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Turkish prisons still do not allow open visitation for their inmates, despite the vaccination rate across prisons being higher than the general population. They are denied visits from their family and lawyers, with their phone time being increased by only 10 minutes since the beginning of the pandemic. < Back Turkey: Visitation Still Not Allowed in 82% Fully Vaccinated Prisons By Ayşe Lara Selçuker November 29, 2021 While this article was written before the government announced the return to “open visitation” on December 1, its analysis of pandemic prison policies are still valid; prisoners have been neglected across the globe. Turkish prison inmates have not been permitted “open visitation” for one year and eight months, despite the fact that the prison vaccination rate (82 percent) has surpassed that of the general population (78 percent), according to an article published by T24. For almost two years, according to DW Turkish, inmates have only had access to 20 minutes of phone calls per week, increased from 10 minutes pre-pandemic. Prisons have recently begun to allow “closed visitation,” but the Justice Department suggests that this will not change for a while, “due to pandemic reasons.” The Turkish prison system distinguishes between “open visitation” and “closed visitation” as contact visitation (where the inmate may sit in a room with their relatives or lawyer and sit at a table for a period of time) and non-contact glass-partition visitation (where the inmate and the lawyer/relative are separated by a glass partition and have to talk through a telephone.) Not only is “open visitation” banned for inmates, but also any cross-prison transfers are currently at a halt. Transferring from high security prisons (which often use solitary confinement) to lower security prisons for good behavior, once motivation for inmate reformi is no longer possible. This might even mean that some have been in solitary confinement or similarly psychologically abusive situations for as long as these pandemic rules have been instated. The contrast between the strict rules in prisons and travel for the general public is particularly striking. While Turkey has been in the process of returning to normal since about June, with lockdowns ending and restaurants, schools and hotels reopening, the fact that prisoners cannot even sit in a room with their relatives, and perhaps more importantly, their lawyers, is astonishing. A similar critique can even be made about pre-June Turkey, when its restrictions (or lack thereof) on tourists seemed incomparable to those on its citizens. While Turkey’s citizens faced a lockdown on Sundays, and earlier in the pandemic before vaccinations, for consecutive weeks, tourists were exempted from any lockdown restrictions. Prisoners have therefore been a victim of Turkey’s inconsistent COVID-19 response ever since the beginning. Many point to the fact that prisons are congregate housing facilities, with higher risks for COVID transmission at a much higher rate. Yet, the Anadolu Agency reports that Turkish nursing homes have had the right to allow visitations since around June, when the reopening period started. The Turkish government left this decision to the discretion of the nursing homes, many of which have decided to allow visitations with proof of visitors’ vaccinations and negative PCR test results. Further, there is really little reason to justify the continued isolation of inmates despite a developed vaccination scheme such as the one observed in Turkey at the moment. While Turkish citizens can now travel internationally (and foreigners can travel to Turkey) as they wish with vaccinations and test results, inmates suffer, despite prisons’ higher vaccination and lower case rates. Yet, is this a Turkey-specific issue as some would make it to be? How has the rest of the world dealt with congregate housing facilities and, particularly, prisons? The response varies, but it can be determined overall that many have unsurprisingly not prioritized prisoners in their pandemic response. With many which have had problems with prison visits, a shocking number of nations have little to no information available about their prison-visit protocols. According to Buzzfeed, prisons in California only opened their doors to in-person visits around July, following months of telephone and video visits through a platform that faced frequent and significant crashes. According to its official website, the United Kingdom government has set up a “National Framework for Prisons” by which prisons have been classified as open or closed to visits based on their current vaccination and case rights, allowing for there to be a dynamic, updated, and rational system for prisons to receive visitors. The EuroPris website, which has stated that it will be “updated every day,” posted its most recent “Prison Visits” update on its COVID-19 information page in May 2020. Concurrent with many questions surrounding the ethics of prisons in debate around the world, the pandemic has made it especially evident that prisoners are too often neglected by the government in times of crisis. The humanity of inmates are too often forgotten in policies about people who have been portrayed as criminals with no remorse. No person deserves no visits or no contact for a year and eight months, and governments across the world need to develop their schemes on including all of the nation’s public when specifying pandemic responses.

Israel has issued a new set of regulations, to be taken into effect next month, that would impose further limits on foreigners’ entry into the West Bank. < Back Israel Cracks Down on West Bank Accessibility By Ghazal Khalife September 30, 2022 Israel has issued a new set of regulations, to be taken into effect next month, that would impose further limits on foreigners’ entry into the West Bank. The restriction stirring up the most controversy is the new obligation to formally declare a romantic relationship with a Palestinian to be granted access into the area. Other seemingly arbitrary regulations, such as quotas on visas given to students and lecturers, also perplexed commentators. The original draft of this set of protocols, published by the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), stipulated that foreigners who start a serious romantic relationship with Palestinian residents of the West Bank must inform the authorities “within 30 days of the start of this relationship.” However, following criticism and condemnation from human rights activists, Palestinian legal experts and many leading figures in the international community, Israel released a revised 90-page document that omitted this clause. The revised version states that foreigners who wish to live with their spouses in the Judea and Samaria area, the biblical name for the West Bank, must apply for a visiting permit 45 days before their trip. The document also cements the ban on giving residency status to them, leaving many families under the constant stress of being denied entry and legal status. According to Part four of the revised document, “Spousal permits will be issued for a maximum term of one year each time.” Furthermore, the total period that any visitor can stay in the West Bank is 27 months (including visa extensions), after which a “cooling off” period is required. If visitors wish to re-enter the area, they must start a new application process. Not only is this process intensely bureaucratic and time-consuming, but permits are also subject to arbitrary refusals. Ultimately, the COGAT official decides whether or not the permit is approved, as seen in Clause 10: “the authorized COGAT official is the authority who decides whether to deny a foreigner entry into the Judea and Samaria area.” In addition to the public backlash against the initial draft of new protocols, Israeli human rights activists in Hamoked, Center For the Defense of the Individual, and Palestinian activists quickly denounced the protocols’ international law violations and started challenging them in court. Jessica Montell, director of Hamoked, explains that these policies are manifestations of a “belligerent occupation.” Even the American ambassador, Tom Tide, expressed his strong disappointment over the new restrictions and declared having engaged in negotiations with Israel to revise the regulations. Nonetheless, COGAT’s changes to the original rules remain largely superficial since only the contentious quotas on lecturers allowed entry and the declaration of a love-interest were removed. According to the United Nations and Palestinian legal experts, there is no solid legal basis for Israel’s past restrictions on movement or these new regulations. Israel, however, derives license to enact its restrictive policies from the Interim Peace Accords of the 1990s and “security concerns.” Furthermore, with Israel controlling most entrances to the West Bank with heavily militarized checkpoints and frequent Israeli Defense Force inspections, these regulations are likely to be reinforced strictly. The document specifies that any application for a permit needs to be accompanied by a deposit of up to 20,050 dollars that can be confiscated in the case of a breach of the permit’s conditions. These measures reaffirm the Israeli state’s insistence on following tough restrictions and consolidating years of aggressive military occupation. Perhaps the most apparent consequences of these regulations on individuals’ private lives are the tolls they take on existing family ties and the immense obstacles they create for Palestinians who want to marry people of other nationalities. The new regulations raise the question of why Israel would enforce such exhaustive measures on the partners of Palestinians. An aim could be to put pressure on Palestinian civil life and further isolate Palestinian citizens of the West Bank from the outside world. Palestinians living in the West Bank are already struggling with heavy restrictions on autonomy under a convoluted and opaque system. From long lines at checkpoints to limitations on working hours, everyday life for Palestinians in the West Bank is only getting more difficult. These new protocols also regulate business and academic activities; thus, businessmen, professors, and students are impacted. The process for obtaining a permit is often costly and time-consuming as applications need to be started at least two months in advance, and applicants must fit an extensive set of criteria and undergo detailed background checks by COGAT officials before being let into the West Bank. Restrictions on the entry of goods and skilled labor cause Palestinian businesses to struggle to expand and modernize. Bassim Khoury, CEO of Pharmacare, comments, “having to obtain a confirmation a month ahead will make it impossible for many foreign partners we have to be part of the business. The immediate effect is that we will have a harder time developing our business.” Lecturers and students must also satisfy COGAT’s list of academic credentials, age and medical insurance conditions. An especially troubling limitation for undergraduate students holding the visiting permit makes it “forbidden to seek employment in the Area.” Mariya Gabriel, head of the European Commission for research and culture, criticized these measures saying, “With Israel itself benefiting greatly from Erasmus, the Commission considers that it should facilitate and not hinder access of students to Palestinian universities.” Moreover, these restrictions do not apply to Israeli settlers, further emphasizing the apartheid policies in the occupied territories. These regulations directly serve settlers as they pose obstacles to all corners of Palestinian life and make the dream of a prosperous Palestinian state ever more elusive. Although, in reality, the prospect of a two-state solution has already been abandoned by many Palestinians who fear more evictions, fewer rights and continuing aggression. These new protocols perfectly conform to Israel’s 55-year policy toward occupied Palestinians, anchoring decades of discrimination and oppression. To understand the reasoning behind Israel’s policy in this highly contested area, it is crucial to analyze how these new regulations fit within the larger scheme of events since the Israeli occupation of the West Bank following the Six-Day War of 1967. Since then, Israel has pursued a consistent policy of sponsoring settlements and institutionalizing discrimination against Palestinians. As a result, lasting peace in the West Bank seems almost impossible. Arbitrary arrests forced evictions and bureaucratic restrictions on movement, among other manifestations of de facto annexation, make life in the West Bank turbulent. This is part of Israel’s plan to formally annex the region, a plan hindered by the COVID-19 pandemic and Donald’s Trump loss in the 2020 U.S. elections. Annexing the West Bank and finally uniting the Israeli state has been the conclusive goal for many Israeli politicians, most notably former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. This final policy will subject the area to Israeli rather than international law. Israel is heading in this direction even though it violates international conduct and may be reprimanded, especially because Joe Biden has not yet given Israel the green light. Annexation or military occupation — these words serve merely as semantics for Palestinians having to face ever-deteriorating living conditions amidst an Arab and international community that is increasingly desensitized to their suffering. A quote from one of my Palestinian friends summarizes the situation rather powerfully: “They want to prevent us from spreading our culture and practicing our identity because only then will they reach their full victory.” When observing the general trend in Israeli policy in the West Bank, the new regulations and how they infringe on Palestinians’ right to privacy and freedom of movement make it seem as though it is highly unlikely for any tangible improvements to take place even in the face of international criticism, leaving Palestinians wondering how much more they still have to withstand.

