers with the topics they chose, and I was ecstatic that they matched my trust with passion and motivation for the job. Besides our partnerships and guest articles, we try to include everyone on the campus by including student quotes and opinions in each article. “It’s fun interviewing people to get quotes for my articles,” said Utterwulghe, “I learned a lot from this past year at the Menton Times.” I am grateful to you, Mentoniya, for electing our association to be an official student initiative this past semester, opening up doors of opportunity for us with your trust. With the exception of the godforsaken month of February, we upheld our promise to you to publish each and every month. For the first year, our 7-1 success rate makes me quite proud. I recognize that our process wasn’t perfect. This was just the start of an association that I hope will live on for years after my departure. I believe in the future leaders of the association to not only enhance our process, but establish additional projects and events to make campus life even more robust. I am proud to announce that the association will be carried on by Lara-Nour Walton as Editor-in-Chief, Magdalena Offenbeck as Managing Editor, Hugo Lagergren as Head of Photography. I originally intended for the Menton Times to be a route for students to be heard by their peers, an opportunity for one to collect their thoughts before making them public, and to bring attention to a particular experience or event. It was supposed to serve as a chance to create change in our small, cozy Mentonese ummah. My goal, above all, was to bring students closer together. In my original “Letter from the Editor” in our very first issue, I wrote that journalism is a pillar of democracy, a chance to touch the hearts and minds of those around us and change the course of history for the better. Here in Menton, I hope we’ve done that on a personal level — if nothing else, I hope we’ve helped you better understand and resonate with the going-ons of our little community. I hope we’ve informed you. Thank you for your attention, and for the last time this year, happy reading! Sincerely and with love, Celeste Abourjeili Founder & Editor-in-Chief Menton Times 2021-2022

Israel has issued a new set of regulations, to be taken into effect next month, that would impose further limits on foreigners’ entry into the West Bank. < Back Israel Cracks Down on West Bank Accessibility By Ghazal Khalife September 30, 2022 Israel has issued a new set of regulations, to be taken into effect next month, that would impose further limits on foreigners’ entry into the West Bank. The restriction stirring up the most controversy is the new obligation to formally declare a romantic relationship with a Palestinian to be granted access into the area. Other seemingly arbitrary regulations, such as quotas on visas given to students and lecturers, also perplexed commentators. The original draft of this set of protocols, published by the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), stipulated that foreigners who start a serious romantic relationship with Palestinian residents of the West Bank must inform the authorities “within 30 days of the start of this relationship.” However, following criticism and condemnation from human rights activists, Palestinian legal experts and many leading figures in the international community, Israel released a revised 90-page document that omitted this clause. The revised version states that foreigners who wish to live with their spouses in the Judea and Samaria area, the biblical name for the West Bank, must apply for a visiting permit 45 days before their trip. The document also cements the ban on giving residency status to them, leaving many families under the constant stress of being denied entry and legal status. According to Part four of the revised document, “Spousal permits will be issued for a maximum term of one year each time.” Furthermore, the total period that any visitor can stay in the West Bank is 27 months (including visa extensions), after which a “cooling off” period is required. If visitors wish to re-enter the area, they must start a new application process. Not only is this process intensely bureaucratic and time-consuming, but permits are also subject to arbitrary refusals. Ultimately, the COGAT official decides whether or not the permit is approved, as seen in Clause 10: “the authorized COGAT official is the authority who decides whether to deny a foreigner entry into the Judea and Samaria area.” In addition to the public backlash against the initial draft of new protocols, Israeli human rights activists in Hamoked, Center For the Defense of the Individual, and Palestinian activists quickly denounced the protocols’ international law violations and started challenging them in court. Jessica Montell, director of Hamoked, explains that these policies are manifestations of a “belligerent occupation.” Even the American ambassador, Tom Tide, expressed his strong disappointment over the new restrictions and declared having engaged in negotiations with Israel to revise the regulations. Nonetheless, COGAT’s changes to the original rules remain largely superficial since only the contentious quotas on lecturers allowed entry and the declaration of a love-interest were removed. According to the United Nations and Palestinian legal experts, there is no solid legal basis for Israel’s past restrictions on movement or these new regulations. Israel, however, derives license to enact its restrictive policies from the Interim Peace Accords of the 1990s and “security concerns.” Furthermore, with Israel controlling most entrances to the West Bank with heavily militarized checkpoints and frequent Israeli Defense Force inspections, these regulations are likely to be reinforced strictly. The document specifies that any application for a permit needs to be accompanied by a deposit of up to 20,050 dollars that can be confiscated in the case of a breach of the permit’s conditions. These measures reaffirm the Israeli state’s insistence on following tough restrictions and consolidating years of aggressive military occupation. Perhaps the most apparent consequences of these regulations on individuals’ private lives are the tolls they take on existing family ties and the immense obstacles they create for Palestinians who want to marry people of other nationalities. The new regulations raise the question of why Israel would enforce such exhaustive measures on the partners of Palestinians. An aim could be to put pressure on Palestinian civil life and further isolate Palestinian citizens of the West Bank from the outside world. Palestinians living in the West Bank are already struggling with heavy restrictions on autonomy under a convoluted and opaque system. From long lines at checkpoints to limitations on working hours, everyday life for Palestinians in the West Bank is only getting more difficult. These new protocols also regulate business and academic activities; thus, businessmen, professors, and students are impacted. The process for obtaining a permit is often costly and time-consuming as applications need to be started at least two months in advance, and applicants must fit an extensive set of criteria and undergo detailed background checks by COGAT officials before being let into the West Bank. Restrictions on the entry of goods and skilled labor cause Palestinian businesses to struggle to expand and modernize. Bassim Khoury, CEO of Pharmacare, comments, “having to obtain a confirmation a month ahead will make it impossible for many foreign partners we have to be part of the business. The immediate effect is that we will have a harder time developing our business.” Lecturers and students must also satisfy COGAT’s list of academic credentials, age and medical insurance conditions. An especially troubling limitation for undergraduate students holding the visiting permit makes it “forbidden to seek employment in the Area.” Mariya Gabriel, head of the European Commission for research and culture, criticized these measures saying, “With Israel itself benefiting greatly from Erasmus, the Commission considers that it should facilitate and not hinder access of students to Palestinian universities.” Moreover, these restrictions do not apply to Israeli settlers, further emphasizing the apartheid policies in the occupied territories. These regulations directly serve settlers as they pose obstacles to all corners of Palestinian life and make the dream of a prosperous Palestinian state ever more elusive. Although, in reality, the prospect of a two-state solution has already been abandoned by many Palestinians who fear more evictions, fewer rights and continuing aggression. These new protocols perfectly conform to Israel’s 55-year policy toward occupied Palestinians, anchoring decades of discrimination and oppression. To understand the reasoning behind Israel’s policy in this highly contested area, it is crucial to analyze how these new regulations fit within the larger scheme of events since the Israeli occupation of the West Bank following the Six-Day War of 1967. Since then, Israel has pursued a consistent policy of sponsoring settlements and institutionalizing discrimination against Palestinians. As a result, lasting peace in the West Bank seems almost impossible. Arbitrary arrests forced evictions and bureaucratic restrictions on movement, among other manifestations of de facto annexation, make life in the West Bank turbulent. This is part of Israel’s plan to formally annex the region, a plan hindered by the COVID-19 pandemic and Donald’s Trump loss in the 2020 U.S. elections. Annexing the West Bank and finally uniting the Israeli state has been the conclusive goal for many Israeli politicians, most notably former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. This final policy will subject the area to Israeli rather than international law. Israel is heading in this direction even though it violates international conduct and may be reprimanded, especially because Joe Biden has not yet given Israel the green light. Annexation or military occupation — these words serve merely as semantics for Palestinians having to face ever-deteriorating living conditions amidst an Arab and international community that is increasingly desensitized to their suffering. A quote from one of my Palestinian friends summarizes the situation rather powerfully: “They want to prevent us from spreading our culture and practicing our identity because only then will they reach their full victory.” When observing the general trend in Israeli policy in the West Bank, the new regulations and how they infringe on Palestinians’ right to privacy and freedom of movement make it seem as though it is highly unlikely for any tangible improvements to take place even in the face of international criticism, leaving Palestinians wondering how much more they still have to withstand.

“I just want you to be happy.” At first glance, a wishful statement, a hopeful idea. But is this a burdensome phrase, a phrase pregnant with confusion and obsession? I don’t think I understand what happiness means. < Back A Happiness Hypothesis By Rosie Betrosian April 30, 2024 “I just want you to be happy.” At first glance, a wishful statement, a hopeful idea. But is this a burdensome phrase, a phrase pregnant with confusion and obsession? I don’t think I understand what happiness means. Is happiness a simple idea? Is happiness an ultimate goal, or is happiness momentary? So much empty language surrounds happiness: "Happiness is in the little things.” “Don’t worry, be happy.” But these phrases that permeate our lives are nothing but moot, hollow ideas, confusing and irritating—at least to me. I realize that the concept of happiness occupies a lot of time and space in my mind; thoughts about how to make my decisions. I know I am not the only one. To debunk the happiness hypothesis, I asked 13 people to give me their ideas on happiness. What is happiness? Is “happiness closing your eyes and not feeling heavy” or is “happiness accepting the cards that you are dealt with”? Does one include the other? In our discussions, two contrasting ideas arose. The first one describes happiness as a state, being free of negative emotions and stress, a peaceful moment. The second designates happiness as a purpose, a goal, or “something to strive for,” and “happiness as a goal and not something that necessarily exists.” Is happiness the absence of something else? What do you feel when you feel happy? Is happiness a feeling that can be described? What is happiness in its being? Is it a feeling? In the hardest attempt to delineate happiness, we all struggle. It’s already hard to describe a feeling; that being said, it is a feeling that is heavily discussed and rings in our ears from day one. We couldn’t conclude if happiness is the absence of something else. Some argued yes, happiness is peace, a mere absence of anything negative, mostly pertaining to imminent stress or anxiety. Others objected, claiming that happiness is its own thing, a feeling most closely related to something warm, “a sunny day,” “a conversation with a friend,” or even happiness is ontologically fragile and is solely construed as a goal. Do you think some people are incapable of finding happiness? Even though happiness is complex and misunderstood, all participants agreed that its subjectivity renders it accessible to all. Everybody agrees that happiness is so personal that it can be perceived in different ways and personalized to a maximum. However, what is the relation of happiness to external stimuli? Is happiness purely based on perception? Thinking of the sun, most people feel happy. So, do we have the power of perception over external stimuli, or is it solely dependent on our perception? Given the example of the sun as a predator in Camus’s “L’etranger,” we thought of the associations of things, their value, and the ideas we ascribe to them. The sun can be seen as a happiness indicator, an etch to spend the day outside, but according to most participants, the sun can turn into a predator depending on pre-existing emotions. If stress is preoccupying one’s mind, then the sun is an annoyance. One participant even mentioned that it depends on familiarity and comfort with external stimuli. The sun is as comforting and happy as you understand it to be. Rain in a rainy place is comforting, as it is understood as normality, associated with a blanket and a hot beverage. Does happiness transcend time? When you think about happy memories, do they remain happy? “Eating ice cream with my sister under the sun” will always be a happy memory in my mind. But is this pure happiness, or is it amalgamated with sadness, worry, and other negative emotions? I understand that happiness is not pure bliss, but how can you be sad and happy at the same time? I understand that it is not the same for everyone, and a happy moment that has passed for some remains happy and only reminisced in a positive light. What about nostalgia? Nostalgia, denoted by homesickness (nostos, i.e., return to home, and algos, i.e., acute pain), is something we probably all experienced. So how can happiness transcend time if it's thinking about something that is lost and can never be relived? Some claim nostalgia is unrelated to happiness, rather its own concept, even if it can be bittersweet. One interpreted nostalgia through the lens of ‘Saudade, in Portuguese,’ described by sadness for missing but happiness for feeling, arguing that happiness transcends time and the longing for a moment, is followed by happiness for the existence of the moment in itself. Nostalgia can be both happiness and unhappiness. Happiness can be tailored; happiness is experienced differently. In the end, as arduous as it is to find happiness on your own, it's the only way. There cannot be a collective happiness hypothesis. Thank you to all participants, this article would not be possible without you! Thanks to Ecesu, Nela, Aysenaz, Marly, Saskia, Louis, Lola, Chams, Juni, Tommi, Pedro, Greg, and Mahmoud.

