Il est temps de s’attaquer à la rhétorique macroniste quant à la soit disante nécessaire réforme des retraites. < Back Déconstruction de la Pensée Dominante: l’Exemple de la Réforme des Retraites By Ilyès Mesbah February 28, 2023 Avant de commencer cet article, j’ai longuement hésité quant à la tournure que je lui donnerais. Comment convaincre mes cher(e)s camarades de se détacher de la pensée dominante, des arguments néo-libéraux qui sont si bien rodés et qui semblent être naturels, voire logiques ? Avant même d'énumérer les éléments de langage de la majorité, je tiens à expliquer ce qui me pousse, Ilyès Mesbah, à m’opposer frontalement à la réforme des retraites ainsi qu’à la logique qui se cache derrière. Depuis mon plus jeune âge, j’ai vu mon père partir au travail aux aurores pour rentrer aux alentours de 18h, et ce, du lundi au samedi. Il rentre toujours avec une tête fatiguée, des mains lacérées par son travail dans les champs, le dos courbé à peine capable de prendre une douche et de se reposer. Si je vous raconte cela, ce n’est pas pour me morfondre sur mon sort ou celui de mon père mais bien pour illustrer une réalité sociale trop souvent oubliée. Des exemples de ce type, il en existe des millions en France, alors quand on nous explique qu’il va falloir travailler deux ans de plus quand ce même gouvernement à supprimer la taxe d’habitation représentant un manque à gagner de 18 milliards d’euros par an pour l’Etat, autant dire que nous, enfants d’ouvriers, nous ne pouvons accepter cela. Il est temps de s’attaquer à la rhétorique macroniste quant à la soit disante nécessaire réforme des retraites. Selon Gabriel Attal “c’est la réforme ou la faillite”. Ah bon ? Le premier argument du gouvernement repose sur les prédictions du CORE (le Conseil d’Orientation des Retraites). Dans ce cas, qui de mieux pour les expliquer que le directeur du CORE. Pierre-Louis Bras explique en commission des lois que dans trois hypothèses sur quatre les dépenses de retraites sont stables et diminuent à très long terme. Néanmoins, dans un des scénarios, les dépenses augmentent “sans augmenter de manière très très importante”. En effet, il paraît cohérent de s’aligner sur le scénario le plus pessimiste mais pourquoi le faire encore une fois sur le dos des plus précaires ? Un autre élément qui a été martelé par la majorité, a été de dire que l'espérance de vie en bonne santé augmente et que par conséquent nous devons travailler plus longtemps. Cet argument, en plus d’être faux, reflète la déconnexion totale de certains parlementaires et de la réalité sociale de notre pays. La direction de la recherche, des études, de l’évaluation et des statistiques explique qu' en 2016, l’espérance de vie en bonne santé, c’est-à-dire le nombre d’années qu’une personne peut compter vivre sans souffrir d’incapacité dans les gestes de la vie quotidienne, s’élève en France à 64,1 ans pour les femmes et à 62,7 ans pour les hommes.” Un argument renforcé par les sorties de Darmanin affirmant qu’il comprend la douleur des français puisque sa mère femme de ménage va aussi subir cette réforme (la rémunération des ministres en net est de 8400e…). Ainsi, le déplacement de l’âge de la retraite de 62 à 64 ans mène à des économies considérables puisque les personnes les plus précaires seront déjà soit mortes, soit incapables de travailler jusqu’à cet âge et bénéficieront donc d’une pension plus faible. Ce cynisme est d’autant plus douloureux que la majorité a récemment fait voter une baisse de la durée de l’assurance-chômage de 25% lorsque le chômage est inférieur à 9%. Pour couronner le tout, Renaissance se targue d'avoir fait baisser le chômage alors qu’il compte dans ses statistiques les micros-entreprises (incluant par exemple des jeunes qui travaillent en extras quelques mois dans l’année) mais aussi et surtout en radiant de plus en plus de chômeurs de pôle emploi. Cette précision est importante puisque rappelant que le taux d’emploi des séniors de 55 à 64 ans n’est que de 56% selon la Dares. Cela signifie donc qu’une grande partie des séniors ne cotisent plus à cet âge, survivons grâce aux aides sociales aussi grandement réduites sous les quinquennats de Macron. De plus, le gouvernement a aussi tenté de tacler les propositions de l’opposition (la vraie, pas celle des racistes) en acculant la Nupes de vouloir augmenter les charges sur les artisans et les ouvriers. Cela relève soit du déni, soit de la manipulation lorsque l’on sait qu’une des propositions a par exemple été d’augmenter les cotisations sociales (et non pas les charges sociales) de 2,5e ce qui permettrait de financer le déficit. En soi, ce genre de questions n’auraient même pas eu besoin de se poser si le gouvernement n’avait pas supprimer la CVAE (environ 8 milliards), l’ISF et mis en place la flat tax (4 milliards par an) sans citer toutes les autres mesures qui réduisent les recettes et donc la qualité des services publiques et des aides sociales. Toutefois, l’âme socialiste des macronistes semblent resurgir en nous répétant sans cesse que leur objectif est de maintenir le système de retraite par répartition. Comment croire ce gouvernement qui depuis le début s’inscrit