Amid Erdoğan's floundering through an economic crisis and the looming threat of an upcoming election, a calamitous pair of earthquakes have begun to resemble an extended Day of Reckoning for the Turkish President's administration. The dire state of the Turkish government has led to mounting speculation on what measures it will resort to preserve its 20-year reign. < Back Commitment to Elections and Constitution Wavers After Turkey Earthquake By Yasmin Abbasoy March 31, 2023 Amid Turkish President Erdoğan's floundering through an economic crisis and the looming threat of an upcoming election, a calamitous pair of earthquakes have begun to resemble an extended Day of Reckoning for the Turkish President's administration. The dire state of the Turkish government has led to mounting speculation on what measures it will resort to preserve its 20-year reign. Fears of the most desperate measures — a postponement of the elections scheduled for this coming May — were only invigorated by a statement from a former politician known for his intimate ties with the ruling party that seemed to be an attempt to judge the lay of the land indirectly. With over 50,000 dead and the death toll still climbing, the catastrophe has quickly become Europe’s “worst natural disaster in a century,” according to the World Health Organization. Striking as the earthquakes did, late at night and in the middle of winter, necessitated a fast and efficient humanitarian response: one decidedly not delivered by the Turkish government. These adjectives do not describe the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) of recent years, defined by increasing authoritarianism and layers of financial misconduct and cronyism. Unable to rise to the occasion, the government was subject to further merciless exposure of its shortcomings in governance by a population who felt thrown to the wind. The criticism was only strengthened by existing discontent with the state of affairs in Turkey, especially when certain shortcomings in the earthquake response were widely seen as a result of the festering wounds of the longtime misgovernance of the ruling party. The immediate call for donations disseminated by the government-funded Disaster and Management Authority (AFAD) bred discontent in a population paying so-called “Earthquake Taxes” since a similarly devastating tremor in 1999. The perceived misuse of government funds refers to a familiar refrain: the government’s salient pattern of financial misconduct. Most recently, the opposition campaign demanding an explanation for the discreet sale of $128 million in reserves by the central bank resulted in one of the most popular political slogans of modern Turkish politics, What happened to the $128 million, and succeeded in highlighting this established pattern of behavior. The people were willing to give the government very little grace. The inability of the poorly funded AFAD to reach several affected provinces in the hours following the earthquake provoked further outrage among a populace habituated to the quintessential government defense, mobilized against all criticism: “We built roads!” The collapse in infrastructure, exemplified by photos of pitch-dark highways cracked open and crumbling like styrofoam, not to mention the airport runways split down the middle, rankled a party that had long prided itself on the modernization of the admittedly inferior infrastructure it inherited. Where AFAD could reach, efforts to stabilize survivors extracted from the rubble, in danger of freezing to death in below-zero temperatures, were hampered by structural damage to essential buildings such as public hospitals. The utter failure of government-funded buildings in withstanding the earthquake is yet another symptom of rampant cronyism, seeing that the meteoric rise of a group of government-supporting companies dubbed the “Gang of Five” was precipitated by the endless amount of contracts handed to them. The state of private residences was no different, with entire groups of buildings collapsing like rows of dominoes. Illegal and not-strictly-legal construction is rampant nationwide, including in the affected areas, where construction that did not follow official guidelines for earthquake-resistant design was the norm. In the days immediately following the earthquake, the government publicized its arrests of independent contractors responsible for specific buildings whose collapse led to the deaths of over 130 people in some cases. They were often caught trying to leave the country and so gleefully used by the government as sacrificial lambs to present to an increasingly angry population. This strategy was undercut as soon as the AKP’s proposed construction amnesty plan in the election year were brought to light. These amnesties, which strangely enough always correspond to election years, retroactively legalize illegal structures. They have been harshly criticized, as have been most government policies, as populist and shortsighted. Turkish people channeled their fear, rage and despair into aiding the nationwide effort to support victims. Twitter, described by then-CEO Dick Costelo in 2013 as the “global town square,” became the site of many donation campaigns and charity drives. Hoping to supplement insufficient search and rescue efforts, Twitter users shared the names of once-apartment buildings turned rubble under which they could hear people calling out, lists of necessary supplies to the affected areas and names of missing loved ones. Criticism of the government was, as always, omnipresent: photos of the controversial actions of the government were heavily circulated. Whether it be labeling tents sent by foreign countries with Turkish Red Crescent stickers or rejecting jackets with Efes Beverage Group logos due to the company’s production of alcoholic drinks, it was all on the app for all to see and judge. And people were judging, too blatantly for the Turkish government’s comfort as they blocked access to the website for at least 12 hours only three days after the earthquake. Widely considered to be a move to curb criticism and provoke a tbacklash, the extreme measure gave way to the idea that the government was in a difficult situation. While the website was eventually unblocked, authorities came down hard on criticism: A lawyer, trying in vain to extract his family from the rubble of their ruined building with his means, was arrested on charges of denigrating the state for a tweet reading simply, “Where is the state?” The new party line was echoed by the man himself, two-time President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who, in his increasingly aggressive speeches, resorted to describing detractors, most of which were victims of the earthquake, with increasingly creative insults. At the end of February, he made a dramatic one-eighty with regard to the government response, using the opportunity presented by a speech in the heavily-affected Adıyaman to ask for “hellalik” (a religious acknowledgment that one owes nothing to the other, as all previous sins have been forgiven) from the people. This alarming confluence of factors gave way to fears of a postponed election, with the ostensible goal of giving the apparatus time to recover from the failure in the earthquake response and bolster support for re-election. On Feb. 13, merely a week after the earthquake, a former political adviser notable for his close connection to Erdoğan and other leading figures in the party released a statement that would occupy the public consciousness for weeks. Bülent Arınç, a founding member of the AKP who recently retired after 20 years in the political game in a variety of positions —most significantly as the head of the Presidential High Advisory Board —published a three-page document outlining his views on the upcoming elections on his Twitter account. His statement, conveniently bolded for readability, called for unity and used religious language to rail against what he described as the inappropriate discussion of elections so soon after such a disaster: “Fear God, there are still bodies under the rubble. How is it possible to talk about elections when you can't talk about the electorate?” Reiterating that it would be best for the country to “be freed from the stress of elections as soon as possible,” he proposed two potential solutions: the first, amending the constitution, which only permits postponement in the extreme situation of war; and the second, a certain decision taken by the Supreme Court that allows the Supreme Election Council to determine that it would be impossible, due to lack of order or institutions, to hold elections at the planned date. Most alarming, however, was the justification for amending the constitution, long considered the unshakeable backbone of any democracy: “The constitution is not a spiritual document, it is a legal one.” From an increasingly Islamist party that has historically embodied a devil-may-care attitude regarding changes to the constitution, as the recent shift from a parliamentary system to a presidential one while extending executive powers illustrates, this read as a threat. The response can best be summed up as overwhelming backlash. On Twitter, disabling replies to restrict criticism was rendered useless by the sheer amount of vitriol aimed at Arınç: the tweet has received 1,270 “favorites” and more than 12,000 “quote-retweet” comments, the overwhelming majority are negative. Days later, Arınç sat down for a live televized interview, affirming that “Perception should not override facts.” He also stated that his statement was not an attempt to test the reaction of the public on behalf of anyone, and revealingly, that he believed that chaos would not break out if elections are not postponed, but rather if they are postponed in a way other than a constitutional amendment: a yet-unmentioned possibility. Opposition leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu commented that “The constitution is very clear, the election cannot be postponed. Running away from the election does no one any good.” In contrast, the government, surely aware of the massive scale of the opposition, took a reassuring tone: “The election is not postponed, the process is continuing as is. If the technical infrastructure is provided on time, the elections will take place on May 14th.” On March 6, the Supreme Election Council was presented with a preliminary report on the status of electoral and other relevant institutions in the area, which concluded that there were no obstacles to an election being held at the previously fixed date. As for the prospect of a constitutional amendment, the ruling coalition does not have the required amount of votes to push through an amendment without the support of the opposition, which perhaps accounts for the sudden and outsized emphasis on inter-party collaboration observed in the statement. The past and present of the party do not inspire much confidence in their adherence to accepted procedure, however, and the Turkish population is again left wondering about what exactly the party will do to secure their chances. On March 10, Erdoğan signed an executive order for elections to go ahead on the previously decided date, May 14. Notably, the order was not for the previously scheduled elections to go ahead but for the 2018 general elections to be renewed. This has widely been interpreted as a method of sidestepping yet another constitutional problem — the fact that one person can only be elected to the role of President twice. Having tried to defend Erdoğan’s candidacy through a convoluted argument that involved the new presidential system acting as a reset, with each candidate treated as if he had never run before, the party has now set its sights on more concrete and thus more dangerous measures. This new development is completely in line with the rhetoric and strategy of the government with regard to the option of postponement, betraying deep-set values incompatible with constitutional democracy and confirming that the party is willing to do anything to cling to power. The wide-ranging aftereffects of the earthquake have heralded a new era of cutthroat politics for the government. As eyes turn once again to the High Electoral Council for a comment on the legality of this new decision, the upcoming election will not just be a choice between political parties but a vote on the foundations of the state itself.

< Back “Mom I arrived”: Two Years Since the Tragedy of Tempi Eleni Dimitropoulou February 28, 2025 The calendar displayed the date Feb. 28, 2023, and the first news that reached the press offices around 23:40 referred to a “train derailment at Evangelismos in Larissa.” Few people immediately realized what happened, but this changed as images from the local media were transmitted throughout the country: A passenger train operated by Hellenic Train Company collided head-on with a commercial train from the same company. The passenger train IC62, scheduled to depart from Athens for Thessaloniki at 7:22 p.m., carrying approximately 350 passengers, started with a short delay. Many passengers were students returning to Thessaloniki after the three-day religious holiday— known as Clean or Green Monday . Train IC62 arrived in Larissa late due to an incident that preceded it at Palaeofarsalos station. It departed Larissa station at 23:00, incorrectly entering the descending line. Meanwhile, the freight train was going from Thessaloniki to Larissa on the same downward line. The head-on collision between the two trains took place at 23:21 on Feb. 28, 2023, on the Athens-Thessaloniki line. The area where the accident happened, 27.3 kilometers to the north of Larissa, was a double-track section, but automatic controls had been damaged and out of service by a fire in 2019, so switching was still done manually. The passenger train was traveling at a speed of 160 km/h on the left track, where the freight train was also moving in the opposite direction. The collision derailed most of the passenger train's carriages, and at the moment of the collision, there was an instantaneous explosion, which consumed the two front carriages of the passenger train. According to the regional governor of Thessaly, Konstantinos Agorastos, carriages one and two of the passenger train were completely burned , while the Thessaly Emergency Medical Service reported that two to three carriages had been crushed as a result of the collision. With the first light of day, in order to locate victims and any survivors, rescue crews began lifting the wreckage of the wagons that ended up in the field next to the railway line. According to a report given to the authorities, Hellenic Train, the company that owns the passenger train, initially estimated the number of passengers to be approximately 350. It also states in its report that, aside from the online tickets issued , there is no proper accounting of the number of passengers or even their names . According to official data, 57 people were killed in the accident, of whom 56 were identified from biological material, while in the case of one missing person, no sample was found. The identification of some victims was particularly difficult due to the high temperatures that developed during the fire, which reached 1,300 degrees Celsius inside the first carriage. 57 condemned souls—the majority of whom were students and young children— paid for the disastrous mistakes of the railway. 57 innocent souls died due to the long-term negligence of railway administrations. 57 defenseless souls paid with their lives due to the acquisition of the railway by the Italian private company, which allowed the trains to fall into disrepair. 57 wronged souls paid for the unmeritorious appointment of the ruling party's crony to a position of responsibility. 57 forsaken souls paid for the ostrichism of the responsible minister, who systematically turned a deaf ear to the union bodies of the Hellenic Railways Organisation or OSE that thundered about the dangers of the railway. This tragic accident was the beginning of exposing the problematic railway network of the country, as well as the indifference of the State. The written warnings, mobilizations and legal actions of the railway workers, regarding the understaffing, the inadequate maintenance and the lack of electronic safety systems in the trains expressways, even a few days before the "black" February 28th, seemed to have fallen into the void. The employee representative on the board of directors of Hellenic Train complained that, on this particular route, the signaling and remote control systems were not working, which would have acted as safety valves to avoid the collision. It was not only the OSE trade unionists who had warned of the many problems in the Greek railway, both with their latest letter on February 7 and with their previous announcements since the summer but also the European Commission, which had repeatedly reprimanded Greece for non-compliance with the European directive. Two weeks ago, in yet another resounding “bellwether” for our country, the Commission announced its decision to refer Greece to the European Court of Justice for “failing to fulfill its obligations under the Directive on the Single European Railway Area (2012/34/EU).” Based on this directive, “Member States had to ensure that a contractual agreement between the national competent authority and the railway infrastructure manager had been concluded by June 16, 2015, at the latest.” More importantly, in contrast to the Greek government's negligence, European authorities are conducting a parallel investigation into the case. The European Public Prosecutor's Office's case file places 23 people under scrutiny for their responsibility in the scandalous Contract 717. This contract concerns the upgrading of the signaling-telecommand system on the Greek railway network, co-financed by the EU Cohesion Fund. The indictment issued by the European Public Prosecutor's Office against 14 ERGOSE executives who handled Contract 717 between 2016 and 2021 disputes the allegations of the former Minister of Transport and nullifies the conclusion of New Democracy in the Investigative Committee, as it definitively links the non-implementation of Contract 717 to the head-on collision of trains in Tempi. The country entered a strike on February 28, the day on which it will be two years since the Tempi train tragedy. The demand for justice, in the shadow of the latest revelations and the grandiose rallies, is widespread. It has resulted in a strike uprising in recent days. ADEDY (Civil Servants' Confederation) issued an announcement for a nationwide strike, calling on federations, primary unions and workers to fight for the success of the mobilization. On Friday, January 31, students and teachers took to the streets to protest the tragedy in Tempi in more than 196 cities in Greece. In the center of Athens, the crowd far exceeded five thousand, while the Greek Police made 27 arrests. In particular, the Athens Student Coordinating Committee called on middle and high school students from all over the country to participate en masse in Friday's rallies both in the Propylaea and in the central squares of major cities in the country. The announcement stated the following: “We continue! As long as you deprive us of oxygen, our struggle will give us breath for life. As long as you lie, we will fight for truth and justice. The crime in Tempi will not be covered up. Either with profits or with life.” The surge of protest has been provoked not only by the two-year anniversary of this tragedy but also by the disclosure of new evidence. A photo taken just two minutes after the fatal collision of the passenger and commercial trains in Tempi was published. In the photo, the second wagon of Intercity 62 appears to have caught fire. Next to it, the train's transformer with the silicone oils remains unaffected by the flames. According to the experts who processed it, it is proof that the explosions were caused by undeclared cargo. As a Greek citizen, I cannot help but be haunted by the thought that this could have been us—the idea that my family, my friends and even myself could have been the ones inside this train. We could have been in Thessaloniki turning the pages of our books, or standing as a family on that train heading to the student residence as our mother held our hands toward a new life. We could have been taking the train to get our graduation certificates, or hurrying home for the holidays with the warmth of home ahead. We could have been those children whose parents never received the message, or never even heard our voices when we didn't arrive that fateful night. Ever since then, every train that leaves the station bears with it a weight of terror, darkness, and silence… Photo credits: John Perivolaris on Flickr