< Back Turbulent Tensions: What’s Going on Over Russia? Pracheth Sanka January 31, 2025 Dec. 25, 2024: Azerbaijan Airlines Flight 8243, en route from Baku, Azerbaijan to Grozny, Chechnya, inexplicably crashed near Aktau, Kazakhstan, on the other side of the Caspian Sea. The intended flight path, a regularly scheduled trip, was a near-straight shot north towards Grozny, passing over parts of the Caspian Sea before entering Russian airspace over Makhachkala, Dagestan. However, the flight veered east towards Kazakhstan, severely changing altitude and losing GPS service before its fated descent. The crash killed 38 onboard, including both pilots, and left 29 survivors. Early reports by Russian and Azerbaijani aviation authorities supposed that foggy weather conditions could have been a factor in why the flight diverted toward Aktau, but this gave no explanation for why the flight crashed. Rosaviatsiya, the Russian aviation agency, proposed that a flock of birds may have been to blame for the incident. While these initial predictions indicated that the plane malfunctioned due to unfortunate natural occurrences, the suspected truth is less tame. Shortly after the incident, Azerbaijan Airlines announced that “external interference” was a factor in the flight's demise. Survivors recalled hearing multiple loud bangs as the flight approached Grozny and the flight’s GPS was jammed as it entered Russia, leading to speculation that Russian military operations were to blame for the disaster. Though nearly a thousand kilometers away from the frontline, Ukraine has conducted drone strikes as far as Chechnya as part of the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war . Azerbaijani investigators believe that Russian missiles mistakenly struck down the plane as part of anti-drone operations. Rosaviastsiya also announced that Ukrainian drone strikes had been launched in Grozny before Flight 8243 took off, further providing evidence that the Russian military could have caused the crash. Azerbaijan's President, Ilham Aliyev, placed full blame on Russia, asking Russian President Vladimir Putin to admit guilt and offer compensation to the victims. Despite Aliyev’s pressure, which came with Western support , Putin refused to accept responsibility for the tragedy, only providing his condolences to the victims and those affected. This was not the first instance of a suspicious aviation disaster taking place over Russia. Russian airspace has long been plagued with cases of mysterious crashes and downed airplanes, such as Malaysia Airlines Flight MH17 and the 2023 Wagner Group plane crash, which killed Russian rebel and paramilitary leader Yevgeny Prigozhin. The Kremlin’s failure to cooperate in international investigations into these incidents, and their further refusal to accept any responsibility, point to their sinister involvement in some of aviation’s worst crashes. Flight MH17, which was en route from Amsterdam, Netherlands to Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, crashed over eastern Ukraine in July of 2014, killing all 298 passengers and crew on board. Russia-allied Ukrainian separatists shot down the plane during the war in Donbas, which was part of the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war. An international investigation headed by the Netherlands found that the separatists used Russian-owned missiles to bring down the flight. The same investigation prosecuted four individuals related to the incident, ultimately finding three guilty of the murders of the 298 killed. However, the Kremlin refuses to hand over the three men and continues to deny any involvement in the downing of the plane. Further probing by Dutch officials found that Putin may have even approved the funding and supply of the missiles used by the separatist forces, further implicating his involvement in the crash. While Dutch officials admitted that their evidence was insufficient for a proper conclusion, there were strong indications that Putin taking action may have led to the fate of Flight MH17. Russia’s refusal to cooperate with international prosecutors and investigators permits a shadow of feigned innocence, a way for them to remain devoid of responsibility in the space of international relations, despite the implicit understanding that Putin and the Kremlin bear culpability for their actions. Take Yevgeny Prigozhin’s death in August of 2023, which took place two months after his failed mutiny against the Russian Ministry of Defense. Prigozhin, a once-close ally of Putin and leader of the private military Wagner Group, perished in a private plane crash north of Moscow, killing all passengers on board. Like the Azerbaijan Airlines crash, investigators noted that there was external interference at play and grenade fragments were found in the bodies of the victims, indicating foul play. Putin, who was open to an internal investigation, rejected outside help from the Brazilian company that manufactured the plane, while also dismissing claims that it was an assassination attempt on his behalf. A targeted attack on Prigozhin—who at the time was seen as an enemy of the state—would not be new to the Kremlin. Russian oligarchs and businessmen who oppose the regime have famously died in suspicious circumstances, like falling out of hotel room windows or suffering heart attacks; popular Russian dissident Alexei Navalny suddenly died while serving time in an arctic corrective prison colony, in what may have been a targeted poisoning . It is not below the Putin regime to have assassinated Prigozhin, or at the very least, had some suspect connection to his death. Russia’s failure, like in their other aviation ‘accidents’, to transparently investigate the incident highlights their aversion to culpability and responsibility, despite the rest of the world seeming to see past the Kremlin’s facade. Perhaps Putin truly believes that he has done no wrong, and it could be that these accidents were truly just that: accidents. Or maybe he knows that as long as these disasters take place within his borders, no one can fully know what he has or has not done. Whatever the case may be, the world has become wary of wandering in Russian air. The European Union’s aviation agency has warned all non-European airlines to avoid flying over Western Russia and to avoid being unintentionally—or intentionally—targeted by Russian defense systems. As the war wages on, and Putin’s power is checked, both externally and internally, flying into Russian airspace seems to be an increasingly dangerous venture. Airlines should heed the ominous warnings of their fated predecessors and avoid the tragedy of a downed flight. Photo credits: Wikicommons

< Back Menton Hosts the 89th Edition of the Lemon Festival By Catarina Vita March 31, 2023 From Feb. 11 to 26, our once-deserted “lemon town” became packed with tourists from all over the world to attend Menton’s renowned Fête du Citron. Composed of parades (called corsos) from the train station to Place St. Roch, endless lemon-themed souvenirs and even 30-euro NFTs on sale , Menton’s Lemon Festival brought over 250,000 people to the small town . To Menton’s economy and tourism, this annualfestivity is crucial. The 89th edition of the Fête du Citron was themed rock and opera, with the mascot being John Lemon — a pun for John Lennon, the famous member of the Beatles and rock singer. The majestic lemon structures at Jardin Biovès all resemble rock and opera singers, and every Thursday during the festival, a parade stopped the city and displayed even more lemon-made structures and rock and opera music. According to Marinella Giardina, the tourism assistant to the mayor of Menton, in an interview with France Bleu , “a rock lemon is a lemon filled with vitamins and bananas and invites you to bite into life with certainty.” With this statement, Giardina means that the 89th Fête du Citron and its symbolic lemon will not be bitter but sweet and inviting to participate in. It is no exaggeration that the weekly corsos during the Lemon Festival paralyzed Menton. Mayor Yves Juhel, speaking to France3 Provence-Alpes-Côte-D’Azur , confirmed that over 100,000 people bought tickets to watch the festival. These presentations ended at 23:15, and since the trains back to other cities in the Côte D’Azur line end not long after 21:00, the Mayor encouraged bus networks to supplement train services. In 1896, the first edition of the Fête du Citron began. Hotel workers suggested a parade to draw visitors to Menton during the wintertime. This idea attracted not only high-profile visitors, such as Queen Victoria but the citizens of Menton as well. From 1896 to 1929, the parade continued, but without the famous citron as its main character. As 1929 approached, Menton led the production of lemons in the region, and hotel workers from Hotel Riviera organized a parade of citrus flowers and fruits throughout Menton. In 1934, the Fête du Citron became an annual tradition. It is undeniable that the festival is crucial for the Mentonese economy. According to BFM Côte D’Azur , a local Italian shop and restaurant, Pasta Piemonte, which sells ravioli with Menton lemon filling, reported selling eighty kilos of their delicacy. The shop owner also said that their orders are concentrated on corso days, especially because their location is close to Jardin Biovès, and hence close to the lemon-made statues. A local hotel was also reported to have a 100% occupancy rate during the Fête du Citron. Tutti Frutti, a Michelin-starred ice cream parlor, was closed in Menton since late October, and reopened due to the Lemon Festival, which has brought in massive queues. Frank Devergranne, interviewed by France3 Provence-Alpes-Côte-D’Azur as a member of the Menton’s hôteliers union, reported an approximate 50% growth in hotel performance. He also considered the economic concern for hotel workers in Menton during quarantine and winter time and how this year’s Fête du Citron was “a big gulp of oxygen” for their revenues. Small touristic train-like cars circulate Menton during the day times of the Lemon Festival, which gives temporary driving jobs to people in need. The promotion of dance, music and art for workers in the creative field is highlighted in the Lemon Festival, which makes the event a valuable opportunity for those working in the industry. Considering the passion the Mentonese government and the Côte D’Azur has for the annual Fête du Citron, the theme for its 90th edition is already established: the Olympics from ancient history to the present. The year 2024 will also be when Paris hosts the Olympic games, which will only further bolster French tourism. Nonetheless, the surface area of Menton is a humble 14.05 kilometers squared, and harboring more than 250,000 people is challenging, especially with its infinite staircases and narrow streets. For future events to come, the city is hopeful that the Mentonese government considers this factor and develops strategies to prevent the city from overcrowding. Obvious environmental factors come with the Fête du Citron, such as tourists polluting the streets and wasting food and material. As the Festival comes to an end, lemon peels and paper confetti are found scattered in the Basilica stairs and in the Mentonese narrow streets. To make this event even more prosperous for Menton itself and its citizens’ well-being, the government can deliberate strategies for the sustainability of the Lemon Festival.