dans la logique marchande et qui aujourd’hui, soudainement et pour l'intérêt des français refuse la capitalisation. Or cette réforme favorise la capitalisation puisque si les français conçoivent que leurs retraites seront amoindries il faudra bien trouver une autre solution. Plus haut, j’ai mentionné l’opposition en carton du rassemblement national soit disant pour le peuple. Rappelant quand même que Renaissance et le Rassemblement national se sont alliés à de multiples reprises contre l’augmentation du SMIC, la revalorisation des retraites au niveau du smic, la suppression des aides publiques aux entreprises qui ont augmenté les dividendes aux actionnaires sans augmenter leurs salariés. Ce n’est pas tout :le RN a aussi refusé d’appeler à manifester contre la réforme des retraites et ne fait que semblant de s’opposer avec un peu plus de 200 amendements proposés (c’est moins que la majorité…). Alors oui, que certaines personnes acculées par le travail et n’ayant pas la chance de s’informer correctement votent pour le Rassemblement National me dérange mais je les comprends. Toutefois, que des Sciences Pistes censé être l’élite de la nation corroborent avec un discours de haine, de fake-news et qui légitiment ça par le discours pseudo-social du Rassemblement National me dégoute. En effet, s’informer par les médias est important et nécessaire mais allez plus loin et regardez ce qu’il se passe réellement dans l'hémicycle. Encore aujourd’hui, le Rassemblement National et Renaissance s'applaudissent mutuellement, comme quoi le capital et le fascisme s’allient toujours. Alors si vous être contre la réforme des retraites, contre le modèle néo-libéral que j’ai en partie décrit et que vous n’êtes ni raciste, ni sexiste, ni xenophobe, je vous invite à aller dans la rue, qui a toujours été le meilleur moyen pour porter des revendications sociales à ce qui ont tout et qui nous demandent à nous de faire des efforts.

Si la guerre en Afghanistan a montré que vaincre des terroristes islamistes dans des terrains montagneux est un objectif difficile à atteindre, la Seconde Guerre mondiale nous rappelle que, lorsque la guerre est inévitable, il vaut mieux la mener tant que l’on dispose d’une supériorité militaire écrasante et ne pas céder aux menaces des extrémistes. < Back Attaques des Houthis en mer Rouge : une escalade est-elle inévitable? By Jonathan Smidtas Schalita January 31, 2024 Les Houthis refont parler d’eux. Alors que le monde semblait les avoir oubliés, ces acteurs de la chaotique guerre au Yémen ont détourné le 19 novembre un navire et pris en otage ses 25 membres d’équipage. Ils multiplient les tirs de missiles et de drones sur des navires marchands en mer Rouge et ont ciblé une frégate française le 9 décembre. Les impacts de ces attaques sont importants, tant sur le plan économique que politique, et une nouvelle intervention occidentale se dessine dans la région. Les Houthis, groupe rebelle chiite en conflit avec le gouvernement yéménite depuis les années 2000, ont montré leur puissance avec la conquête de la capitale Sanaa en 2014. L’intervention d'une coalition menée par l'Arabie Saoudite en 2015 n’a pas réussi à éliminer la menace posée par les Houthis, et a entraîné une catastrophe humanitaire du fait, notamment, du blocus saoudien. Soutenus par l'Iran, les Houthis se positionnent dans un "axe de la résistance" anti-occidental et anti-israélien, avec un slogan marquant leur idéologie islamiste terroriste : “Dieu est le plus grand, Mort à l’Amérique, Mort à Israël, Malédiction sur les Juifs, victoire à l’Islam” Dans le contexte de la guerre opposant Israël au Hamas, les Houthis ont lancé des missiles et des drones en direction du territoire israélien, mais ces attaques ont été contrées, tantôt par les forces israéliennes, américaines et saoudiennes, les missiles et drones violant parfois l’espace aérien saoudien. À ce jour, elles n’ont pas entrainé de riposte israélienne, qui est davantage préoccupé par les opérations militaires à Gaza contre le Hamas et à la frontière libanaise contre le Hezbollah, deux groupes alliés aux Houthis. L’Arabie Saoudite n’a pas non répliqué, le pays craignant une escalade alors qu’une trêve est observée depuis plusieurs mois avec les Houthis, qui disposent d’un arsenal capable de frapper durement les infrastructures civiles et pétrolières saoudiennes. Les attaques contre des navires en mer perturbent gravement le commerce maritime, qui pour 40% transite par la mer Rouge. Elles ont conduit plusieurs armateurs à emprunter le Cap de Bonne-Espérance en longeant les côtes africaines plutôt que d’emprunter la mer Rouge pour rejoindre la Méditerranée en passant par le canal de Suez. Les trajets sont plus longs et donc plus coûteux. Les primes d’assurance sur les navires empruntant la mer Rouge ont également fortement augmenté, ce qui entraînant un surcoût considérable pour les livraisons. Tout cela provoque des retards de livraison et une augmentation des coûts de transport, rappelant à certains égards la crise logistique du blocage du canal de Suez en 2021. L'Égypte est peut-être le pays qui risque le plus d’être déstabilisé par les actions des Houthis. Elle