< Back 102 Deaths and 40 Missing : Lebanon’s economic crisis is pushing people towards absolute desperation By Ghazal Khalife October 29, 2022 Bodies drifting ashore, sirens blaring, and families frantically searching for survivors: this was the scene when a boat carrying 150 people capsized close to the Syrian shore. On Sept. 22, 2022, a boat carrying 150 emigrants — most of whom were Lebanese citizens, but also Palestinian and Syrian refugees — capsized near the coast of Tartous, Syria. More than one hundred bodies have been found, while 40 other victims are still lost. Syrian and Lebanese authorities have cooperated to locate these missing persons and inform their families of their fates. Lebanese officials, meanwhile, succeeded in capturing the smuggler and accomplices involved in the scheme. The scene is nothing short of a tragedy. Testimonies from the few individuals who survived and from victims’ relatives show just how calamitous the incident was. What pushed these people to embark on a journey where the death toll exceeds the survival rate? Mostafa Mesto, one of the fatalities, reportedly sold all his belongings to collect the 12 thousand dollars that the smuggler demanded. It was Mesto’s last chance to escape Lebanon with his family after his four failed attempts at legal immigration. Desperation is the common motive for victims of the illegal immigration industry and they are often inspired by success stories of families who reached Europe. A Palestinian survivor, Jihad Michlawi, explains how friends that migrated to Europe by sea promised that conditions in European migrant camps were more dignified than living in Lebanon, alleging that “even the food is way better.” This highlights the despair that the Lebanese population is feeling, faced with an ever-deteriorating economic crisis and a shamelessly negligent political class. It appears that this disaster will be repeated as more Lebanese citizens struggle to make ends meet and lose faith in a promising future. A Dire Economic Crisis with no Glimmer of Hope Most of the people on the boat came from Lebanon’s Northern region, Akkar and Tripoli, one persistently neglected by the government even before the financial crisis that plagued the country in 2019. According to a report by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 2022, 708,000 out of the 1.1 million residing in Lebanon live under the poverty line, among them 266,000 Syrian refugees and 88,000 Palestinians. As a result, it comes as no surprise that the demand for the Lebanon-Cyprus illegal immigration industry is increasing. In one year, Lebanon’s migration rate increased by 426%; many are comparing the current immigration wave to that of the 1880s. The financial crisis blew up in 2019 after successive governments borrowed money with few restraints. Prior to this depression, the balance of payments deficit was usually remedied by foreign aid and remittances from the Lebanese diaspora. However, as the budget deficit skyrocketed and the government implemented few reforms, foreign donors refrained from handing out billions of dollars worth of pledged aid. The symptoms of a plummeting economy began to emerge in 2016, but the impending market slump was hastened by the 2019 protests. In short, a combination of poor financial planning, a turbulent political climate, and foreign investors’ loss of faith, further worsened by the pandemic and the Beirut explosion, paralyzed the Lebanese economy. As an import-dependent country, Lebanon’s sharp currency depreciation caused prices to increase drastically almost overnight. The price of bread rose 900%, and unsurprisingly wages could not keep up. In Tripoli’s densely populated Tabbene neighborhood, where most victims originated, the economic situation hit families hard — with disproportionately higher unemployment rates and close to no government intervention compared to the rest of the country. Furthermore, the consequences of the financial crisis have manifested themselves in greater emigration and crime rates. One of the more recent developments has been attacks on banks. Within a few months, there were two cases of desperate depositors attempting to access their money by holding bank employees hostage. The general public even sympathized with these depositors, hailing them as heroes who were “claiming their own rights.” Sally Hafiz, a woman who raided a bank demanding 13,000 dollars from her account to fund her sister’s cancer treatment, said in an interview, “ I had begged the branch manager before for my money, and I told him my sister was dying, didn't have much time left… time was running out and I had nothing to lose.” Hafiz’s case exemplifies the desperation uniting much of the Lebanese public.Fears of an even more dire future have inhibited popular protests. Lebanon is experiencing a vicious cycle of an increasingly dysfunctional political class and an apathetic population looking for ways to escape or reach short term solutions rather than demanding fundamental reforms. This reaction is shared by the masses — many are too occupied with securing their day to day needs rather than engaging in political activism which already proved ineffective in changing the existing political regime. As the perilous political and economic climate persists, Lebanese residents continue risking their lives in search of dignity andfundamental rights. They are looking for a solid government plan to resuscitate the dying economy and collapsing country. As long as no evidence of realistic, firmly implemented economic and politicalreforms appear on the horizonLebanese residents will continueembarking on suicide missions to seek out a stable livelihood. In an interview following the migrant boat’s capsize, 16-year-old Rawane El Maneh, arelative of one of the victims, said, “they went looking for a new life, and there they are in anew life, hopefully, one better than this one.”

Although more than a hundred years have passed since its publication, the recycling of this tale, the tale of “The American Dream” but also the tale of a life without love—the tale of a life full of yearning—continues to this day, even after the pages of Fitzgerald’s novel have been turned to their very end. < Back A Hundred Years of Gatsby Viktorie Voriskova April 30, 2025 Disclaimer: Spoilers ahead! It is not just a single thing that makes a novel “timeless.” The majority of novels which have the honour of having been described as such usually resemble each other in one way or another—their themes are often seen as universal, the writing style is provocative, and the main characters are usually relatable and multi-dimensional. However, a few books have been as popular for as long as The Great Gatsby by Francis Scott Fitzgerald. This book was initially published on April 10, 1925, when Fitzgerald was just 28 years old. He was already an established author, having published two popular novels just a few years earlier. Despite the popularity of his two previous books, The Great Gatsby was a much smaller success, with only 20,000 copies being sold in the first edition. The novel chronicles the life of Jay Gatsby, written by his neighbour, Nick Carraway, a Yale graduate, with inclinations to romanticize his own life as well as the lives of others. Nick Carraway moves to New York in 1922 to learn about the bond business and rents a house in West Egg, which is right next to the grand villa of the mysterious and wealthy Gatsby, whose real name is James Gatz. Unlike his flashy neighbours, Nick has connections to East Egg, where his cousin Daisy lives with her unfaithful husband, Tom, who is a philanthropist with notable violent tendencies and is the embodiment of “old money gone bad.” Nick discovers Gatsby’s deep love for Daisy, whom he had known before the First World War. Gatsby throws lavish parties in hopes of rekindling their romance. Nick helps reunite them and they begin an affair. Tensions rise and Tom exposes Gatsby’s criminal past. Daisy ultimately chooses Tom. After Daisy accidentally kills Tom’s mistress, Myrtle, Gatsby takes the blame. Myrtle’s husband kills Gatsby, then himself. The novel ends when Nick, disillusioned, returns to the Midwest, where he ponders Gatsby’s dream and the moral decay beneath the glittering surface of the American upper class, and quintessentially, the “American Dream.” Although more than a hundred years have passed since its publication, the recycling of this tale, the tale of “The American Dream” but also the tale of a life without love—the tale of a life full of yearning—continues to this day, even after the pages of Fitzgerald’s novel have been turned to their very end. Playwrights, filmmakers, cartoonists, rappers and numerous novelists have taken their shots at turning Fitzgerald’s text into something new, all while paying tribute to its unparalleled influence. At least four feature films, countless television episodes, an opera, two musicals, and—especially since it entered the public domain four years ago—a whirlwind of fan-fiction sequels, prequels and retellings have emerged. One of the key reasons for the eternal success of The Great Gatsby has been its raw approach to money, love, power and reputation. How we imagine him has much to do with how we see ourselves. Gatsby and his interpretation have gone through numerous transformations. Various generations have interpreted the text according to their perception of Gatsby—his glamour, his melancholy, or his parties being analyzed and celebrated for what they are, as well as for what they are not. Despite its initial lack of success, after Fitzgerald died in 1940 and especially after the end of the Second World War, The Great Gatsby became the most published book in North America, a sign of its major success. We can't be sure why this happened, although many would agree that it was probably due to post-World War II sentiment: nostalgia for the 20th century, because it symbolized a time of optimism. This period saw Gatsby as the “Jazz Age Man,” based on the novel that became a symbol of this optimism. His story was repeated on TV and in the movies and the character became an archetype. Meanwhile, knee-length pants and cowboy hats, art-deco and dissipation paraded across screens, in “Singin' in the Rain” and “Some Like It Hot,” as well as movies like Funny Girl and Chicago, and in the fashion pages. This was the era of The Great Gatsby . In the 1950s, Gatsby started to be seen from a more existentialist perspective, commencing the phase of Gatsby as “The First Existentialist.” After the Second World War, thanks to the growing readership of The Great Gatsby , the readership of the novel widened. Paperback editions proliferated, and the novel was cited by young authors including J.D. Salinger. Hollywood, which first brought the book to the screen in 1926, made further adaptations. It came to be seen less as a satire of the '20s than as a commentary on the predicament of modern man, a precursor to popular contemporary novels such as Albert Camus's The Stranger , Saul Bellow's The Dangling Man and Salinger's The Catcher in the Rye . In the 1950s, people started to recognize that the book was not only about glamour, money and parties; Gatsby's life was marked by alienation and nostalgia. His death, an act of senseless violence, is a textbook case of the absurd. The character of “Snoopy” is another example of the shift in the perception of this novel. Snoopy, who represents Gatsby's quintessential existentialism, is world-weary, constantly tired and quiet. This bow-tie-clad alter ego of Gatsby appeared for the first time in 1998, as part of a series of Gatsby-themed Peanuts strips, embodying Gatsby’s existentialism, which had risen to acclamation at this time. “Hip-Hop Gatsby” is yet another example of the timelessness of The Great Gatsby . How can the epitome of glamour become the embodiment of existentialism and then Hip Hop? This version of Gatsby owes its popularity to the 2013 film “The Great Gatsby” by Baz Luhrmann, as well as the memes created by Leonardo DiCaprio as Gatsby. Besides memes, music is another quintessential part of the formation of “Hip-Hop Gatsby.”The soundtrack is a collage of contemporary pop and rap, from Lana Del Rey, Florence and the Machine, and Beyoncé, among many others, and was produced by Jay-Z. Like jazz in the 1920s, hip-hop is a black American musical idiom that has become the soundtrack of the age, a complex, fast-evolving art form loaded with aesthetic possibilities, perfectly reflective of The Great Gatsby in its own, innovative, modern way. The Great Gatsby owes much of its success to luck, as many literary pieces do, in the world of publishing and advertising. However, it is inevitably Francis Scott Fitzgerald's genius, which lies in his ability to describe a dynamic world and characters that are unique and specific, but also ordinary enough to be realistic. Generating feelings of grandiosity but also sadness and melancholy, this work is timeless and relevant across centuries, from the Jazz Age to the era of Hip Hop. The Great Gatsby is open for everyone to interpret as they wish. As Fitzgerald, through the personification of Gatsby, says at the end of the book: “ And so we beat on, boats against the current, borne back ceaselessly into the past." Photo source: Urban Romantics on Flickr

If the right wing, as they have in the past, continue to capitalize on the sport’s inherent conservative inclinations, not only will they see victories on fight night, but on election night too. < Back Seeing Red: Conservatism and Combat Sports Pracheth Sanka December 31, 2024 On Nov. 2, 2019, a packed Madison Square Garden awaits a night of fights, with tens of thousands in attendance for Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC) 244, the promotion's penultimate Pay-Per-View of the year. Sometime before the main card begins, the crowd erupts. Split half into boos and half into cheers, one would expect the noise to have emerged from a fighter’s walkout, a spectacular knockout or a controversial judge’s decision. But the actual cause was unexpected: the President of the United States had just entered the arena. Amid a historic impeachment inquiry , then-President Donald Trump took a cage-side seat, accompanied by UFC President Dana White, then-California Representative Kevin McCarthy, and his two sons. Signs both in support and disapproval of the President dotted the stands, greeting him as he became the first sitting U.S. President to attend a live mixed martial arts event. Nearly five years later, Trump’s appearance is almost commonplace. Most recently, he attended UFC 309 as a post-election victory party and he was spotted at UFC 302 in early June, just days after his 34-count felony conviction . These last few times, though, the crowd response was less mixed. Often, as the jumbotron’s video feed pans over, UFC commentator Jon Anik’s voice excitedly announces the politician’s presence to a roaring crowd, highlighting the shift in support among the promotion’s fanbase. This rightward trend isn’t only seen with ardent UFC fans, but also among the promotion’s fighters. Take Colby Covington, the former interim welterweight champion, who turned into a pro-wrestler-esque, ‘Make America Great Again’ (MAGA) villain after nearly being dropped from the active roster, hoping to strike a chord with the UFC’s more conservative viewers. Covington later became the first champion to visit the White House, meeting with Trump in 2018, donning a red MAGA hat and his welterweight champion’s belt. Or take the heaps of Brazilian fighters who support former right-wing and populist President Jair Bolsonaro. Many of them came forward backing his attempted coup of early 2023, and former featherweight champion and UFC legend José Aldo provided refuge for Bolsonaro’s self-exile at his Florida home. While conservatism is prevalent in sports generally, the UFC and combat sports as a whole seem to elicit an especially strong right-wing response from both fans and fighters. Could it be an appeal to the strong, masculine energy of hand-to-hand combat, an ode to orthodox gender values that traditionalists adhere to? Add in the fact that fighting is, at its core, the most basic and primitive test of dominance and strength, then the sport is prime to be a breeding ground for right-wing thought. The essence of mixed martial arts also directly contradicts the collectivist tendencies so often seen on the left. The one-on-one nature of the sport lends itself to individualism, where the fighter's only hope is themselves and they can’t rely on teammates for help. Unlike in professional team sports, fighters must find their own gyms and individually train to stay in shape and prepare for fights. Fighters also have little support from the promotion itself, as the UFC only pays around 15 percent of their revenue share to fighters, as compared to the 50 percent share that the major American sports leagues give out. This means that not only are fighters competing for wins, but they also compete for bigger contracts and sponsorships. When lower-tier fighters make as little as $12,000 per fight, competition becomes fierce as the fight market takes on a strong, capitalist form. Fighter’s backgrounds often contribute to their conservative tendencies. From religious views to country of origin, many fighters have experienced a notably conservative upbringing. As Muslim UFC stars with socially traditional viewpoints continue to dominate the sport, their beliefs are becoming more frequently expressed in fight media. Former lightweight champion and widely considered the “Greatest of All Time”, Khabib Nurmagomedov was not shy about professing certain conservative opinions, notably expressing his distaste for the not-so-modestly dressed UFC ring girls. As many fighters also hail from post-Soviet and post-communist states, there are socio-political reasons for espousing conservative values in mixed martial arts. For former welterweight Jorge Masvidal, who headlined the Trump-attended UFC 244, his personal experience with Cuban socialism pushed him to be a passionate opponent of left-wing causes, even using his final in-octagon appearance to support Trump and Florida Governor Ron DeSantis. This prevailing conservatism ends up having often hilarious, but sometimes serious, political consequences. For one, it gives a voice to fringe, more extreme voices who would have stayed quiet if not for their UFC fame. Look no further than Bryce Mitchell, the camo-wearing featherweight who was propelled into stardom after a string of wins earlier this decade. He’s often seen on mixed martial arts-adjacent podcasts espousing his views of flat-earth theory and conspiratorial claims that the U.S. education system is indoctrinating the youth into communism. Or look at UFC veteran Tito Ortiz, who ran for office in bright red Huntington Beach, California on an anti-mask and anti-vaccine platform. Elected as mayor pro-tempore, he resigned just half a year later, citing character assassination and political persecution as his main reasons for doing so. Out-of-cage antics aside, conservative fighters often use their post-bout moments of fame to proselytize, taking full advantage of their winner’s interviews to share their opinions with the fight world. In 2021, lightweight contender Beneil Dariush dedicated his UFC 262 victory to those hurt by Marxist ideologies while also praising tech-capitalist Elon Musk, encouraging those in the audience to consider buying Tesla cars. But along with these trivial moments come real political repercussions that originate from the fight world. Ultra-conservative Chechen warlord Ramzan Kadyrov has used his region’s talented fighters to penetrate the highest ranks of the sport, funding mixed martial arts as a way to disseminate his beliefs onto the world’s stage. Podcaster Joe Rogan, who first achieved fame as a UFC color commentator, hosted then-presidential candidate Trump a few days before the general election. In a conversation that included discussing Trump’s favorite fighters and propagating conspiracies about a stolen election, his victory may have been aided by this last-minute publicity. As mixed martial arts is becoming ever-popular in the mainstream and among a seemingly global right-wing shift , the intersection of the sport and politics can have major implications. As younger people begin to watch the sport in greater numbers, the prevalence of conservative beliefs can shape an entire generation's worldview, leaving lasting impacts on the future of politics. If the right wing, as they have in the past, continue to capitalize on the sport’s inherent conservative inclinations, not only will they see victories on fight night, but on election night too.