Najib Mikati incarne un Liban corrompu et à bout de souffle. Le passé et le présent du pays se sont fait avec lui, mais le futur qu’espèrent nombre de libanais ne pourra se réaliser que lorsque Najib Mikati et toute la classe politique qu’il représente seront relégués au musée. De nouveaux visages sur scène sont attendus pour la nouvelle pièce à écrire. < Back Najib Mikati, un milliardaire dans le marécage du Grand Sérail Lubin Parisien September 30, 2024 « Quelles seront vos priorités ? » demande le journaliste du Figaro . « Améliorer la situation économique, réduire la dette publique, défendre le pouvoir d'achat des Libanais et travailler sur les grands chantiers de réforme qui sont en souffrance », énumère le Premier ministre libanais Najib Mikati. Il pourrait faire référence aux priorités de son gouvernement depuis 2021. En réalité, ces réponses sont tirées d’un entretien accordé au Figaro en 2011, quand il est élu Premier Ministre une seconde fois. Durant une décennie, Najib Mikati est à la tête d’un gouvernement qui doit faire face aux mêmes problèmes. L’absence de progrès interroge: pourquoi rien n’a été fait? Najib Mikati, qualifié « d’éternelle roue de secours » par L’Orient - Le Jour , incarne l’immobilisme d’une classe politique versée dans les affaires et profondément inefficace, si ce n’est néfaste. Le 24 Novembre 1955, Najib Mikati voit le jour à Tripoli. Les élites de Tripoli ont pu ainsi jouer le jeu nationamiste syrien avant de rallier la politique libanaise. Dans l’ouvrage collectif Leaders et partisans au Liban , publié en 2012, Bruno Dewailly revient sur les “transformations du leadership tripolitain”. Désormais, avec le mandat français, “la dimension du négoce finit par primer et l’indépendance marque l’instauration d’un libéralisme particulier associant de nouvelles élites foncières et marchandes”. Dans ce contexte, la famille Mikati est une famille de petits notables tripolitains avec une éducation certaine, mais cela n’a rien à voir avec de grandes dynasties de Beyrouth ou de Tripoli comme les Karamé. C’est dans toute cette dynamique qu’il faut comprendre l'ascension des Mikatis. Najib Mikati est diplômé de l’université américaine de Beyrouth. Son ascension commence avec Investcom, une entreprise de télécommunication, fondée avec son frère, Taha Mikati. De 1975 à 1990, la guerre civile fait rage au Liban, les infrastructures de télécommunications tombent comme des dominos. C’est justement cela qui fait la prospérité de Investcom; l’entreprise vend en effet des téléphones satellitaires, et plus tard elle reconstruit un réseau d’infrastructures de télécommunications. Najib Mikati noue des liens privilégiés avec le régime des Assads: quelques semaines après l’accession au pouvoir de Bachar al-Assad, une filiale d’Investcom obtient des concessions pour opérer en Syrie. Mikati s’est aussi fait une place dans le capitalisme mondial, son groupe est coté dans de grandes bourses et est présent dans 10 pays, notamment en Afrique de l’Ouest. En 2006, les frères Mikatis empochent 5 milliards de dollars avec la vente d’Investcom à la compagnie sud-africaine MTN. Néanmoins, en faisant l’acquisition de 6% des actions de MTN , les Mikati ne coupent pas les ponts avec les télécoms. Leurs actifs se diversifient, que ce soit avec l'immobilier, la finance ou avec la mode (Pepe Jeans). Tout cela est regroupé dans une maison-mère, M1 Group, créée en 2007. Ils s’aventurent même dans la presse avec le lancement du site Lebanon 24 en 2011. En 2024, le magazine Forbes évalue la fortune de chacun des frères Mikati à 2,8 milliards de dollars , c’est-à-dire les plus grosses fortunes individuelles recensées par le magazine au Liban. Najib Mikati s’est fait une place dans le monde des affaires libanais et plus largement arabe; ce faisant, il acquiert une place dans un monde inextricablement lié au premier: la politique. De 1998 à 2004, il est ministre des Travaux publics et des Transports. Il officie dans les gouvernements de Rafic Hariri notamment, sans pour autant intégrer le grand parti sunnite des Hariris. La charge ministérielle l’a d’ailleurs « convaincu de la nécessité de ne pas cumuler les charges du ministère et de la députation. » Il gravit néanmoins progressivement les échelons ; il est élu député à Tripoli en 2000 tout en restant ministre. En 2005, l’ex-Premier ministre Rafic Hariri est assassiné dans des conditions troubles. Le pays est en crise, nombreux sont ceux qui dénoncent les ingérences occidentales et surtout l’occupation syrienne. Najib Mikati est alors nommé Premier ministre en avril sur fond de retrait syrien et de révolution populaire. Najib Mikati est une personnalité politique peu connue qui représente l'establishment pro-syrien mais qui a une assise financière mondiale qui le rend légitime aux yeux de la communauté internationale. Son gouvernement comporte des pro et anti-syriens, et pour l’organisation des élections, il fait appel à la communauté internationale: c’est donc un gouvernement consensuel. Il profite de son image en retrait pour apparaître comme une solution de compromis, mais le mandat que lui accorde la classe politique n’est qu’un intérim: « il accepte ce qu’il refuse aujourd’hui [en 2021]: être à la tête d’un gouvernement dont la seule mission est de superviser les élections et le retrait syrien du Liban » selon L’Orient-Le Jour dans une rétrospective de sa carrière politique. En 2011, le Liban est encore en crise . Le gouvernement de Saad Hariri chute. Le Hezbollah affirme sa supériorité militaire et reproche à M. Hariri de ne pas avoir assez fait pression sur le tribunal international sur l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri. Il est soutenu par le Hezbollah, il est parfois même présenté comme le candidat du parti chiite. Le clan Hariri, chassé du Grand Sérail, accuse M. Mikati de trahison contre sa communauté sunnite. Mikati est dès le début en position de funambule: dans un entretien avec Le Figaro en Février 2011, il déclare: « Avant de me soutenir, le Hezbollah m'a certes demandé des engagements, mais j'ai répondu que je ne pouvais pas les assurer. Je ne me suis engagé qu'à une chose envers lui: protéger la résistance. » Les trois enjeux de son gouvernement sont sa propre survie, le redressement de l’économie libanaise exsangue ainsi que d’éviter la propagation de la guerre civile syrienne au Liban. Pour s’attirer les bonnes grâces de la communauté internationale, il dégèle les fonds que le Liban devait allouer au Tribunal enquêtant sur l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri; il le présente comme une initiative personnelle pour ne pas attirer en même temps les foudres du Hezbollah qui craignait des poursuites à son encontre. Le gouvernement chute à cause des dissensions de la coalition autour de l’attitude à adopter vis-à-vis de la guerre civile syrienne : la politique d’équilibrisme de Najib Mikati n’a pas fait long feu. La question de la réforme électorale et du redécoupage des circonscriptions ont finalement raison des lambeaux de la coalition de M. Mikati. Il reste Premier ministre jusqu’en 2013, il exerce l’intérim jusqu’en 2014, jusqu’aux élections législatives repoussées par un Parlement n’ayant pas trouvé d’accord sur ses modalités. En parallèle, le Liban obtient le score peu glorieux de 30 sur l’indice de perception de la corruption en 2013: le pays occupe la 127ème place. Le Gouvernement Mikati n’a pas rétabli la confiance envers le pays et sa classe politique. Il n’a pas attiré le tonnerre sur le Liban, mais il n’a résolu aucun problème et a ainsi laissé le système politique s'encroûter. En 2021, Najib Mikati est de retour dans le Grand Sérail, siège du gouvernement libanais. Le Liban a vécu de grandes manifestations en 2019 contre l’incurie économique du pays. En 2020, l’explosion d’un silo de nitrate d’ammonium dans le port de Beyrouth fait 235 morts et défigure la capitale. Après les échecs de Saad Hariri, Hassan Diab puis Mustapha Adib, c'est Najib Mikati qui est nommé Premier ministre , avec notamment le soutien de la France. Pour rétablir la confiance des bailleurs de fonds internationaux dans le Liban, il doit trouver une solution aux problèmes d’approvisionnement en hydrocarbures et améliorer le sort des 78% de libanais sous le seuil de pauvreté. Son poste de Premier Ministre est remis en jeu début 2022, nombreux sont ceux qui considèrent son gouvernement comme démissionnaire. En juin, il reçoit le mandat du Parlement pour former un nouveau gouvernement, avec 54 voix sur 128 ; il bénéficie du soutien des partis chiites que sont le Hezbollah et Amal, mais les partis chrétiens le rejettent. Le rejet de M. Mikati par les partis chrétiens est d’autant plus vrai quand il faut élire un nouveau président. Le mandat de Michel Aoun expire le 31 octobre 2022. Les relations entre Najib Mikati et Michel Aoun sont notoirement mauvaises, ce qui pourrait être expliqué par leurs parcours opposés: M. Mikati était au gouvernement sous l’occupation syrienne alors que Michel Aoun était en exil en France après s’être opposé à l’intervention de Hafez al-Assad. Avant de quitter le palais présidentiel, Aoun envoie une lettre au Parlement où il nie toute autorité à Najib Mikati, qui avait reçu la confiance du Parlement mais qui n’avait pas encore formé son gouvernement. Il déclare dans un discours qu’en « vertu des pouvoirs que [lui] confère la Constitution, j'ai adressé ce matin une lettre à la Chambre des représentants et j'ai signé le décret de démission du gouvernement. » Néanmoins, si la Présidence n’a pas de titulaire, c’est à M. Mikati de remplir les prérogatives liées à la fonction présidentielle. Il ressort gagnant du bras de fer avec Michel Aoun. Son gouvernement est constitué, mais il est affaibli. Najib Mikati est à la tête du jeu politique libanais en cumulant les prérogatives présidentielles et primo-ministérielles, mais il ne tire pas toutes les ficelles de ce jeu politique. Il n’est que celui qui a le plus réussi à maintenir des voix autour de sa personne. Aujourd’hui, il n’y a toujours pas de Président élu. Autre souci pour M. Mikati, la révélation des bénéfices qu’il a retirés de biens mal acquis, notamment avec les Pandora Papers en 2021. Il est accusé d’avoir détourné, par l’intermédiaire de sociétés-écrans, un prêt accordé à M1 Group par la Banque du Liban— entre 2010 et 2013 alors qu’il était Premier ministre—pour acquérir un patrimoine immobilier personnel à Monaco et en Côte d’Azur. En Avril 2024, l’ONG Sherpa et le Collectif des Victimes des Pratiques Frauduleuses et Criminelles au Liban ont porté plainte en France auprès du PNF (Parquet National Financier). Ces transactions malhonnêtes se seraient faites avec la complicité de Riad Salamé, ancien directeur omnipotent de la Banque du Liban, arrêté en septembre 2024 pour corruption et détournement de fonds. Enfin, M. Mikati est aujourd’hui à la tête d’un Liban au bord de la guerre, après le 7 octobre 2023 et avec des échanges de roquettes réguliers entre le Hezbollah et l’Etat hébreu. Alors qu’Israël a frappé Beyrouth-Sud en août et que de nouvelles frappes encore plus meurtrières ont été initié le 23 septembre, le gouvernement semble dépossédé de l’exercice de la souveraineté de l’Etat libanais, État bien souvent oublié quand on parle de la possible guerre au Liban. M. Mikati est spectateur de la géopolitique régionale. Ses initiatives sont convenues et reprennent peu ou prou les mêmes idées que celles défendues par les chancelleries occidentales. Le rôle de Najib Mikati, qui a des ministres du Hezbollah dans son gouvernement, est sans doute de maintenir et de geler le jeu politique libanais pendant que le Hezbollah, l’Iran et Israël mènent un jeu autrement plus dangereux et déterminant pour l’avenir du Liban. Najib Mikati est partout et nulle part à la fois. Son évanescence lui a permis de naviguer dans toutes les ramifications du marécage politique libanais, et il a su maintenir un État libanais lors de grandes crises comme celle d’aujourd’hui. Il a surtout maintenu les iniquités décriées par la population et qui gangrènent la politique libanaise: Najib Mikati incarne un Liban corrompu et à bout de souffle. Le passé et le présent du pays se sont fait avec lui, mais le futur qu’espèrent nombre de libanais ne pourra se réaliser que lorsque Najib Mikati et toute la classe politique qu’il représente seront relégués au musée. De nouveaux visages sur scène sont attendus pour la nouvelle pièce à écrire.

Allowing citizens abroad to vote in European elections is not just a matter of convenience; it's a recognition of the evolving nature of citizenship in an interconnected world. < Back European Parliament: A Plea for Uniformity in Electoral Regulation By Selma Kaymakci for European Society November 30, 2023 As the 2024 European Parliament election, scheduled for June 6 to 9, approaches, the institution is at a crossroads, with pressing challenges of possible radicalization and ensuing need for effective functioning. Central to overcoming these challenges is fostering high voter turnout in the upcoming elections. Amidst its commitment to democracy and increasing voter participation via communication campaigns, a persistent issue casts a shadow over the electoral process in four specific member states: Czechia, Slovakia, Malta and Ireland. These four countries, by law, do not allow their citizens to vote from abroad. Despite 23 of the 27 European Union Member States allowing remote voting as a means to enhance accessibility and civic engagement, these four countries require their citizens abroad to return home to vote, with many citizens opting not to do so. While this may seem like a minor issue, in practicality, it has wider implications. Allowing citizens abroad to vote in European elections is not just a matter of convenience; it's a recognition of the evolving nature of citizenship in an interconnected world. The voting rights in the elections to the European Parliament extend beyond national borders, impacting not just the voters’ own national legislation but shaping the very mechanisms and policies of the European Union, hence indirectly impacting the laws and legislation of other member states. EU citizens living in a different member state than their origin are also highly relevant for the outcome of the elections. The first-hand experience of cross-border mobility abroad offers a tangible expression of the abstract idea of the European Union, reflecting a nuanced understanding of the benefits and challenges of European integration. Particularly amid growing radicalization in some member states , the votes of those who live abroad are likely to push for policies reflecting ideals of the current European Union, contributing to stability. Interestingly, the four countries in question present a different case on this matter. In Malta and Ireland, citizens living outside the country do not have the ability to vote in any state elections or referendums—however, both countries have different outlooks and solutions on the matter. In Malta, all elections have resulted in subsidizing airplane tickets for eligible voters, which was also done in the 2019 European elections. While this is admirable, it calls into question the need for such barriers in the first place. The idea of citizens having to board an airplane to exercise their fundamental right to vote appears to be rather obsolete, at least, in the 21st century. In Ireland, no solution is proposed to this issue, and at the heart of the matter is a lack of political will to address this problem. However, by limiting voting rights to those within the country's borders, Ireland inadvertently sustains a system that excludes a segment of its population in both European and local elections. Czechia is a different case, where citizens can vote in parliamentary and presidential elections from abroad, but are excluded from participating in European elections, senate and local elections. Slovakia also presents a similar policy, where nationals abroad have the option of voting by mail in parliamentary elections but not in presidential and European elections. While the absence of vote from abroad in local elections can be justified via constituency fragmentation, the countries stand as one electoral district in the case of European Parliament elections. Hence, they have no reason not to facilitate elections from embassies or consulates. This exclusion of voting rights, coming from a time when interest in voting for MEPs (i.e., Member of the European Parliament) was low, presents a democratic blind spot that requires immediate attention. Solution? An alternative choice for individuals living abroad in these states is to vote for their country of residence rather than their country of origin. This, however, comes with obstacles—and the more obstacles presented to voters, the greater the chance of non-participation. It requires citizens to be aware that they can vote in their country of residence, register, map out the political arena and cast their ballots. Even when a person is willing to run through these hurdles, the conditions vary across member states as to who can vote in European elections, not ensuring that one can vote at all if they cannot travel to their country of citizenship. One thing is certain—the European Electoral Act requires revision for a set of united election rules to occur, ensuring full accessibility, equity and legitimacy of representation. The European Electoral Act currently only outlines very broad common principles and lacks a uniform electoral system across EU Member States for European elections. While changes were introduced to this act, most recently in 2022, that sought to harmonize the electoral procedure in many aspects, for these changes to come into effect a long process including a unanimous vote from the Council and majority consent from the Parliament is needed. Most recently, a debate on this act was held in June of 2023, so for the 2024 elections, the train to pass the revised version of the act has long passed. At a time when political turmoil is present and every vote can influence the outcome of the election, this can prove to be a dangerous aspect of European legislation that has not been given sufficient attention. Examining and addressing these seemingly insignificant legislative issues is crucial as the European Union navigates the complexities of modern governance to combat extremism in the European Parliament and ensure that the democratic process remains reflective of the dispersed European population, guaranteeing voting rights to every citizen.

There may be a wider loss of confidence in the Egyptian government’s ability to successfully navigate its debt burden and stabilize its economy: Egyptian sovereign debt prices have been falling in recent weeks, while prices in comparable countries have risen or remained stable.  < Back The Shifting Regional Political Landscape and the Impact on Egyptian Assets By Noor Ahmad September 27, 2023 Egypt, along with many other developing countries, is suffering from the aftereffects of the COVID-19 pandemic and the impact on grain and energy prices as a result of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Recently, however, some indicators suggest that there may be a wider loss of confidence in the Egyptian government’s ability to successfully navigate its debt burden and stabilize its economy: Egyptian sovereign debt prices have been falling in recent weeks, while prices in comparable countries have risen or remained stable. As recently as December 2022, Egypt entered into its third loan program with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) since Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s regime took power. This normally would be a positive development and result in a favorable disposition of international capital markets toward a country. The loan amount of three billion dollars is small in comparison to Egypt’s financing needs, estimated at $17 billion this year. Still, an IMF agreement is typically accompanied by additional financing from international and regional partners like the Gulf states. In this instance, another $14 billion of financing is anticipated from the latter group. Egypt has also agreed to sell its state-owned assets as part of its agreement with the IMF. Many of these assets have arisen from an expanding military presence in Egypt’s economy during President Sisi’s tenure, as the President has granted privileges and favors to his generals and the military at large to cement his grip on power. A 2020 World Bank estimate suggests that the military owns 60 companies in 19 of the 24 economic sectors. For example, the National Service Projects Organization, a military affiliate, oversees 30 companies in the food, mining, petroleum, and construction sectors. In addition, these companies have an inherent advantage as they pay no taxes or customs duties, unlike the private sector. There are several fundamental issues with this plan. Firstly, there is little visibility of these assets and their profitability to the public; secondly, divesting them to the private sector would result in the loss of military patronage, and President Sisi has been announcing privatization initiatives since 2019 with minimal progress; lastly, the buyers are likely to be mostly Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) sovereign wealth funds which are known to be opportunistic. During his visit to Egypt, the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, announced deals totalling $7.7 billion. Out of this deal, some $1.3 billion have been invested based on reports from Egyptian state-owned news company Al-Ahram. But progress has since stalled. Similarly, the Qatar Investment Authority has been in discussions to purchase a stake in Vodafone Egypt, which Telecom Egypt partially owns. These negotiations are also at an impasse. Beyond the traditional financial negotiations, there are likely to be deeper political drivers that need to be considered. In the case of Saudi Arabia, an ongoing dispute about the transfer of two Red Sea Islands, Tiran and Sanafir, which Egypt agreed to in 2017 is once again stalled – these were islands disputed and claimed by Saudi Arabia for many years. The Saudis may be using their financial clout to pressure the Egyptians, who are fast approaching their self-imposed deadline of June 2023 for divesting six billion dollars in assets to buy financial headroom for their crisis-hit economy. Beyond this, the transfer of islands has a wider impact on the attempt to normalize Saudi-Israeli relations following the Abraham Accords. Brokered by the United States, the Islands transfer would also open Saudi airspace to Israeli air traffic. This is an important regional development for which the Saudis would seek to use all leverage to accelerate. Likewise, the stalled Qatari negotiations may include this dimension, as they come under pressure from the Saudis and the Americans to further regional normalization. The Egyptians have used the delaying tactic on the islands to pressure the United States to release part of its one billion dollars in military aid that the Americans have held up to force the Egyptian government to improve its human rights record. And the above drama is taking place against a wider rapprochement in the region. A recent Chinese initiative facilitated talks between the Saudis and the Iranians on normalizing relations and enforcing a ceasefire in Yemen, where both countries are involved through proxies. A normalization of Saudi Arabia with its traditional foes, Israel and Iran, would diminish Egypt’s role in the region, given that the Egyptian military has historically provided an umbrella for Saudi security. Standard & Poors Global Ratings, one of the three biggest credit rating agencies, issued a report on the state of the Egyptian economy and its creditworthiness in January 2023. It stated that it considered the importance of stability in Egypt a major incentive for official and commercial lenders to help it meet its external finance requirements. It also opined that the Egyptian government was committed to the necessary reforms and viewed its growth prospects favorably. Most notably, Egypt has begun to benefit from the return of foreign tourists and is making headway in its gas exports. The transition of Egypt’s economy from military-run to private-sector growth is unlikely to be straightforward as vested interests hinder the process. At the same time, regional politics is likely to cause turbulence in negotiations for the sale of assets and increase of financing. But the normalization of relations between the Saudis, Israelis and Iranians will likely take several years, given historical distrust and regional rivalries. The Saudis and the remainder of the Gulf Cooperation Council are unlikely to abandon Egypt, given its military importance. The turbulence in Egypt’s financial assets is most likely a response to the drama unfolding in the region.