As it’s a Saturday afternoon, and as I am a creature of habit, I almost automatically bundle my bike out of my apartment. < Back 2024: Year of the Bike on the Côte d’Azur By Gruffudd ab Owain January 31, 2024 It’s a Saturday afternoon, and as I have come to expect, the weather is, to a Welshman, perfect. It’s cliché to say that people from Britain always talk about the weather, but it’s true; its changeable nature lends itself to an easy topic of conversation. I notice that often, since moving to Menton, comments about the weather still seem to slip off my tongue with surprising ease. However, I have noticed also, that since moving to Menton, I am very much a creature of habit. As it’s a Saturday afternoon, and as I am a creature of habit, I almost automatically bundle my bike out of my apartment. I hoist it onto my back on the way down the stairs to the Basilica, cautiously treading each step in my cleated shoes, which make my walking akin to that of a duck. As I hoist my leg over the top tube and gladly feel the padding of my shorts make contact with the saddle, I notice how perfect the weather is. The sun is so therapeutic, so warm on my back. Then, I remember that it’s like this every day, and that I don’t need to think and talk about the weather all the time. The skies are a deep shade of blue; the colour of freedom. With freedom comes discovery and adventure. Today, I have decided to follow my nose across the border and venture into Italy for the first time. I have a destination in mind, around 35 kilometers along the coast in Sanremo. Sanremo holds significance in the world of professional cycling, hosting the reliably dramatic finale to the notoriously long Milano-Sanremo one-day race in March. The climb up to the quintessential little village of Poggio di Sanremo can often be the deciding factor for the victorious rider; today, it will offer me a turnaround point, and a slight challenge on an otherwise flat percorso . That remains a distant thought, as the cycle path comes to an unexpectedly early end close to the border, awakening me from my rather dreamy state. At this point, a couple of fast-looking cyclists with enviable physiques pass me going in the opposite direction, and we exchange a wave and a Ciao! One of them was clad top to toe in the kit of the UAE Emirates team, who boast one of the most extortionate budgets in the pro cycling peloton *, and some of the biggest names of the present generation, including two-time Tour de France winner, Tadej Pogačar. Later on in the day, in my hours of post-ride procrastination, I discover on sports social media platform Strava that this cyclist was none other than pro Davide Formolo; stage-hunter extraordinaire, with stage wins at the Giro d’Italia and the Critérium du Dauphiné to his name, fresh from a mid-October win in the one-day Veneto Classic. It’s not uncommon at all to see professional cyclists when out and about on the Côte d’Azur, especially northwards into the Alpes-Maritimes. After all, many of them, some of them Tour de France winners and legendary names, choose to reside in Monaco, particularly in winter. It turns out that it isn’t only me who values the blue skies and the favourable weather conditions, although admittedly one of them, 2018 Tour winner Geraint Thomas, does happen to be Welsh too (and incidentally, one of his jerseys hangs proudly in the bike shop in Garavan). Reliable year-round weather and lenient tax obligations for non-French nationals help in attracting cyclists to choose Monaco; the former has proven attractive for centuries, and the story behind naming Promenade des Anglais after 18th and 19th century English aristocrats is a well-documented example. Another key attraction, for the pro cyclists and indeed myself, are the fabulous roads which meander into the mountains in a snake-like manner, offering a challenge on the way up, and a thrill on the way down. The Col de Braus is a perfect example, with its series of switchbacks like a shoelace untidily thrown on the hillside. A climb which starts in Menton is the Col de la Madone, which has long been considered iconic in cycling realms. It is said that it was the road on which Lance Armstrong, infamously stripped of his seven Tour de France titles for doping, frequented to train during the winter, starting his stopwatch at Intermarché, and trying to beat his record each time. Combined with the Col d’Èze, this route is nowadays the most popular amongst cyclo-tourists; cyclo-tourism is an industry estimated to have contributed 27 million euros to the region’s economy in 2021, and predicted to reach 84 million euros annually by 2025. The bike, however, is about to bring another substantial boost to the region’s economy in 2024. For the first time since 1905, this year’s Tour de France, the iconic three-week bike race that is the world’s largest annual sports competition, will not finish in Paris. In a similar way to many of France’s nation-building efforts, the race pledges to visit each département at least every four years and at least try to ensure that the benefits, particularly economic, of hosting the race are relatively evenly distributed across the country. But for over a hundred years, it hasn’t budged from its annual grand finale on the Champs Élysées in the capital. In 2024, however, out of necessity, the Paris Olympics have pushed the Tour to the sidelines. Instead, Nice will host the closing weekend of the race, with a final-day time-trial from Monaco over Col d’Èze into Nice, which could prove decisive if the lead still hangs in the balance. Ironically, the last time the race visited Nice and its surroundings was in 2020 on an opening weekend remembered primarily for torrential rain. The economic prospects of hosting the final stages of the race are very favourable indeed, no doubt somewhat contingent on favourable weather, with each euro spent forecast to inject eight euros into the economy, totalling around 50 to 60 million euros. The region will undoubtedly see this as an opportunity to promote itself for its cultural and natural wealth, attract long-term investments and promote cycling and sport in general. And after all, maybe the fine weather and fabulous roads that attracted an unimportant Welshman to the Côte d’Azur will make 2024 the year that the Tour’s organisers see an opportunity to break its habit of finishing in Paris.

The question does however prevail – do these camps therefore pose a durable long-term solution? < Back The Refugee Camps in Tindouf: Is There Another Way? By Vanja Lerch Eriksson November 30, 2023 The refugee camps in Tindouf were established by the Polisario Front, the Algerian state and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as an immediate emergency response to Sahrawis fleeing Western Sahara as the Moroccan occupation began. The camps are located in the western corner of Algeria and house between 90,000 to 165,000 Sahrawi refugees. Established in 1975, thousands of Sahrawi refugees have spent almost five decades in the camps while others have come and gone. Over the years, the camps have transformed into an established civilization with a state-like structure divided into four villages with internal municipalities and neighbourhoods, all of which are named after landmarks and places in Western Sahara, to remind the camps’ population of their homeland. The quick establishment of the camps in Tindouf was absolutely necessary to stabilise the number of Sahrawi refugees seeking to leave the occupied territories, and such an immediate solution was welcomed by many international organisations which sought to find possible long-term avenues. However, looking back, the immediate ‘success' of the camps also contributed to the conflict being portrayed as less urgent to resolve, as a large part of the Sahrawi population was now considered safe from the violence of the Moroccan state. Increasingly fewer international organisations thus put in an effort to stabilise and mediate the conflict. Even though the word about the ‘success' of the camps spread in the international community, the reality in the camps was very different. Families have suffered from extreme poverty and food insecurity for decades as international organizations changed priorities and also wrongly estimated the number of inhabitants in the camps, sometimes differing by tens of thousands. In addition, the camps face large challenges regarding access to water as knowledge about how to treat, store and distribute it is close to nonexistent. It is therefore unsurprising that an increasing number of people in the camps are distressed and seeking alternative solutions. A continuous question is: why can’t the Sahrawis simply return to the occupied territories? The answer is clear – returning would pose a huge safety risk. The few Sahrawis who have chosen to stay in the occupied territories are constantly put at risk by the Moroccan authorities, as well as the Moroccan settlers in the area, as the Sahrawis are often subject to harassment and violence. International organizations have concluded that in the occupied territories, there is no guarantee that human rights are or will be respected, as few international organisations are granted access to surveil the human rights situation. In addition, Sahrawis in the occupied territories are subjected to violations of their freedom of speech, their freedom of association and their freedom of assembly. There have also been numerous reported cases of Sahrawi activists being imprisoned on false ground after unfair trials, and many of those have also been subject to torture and harassment from Moroccan authorities. Over the years, the international community has tried to facilitate negotiations and propose peace plans. However, all such efforts have proved insufficient as both Morocco and the Polisario Front continuously violate cease-fire agreements and reject peace plans and possible solutions. The international community further questions whether the camps should even be allowed to exist, as they could prevent serious matters from being dealt with urgently. Such matters include long-term plans for reintegrating refugees and plans for rebuilding necessary infrastructure. Though the conclusion in the case of the camps in Tindouf has been clear, the camps need to remain as few other options are available. The two most recent and possibly realisable solutions proposed are: West Saharan autonomy under Morocco and “The new capital solution.” The option of West Saharan autonomy under Morocco is supported by the Moroccan regime, however, the international community opposes this as long as the situation in Moroccan politics prevails. For such a solution to be realizable in terms of human rights, the international community has concluded that the Moroccan regime would need a great democratic transition as well as a major decentralisation of the state. Thus, as expected, this option was rejected by the Polisario Front. The second proposed option is that the inhabitants of the Tindouf camps would slowly move to the liberated territories of Western Sahara, especially to the area surrounding the capital of Tirafiti. However, such a solution is estimated to be problematic as well, as Tirafiti is located only five miles from the defense front and could contribute to a renewal of the armed conflict in the area. In addition, the area is close to inhabitable; it completely lacks natural resources and is composed of only a small strip of land the size of barely a third of Western Sahara. Though there are clear complicating circumstances, this is the favoured option by the Polisario Front as it means that the Sahrawis could partly return to their land. As these are the currently most favoured options for a possible solution, the idea of a referendum for the Sahrawis is out the window. Many blame the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) as a significant subject in enabling the stalemate situation to prevail, as they have continuously failed to provide and create an environment where a referendum is safe to be held. If MINURSO had had a more sufficient mandate as well as a better structure from the beginning, a referendum could possibly have been held in the 1990s as initially planned. To hold the referendum today is considered close to impossible, not only due to the humanitarian situation but also the lack of authentic representation of Sahrawi opinions, as Sahrawis have now become a minority in their own land. Actors of the United Nations, unfortunately, complicated the conflict even further as Ban Ki-Moon publicly mentioned the occupation of Western Sahara during a visit to the Tindouf camps in 2016. Even though he was correct from the perspective of the international community, this ravished the diplomatic relations with Morocco. As a response, the Moroccan government retracted all of their financial support to MINURSO and demanded that all 84 international civil staff members leave the country. This signified that no surveillance of human rights was allowed in Morocco or the occupied territories, putting the Sahrawi population in the occupied territories even more at risk. The humanitarian situation in the camps is evidently unfavourable, as it consequently results in prolonged and extreme poverty and human rights abuses of thousands of Sahrawis. However, few other options seem realisable at the moment. The question does however prevail – do these camps therefore pose a durable long-term solution? Even though the international community continuously answers no, little effort has been put into actually changing the situation, neither in the camps nor in the occupied territories.