While many, particularly in the political arena, view the disaster as purely natural, experts point to human factors such as corruption, poor infrastructure maintenance and chronic conflicts that have left the country unprepared for events like Storm Daniel. This disaster highlights how human irresponsibility in two key areas—climate change and political instability—has compounded the crisis. < Back Libya: Victim of a Double Crisis Eleni Dimitropoulou September 30, 2024 In September 2023, Libya, a country which has been a victim of civil wars, economical crisis and governmental instability, was struck once again by an unexpected nightmare, an environmental disaster: Storm Daniel. The "Omega block", a high-pressure zone sandwiched between two zones of low pressure, with the isobars shaping like the Greek letter omega (Ω) was largely responsible for the prolonged duration of the storm. This meteorological event caused the storm system to linger over the region for an extended period, continuously pumping moist air from the Mediterranean Sea, intensifying both the storm’s duration and rainfall. The Omega block was primarily situated over Central and Northern Europe, while it created a stagnant low-pressure zone in the Ionian Sea. This resulted in several days of warm, moist air flowing from the northeast towards Libya, causing unprecedented rainfall and extreme flooding. As a result, more than 11,000 people lost their lives in the coastal city of Derna and over 30,000 were left homeless. This phenomenon is not new with the region as Derna had already experienced floods in 1941, 1959, and 1968. According to the Libyan Red Crescent, more than 11,300 people were confirmed dead after the powerful storm hit eastern Libya. The ensuing floods breached two dams in Derna, creating a torrent that swept away entire neighborhoods. The floodwaters were described as resembling a massive tsunami. Dozens of bodies were buried in mass graves, as seen in images widely circulated on online platforms. The International Organization for Migration reported that over 3,000 residents in El Beida and 2,000 in Benghazi were left homeless. Derna, which is normally connected to the rest of Libya by seven roads, is now only accessible by two, with electrical and telecommunications damage hampering rescue efforts. The scale of the disaster was exacerbated by the lack of maintenance on two critical dams on the dry Wadi river south of the city. Al Bilal Dam, with a capacity of 1.5 million cubic meters survived the storm. However, the larger Abu Mansour Dam, closer to the city which could hold 22.5 million cubic meters, collapsed. These dams were constructed using pressed clay with stone linings, materials less durable than reinforced concrete. Since 2014, Libya has been politically divided between two rival governments: one based in Tripoli in the west, recognized by the UN, and another in eastern Libya based in Benghazi, supported by Marshal Khalifa Haftar. The Tripoli-based government, led by interim Prime Minister Abdel Hamid Dabaiba, attempted to assist the eastern region despite not controlling it. Dabaiba announced the dispatch of humanitarian aid, including medicine, food, and medical personnel. A plane from Tripoli arrived in the affected area with 14 tons of aid and 80 doctors. At the same time, the government in eastern Libya, supported by Haftar, oversaw the handling of the Derna crisis. A state of emergency was announced and a crisis management team was established consisting of local officials, emergency responders, medical personnel, engineers, and logistics coordinators to manage the consequences of the disaster. In reaction, various countries such as Egypt, Turkey, and Italy provided international aid by sending rescue teams, medical supplies, and equipment. Organizations like the UN and Red Cross provided crucial humanitarian assistance, such as food, water, and technical knowledge, to aid in ongoing rescue and recovery efforts. Funding has been promised to aid in the reconstruction of the city and repair critical infrastructure The United Nations criticized Libya’s early warning system, with the head of the World Meteorological Organization, suggesting that many casualties could have been avoided if proper warnings had been issued, giving residents time to evacuate. Libya's National Meteorological Center had issued warnings 72 hours before the storm, informing authorities via email and advising precautionary measures. While many, particularly in the political arena, view the disaster as purely natural, experts point to human factors such as corruption, poor infrastructure maintenance and chronic conflicts that have left the country unprepared for events like Storm Daniel. This disaster highlights how human irresponsibility in two key areas—climate change and political instability—has compounded the crisis. Climate change, driven by human activities such as the greenhouse effect, is now striking back, with severe consequences that threaten lives. Simultaneously, political instability, the lack of consensus and ongoing conflicts have prevented both governments from investing in essential infrastructure, schools, healthcare, and housing. The ongoing political deadlock continues to prevent displaced individuals from returning home, as fair reconstruction assistance remains difficult to obtain. One year after the destroying surges in Derna, caused by violent wind Daniel on September 11, 2023, the city is still in a a slow reconstruction process. Belgacem Haftar, the child of compelling Libyan military pioneer Khalifa Haftar, is supervising the restoration endeavors. Be that as it may, Human Rights Watch has criticized the Libyan government for falling flat in supplying satisfactory stipends and support to survivors. The ongoing political deadlock continues to prevent displaced individuals from returning home, as fair reconstruction assistance remains difficult to obtain. In Derna, extensive damage remains to housing, water and sanitation networks, electricity grids, hospitals, and schools. The recovery process has been so slow that survivors’ access to essential services, such as healthcare and education, remains disrupted. Financial and government services are also limited, and thousands of victims remain unidentified or missing. Armed groups that contributed to the chaotic emergency response, hindering residents from seeking safety, have yet to be held accountable. In a similarly tragic event one year later, over 5,800 people were displaced due to flooding in the southwestern Libyan towns of Ghat and Tahala. Many are staying with relatives, while others are sheltered in temporary camps and schools. This second flooding disaster highlights the country’s continued vulnerability to extreme weather and the lack of an effective national response plan. The situation in Libya is undeniably vulnerable, and seeing no improvement in the past year is both disappointing and alarming. Both governments, as well as the global community, must take action, raise awareness about the issue and find ways to tackle it. Non-governmental organizations can serve as central points of collaboration between countries and individuals. As for the Libyan government, they must focus more on the root causes of this emergency situation rather than on the political status quo. After all, human lives are more important than power. Let us all hope that Libya, the gem of Africa, will be saved and that no more dead bodies will fill the streets. Instead, they will once again be full of life and joy.

As mass protests continue to spread in Iran, understanding how the system of arbitrary detention is maintained is crucial in order to determine how it can be addressed. Arbitrary detention encompasses not only illegal detentions but also deprivations of liberty that, even when lawful, are disproportionate, unreasonable, or lack due process. < Back The Iranian Judicial System: Institutionalizing Fear and Repression Rym Goura February 15, 2026 "Reza Khandan's imprisonment is an affront to the most fundamental principles of human dignity and justice," stated Kerry Kennedy, the president of the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Center. Like many other detained Iranian activists, Reza Khandan's only crime is openly advocating for the rule of law, women's rights and the future of Iran. As mass protests continue to spread in Iran, understanding how the system of arbitrary detention is maintained is crucial in order to determine how it can be addressed. Arbitrary detention encompasses not only illegal detentions but also deprivations of liberty that, even when lawful, are disproportionate, unreasonable, or lack due process. One of the many goals that the Islamic Republic of Iran, like other states that resort to it, hopes to achieve through arbitrary detention is to silence dissenting voices. And it therefore cannot be ignored. As of January 2026, it is estimated that at least 27,000 people have been detained by the regime, including hundreds of minors. Repression in Iran extends far beyond detention and the incarceration system, encompassing surveillance, censorship, intimidation as well as physical and psychological abuse. Within this system, prisons function as a “social microcosm” under total state control as a way to suppress dissent. As Reza Afshari explains, theocratic authorities view prisons as a microcosm of “the perfect Islamic society” where they exercise total control over individuals. The prison system is designed to break anyone whose interpretation of religion differs from that of the authorities. The institutionalization of arbitrary detention started with the Iranian Revolution of 1979. At least 31 revolutionary tribunals have been created since then . Although these tribunals are formally presented as judicial bodies, in practice they function largely to legitimize repression rather than to guarantee due process. Witnesses have reported the use of torture to force confessions and even instances of pre-written judicial decisions. For example on Oct. 7, 2023 Reza (Gholamreza) Rasaei was sentenced due to confessions obtained after his subjection to sexual violence, asphyxiation, beatings, electric shocks and other forms of inhuman treatment. On Aug. 6, 2024, he was then secretly executed—neither his family nor his lawyer were informed. Reza Rasaei’s case is not an isolated one. It instead demonstrates how far these tribunals are from guaranteeing fair trials. Despite Iran's ratification of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment in 1988, these tribunals clearly violate Article 15—statements obtained under torture are inadmissible in court. An anonymous Iranian jurist reported to France Inter: "There is one revolutionary prosecutor per tribunal. He is there to read the indictment. He is subject to the will of intelligence agents and comes to present what the interrogators from the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence or the Ministry of Intelligence have written for him." This testimony illustrates that the prosecutor’s role is largely ceremonial, with real decisions determined by intelligence agencies long before any trial begins. This subordination of the judiciary to intelligence and security forces fundamentally shapes the judicial process. Combined with the systematic use of violent methods during detention, it ensures that opponents of the regime who enter the judicial system are unlikely to regain their freedom. Even when detainees survive imprisonment, the judicial process itself functions as a mechanism of sustained control and incapacitation, whether through threats of execution, prolonged incarceration, or irreversible physical and psychological harm. The non-governmental organization Iran Human Rights reports that at least 1,500 Iranians were executed in 2025, the highest number recorded in 35 years. Iran thus remains among the countries that most frequently resort to the death penalty. Furthermore, the regime amplifies the impact of this repression by making violence visible to society. Through media broadcasts and publicized confessions, individual punishment becomes a warning to the wider population, reinforcing fear and discouraging dissent. On Jan. 5, 2026, Tasnim News, a website affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, broadcasted the confessions of two Iranian women—one 18 years old and the other just 16 years old— admitting to leading riots. The regime's use of media platforms illustrates how it integrates media into its broader system of repression, linking detention and propaganda to maintain control over Iranian society. Arbitrary detention and propaganda practices are made possible by a broader architecture of opacity, in which detainees are deliberately isolated from Iranian society. In many cases, the detainees forced to confess are held in secret detention or forcibly disappeared, leaving them more vulnerable to violent treatment and severely limiting their access to legal counsel, if it is even offered. Another tool used by the Islamic Republic of Iran is the restriction of access to a lawyer of the detainee's choice. During Frahad Meysami’s detention, he had no access to a lawyer, despite his mother going to the judicial authorities on multiple occasions with lawyer Arash Keykhosravi. Nowhere is this system more visible than within Iranian prisons’ physical architecture. Evin Prison in Tehran is the embodiment of the dehumanization process that opponents of the Islamic Republic of Iran face. Louis Arnaud, a French citizen detained in Evin Prison for 623 days, describes the conditions inside. He spent the first part of his detention in "a corridor about fifty meters long by three meters wide. A tunnel without any windows. No bed, no chair, no furniture... but men. There are about a hundred of them lying on the bare floor." He was then moved to Section 209, the intelligence section, where he was put in a small room with blinding lights that never turned off. He adds: "there are physical tortures, such as rapes or simulated hangings and psychological tortures, which are intended to maintain permanent emotional instability.".The psychological impact of such living conditions is severe and long-lasting. This system of repression does not affect all detainees in the same way. Its impact is particularly acute for Iranian women who challenge political authority and gender norms. Nasrin Sotoudeh, an Iranian human rights lawyer and activist, was detained multiple times due to her career. Her most recent detention, from Jul. 2022 to Dec. 2024, was in Evin Prison. In March 2019, she was sentenced to 38 years in prison and 148 lashes: 33 years for defending women who protested the mandatory hijab and five years for "collusion against national security." Sotoudeh’s sentence became one of the harshest ever given to a human rights activist in Iran. In total, she was detained three times: first from September 2010 to September 2013, then from June 2018 to November 2020, and once more from July 2022 to December 2024. Although she has been released, she is still in Iran, and her sentences can be reactivated at any time. Additionally, she still faces a number of constraints, such as travel bans, professional restrictions on her law practice, constant surveillance and the risk of re-imprisonment. Her husband, Reza Khandan, was arrested in September 2018 and sentenced in January 2019 to six years in prison for "spreading propaganda against the state. His imprisonment was widely seen as retaliation for Nasrin’s activism, a tactic commonly used by the Iranian regime: punishing family members to increase pressure on activists and disrupt their support networks. The repeated arrests, combined with ongoing legal restrictions and limited freedoms, are part of the regime’s broader strategy to maintain control over dissent. The threat of further detention remains ever-present, even when the authorities release detainees “early,” giving a false appearance of leniency. However, as the Islamic Republic of Iran escalates its violent repression of the 2026 protests , the methods employed by the regime have become even more severe than in 2022–2023. On Jan. 5, 2026, the head of the judicial power ordered prosecutors to show “no leniency” toward protesters and to accelerate their trials. In a system already neglecting due process, speeding up trials further undermines their legitimacy: evidence may be ignored or improperly examined and basic procedural safeguards are increasingly bypassed. This escalation reveals something crucial: the regime’s violence is not a sign of strength, but of desperation. Each internet blackout, each forced confession broadcast on state media and each family member imprisoned is an admission that the system cannot win through legitimacy. The apparatuses of fear, from revolutionary tribunals to Evin’s corridors, exist precisely because the regime cannot govern through consent. Here, there lies a paradox that the Islamic Republic cannot resolve: Every tool of repression deployed to enforce silence instead creates witnesses. Every Nasrin Sotoudeh imprisoned ensures that her name is known far beyond prison walls. Every Reza Khandan detained generates a story that escapes the regime’s control. The Islamic Republic has built an elaborate architecture of fear, but in doing so, it has also produced evidence of its own illegitimacy. Systematic arbitrary detention is not a malfunction of the system; rather, it is one of its core instruments. And while the regime enforces silence through it, the voices of resilience continue to bear witness to the human cost of its oppression. Photo Source: Lewisiscrazy, Wikimedia Commons

< Back Democrats’ Worst Fear: Pro-Life Bill Attempts to Kill Roe By Madeline Wyatt October 31, 2021 When Texas’s Senate Bill 8 (SB8) took effect on September 1, known as the “Texas Heartbeat Act” under section one of the law, most people expected it to reach the Supreme Court for violating Roe v. Wade ’s precedent under which women are entitled to privacy when receiving abortions. It was the Democrats’ worst fears come true: Trump’s heirs on the Supreme Court could finally make good on his campaign promise to overturn the nation’s landmark ruling. A few days before the law was set to go into effect, it went to the Supreme Court in an emergency request to block the law until its constitutionality could be determined, but in a surprisingly convoluted and pedantic motion relying extensively upon the law’s more dubious provisions, the Supreme Court, in a 5-4 ruling, declined to block its passage. Still, the Court did not rule on the law’s constitutionality— something John Roberts’s dissenting opinion made abundantly clear. The most odious provisions in SB8 were crafted with surgical precision meant to circumvent judicial review, which proved particularly ideal for judges who take an especially textualist approach to ignore the blatant unconstitutionality of SB8— this explains why a court imbued with Scalia apostles allowed the Texas law to proceed into effect. The majority opinion held that while the federal court is not endowed with the ability to block a law in question, it is allowed to block the enforcement of the law. SB8 is not technically enforced by state or local officials, rather it is enforced by deputizing all private citizens; in other words, private citizens are responsible for reporting and suing any persons who are thought to have had, given, or aided in abortions— meaning that patients, doctors, nurses, receptionists, and even Uber drivers can be sued under this law if an ordinary citizen believes an abortion took place. If the courts rule in favor of the private reporting citizen, the citizen is entitled to $10,000 by the state, creating a dystopian bounty-hunting system that insulates the Texas government from being held responsible for its law that it created like a game of legislative hot potato. The majority opinion, being the good and noble textualists they are, argued that because it is instead private citizens who are responsible for enforcing the law, the bill could not prohibit Texas from enforcing the law as it would not technically be Texas enforcing it. Such an argument is absurd, however: if the government shares the will of the people— a necessary reflection of its society— then the laws that are created by the government would be representative of the people, meaning the Supreme Court’s choice to enjoin a law by restricting government enforcement would also mean that it restricts its people; so, it does not matter who enforces the law, it’s only a matter that such an onerous law should exist— especially when the net result should be the same. After the Supreme Court declined to enjoin the law, Biden’s Department of Justice sued the State of Texas challenging the constitutionality of the law, arguing in two parts that it both violated Roe v. Wade ’s legal precedent and required proper judicial review of its dubious enforcement mechanisms. On October 6, Western Texas’s District Court enjoined the law as the judge ruled both that the law itself was unconstitutional and the enforcement mechanism was blatantly unconstitutional as it sought to avoid judicial review. No more than two days later, Texas’s appeal to the 5th Circuit Court was successful, reinstating SB8. The DOJ has not yet appealed the decision to the Supreme Court, but is expected to do so within a few weeks. The Supreme Court could choose to decline to hear the constitutionality of the case, but it would be incredibly unlikely as it challenges Roe v Wade as well as the lack of precedent for the enforcement mechanism. SB8 may be the bill to finally kill Roe v. Wade , but its future is far from final. TX SB8 flies under the guise of modern progress for the rights and liberation of the unborn— a frontier of the American left’s immoral and profane agenda. But for the women who will most feel the impacts of this bill, it’s a matter of temporal whiplash as the rugged individualism that the lone star state has promoted since 1836 failed to disclose that only men were given the courtesy of wearing the lone star moniker. Because somehow, nearly 200 years later, the lone star’s liberation is still the woman’s condemnation, leaving us wondering if we ever knew the meaning of progress in the first place.

< Back Organized Crime, Migration, Prostitution: A Hidden Link or an Obvious Collaboration? By Greta Murgia November 30, 2021 When it comes to organized crime – or mafia – and migration, it is commonly known that there is a hidden yet indissoluble connection between the two. What is the extent of the link between migration and organized crime? How can the phenomenon be explained? What are the different fields affected by this phenomenon? From migration to prostitution Migration is one of the most profitable sources of gain for the mafia, since it represents a persistent and flourishing business which involves different agents and actors. Since immigration towards Europe and, more specifically, Italy is constant, the mafia is extremely present, as it is easy for parties practicing organized crime to build connections with Northern Africa’s communities, and play a major role in human trafficking. The Juju’s Ceremony – Nigeria and sex trafficking One of the most lucrative aspects of mafia’s business around immigration is prostitution. The main country from which the girls originate is Nigeria: here, major importance is given to the Juju’s ceremony, still quite unknown in Europe, but relevant when it comes to the flow of immigration related to prostitution. Between ages 12 and 17, girls living in the Edo State and the Delta State in Nigeria, and belonging to the Juju religion, go through a ceremony led by the town’s priests. The priests collaborate with the smugglers operating in the region, as well as with “ madams ” (women, who have been prostitutes themselves), and conduct the ritual to get the girls’ loyalty and full support. This all relies on the power of superstition and religion. The fear that the dead will chase and kill them – or make them crazy – if they ever try to escape from their protectors or refuse to pay a debt makes these girls prisoners of the smugglers and the madams . This is the process that pushes them, consciously or not, towards the world of European prostitution. Once under the protection of human traffickers, who promise the girls a better future and a good job in what is presented as the “promised land,” there is little chance for the girls to improve their situation or reconquer their lost freedom. Without accessing money nor savings through prostitution, the girls are in the hands of the traffickers, who take them through the exhausting and frequently deadly travel to an unknown land. During this journey, the girls have no way of going back to their hometown nor asking for help. Only once they arrive – if they arrive – to Italy or to the other European countries, they find out they have been lied to: the promised land with the numerous possibilities of success turns out not to be as promised, and the hard reality is that they find themselves alone, in an unknown and often unwelcoming country. Moreover, they have no documents nor knowledge of the language, but they have a debt to the traffickers of about 30,000 euros. They are therefore forced to work for the smugglers who paid for the trip, as well as the food and shelter they are provided with. They are aware that because of their illegal condition they can’t rely on external help and the Juju ceremony makes it unthinkable for them to denounce their protectors. Most of them end up living in buildings usually owned by criminal associations for years, without any real possibility of change. The role of SPHR and Caritas in Ventimiglia When SPRH (Sciences Po Refugee Help) goes to Ventimiglia to provide food and support, girls and women are almost never alone: they are accompanied by men who define themselves as cousins, boyfriends or husbands, and the volunteers rarely have the chance of talking to them alone. This is because the protectors know that, being alone, the girls might ask for help, and succeed in getting out of their situation. Caritas is an organization that takes care of women who are embedded in prostitution. In Ventimiglia, it offers women and their children shelter and food, and provides them with the help they need to get out of their critical situation. No men are allowed in the buildings offered to women by Caritas, and victims slowly gain confidence and find the courage and the mental strength needed to reach the practical independence to get out of their condition. The main criminal organization dealing in the immigrants’ business in Ventimiglia is called ‘Ndrangheta, as Rocco Ciarone states in the essay “Mafie del Nord.” Non-profit organizations and Law Another interesting fact is that those who are attempting to make a difference while working on the ground and truly engaging in the cause are volunteer-based non-profit organizations, and not the authorities, the State, nor the police. In fact, the system in France allows immigrant women to ask for citizenship only if they can provide proof of not having been part of the prostitution network – which is, even if true, extremely hard to provide. For this reason, some associations help women in the process by providing them with testimonies attesting that they have never seen them in a prostitutions’ environment. Such organizations are very few and hard to find, and this kind of solution cannot apply to every case and woman: this shows how flawed and desperate for change the system is when it comes to migration policies. A sense of fear and gratitude Another factor that makes it difficult for women to get out of the prostitution network is a sense of gratitude towards their guardians, even if unjustified and unneeded. The awareness that protectors represent the only option of safety, and the fact that the authority will not help them and could instead work against their situation, pushes the women to contribute to the vicious circle of submission and resignation. Organized crime and mafia – denounce or support? And what is the role played by criminal organizations, and especially by the mafia, in the field? It is hard to determine, as there are multiple ways for organized crime to profit from immigration – this ranges from prostitution, to the dealing of drugs, to forced labor – and immigrants have no reason nor incentive to denounce such organizations. If they do, they will lose the protection they are being provided with by their smugglers: on the other side, the State will not provide them with help nor support. On the contrary, it will most probably condemn and expel them from the country. In fact, these women are not only illegal immigrants, but they have also collaborated with the mafia in illegal businesses. How do we detect the presence of organized crime? Another factor that makes it difficult to detect the presence of mafia on the territory is its fluidity: especially on the border, migrants move suddenly, and people who are in one place one day, might be hundreds of kilometers away shortly afterwards, complicating the process of detecting how and where organized crime behaves. The problem does not rely on the immigrants themselves, as it is not their wish to become drug dealers or prostitutes, but it lies in the European Union and in states’ inefficient and unsuccessful handling of the immigrants’ crisis. If nations unite themselves in order to find a common and efficient solution, a lot of progress could be made, and such extreme situations would be rarer. Through cooperation, a solution could be possible.