Since the end of January, the issue of the Iranian regime has slowly been consuming more dialogue within the European Union bloc. < Back Sanctions: Relations Between the West and Iran Continue To Intensify By Leo Gerza February 28, 2023 Since the end of January, the issue of the Iranian regime has slowly been consuming more dialogue within the European Union bloc. On the one hand, the discussion on how and to what extent the union needs to act against the regime is driven by the latter’s continued brutality against its civilian population. On the other hand, concerns over Iran stem much closer to home on the Ukrainian battlefront, where Iran has been exporting drones to assist Russia in its illegal invasion and occupation of Ukrainian territory. The discussion on how to address these actions has developed into a practical debate on how to most effectively sanction Iran to limit and deter exports. It has once again underscored differences in how far European Union leaders are willing to go to assist widespread retaliation against authoritarian repression. Simultaneously, sharpened rhetoric directed against Iran within these debates has contributed to escalating tensions between both sides. On Jan. 19, the European Parliament passed a resolution calling for the union to recognize Iran’s elite forces and its subsidiaries as “terrorist organizations,” mainly in response to the regime’s lethal repression of civilian protesters. The resolution, however, is not binding, and the European Union’s chief of foreign policy, Josep Borrell, made clear that “you cannot say I consider you a terrorist because I don’t like you.” Therefore, the proposed designation will not be introduced until it has gone through the correct legal process. In retaliation, Iran claimed that it would vote on whether to designate European armed forces as terrorist organizations in a tit-for-tat move. Iran also threatened that negotiations to restore its 2015 nuclear deal would be entirely off the table. While both of these largely symbolic moves are unlikely to materialize, it demonstrates renewed tension in the verbal dialogue between both sides which will likely be reflected in more aggressive policy toward each other soon. However, the European Union and the United States acted decisively to implement new sanctions on Iran. The union voted to add 37 Iranian officials and organizations to the sanctions list. Those targeted by sanctions cannot travel to the European Union, and their assets can be frozen. On the same day, the U.S. Treasury announced it would join by targeting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a large group of its senior members and Iran’s Deputy Minister of Intelligence and Security Naser Rashedi. “Along with our partners, we will continue to hold the Iranian regime accountable so long as it relies upon violence, sham trials, and the execution of protestors,” said the Treasury Department. In a rare moment of synchronization, the U.K. acted in step with the union and the United States, also acting to sanction Iranian individuals and organizations. Notably, the list of sanctioned individuals included Deputy Prosecutor General Ahmad Fazelian because he weaponized the judicial system for political purposes. The British foreign minister, James Cleverly, said, “judicial figures using the death penalty for political ends… are at the heart of the regime’s brutal repression of the Iranian people.” In retaliation to the series of coordinated sanctions from the West, Iran blacklisted 34 individuals and organizations in the European Union and the United Kingdom. The list of blacklisted individuals covers members of the European parliament, military commanders, city officials, and three executives at the French Magazine Charlie Hebdo, who had been accused of publishing a series of satirical caricatures depicting the elite of the Iranian regime. In the U.K., individuals blacklisted included legal officials such as the Prosecutor General and several intelligence officers. Amidst the 44th anniversary of the regime, President Ebrahim Raisi targeted the West in an invigorated speech where he was met with chants of “death to America” and “death to Israel.” This continued aggressive rhetoric comes at the same time that relations between Iran and Russia are coming ever closer together. On Feb. 8, the Central Bank of Iran (CBI) claimed that it connected Iran and Russia’s financial messaging services to facilitate an expansion in bilateral economic relations. This will undoubtedly further solidify the alliance between both countries and will need to be met by continued cooperation on foreign policy between member countries within the union and between Europe, the United States and the United Kingdom.

In just ten months, Alwanat evolved from a group of friends bonding over similar experiences to a widely-known campus association engaging students in much-needed discourse surrounding race and racism on our campus. < Back Association Feature: Alwanat By Ismaeel Yaqoub January 31, 2022 In just ten months, Alwanat has evolved from a group of friends bonding over similar experiences to a widely-known campus association engaging students in much-needed discourse surrounding race and racism on our campus. This year, 2A Sania Mahyou and I had a tough act to follow after Moira Shoush and the rest of our now-3A founders left Menton for their third year adventures. We spent a long time thinking about the direction in which we wanted to take the association: an activism body? a safe-space? a networking opportunity? an educational tool? Our conclusion, unsurprisingly, was to combine all of these aims within the mission of our association. One thing that we wanted to stress from the beginning was a horizontal approach to leadership. We opted against a board with poles as is typically done in SciencesPo associations. This horizontal format creates an environment where there are no hierarchies – either actual or implicit – which enables everyone in the association to contribute as much or as little as they want. This has, of course, created logistical and organisational obstacles, but it is worth it. This framework allows for members of the association to feel able to act on their own prerogative 100 percent of the time. This is important because we all have different ways of processing and navigating our experiences and there cannot be a one-size-fits-all approach. Participating in anti-racism activities requires effort, but should not be treated as an obligation. The work we are doing necessitates an internal motivation. Furthermore, our recruitment campaign was informal and involved a simple chat to ensure the aims of the association were understood and that there was a shared interest with the applicants. Alwanat is a bilingual association, and we have one president from each track in hopes of creating an environment where there is no francophone or anglophone hegemony over our actions or mindset. These were all intentional steps taken to ensure that our new members were open and motivated enough to take over when the current leadership is no longer here. Alwanat’s meetings are apolitical, typically consisting of dinners and conferences. This is a deliberate choice — we do not want to politicize anti-racism. We do not participate in debates or polemics– there is more than enough opportunity for that within Sciences Po and its existing associations! We finished last year with an ambitious cycle of conferences, and the first guest was renowned author of “Le Triangle et L’Hexagone,” Maboula Soumahoro. In the conference, she exposed the reality of a being a Black Muslim woman in France and provided a rich reflection of the articistic, political, and literary tradition of the Black disapora in France. This was followed by a conference by Rim-Sarah Alouane which grappled with the rise of Islamophobia in France and the weaponization of laïcité in the political arena. We finished the year on a high with a celebration of people of color (POC) talent in the arts. We invited a panel of diverse artists, musicians, writers, and photographers to discuss their work, inspiration, and experience navigating their fields as POCs. This year, we began with several organizational meetings to improve our structure before we embarked on the challenge of creating a campus-wide anti-racism training session which was to be held in October. Unfortunately, due to administrational incompetency, it was cancelled at the last minute and our hard work sadly did not yield the sessions we had envisioned. We had hoped to give general talks on anti-racism, as well as present the testimonies and data from our campus wide survey (all available on our Instagram page!). Understandably, there was low morale within the team after the administration blocked our efforts, as we had spent weeks preparing and organizing ourselves for the anglophone and francophone training sessions . We took a little hiatus but came back with one of our best events yet – our Alwanat safe space dinners. These are an opportunity for students to come and talk over good food and company. But, it also affords members the chance to share their experiences of racism in a safe space where what they say will not be trivialised or debated. We can all empathize with each other given our shared experiences. We also welcome allies to come and learn more about the lived experiences of POCs and talk about how they can help the movement. We also worked with different associations, co-organising the Arab Student Organization x Alwanat x Sciences 360 HAFLA party which was a celebration of Middle Eastern food and music with henna, shisha, and good vibes all round. The semester ended with our first ever in-person conference with the author of “Illegitimes,” Nesrine Slaoui, a former Sciences Po student herself. She talked about her book and navigating environments such as our university as a Brown, Muslim woman from a low socioeconomic background. This semester, Alwanat is hoping to build on the momentum we have already created and have more dinners, parties and, of course, conferences so that we can share fun, exciting, and informative spaces with the entire campus community. We want to continue engaging the campus in important conversations about everyday racism on and off campus-as well as topical issues for us as students of the MENA region. We are always open to anyone interested in our activities, so if you want to join us please feel free to approach any member of the board to chat!

Australia is a nation in which the interrelationship between the people and our Naval forces has come to play a pivotal role in shaping national identity. < Back Our Military Are Our Mates! By Lucy Lönnqvist for Sciences Defense December 31, 2023 Australia is a nation in which the interrelationship between the people and our Naval forces has come to play a pivotal role in shaping national identity. Australians hold an inexplicable appreciation for our island continent's safety and good fortune, guarded by the devoted efforts of our naval and maritime powers, the Royal Australian Navy (RAN). On the surface level, the RAN is known by Australians for its defense of civil liberties and national sovereignty against external threats. In another vein however, a more fundamental yet subtle duty of the Navy that often lies unspoken, pertains to its role in fostering a strong sense of harmony, trust, and connectivity within the social fabric of all residents who call Australian soil home. It is this latter principle which the essence of this article will focus on, in order to demonstrate precisely why Australians call the military our mates. The nature of Australia’s coastal geography positions the naval and maritime at the nexus of the country’s defense strategy. While Australia has come to be founded in the archetype of the ‘ Lucky Country ’ and ‘ Land of the Fair-Go, ’ through an examination of the military forces’ relationship with the Australian community, the answers as to why Australia has come to be characterized by these legends and how our naval powers have perpetually assured the prosperity and support of Australian people, are revealed. Australia’s reputation as a land of safety and abundance is by no means the product of a draw of luck, rather, these norms have been sowed into the attitudes of trust and reciprocity between Australian society and the Navy as a respected institution. This deeply rooted trust has perpetuated since the Royal Australian Navy was first titled in 1911, and today has proven difficult to invalidate through experience. As a liberal-democratic island situated in a region of growing momentum for military attention, the capacity of the country’s Naval powers to protect its people is a question occupying political agendas. Australians today are vesting their trust in the country’s naval and maritime powers as a politically neutral institution they believe will continue to safeguard the security of the land we seek to reconcile and the prosperity of living standards we relish in. Trust is an essential component of any sustainable relationship between a nation’s military power and the society at large. Arguably, much of the conflict in the world today can be explained by the lack of mutual confidence between the society and its governing authority, with the military serving as the third-party mechanism for social control bridging between. Thomas Hobbes sheds light on this arrangement in his solution to the dilemmas of collective action in saying “ If both parties concede to the Leviathan, their reward is the mutual confidence necessary to life .” That is to say that the naval forces of Australia acting as the third-party enforcement allows the state and its citizens to trust one another. In the absence of trust, there can be no guarantee over a population’s security, nor hope for prosperity of the nation; thus, the society would effectively be reduced to a state of lawlessness and self-interest, opening the gates for tensions to boil and even a breakout of a civil war. There is a psychological component to the legitimacy of trust in a nation’s defense powers. For Australia as a seaborne nation, trust towards our sea powers have a greater grip in the minds of Australians than other military branches, as we depend on the good order at sea to secure trade and maritime resources as well as uphold the territorial integrity of our state and homes. Unlike most global powers across the world, Australian society is fortunate to have fostered a relationship of reciprocal trust towards the heroism of our naval servicemen. It is not often Australians look towards our maritime powers in fear, but instead view the body as a kind of moral sage, a guardian for the protection and wellbeing of our community, one that allows Australians to thrive in a state of amity and non-violence. There are several reasons for this, including the important pillar of neutrality of the RAN. The Royal Australian Navy operates substantially removed from the whimsical affairs of day-to-day politics, acting as a somewhat invisible power in the minds of many Australians who often aren’t reminded of the gravity of its value in underpinning the harmonious culture of our daily lives. The invisibility of the RAN in this sense is productive, as the actions of a state’s military service should not occupy space in the minds of civilians, but instead operate in the background of the state. Many Australians appear unaware of the extent to which the service of our naval powers reinforce the prosperity of our day to day lives because Australians have largely flourished in an environment of peace and liberty since the inception of the RAN. This is not to say the country is without inequality or flaw, rather to highlight that our land has not been threatened by foreign powers for as long as our national naval and maritime services have operated. In recent years, the Royal Australian Navy has stepped into the vision of the Australian public during times of national emergency. A particular example to illustrate is the evacuation of Mallacoota in Operation Bushfire Assist 2019-2020 whereby the Navy conducted itself with sincere compassion and open communication with evacuees. This demeanor ensured that people felt accommodated and safe onboard, no doubt reinforcing internalized norms of trust towards RAN as an institution among the Australian public. This example proves the RAN is more than a purely militant institution; it is a public good serving to cultivate a communal culture of trust and mateship to be shared evenly by Australian people. The security and prosperity enjoyed by all Australians as a courtesy of our naval efforts are not the private property of any person, but the communal gift to the entire nation. While the actions of the RAN may not be expressly seen by Australians in their daily lives, the equal opportunity to join the Navy is accessible to all citizens. Australia employs a policy of optional military service as opposed to one of national service, testament to the working environment of the Navy as an attractive institution of community and trust whereby Australians elect to enter on their own accord as opposed to serving by compulsion. It is the nature of voluntary subscription to the Navy that enhances its capacity to better guarantee the security and prosperity of Australian people because the risk of betrayal or defection is lessened. The achievement of Operation Tonga Assist 2022 illustrates how Australia’s policy of voluntary inscription promotes efficiency in the work ethic of naval personnel, allowing the RAN to respond to crises with seamless coordination. The navy was able to deliver 417 tons of equipment and relief supplies, conduct reconnaissance operations and assist with damage assessment following the undersea volcanic eruption and subsequent tsunami. This operation serves to prove that a fleet in which sailors consciously choose to serve in, is able to accomplish more than a comparable group lacking trustworthiness between members thereby enhancing the success of the fleet in guaranteeing the island’s security. The relationship of reciprocal trust between the people of Australia and the RAN is a matter of attitudes, behaviors, and feelings. An inextricably difficult phenomenon for countries abroad to engrain between their citizens and military institutions because it cannot simply be uplifted and transplanted into another context. Rather, it must be bred overtime. Building reciprocal trust is not easy, and this trust is so finely thread within behaviors, attitudes and national institutions that it can be difficult to identify and eulogize as a nation. Recognizing it, however, allows us to see ordinary Australia in intimate detail, drawing on a seemingly limitless depth of commitment towards each other which binds our sense of safety and mateship for eternity. The Royal Australian Navy champions representations of Australian national identity by upholding the country’s security and prosperity which is presented as attainable for everyday Australians.