From November 15 to 17, the Ummah hosted the 2024 edition of the Sciences Pistes Model United Nations on our sunny Mediterranean campus. Participants from all corners of France that Sciences Po spans across—Paris, Reims, Le Havre, Poitiers, Nancy and Dijon—arrived in Menton for a dynamic engagement with the theme of “Defending Democracy: Institutions at Work.” < Back SPMUN 2024 takes over Menton Saimi Hartikainen December 31, 2024 From November 15 to 17, the Ummah hosted the 2024 edition of the Sciences Pistes Model United Nations on our sunny Mediterranean campus. Participants from all corners of France that Sciences Po spans across—Paris, Reims, Le Havre, Poitiers, Nancy and Dijon—arrived in Menton for a dynamic engagement with the theme of “Defending Democracy: Institutions at Work.” The several months of hard work and dedication of the MUN teams were rewarded when over 200 participants enjoyed a weekend of insightful encounters and fruitful debates, all with a splash of limoncello and the fresh breeze of the sea. Source: MEDMUN Press Team On Friday, November 15, the weekend was kicked off with an impeccable atmosphere at the welcome cocktail and opening ceremony. Attendees were immediately immersed in the vibrant Menton experience, with touching musical performances, refreshing drinks and Mediterranean delicacies. The cheery crowd then settled to listen to the anticipated opening speech by Monsieur Jean d’Haussonville, Ambassador of France to Monaco. The ambassador highlighted the importance of cultural diplomacy, a field in which he has an impressive record, through his work relating to the Louvre in Abu Dhabi and the national domain of Chambord. The MEDMUN team welcomed all participants to our little lemon town, without forgetting to remind them to enjoy the Mediterranean sun, a rare opportunity for our envious northern colleagues. Friday ended with a bar night at the iconic Menton beach spot, Les Incompris, where Sciences Pistes mingled before getting some well-deserved rest before an early Saturday morning. After spending the nights at benevolent hosts’ houses around Menton, the delegates were guaranteed an energized start to both Saturday and Sunday. Sciences Pistes enjoyed a delicious breakfast in the sunny Mediterranean weather, where the scarcity of pain au chocolats was the only worry in sight. The beloved Boulangerie Jean Luc Pelé treated hungry participants to fresh and mouth-watering meals throughout the entire weekend, offering a large variety of choices, including pizza, pichade, quiche and sandwiches. The vegetarian dishes even received an honorary mention from attendees. The meals and breaks were definitely a highlight of the Menton spirit, allowing dedicated delegates to relax and enjoy each other’s company. There was something for everyone as music was heard in English, French, Spanish, Italian and Arabic— sparking excitement for dancing and singing! After a nutritious meal and an energizing dance, delegates returned to committee sessions to discuss themes such as the Catalonian Independence Crisis at the European Council, and the Siege of Baghdad, 1258 and Digital Democracy in Tiktok in Crisis committees. Weddings, trivias, brat interventions, coups d’état, protests, dance battles, arrests and fraud were some key crisis moments that we are sure delegates will forever remember. Other committees, such as the historical committees, were highlighted as well because of their topics; even if they were set on events of the past, bringing them back for discussion highlighted their modern echoes in current political debates. Saturday, November 16, provided participants with the perfect intermission to the intense committee sessions. At night, Sciences Pistes were packed at Inky Bar, one of the Menton spots that guarantees an overload of fun! Cultured Menton students were definitely aware of this, as the intense fight for extra tickets had them sold in less than a minute. Dressed in the SPMUN colors of red and white, Sciences Pistes instantly created a party-appropriate atmosphere where music and dance brought together people from all over France and the world. The efficient MEDMUN team took care that everyone had a good time, and some Menton students even introduced other Sciences Pistes to the privilege of being able to walk to the Italian border in the early hours of the morning after a wild beach party…Surely well-rested and relaxed, delegates kicked off Sunday with a morning of committee sessions before ending the conference at the closing ceremony. The Sunday, November 17, closing ceremony brought the SPMUN 2024 conference together one last time. The occasion was honored by an insightful speaker, Madame Isabelle Rosabrunetto, Director General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of the Principality of Monaco. She enlightened the attendees with a presentation on diplomacy and democracy, giving an inspiring demonstration of the more abstract political challenges of the modern day and of the profession of the diplomat. This was a spot-on conclusion for the conference of aspiring diplomats and this year’s theme, “defending democracy.” The ceremony lightened the mood for the delegate awards distributed by committee chairs. Finally, MEDMUN Secretary General, Éléonore Blanchet, pronounced the final words, and participants were ready to head on their long journey back home. The tireless effort of the MUN teams yielded enthusiastic and rapturous feedback from delegates who acquired great memories for the whole weekend’s worth from our little lemon town.

Sports Recap — January 2023 < Back January Sports Recap By Hugo Lagergren January 31, 2023 Football The January player transfer window has now closed. Some teams splashed the cash, while some were more restrained in their approach and waiting for the summer window to do most of their serious business. Perhaps the most significant news to come out of the January window was Cristiano Ronaldo’s move to Saudi Arabia’s Al Nassr FC following his departure from Manchester United, where he had a falling out with several management figures, including manager Erik Ten Haag. Ronaldo has signed for two and a half years, extending his playing career until June 2025. The contract is reportedly worth a whopping 150 million USD per season. Ronaldo returned to the field as Al Nassr lost 4-5 to Lionel Messi’s Paris Saint-Germain (PSG), reuniting him with his old rival. The Telegraph described the match as “the sordid final chapter of our era’s greatest football rivalry.” Questions have been asked of Chelsea FC and their possible violation of Fédération Internationale de Football Association’s (FIFA) Financial Fair Play regulation. Since U.S. billionaire Todd Boehly acquired the team last May, Chelsea have spent nearly half a million GBP on transfers. FIFA caps club spending at 105m GBP per season, and Chelsea have spent over four times that amount in the last six months. However, transfer fees are spread across the length of their contract. Chelsea recently signed Ukraine’s Mykhailo Mudryk for an eight-and-a-half-year contract and a hefty price of 88.5 million GBP, with other contracts ranging from five to six years. Arsenal have continued their impressive run at the top of the Premier League table by beating Manchester United 3-2 after a scintillating performance by Bukayo Saka. Fans are increasingly confident that this season will end their 19-year wait for a Premier League title. RC Lens closed the gap to current league leaders PSG by three points as PSG lost 1-0 to Rennes. OGC Nice are looking for a replacement for veteran Dante, who is likely to retire at the end of the season. Nice, who have had a poor start to the season, are looking to bolster their team in hopes of stronger performance. Tennis Novak Djokovic defeated Stefanos Tsitsipas to win the 2023 Australian Open, equaling Rafael Nadal's all-time record of 22 Grand Slam titles. The title marks his 10th Australian Open win, the most of any tennis player. Speaking after the match, Djokovic stated that it had “been one of the most challenging tournaments I’ve ever played in my life”. At the age of 35, Djokovic has shown no sign of slowing down in recent years, as he remains one of the most difficult players to play for the new generation of tennis players. Formula 1 Teams have started to announce the launch dates to showcase their cars for the 2023 season, with Red Bull being the first to launch their car on the third of February. The rest of the launches will follow in the next fortnight. Steve Nielsen has been appointed as Sporting Director of the Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile. This job switch from a high-ranking Formula 1 job requires him to oversee race-control operations, which have been at the heart of recent controversies, including during Max Verstappen’s first title-winning season. Boxing Youtuber/boxer/rapper KSI announced his ambition for Misfits Boxing, his promotional company, and their partnership with DAZN boxing to become a serious fighting arena. KSI defeated Faze Temperrr only a minute into the first round, after which he spoke passionately about his event's potential to compete with major fighting institutions such as the Ultimate Fighting Championship. His fight reportedly accumulated an impressive 300,000 pay-per-view buys. Rugby With the Six Nations tournament approaching, England Rugby fans will have been relieved to hear that Captain Owen Farrell has been cleared to play. He was handed a four-match ban after a high tackle during a league match against Gloucester.

Préserver les traditions ou changer ? C'est le thème qui est devenu de plus en plus récurrent lors de notre séjour à Kakuma et de nos échanges avec les étudiants résidents du camp. Cette tension entre la tradition et l'universalité des droits humains est ressentie dans l'environnement, en espérant qu'un équilibre puisse être trouvé entre les deux concepts pour assurer la sécurité et le bien-être de l'individu. < Back Es-tu gay? By Amalia Heide for Sciences Po Refugee Help November 30, 2023 "Es-tu gay ?” Cette question a été posée par l'étudiant qui se trouvait à mon côté dans mon cahier de notes il y a quelques semaines dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma. À partir de cette question, une discussion écrite de quarante minutes sur l'homosexualité a commencé. Ecrite parce que, simultanément, un migrant géorgien queer a témoigné de son expérience et de son travail de recherche sur le thème de la migration LGBTQ+. Cette discussion a été retranscrite en partie : Amalia : Tu détestes ça ? Lui : L'homosexualité est contraire à notre culture. NOUS le détestons. Le pronom " nous " dans ce cas fait référence à la communauté. Mon interlocuteur se présente, pendant toute la durée de la conversation, comme un porte-parole de la vision générale de la communauté. Lui : Nous n'aimons pas les gays et les lesbiennes. C'est un crime ici. La société vous maudira si vous vous engagez dans cette voie. Les LGBTQIA+ sont-ils autorisés en Argentine ? Amalia : Nous croyons (j'ai également décidé de prendre le rôle de représenter la culture hégémonique de mon pays) que chacun est libre d'aimer qui il veut. Le mariage gay est légal. Lui : Je n'ai jamais vu de joueurs argentins se marier avec des joueurs masculins, par exemple Messi, Aguero, etc. C'est un manque de respect d'épouser un homme quand on est un homme. Amalia : Pourquoi ? Lui : Dieu a créé Adam (l'homme) et Eve (la femme). Pourquoi Dieu n'a-t-il pas créé le même sexe ? Amalia : Il est peut-être préférable de considérer la création du monde comme une légende, créée dans une société où les LGBTQIA+ n'étaient pas bien vus, comme c'est le cas aujourd'hui au Kenya. Mais si la légende était vraie, pourquoi cela signifierait-il que Dieu est nécessairement CONTRE les LGBTQIA+ ? Ne peut-il pas soutenir les deux? Quelle est la corrélation entre le fait qu'Adam soit un homme et qu'Eve soit une femme et le fait que Dieu ne puisse pas nous aimer tous, peu importe notre sexualité ? Lui : Le mariage est destiné à mettre au monde des enfants, mais les personnes du même sexe ne peuvent pas mettre au monde des enfants. Autoriser les LGBTQIA+ revient à aller à l'encontre de l'œuvre de Dieu. Pourquoi s'engager dans une relation si l'on ne peut pas avoir d'enfants? Nous pouvons nous aimer les uns les autres, mais pas nous engager dans des actes sexuels avec le même sexe. Adopter des enfants est une bonne chose [...] mais il faudrait savoir aussi à quoi ressemblerait ton produit (le bébé). J'ai estimé qu'il était important de transcrire cette conversation afin de contextualiser l'environnement dans lequel la communauté LGBTQIA+ est contrainte de se développer. Afin de ne pas baser ma déclaration uniquement sur une conversation, je voudrais souligner que la Commission nationale des droits de l'homme des gays et lesbiennes (NGLHRC) et Amnesty International ont publié cette année un rapport conjoint sur les expériences des réfugiés LGBTQIA+ vivant à Kakuma, au Kenya. Ils qualifient cette situation extrêmement dangereuse, caractérisée par des crimes de haine, des discriminations et d'autres violations des droits de l'homme. Malgré cet environnement hostile, il existe dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma un collectif LGBTQIA+ extrêmement actif qui cherche à sensibiliser les gens à leur statut dans le camp. Il s'agit de Free Block 13 Kakuma. Leur site web ( Free Block 13 - Free the LGBTQIA+ community from Kakuma ) contient des informations sur les activités du Pride month, une section "dons" et une section "histoires". J'ai pris le temps de lire plusieurs témoignages poignants et je vous invite à faire de même. Cependant, j'aimerais mettre en lumière l'histoire de Kevin, un homme transgenre qui a subi plusieurs attaques de la part de la communauté à Kakuma sans recevoir d'aide de la part du HCR. Kevin raconte que "le 25 juin 2020, des homophobes ont mis le feu à notre clôture, qui s'est propagée à notre maison malgré la présence de la police, aucun effort n'a été fait pour arrêter les agresseurs et, à ce jour, personne n'a jamais été appréhendé et les mêmes agresseurs jurent toujours de nous attaquer et de nous tuer pour mettre fin à la malédiction qui pèse sur nous, les LGBTQIA+ de Kakuma au Kenya". Une malédiction, c'est la même expression que celle utilisée par mon interlocuteur pour décrire cette communauté. Il est évident que cette série de discriminations doit être comprise à travers l'intersectionnalité. Prenons le témoignage de Shifra: sa mère, qui est homosexuelle, a dû fuir avec Shifra son pays d'origine, l'Ouganda, après avoir été victime de violences physiques et mentales. Elle et Kevin ont tous deux été victimes de mariages forcés parce qu'ils étaient des femmes et étaient incapables d'imposer leur volonté. Ainsi, le statut des femmes en matière de droits de l'homme est une question centrale dans le camp de réfugiés. Lors de la conférence internationale sur les mobilités et les immobilités à Kakuma, un groupe d'étudiants du camp a présenté le projet sur la santé et les droits des représentants sexuels. Composé de deux femmes et de quatre hommes, le groupe vise à sensibiliser les femmes (mais aussi les hommes) à leurs droits sexuels.En effet, l'une des fondatrices du projet a raconté, avec beaucoup de tristesse dans les yeux, comment plusieurs de ses camarades de classe ont dû épouser des "hommes de plus de 60 ans". Une autre a raconté comment l'absence d'éducation sexuelle a conduit des adolescentes à tomber enceintes contre leur gré. Cette initiative étudiante est rejointe par d'autres, comme dans le cas d'Amina Rowimoh Hortense. Amina est arrivée au camp de réfugiés de Kakuma en 2004, fuyant le conflit en République démocratique du Congo. Elle n'avait que 17 ans. Elle a réussi à suivre une formation de cinéaste grâce au HCR et réalise aujourd'hui des films pour sensibiliser à la situation des femmes dans le camp. Son dernier film traite par exemple des mutilations génitales féminines et l a été projeté dans le camp, incitant les femmes et les hommes à remettre en question cette pratique, toujours ancrée dans la société. Préserver les traditions ou changer ? C'est le thème qui est devenu de plus en plus récurrent lors de notre séjour à Kakuma et de nos échanges avec les étudiants résidents du camp. Cette tension entre la tradition et l'universalité des droits humains est ressentie dans l'environnement, en espérant qu'un équilibre puisse être trouvé entre les deux concepts pour assurer la sécurité et le bien-être de l'individu.

< Back Sciences Po Students Protest UN Climate Change Conference By Cameron Sterling October 31, 2021 The UN Climate Change Conference 2021 (COP26) is a summit intended to accelerate action towards the goals of the Paris Agreement and the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, and it is set to convene in Glasgow from October 31 through November 12. There, a mix of world leaders, government representatives, negotiators, businesses, civil society organizations, and private citizens will meet to set plans to limit global warming to 1.5oC (United Nations). Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, this year is the first in two that a conference of this nature will take place. Stakes are especially high due to the current onslaught of climate-related disasters such as flooding in Europe and Southeast Asia, drought in East Africa, and wildfires in the United States, Turkey, and Australia. While the issue feels temporally relevant, there is a matter of urgency as well. As the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) states, if nations exceed 1.5oC or more, there will be dramatic increases in heatwaves, intense storms, flooding, and losses of agricultural lands. To avoid this, nations will need to cut emissions by 7.6% every year until 2030 (UNFCC). There are few nations currently on track to meet this goal. The EU is behind on its effort to meet it and has only cut emissions by 55 percent of 1990 levels, with estimates that at its current pace, it will miss the mark by nearly 21 years (Euronews). To remediate this issue, COP26 hopes to provide the infrastructure for nations to come to agreements on emission cuts. This year is the first of which will involve the ‘ratchet’ mechanism, through which countries are supposed to readjust their climate goals, or Nationally Determined Contributions, according to the most recent advances in climate science. The conference also hopes to mobilise $100 billion in climate finance to aid developing nations, finalize the Paris Agreement Rulebook, and increase collaboration with businesses and civil society. Though COP has ambitious goals, many remain skeptical about its efficacy to truly reduce emissions and seek climate justice. 1A student Bianca Carrera says that she plans to attend this year’s COP, but has low expectations for its resolutions. On the subject of the prior Madrid COP, Carrera recounts that when she entered the Green Zone, or the area open to the public, “there was not any real action there. Not any participative initiative; they asked the youth to make ourselves heard, but it was kind of upsetting. Besides, the companies that were there were gas companies, so it was kind of greenwashing.” Carrera also intends to participate in public demonstrations organized by the Extinction Rebellion, an activist organization in Glasgow. The organization does not believe that the process of COP26 will make any substantial change, and plans to accuse leaders of crimes against humanity for what they call “legalized corruption and systemic failure.” On the importance of these demonstrations, Carerra says that she wants to make the youth voice heard. Though there have been an increasing number of young people and activists invited into the Blue Zone, where negotiations take place, “the suggestions that the activists have proposed have not really been taken into account. Even if we don’t have the power to make decisions, we have the power to influence how the COP is perceived...we know that they are not going to listen to us, so we take the initiative to disrupt their event.” Other SciencesPo Students, such as 2A Johanna Grabert, emphasized the importance of protest in Menton. Grabert identifies two reasons for protest on our campus. She first put forth that “we cannot remain silent as a political campus and a campus with political privileges...we must address local institutions and force them to acknowledge their responsibilities and capacities to address the issue.” Grabert also asserted that Menton students have the ability to take part in a regional movement. “Acting in Menton is crucial because the causes and expressions of the crisis are generated locally. It’s also important to create and strengthen alliances. We want to use the COP26 as momentum to invigorate climate protest in the region which lacks any form of it,” she said. Grabert, along with other members of Environnementon and student environmentalists, hopes to organize a demonstration in the coming month in response to COP26, and she is collaborating with regional groups including Extinction Rebellion Alpes-Maritimes, Youth for Climate Nice, and Fridays for Future groups in Italy. Hopefully, this demonstration will stimulate a debate on campus and contribute to a larger regional movement. In the long term, Grabert seeks to plan a large protest by March 24, the next global climate strike.