The small number of spectators, the 100% artificial snow, the ubiquitous KN95 masks, and the obligatory 21 day quarantine for COVID-19 positive athletes made the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics vastly different from previous winter Games. < Back At the Beijing Olympics, Norway Dominates Once Again With a Record-Breaking Performance By Colin Lim March 30, 2022 The small number of spectators, the 100% artificial snow, the ubiquitous KN95 masks, and the obligatory 21 day quarantine for COVID-19 positive athletes made the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics vastly different from previous winter Games. . The second Olympics to be held during the pandemic, the Games of Beijing 2022 were similar to their more traditional predecessors in one notable way — Norway dominated the medal tables. The kingdom earned a total of 37 medals (16 gold, eight silver, and 13 bronze), outranking the Russian Olympic Committee and Germany for total number of medals, and surpassing Germany and China for the number of gold medals. The Norwegian athletes who won the most individual medals were biathletes, Johannes Thingnes Bø and Marte Olsbu Røiseland, and cross-country skier, Therese Johaug. Norway set the previous world record for the most gold medals won by any country in a single Winter Olympics (14 gold medals) at the 2018 Winter Olympic Games in Pyeongchang, South Korea. In Beijing, however, Norway broke its previous record, earning 16 gold medals. This feat was especially impressive considering the absence of many of its athletes due to COVID-19. The windy conditions and harsh northern Chinese winter weather did not help either, with temperatures regularly reaching -15°C in Yanqing and Zhangjiakou, which hosted ski, snowboard, and biathlon events. Daniel Aakre Faradonbeh, a 1A from Norway, was delighted to see his country perform so well. He definitively declared, “we are clearly the best in the world at winter sports.” However, Norway’s victory led him to wonder why other Nordic countries who, “despite enjoying the same benefits as Norway (namely weather and money), are far, far worse than us.” Aakre Faradonbeh gave credit to Sweden, however, for earning half the number of medals as Norway (eight gold, 18 overall), though he was quick to add that Sweden’s population is twice that of Norway’s. Friendly intra-Scandinavian rivalries aside, the immense and consistent success of Norway in winter sports competitions has intrigued both experts and casual observers. Boasting the highest Human Development Index (HDI) in the world, mountainous topography, and a cold climate, Norway’s successes begin to make more sense. Nonetheless, the magnitude of its training resources are still difficult for many outside observers to comprehend. Team Norway’s performance in Pyeongchang caused Luke Bodensteiner, then-director of sport for the US skiing governing body, to tell his team “we are going over there, and we are going to figure out what the hell is going on and what they are doing.” The Norwegian winter sports machine will continue running strong as the country prepares for the 2026 Milano-Cortina Winter Olympic Games in Italy. The country is sure to remain a fixture in the world of winter sports.

Depuis quelques années, l’Arabie Saoudite se développe de manière exponentielle sous les applaudissements et les critiques. Leur projet phare du moment ? The Line. < Back Le projet controversé de l’Arabie Saoudite: The Line By Calista Cellerier October 31, 2023 Depuis quelques années, l’Arabie Saoudite se développe de manière exponentielle sous les applaudissements et les critiques. Leur projet phare du moment ? The Line. The Line s’intègre dans le cadre d’un projet de plus grande ampleur nommé NEOM. Annoncé en octobre 2017 par le prince héritier Mohammed Ben Salamane (MBS), NEOM est un projet de zone économique indépendante prévue dans le nord-ouest de l'Arabie saoudite, dont la première partie devrait être inaugurée en 2030. Les secteurs économiques ciblés englobent un large éventail d'entreprises de technologie de pointe, de recherche et de valeurs telles que l'environnement, la santé, les sports, l'alimentation, la mobilité, le tourisme, le divertissement, la culture et la mode. Pour faire court, NEOM c’est 30 fois la taille de New York City, avec un budget de 500 milliards de dollars, qui a pour but d’offrir une qualité de vie exceptionnelle en plein désert Saoudien. The Line, c’est une partie du méga projet NEOM Annoncée en janvier 2021 par MBS, The Line suscite une attention internationale toute particulière, autant pour ses promesses d'être une ville verte que pour son allure pour le moins spéciale. Comme son nom l’indique, elle serait une ville construite entièrement sur la longueur et la hauteur. De plus de 100 kilomètres de long, 500 mètres de haut et 200 mètres de largeur, The Line est un projet d’une envergure vertigineuse. Plongeons dans le projet un peu plus en profondeur MBS projette de construire une ville verte, avec des transports en commun pouvant amener les citoyens d’un bout à l'autre en moins de 20 minutes (pas besoin donc de voitures). La ville serait neutre en carbone grâce aux ressources entièrement recyclées, avec des jardins suspendus et une électricité entièrement renouvelable. Pas de rues, mais des blocs de résidences avec des restaurants, hôpitaux, écoles et une multitude d’autres services à moins de 5 minutes à pied. Le système de sécurité promet aussi des miracles: une ville sûre grâce à une présence constante de caméras de sécurité et d'intelligence artificielle. Une smart city . MBS espère attirer jusqu'à 9 millions d'habitants dans The Line, pour faire de son pays un hub mondial d’exports et d'imports, une économie en puissance: “ C’est le but principal de NEOM, [...] d’augmenter la capacité de l’Arabie Saoudite, attirer plus de citoyens et plus de gens en Arabie Saoudite. Et puisque que nous faisons cela à partir de rien, pourquoi devrions-nous imiter les villes habituelles? ” déclare MBS (The Guardian). Pour faire court, The Line c’est un projet de ville verte et sécurisée, permettant à l’Arabie Saoudite de devenir indépendante des énergies fossiles comme le pétrole, ainsi que de booster ses actifs internationaux. Sur papier, le projet semble certes ambitieux, mais aussi très prometteur en termes de respect de l'environnement et de qualité de vie. Pourtant, de nombreuses critiques fusent sur les réseaux sociaux et dans les journaux du monde entier. Pour commencer, The Line est un projet d’une centaine de kilomètres de long dans le désert. Ce simple fait suscite de nombreuses interrogations : qu’en est-il des populations locales? Il se trouve que l’endroit est occupé par une tribu bédouine, les Howeitat, vivant depuis des centaines d'années dans cette partie du désert. De nombreuses accusations sont dirigées contre le gouvernement Saoudien, incluant la déportation forcée de milliers de bédouins hors de leurs habitations. Plus inquiétant encore, selon de nombreuses sources de part et d’autre du monde, trois hommes, Shadli, Ibrahim et Ataullah al-Howeiti auraient été condamnés à mort en 2022 par le parquet antiterroriste Saoudien pour avoir refusé l'éviction. De plus, le frère de l’un des trois hommes était un militant tué en 2020 par les forces saoudiennes pour avoir posté sur Internet une vidéo s’opposant ouvertement au projet et dénonçant les actes des autorités contre la population locale. Ces événements ouvrent donc sur la question éthique du projet : construire une cité ultra moderne oui, mais à quel prix? Une autre question se pose sur le projet, quant à la vie sociale dans la ville et les lois. Le système judiciaire de l’Arabie Saoudite est basé sur la Sharia qui est un ensemble de normes et règles régissant la vie religieuse, politique, sociale et privée, parfois appelée la loi islamique. Elle est appliquée plus ou moins sévèrement dans les pays musulmans. En revanche, NEOM et par conséquent The Line, seraient gouvernées par leur propre système légal et judiciaire, différent de celui du reste du pays. On peut donc penser que les lois seront plus souples. L’attention internationale que The Line suscite pourrait permettre à MBS d'alléger certaines lois, comme l’interdiction de l’alcool ou le code vestimentaire strictes, pour attirer les étrangers à investir et s’installer. Pourtant, The Line serait pourvue de caméras de surveillance et de reconnaissance faciale permettant une surveillance étroite dans les espaces publics. Alors, à quel point la cité serait-elle un endroit libre? Ce n’est pas un secret que nombre s’interrogent sur la surveillance de masse déjà utilisée dans beaucoup de pays où les libertés individuelles sont restreintes, comme la Chine. Alors si The Line en est pourvue, il se pourrait bien que la vie ne soit pas aussi libre que MBS voudrait faire croire. Enfin, c’est la faisabilité même du projet qui est souvent remise en question. The Line est un projet gigantesque et pourtant est prévu habitable pour 2030. Alors, comment ? Sur le plan technique, tout porte à croire que ce délai pourrait être réaliste. En effet, The Line serait constituée de modules autonomes, chacun contenant tout ce dont nous avons besoin dans la vie quotidienne et assemblés les uns derrière les autres, comme des Lego, selon l'intensité de la demande. D’ailleurs, des images de drones ont confirmé que le projet était déjà en construction. Mais regardons du côté de la faisabilité écologique. Le projet de construction de The Line pourrait ne pas être aussi eco-friendly que The Line elle-même. En effet, l’Arabie Saoudite doit trouver des ressources pour la construction et alimenter le chantier en énergie. Comment acheminer des matériaux, machines, ouvriers et outils jusqu’au milieu du désert dans un royaume qui dépend presque entièrement des énergies fossiles, en respectant la neutralité carbone ? Dur à imaginer. Si MBS affirme que la faune et la flore seront préservées à 95%, il est difficile de croire qu’une ligne faite de deux écrans de verre infranchissables pourra épargner l'environnement autour. Enfin, une fois construite, faire fonctionner la ville n’est pas une maigre tâche. Eau et électricité renouvelable à travers des éoliennes, panneaux solaires et désalinisation, des déchets à recycler, tout cela pour une population de 9 millions d’habitants, et dans le désert à partir de rien. Tout porte à croire que le projet est d’une envergure peut-être un peu trop grande. Alors, The Line est un projet de ville futuriste coûtant des milliards de dollars en plein milieu du désert, qui présente de nombreux avantages. Une cité eco-friendly, une qualité de vie jamais vue avant, un niveau de sécurité impressionnant, The Line fait de nombreuses promesses au monde entier. Pourtant, la réalité n’est sûrement pas aussi étincelante que sur papier, ou sur le site officiel de NEOM. De multiples problèmes peuvent s’accumuler lors de la construction, incluant un chantier pas si écolo et des conflits entre autorités saoudiennes et populations locales. Pourtant, la ville pourrait bien être habitable dans une dizaine d’années, bloc par bloc. Si The Line s’avère être un succès, le futur de la civilisation humaine pourrait prendre un autre tournant, dans des villes ressemblant aux films de science-fiction.

Sports Recap — January 2023 < Back January Sports Recap By Hugo Lagergren January 31, 2023 Football The January player transfer window has now closed. Some teams splashed the cash, while some were more restrained in their approach and waiting for the summer window to do most of their serious business. Perhaps the most significant news to come out of the January window was Cristiano Ronaldo’s move to Saudi Arabia’s Al Nassr FC following his departure from Manchester United, where he had a falling out with several management figures, including manager Erik Ten Haag. Ronaldo has signed for two and a half years, extending his playing career until June 2025. The contract is reportedly worth a whopping 150 million USD per season. Ronaldo returned to the field as Al Nassr lost 4-5 to Lionel Messi’s Paris Saint-Germain (PSG), reuniting him with his old rival. The Telegraph described the match as “the sordid final chapter of our era’s greatest football rivalry.” Questions have been asked of Chelsea FC and their possible violation of Fédération Internationale de Football Association’s (FIFA) Financial Fair Play regulation. Since U.S. billionaire Todd Boehly acquired the team last May, Chelsea have spent nearly half a million GBP on transfers. FIFA caps club spending at 105m GBP per season, and Chelsea have spent over four times that amount in the last six months. However, transfer fees are spread across the length of their contract. Chelsea recently signed Ukraine’s Mykhailo Mudryk for an eight-and-a-half-year contract and a hefty price of 88.5 million GBP, with other contracts ranging from five to six years. Arsenal have continued their impressive run at the top of the Premier League table by beating Manchester United 3-2 after a scintillating performance by Bukayo Saka. Fans are increasingly confident that this season will end their 19-year wait for a Premier League title. RC Lens closed the gap to current league leaders PSG by three points as PSG lost 1-0 to Rennes. OGC Nice are looking for a replacement for veteran Dante, who is likely to retire at the end of the season. Nice, who have had a poor start to the season, are looking to bolster their team in hopes of stronger performance. Tennis Novak Djokovic defeated Stefanos Tsitsipas to win the 2023 Australian Open, equaling Rafael Nadal's all-time record of 22 Grand Slam titles. The title marks his 10th Australian Open win, the most of any tennis player. Speaking after the match, Djokovic stated that it had “been one of the most challenging tournaments I’ve ever played in my life”. At the age of 35, Djokovic has shown no sign of slowing down in recent years, as he remains one of the most difficult players to play for the new generation of tennis players. Formula 1 Teams have started to announce the launch dates to showcase their cars for the 2023 season, with Red Bull being the first to launch their car on the third of February. The rest of the launches will follow in the next fortnight. Steve Nielsen has been appointed as Sporting Director of the Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile. This job switch from a high-ranking Formula 1 job requires him to oversee race-control operations, which have been at the heart of recent controversies, including during Max Verstappen’s first title-winning season. Boxing Youtuber/boxer/rapper KSI announced his ambition for Misfits Boxing, his promotional company, and their partnership with DAZN boxing to become a serious fighting arena. KSI defeated Faze Temperrr only a minute into the first round, after which he spoke passionately about his event's potential to compete with major fighting institutions such as the Ultimate Fighting Championship. His fight reportedly accumulated an impressive 300,000 pay-per-view buys. Rugby With the Six Nations tournament approaching, England Rugby fans will have been relieved to hear that Captain Owen Farrell has been cleared to play. He was handed a four-match ban after a high tackle during a league match against Gloucester.

The problem with playing Switzerland, playing neutral, is that it is not a fair game. Ban the state, and innocent athletes suffer. Do not ban the state, and those harmed by the state suffer instead. The sport of neutrality has no simple rules. And the question remains: how can sporting governing bodies criticize aggressor states while staying true to their values of inclusivity and togetherness through sport? < Back Playing Switzerland: An Unfair Game Rebecca Canton October 31, 2024 Germany and Japan in 1948, South Africa in 1964, Yugoslavia in 1992, Taliban-ruled Afghanistan in 2000 and now Russia and Belarus in 2024: the list of nations banned from participating in the Olympic Games continues to expand. Historically, so-called “banned” nations were fully barred from sending athletes or delegates. Nowadays, a banned nation does not necessarily indicate banned athletes. Enter the “neutral” athlete, an exclusive title only few possess. Yet the problem with this apparent neutrality, much like the issues with Switzerland’s, is that, in practice, it is neither simple nor truly neutral. One’s nationality does not implicate them in their state’s actions. So then why should athletes of aggressor nations be penalized? Why should, for example, Viyaleta Bardzilouskaya, a 19-year-old trampoline gymnast who went on to take a silver medal in the 2024 Olympic games as a neutral athlete, not hear her national anthem like other athletes? Why should an athlete who has no direct control over their country’s policies be sanctioned? Sporting events like the Olympics are meant to be a celebration of sport and inclusivity, not a criticism of politics. The Olympic charter itself states that The International Olympic Committee (IOC) and the Olympics are apolitical. But if such is the case, what right does the IOC have to dictate political sanctions? Perhaps more importantly, can an institution as global, and as historically political, as the Olympics ever be truly neutral? The concept of officially “neutral” athletes is relatively modern. In 2016, following Russian doping scandals, the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) proposed the idea. While Russia as a nation was allowed to compete in the 2016 Rio Olympics, in 2017 World Athletics, then IAAF, banned Russian athletes from competing at the World Championships with the exception of nineteen Russians who competed as neutral athletes . Apart from being politically-motivated neutrality, an athlete may also compete neutrally due to geopolitical realities. The Paris 2024 Olympics Games saw 37 athletes compete under the Refugee Olympic Team, representing more than 100 million displaced people around the world as opposed to a single country. Russia’s own participation in recent Games shows how blurred boundaries have become. In 2021, in light of mass doping allegations, Russia began competing under the acronym “ROC”, standing for the Russian Olympic Committee. Their flag was replaced with the Olympic Committee’s flag, and their anthem changed from the patriotic war song “Katyusha” to a piece from Tchaikovsky’s Piano Concerto No. 1, still distinctly Russian in cultural identity. Their uniforms contained the colors of the Russian flag. They were, undeniably, Russian athletes. None of this fits any real definition of neutrality. So what does? For an organisation designed to be apolitical, the IOC has several criteria for an athlete to be considered neutral. Athletes must qualify under their respective International Sports Federations’ definition of neutrality, most of which mirror the IOC rules. Belarusian and Russian athletes were banned from displaying their flag, colors and singing their national anthems. State officials were not invited, and any athlete found supporting the war or participating in military activities was deemed ineligible. Throughout all of this, the IOC has maintained that it fully supports Ukraine and Ukrainian athletes. Yet Ukrainian officials argue the IOC has not upheld its own rules. On 29 December 2023, an open letter signed by 261 Ukrainian athletes revealed that three of the six accepted Russian athletes had openly supported the war, by participating in pro-war rallies or by appearing in pro-war propaganda. Despite not following neutrality rules, such athletes were allowed to compete. The IOC continues to claim the Olympics are apolitical, yet the Games have consistently been used for political purposes. The 1936 Berlin Olympics, controversially awarded to the Nazi regime, became a propaganda tool for Hitler. The U.S. boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics protested the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, which the Soviets returned with their boycott of the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics. As arguably the biggest sporting event in the world, the Olympics cannot be neutral, nor can they appease all nations. Athletes inevitably represent more than themselves. Their victories can fuel nationalism, and in some cases, serve as state propaganda. Russia’s long-standing investment in figure skating illustrates this. Since the Soviet era, the sport has been used as a symbol of the “Russian Empire’s” greatness, with athletes becoming cultural icons who skate on behalf of “Mother Russia.” Even though athletes compete for themselves, in Russia an individual victory is a national one. Allowing aggressor states to compete without consequence can be seen as a form of appeasement, giving the impression that hostile actions are acceptable. By not banning athletes or imposing serious sanctions, the IOC risks legitimizing the actions of aggressor governments. Yet banning athletes punishes individuals for state violence they did not commit, and as such neutrality becomes a lose-lose game. Fairness is also questioned in how neutrality rules are applied. Iran and several other states have called for Israeli athletes to face the same bans imposed on Russia and Belarus, citing Israel’s escalation of aggression in Palestine since 7 October 2023. Israel has destroyed numerous Palestinian sporting facilities, reducing even the possibility of Palestinian athletes reaching the Olympics. The IOC’s justification is that Russia violated the Olympic Truce by invading Ukraine four days after the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics ended. Israel, they argue, has not violated it in the same way. This ambiguous differentiation, punishing one state's aggression but not another’s, creates a double standard. If neutrality and sanctions are to have legitimacy, they cannot be selectively enforced. At its core, the Olympics want to be Switzerland: neutral, impartial, untouched by political dispute. But even Switzerland is practically, not perfectly, neutral. It stayed out of both world wars, yet shut its borders for Jewish refugees during World War II and allowed Nazi bank accounts. Today it is not part of the EU or EEA, yet participates in the single market. A country or organization may claim neutrality, but the reality is far more complex. For athletes, this complexity is deeply personal. Their dreams, work, and sacrifice can be extinguished by decisions entirely beyond their control. The problem with playing Switzerland, playing neutral, is that it is not a fair game. Ban the state, and innocent athletes suffer. Do not ban the state, and those harmed by the state suffer instead. The sport of neutrality has no simple rules. And the question remains: how can sporting governing bodies criticize aggressor states while staying true to their values of inclusivity and togetherness through sport? If the Olympic Movement is meant to contribute to a more peaceful world, perhaps the first step is acknowledging that neutrality itself is not peace, but a complicated position. One that the Olympics, despite its ideals, has never been able to truly maintain.

Our beloved SciencesPistes became more comfortable both on and off the slopes — daring to dive into challenging skiing and dynamic conversations. < Back Menton à SuperDévoluy: Sciences Pistes Spend Last Week of Break at BDS Ski Trip By Gigi Hodes January 30, 2022 When 2A Samanéa Rousseau, president of the Bureau des Sports (BDS) on campus, sent a flyer advertising a ski trip for students, I was apprehensive to sign up. The task of organizing a trip to the Alps for 50 SciencesPistes seemed Herculean and I was unsure whether it would work out. Now, after returning from the trip, I am so glad I went. The five-day experience was a great way to spend some time outdoors, connect with nature, and bond with other students. The adventure began with a schlep to the stadium. There, we boarded the bus that took us to SuperDévoluy, a ski resort a few hours north of Menton in the French Alps. The excitement was palpable — for the first few hours, everyone was chattering away. Our journey lasted around six hours, but in this distance, we managed to go from sunny Menton to snow-capped mountains. After disembarking with our luggage, it was time to check into our rooms at the Hameau du Puy residence and get settled in. A few sighs of frustration later, (doing an état des lieux in a mountain hotel is no more fun than in a seaside apartment, especially with a 200 euro deposit on the line), we were ready to explore. I was most excited to play in the snow; it had been years since I had seen it piled up like that. We all immediately donned our snow pants and went outside. Suddenly, I felt a cold thud against my right shoulder. I turned around to see a gloating 2A Isabella Aouad, proud of her aim. After that, it was on. We spent a good hour tumbling across the landscape, hitting each other with snowballs until we were all exhausted and ready for some beauty sleep. Though the sound of my alarm the next morning was not exactly welcome, I was excited to hit the slopes — skiing was a childhood favorite for me. I felt butterflies at the thought of returning to it now, at least a meter taller and 10 years older. Thankfully, the BDS took care of the equipment rental package, including the (objectively uncomfortable) ski boots and bright helmets. For beginners like 2A Paris Sistilli, it was a bit daunting to head out to experience the sport for the first time. However, there was an instructor waiting on the bunny hill to teach the 15-person group the basics. The rest of us split up to tackle what SuperDévoluy had to offer. At first, people were more comfortable sticking to their friend groups from home or their flatmates. However, as the trip progressed, it became more practical to organize according to skill level and confidence, which meant spending quality time with people you may never have gotten to know. 1A Sienna Bertamini was pushed outside of her comfort zone and forced to make new relationships with 2As since not many people in her cohort decided to come. She explained that it was nice to build connections with people outside of her closer core. According to her, this bonding was especially fostered during group dinners and other collective activities. She said, “it was like Integration Week all over again … it definitely helped with bonding.” Another 1A agreed, saying that interactions became more fluid by the second or third day. People bridged the gaps that usually split the Ummah. There was an overwhelming sense of solidarity and collaboration when it came to the sport, with advanced skiers often offering to help the beginners and pushing them to feel more confident. This led to a group of novices tackling a blue slope (easy-intermediate level) together for the first time! Though the trip had some serious hiccups (a torn ligament here, sliced finger there), it was a really fun experience overall. We had amazing weather; all blue skies after fresh snow — nearly perfect powder conditions. Our beloved SciencesPistes became more comfortable both on and off the slopes — daring to dive into challenging skiing and dynamic conversations. As a 2A who is nearing the end of her time on campus, I thought this was an exciting way to kick off the semester, as it fostered bonding across the Ummah and helped me start the year on the right foot.

Le film, réalisé par Eric Hannezo et Matthieu Vollaire, est une magnifique plongée dans l’aventure d’une saison, au sein du vestiaire du Stade Toulousain. < Back Critique du Film “Le Stade” By Solenn Ravenel April 29, 2022 Mercredi 13 mars, j’ai eu la chance d’aller voir Le Stade au cinéma. Le film, réalisé par Eric Hannezo et Matthieu Vollaire, est une magnifique plongée dans l’aventure d’une saison, au sein du vestiaire du Stade Toulousain. J’ai entendu parler de la sortie de ce film, une première dans le rugby français, depuis plusieurs mois. Supporters toulousains impatients, interviews des joueurs dans les médias, cela fait maintenant une semaine que ce film fait sortir le rugby du microcosme du monde de l’ovalie. Bon spoiler, ce film ne révolutionnera pas le milieu du cinéma, ni celui du sport. Mais pourquoi est-il néanmoins intéressant ? D’abord, le film semble passionner les supporters toulousains. Dans la salle de Cagnes sur mer ce mercredi, plusieurs spectateurs arboraient fierement leurs maillots rouge et noir. Cela n’est pas étonnant. Le Stade est peut être avant tout pour ses supporters, toujours présents. Malgré le covid, malgré les stades vides, ces derniers se sont massés au départ du bus pour encourager leur équipe. Des supporters toujours présents, même lorsque le silence des stades soulignait leur cruel manque. Des supporters qui ont poussé leur équipe à la victoire, ou plutôt aux victoires. Celles de la coupe d’Europe et du top 14, mais aussi celles qui écrivent l’histoire, chaque week-end. Ce film est également une plongée dans le vestiaire de leurs joueurs préférés: lieu sacralisé, secret, normalement impénétrable pour les mortels que nous sommes. Il permet donc de briser ce qui pourrait être appelé le quatrième mur. Le film peut aussi intéresser les fans de rugby, sans que ceux-ci supportent forcément le stade toulousain. Pour Ugo Mola, coach de l’équipe: “Ceux qui nous aiment un peu vont nous aimer un peu plus et ceux qui nous détestent risquent nous détester un peu plus.” (RMC sport). Et malgré l’importance d’Ugo Mola dans ce film, permettez-moi d’être en désaccord avec cette affirmation. Chaque supporter peut se retrouver dans ce que souligne ce film. Les discours d’Ugo Mola qui rythment le film sont autant de leitmotivs qui rappellent que le rugby est un sport de “valeurs”. Il est vrai que celles-ci souvent mises en avant peuvent paraître prétentieuses, soulignant une prétendue supériorité du rugby sur les autres sports. Il est bien sûr possible de le voir comme cela. Cependant, je vois dans ces valeurs : l’humilité, le sens de l’équipe, le travail, la camaraderie, l’amitié, la famille, et le club, un socle commun qui permet à tous de se retrouver. Chaque supporter peut ainsi s’identifier, quelque soit le club qu’il aime, la famille ou les amis qui l’entourent. Le Stade, monté sans voix-off ni interview face cam, illustre ce que les supporters aiment le plus dans le rugby : les émotions. Pourquoi ce film peut-il aussi intéresser les débutants en rugby? Toi, qui n’as regardé qu’un match mais qui a zappé parce que tu n’as rien compris ! Ou encore toi, qui as seulement suivi la finale du grand chelem lors du tournoi des VI Nations ! Parce que ce film ne parle ni de jeu, ni de tactiques, pas besoin de comprendre le plan de jeu d’Ugo Mola : “ bleu, bleu, munster ” pour le comprendre. Avec Le Stade, vous découvrirez le rugby sous son angle le plus beau. Il peut être une belle porte d’entrée dans ce “ sport d’initiés ” (Ugo Mola). Peut être que vous serez parfois perdus pour comprendre l’organisation des compétitions, ou encore la place particulière du stade toulousain dans le rugby français et européen. Cependant, vous ne pourrez louper les larmes, les rires, les sourires. Vous ne pourrez louper ce pourquoi les supporters continuent semaine après semaine de se passionner pour ce sport si particulier. L’aventure humaine, racontée à travers une esthétique cinématographique : images, noir et blanc, musique… ne pourra que vous émouvoir. Et quelque soit votre histoire, vous pourrez vous identifier à ces moments de vie qui, malgré leur caractère sportif, sont souvent universels. Si après avoir vu Le Stade, vous voulez continuer à regarder des films sur le rugby, n’hésitez pas à regarder les épisodes de la série Destins mêlés sur la chaîne YouTube de France Rugby, qui revient sur les matchs de l’équipe de France. La première saison relate la tournée d’automne 2021 du XV de France, qui s’est achevée avec une victoire des Bleus face aux All Blacks. La seconde saison, elle, illustre le magnifique Grand Chelem lors du tournoi des VI Nations en 2022. La série est donc une magnifique image du XV de France d’aujourd’hui, les images des victoires et les témoignages des acteurs sont magnifiques. La série souligne le travail du staff : kinés, coachs, analystes vidéos… mais également l’importance de l’extra sportif : soirées, chansons, jeux… Pour aller encore plus loin, si vous souhaitez en apprendre plus sur le rugby international, découvrez Chasing the sun : le sacre des springboks sur Canal+. La série raconte le chemin de l’équipe sud-africaine vers la victoire de la coupe du monde en 2019. Plus sous forme de docu-série avec davantage de moment d’interviews, la série est un vrai reportage en immersion dans la préparation et la compétition des Springboks. Finalement, quelque soit votre niveau de connaissance du rugby, quelque soit votre club de cœur, le film Le Stade pourra vous séduire pour une seule raison : parce qu’il raconte, avec passion, une passion.

Plagued by famine, economic collapse, and natural disasters, the increasingly destabilized Yemen has everything to lose through involvement in the war in Gaza. Yet, Yemeni resistance groups have emerged as some of the strongest oppositions to Israel. < Back Houthi Attacks Unaffected By US-led Counterstrikes: Houthi Role In Gaza By Colette Yamashita Holcomb January 31, 2024 Plagued by famine, economic collapse, and natural disasters, the increasingly destabilized Yemen has everything to lose through involvement in the war in Gaza. Yet, Yemeni resistance groups have emerged as some of the strongest oppositions to Israel. In particular, Houthi fighters have attacked ships in the Red Sea, forcing some of the world’s most prominent shipping and oil companies to suspend transit through the crucial maritime trade routes. The United States and other allies, including Britain, have been the primary responders to the attacks, carrying out missile strikes on Houthi targets inside Yemen. So far, the U.S. and Britain have bombed more than 60 targets in 28 locations. This precarious situation raises several questions regarding the Houthi role in the Israel-Gaza war, the global response, and what it may mean for the future of Yemen. This article tells you the key answers to these questions. Who are the Houthis? The Houthis — who also refer to themselves as Ansarullah, or “Party of God” — are an Islamist political and military organization based in the Zaydi form of Shiism. They emerged from Yemen in 1990 and have expanded beyond their Zaydi roots to a broader movement against the central government, aiming to govern Yemen in its entirety. U.S. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken stated on Jan 17. 2024, that, beginning in mid-February, the U.S. will consider the Houthis a “specially designated global terrorist” group if they fail to halt their attacks. This shift signifies that they will be blocking its access to the global financial system, among other penalties. In 2014, Houthi fighters swept into the capital of Sana'a to further pressure the already weakened government until Yemen’s president, Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, resigned in January 2015. The Houthis declared themselves in control of the government and would seize power over much of north Yemen by 2016. Hadi fled to Saudi Arabia after his resignation but maintained he was still in office. Upon the deposed president’s request, Saudi Arabia launched a war against the Houthis in March 2015. A ceasefire was finally signed in 2022, lapsing after only six months, but there has still not been a return to full-scale conflict. Since the ceasefire, the Houthis have consolidated their control over most of northern Yemen and even sought a deal with Saudi Arabia to end the war and cement their role as the country’s rulers. Notably, Hadi also transferred his powers to a newly formed Presidential Leadership Council led by Rashad al-Alimi. Sources in both Saudi and Yemeni governments alleged that Saudis forced this decision. Houthi Interests in Gaza Since the escalation of the Gaza war in October, Houthis have fired weapons on commercial ships heading to and from the Suez Canal. Initially threatening to attack any vessel departing to or returning from Israel, their targets have escalated to any vessel. According to Houthi officials, their attacks on commercial and military ships intend to pressure Israel and its allies to end the war in Gaza. Yahya Sarea, a spokesperson for the group, referenced this goal in a statement made on a military operation that targeted an American ship. The Houthis had acted “in defense of the Palestinian people in Gaza, who are being exposed, until this moment, to the most horrific type of massacres by the Zionist entity,” Sarea said. The U.S. and its allies issued a joint statement condemning the attacks, which included “attacks on vessels, including commercial vessels, using unmanned aerial vehicles, small boats, and missiles, including the first use of anti-ship ballistic missiles against such vessels.” In mid-November, the Houthis seized a cargo ship and its crew — the British-owned, Japanese-operated Galaxy Leader — and are still holding them. While damaging to the ships, the attacks have not sunk vessels or resulted in any casualties. As a result of these attacks, many shipping companies have stopped using the Red Sea-Suez route and opted to send ships around the southern tip of Africa, a voyage that adds ten days in each direction, slowing trade and raising prices globally. The Houthis say they will only relent when Israel allows the entry of food and medicine into Gaza. By targeting the global supply chain in its attacks, they could be aiming to economically pressure Israel’s allies to cease its bombardment of Gaza. Primarily backed by Iran, the Houthis have received weapons and technology from the nation as part of Iran’s “Axis of Resistance” — the informal anti-Israeli and anti-Western political and military coalition led by the Iranian government. Iran’s involvement in the conflict has only furthered concerns that the Israel-Gaza war will escalate into a devastating broader regional conflict. Allied Response & Future of Yemen The U.S. is leading the counter-initiative, with partners including the United Kingdom, Bahrain, Canada, France, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Seychelles and Spain. So far, strikes from U.S. and British attack planes and warships have killed five and wounded six Houthi fighters and attacked airfields, command hubs, and weapon storage facilities. Although airstrikes have not deterred the group’s attacks on Red Sea shipping, President Biden affirmed that the U.S. will continue to carry out strikes. “Are they stopping the Houthis? No,” Biden said. “Are they going to continue? Yes.” Critics of this response have stated that allied actions against Houthi fighters are disproportionate and will harm access to humanitarian aid — crucial given that over three-quarters of Yemen’s population was considered in need of critical aid last year as it faces one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. Human rights organizations and other regional experts have warned that Biden’s redesignation of the Houthis as a specially designated global terrorist organization will complicate the work of humanitarian organizations working in Houthi-controlled Northern Yemen. This rationale prompted the Biden administration to remove the organization from Washington’s list of foreign terrorist organizations in 2021 to enable more humanitarian aid. Moreover, there is also criticism that the retaliatory strikes are too extreme and will do more harm to the people of Yemen while failing to curb further Houthi attacks in the Red Sea. Without humanitarian aid — even with restricted aid — the future of Yemen looks grim. As the country struggles with extreme starvation, displacement and economic crisis, any deviation of aid has a massive human cost. A Houthi spokesperson affirmed that the group’s redesignation will not affect group operations, especially in the Red Sea, pledging unequivocal support for the Palestinian people. Afrah Nasser, a researcher from the Arab Center Washington DC, stated that the U.S. designation could “contribute to radicalizing some parts of the population and strengthen the Houthi recruitment system,” which would mean further destabilization for the population. The U.S.’s reclassification could also subject Iran to more sanctions — adding to already heavy sanctions — as it opens the opportunity for sanctions for any countries or groups that support the Houthis. Still, it is unclear if further sanctions against Iran will be a U.S. strategy and if it would be an effective path to negotiating broader regional peace.

Dans le contexte du conflit de Gaza entre Israël et le Hamas, le Yémen, déjà en proie à ses propres troubles internes, se trouve de plus en plus impliqué dans des complexités régionales, principalement orchestrées par le mouvement houthis montant. < Back L'implication du Yémen dans la guerre de Gaza : l'essor des houthis et la dynamique régionale By Elian Jorand April 30, 2024 Dans le contexte du conflit de Gaza entre Israël et le Hamas, le Yémen, déjà en proie à ses propres troubles internes, se trouve de plus en plus impliqué dans des complexités régionales, principalement orchestrées par le mouvement houthis montant. Alors que le pays navigue sur ce terrain dangereux, la grave crise humanitaire qui sévit dans le pays est un rappel saisissant du coût humain des conflits et des manœuvres géopolitiques. Le Yémen, souvent qualifié de pays le plus pauvre du monde arabe, lutte depuis longtemps contre la pauvreté systémique et la souffrance généralisée. Avec environ trois quarts de sa population plongée dans la pauvreté et la maladie faisant rage, dont une épidémie de choléra suspectée dépassant deux cent mille cas en 2020, le pays est au bord de l'effondrement. La pandémie de COVID-19 n'a fait qu'exacerber la crise, les analystes de la santé suggérant que les cas signalés sous-représentent largement l'ampleur réelle de l'impact du virus. Le blocus imposé par les forces de la coalition dirigée par l’Arabie Saoudite a infligé d'indicibles souffrances à la population yéménite, obstruant le flux de fournitures vitales et faisant grimper les prix des biens essentiels. Bien que le cessez-le-feu de 2022 ait offert un bref répit, les craintes d'une résurgence des coûts élevés sont grandes après son expiration. Le bilan de la guerre, aggravé par des causes indirectes telles que le manque de nourriture, d'eau et de services de santé, a entraîné la mort d'environ 370 000 personnes, selon le Programme des Nations unies pour le développement. Dans ce contexte de désespoir, les forces houthies et de la coalition sont accusées de commettre des crimes de guerre flagrants, notamment des attaques contre des cibles civiles en violation directe du droit international. La destruction d'un hôpital dirigé par Médecins Sans Frontières en 2015 témoigne de la nature indiscriminée de la violence qui sévit au pays. Malgré ces nombreux défis, des lueurs d'espoir ont émergé à l'horizon. Les négociations de paix soutenues par l'ONU, bien que difficiles, ont progressé de manière incrémentielle, notamment avec l' Accord de Stockholm de 2018 qui a évité une bataille catastrophique dans la ville portuaire de Hodeïda. Cependant, la mise en œuvre des dispositions de l'accord a été lente, entravée par les frictions persistantes entre les acteurs régionaux, dont l'Iran, l'Arabie saoudite et les Émirats arabes unis. Des développements récents ont insufflé un optimisme prudent dans les efforts de paix, avec des relations améliorées entre l'Arabie saoudite et l'Iran et des discussions en cours entre Riyad et les houthis offrant une lueur d'espoir. La coordination d'un cessez-le-feu national en avril 2022, facilitée par le nouveau conseil gouvernemental du Yémen, a marqué une étape significative vers la désescalade. Toutefois , l'échec à renouveler le cessez-le-feu a soulevé des questions sur les perspectives de paix durable, d'autant plus que des acteurs clés, tels que le conseil gouvernemental et le Conseil de transition du Sud (STC), restent exclus des négociations. Malheureusement, le récent conflit à Gaza a anéanti les espoirs de paix, avec l'implication des houthis, soutenus par l'Iran, exacerbant la situation précaire. Leurs actions irrationnelles ciblant le commerce maritime civil ont suscité de fortes réponses de la communauté internationale, y compris des raids aériens conjoints des États-Unis et de la Grande-Bretagne. Ces frappes, touchant 36 cibles houthies dans 13 endroits au Yémen, ont été menées en réponse aux attaques continues des houthis contre le commerce maritime international et commercial en mer Rouge. Les frappes de précision visaient à perturber et à dégrader les capacités utilisées par les houthis pour menacer le commerce mondial et la vie des marins innocents, ciblant les installations de stockage d'armes profondément enfouies, les systèmes de missiles, les lanceurs, les systèmes de défense aérienne et les radars. Les houthis, quant à eux, ont justifié leurs attaques contre le commerce maritime en mer Rouge en tant que soutien aux Palestiniens de Gaza au milieu de la campagne dévastatrice d'Israël, déclenchant des frappes de représailles et exacerbant la violence régionale impliquant des groupes soutenus par l'Iran. La situation a atteint un état critique, avec peu d'optimisme à l'horizon. Alors que le Yémen se débat avec son implication dans les conflits régionaux, l'urgence de trouver une solution durable à sa propre crise n'a jamais été aussi pressante. Ce n'est qu'avec des efforts internationaux concertés, soutenus par un dialogue diplomatique et une aide humanitaire robuste, que le Yémen pourrait espérer sortir de l'ombre de la guerre et tracer un chemin vers un avenir défini par la paix, la stabilité et la prospérité pour sa population longtemps éprouvée.