dépend grandement des revenus du canal de Suez, qui assure le passage entre la mer Méditerranée et la mer Rouge. Le canal lui a rapporté plus de huit milliards d’euros sur l’année fiscale précédente. Le pays est plongé dans une crise économique aiguë, avec une inflation à près de 40% et une dette qui ne cesse de se creuser. La perte de ces rentrées fiscales pourrait avoir des impacts désastreux sur un pays faisant face à de nombreux défis. Conscient des enjeux sous-jacents aux attaques d es Houthis, les États-Unis ont mis en place une coalition afin de défendre le commerce en mer Rouge. À l’heure où ces lignes sont écrites, une dizaine de pays l’ont rejointe. Pour l’instant, cette coalition se contente de détruire les missiles et les drones envoyés par les Houthis contre des navires. Cependant, la disproportion des coûts entre les moyens d'attaque des Houthis et les systèmes de défense de la coalition soulève des questions sur l'efficacité et la viabilité financière d'une telle réponse. Un drone Shahed iranien, utilisé par les Houthis, coûte environ 20 000 dollars alors qu’un missile antiaérien Aster de fabrication franco-italienne se chiffre à plus d’un million d’euros. Dans un article paru le 3 janvier, Le Canard enchaîné révèle que la France envisage sérieusement une opération militaire offensive contre les Houthis au Yémen. Le président Macron aurait déclaré à des proches qu’ « il est probable q u’on ne se limitera pas à des actions défensives». Une interventio n militaire risque d'avoir des conséquences imprévues sur une région déjà instable. Dans le même temps, les chancelleries occidentales sont dans l’impossibilité de laisser les Houthis continuer à perturber l’économie mondiale et à constituer un foyer de déstabilisation dans la région. Il n’est pas impossible qu’une concentration importante de troupes au large des côtes du Yémen couplée à des menaces directes vis-à-vis de l’Iran, qui est le principal soutien des Houthis, puissent convaincre les Houthis de cesser leurs attaques et qu’une désescalade s’enclenche. Cependant, il convient de s’interroger sur l’intérêt de cette dernière. Cela permettrait à l’Iran de continuer à renforcer l’arsenal des Houthis, déjà capables de provoquer d’importantes nuisances. Dans la perspective d’une escalade future avec l’Iran, un scénario plausible, il serait dans l’intérêt des États-Unis et de leurs alliés d’éliminer auparavant les milices pro-iraniennes présentes au Moyen-Orient. La guerre opposant Israël au Hamas à Gaza aboutira vraisemblablement à la neutralisation du potentiel militaire du groupe palestinien. Si la guerre de basse intensité opposant Israël au Hezbollah le long de la frontière libanaise s’intensifie, cela pourrait mener à la destruction des capacités offensives de l’organisation terroriste libanaise à moyen terme. La voie serait alors ouverte à une attaque contre les sites nucléaires de l’Iran qui continue son programme de développement nucléaire en dépit des sanctions occidentales. Les capacités de représailles de ce dernier seront somme toute limitées. Néanmoins, deux freins subsistent à toute opération offensive majeure contre les Houthis. D’abord, les opinions publiques pacifiques des pays occidentaux, qui ne souhaitent pas voir leurs pays s’engager dans une nouvelle guerre au Moyen-Orient. Ensuite, les capacités militaires limitées des États-Unis et de leurs alliés, qui doivent dans le même temps renforcer leur présence en Europe de l’Est et du Nord face à la Russie et en Asie-Pacifique face à la Chine, ainsi que soutenir l’Ukraine en lui fournissant du matériel militaire. Si la guerre en Afghanistan a montré que vaincre des terroristes islamistes dans des terrains montagneux est un objectif difficile à atteindre, la Seconde Guerre mondiale nous rappelle que, lorsque la guerre est inévitable, il vaut mieux la mener tant que l’on dispose d’une supériorité militaire écrasante et ne pas céder aux menaces des extrémistes.

American institutions, with their extravagant and perhaps even saccharine student services, at least appear to care about the wellbeing of their students. Sciences Po does not bother to pretend. Coasting off the inertia of its illustrious household name and impenetrable reputation, the institution knows it can afford to neglect its students. As a result, disillusionment is endemic to Sciences Pistes. < Back ‘L’Élite de la Nation’ Experience Sciences Po Disenchantment By Lara-Nour Walton December 30, 2021 Unlike its American counterparts, Sciences Po does not offer Guided Self-Compassion Meditation, Low Lounge DIY Crafts, or Vinyasa Yoga. The French scoff at excesses such as these. Accordingly, nobody comes to Sciences Po to be coddled. But American institutions, with their extravagant and perhaps even saccharine student services, at least appear to care about the wellbeing of their students. Sciences Po does not bother to pretend. Coasting off the inertia of its illustrious household name and impenetrable reputation, the institution knows it can afford to neglect its students. As a result, disillusionment is endemic to Sciences Pistes. Expectations for a school that churns out greats like Veil, Proust, and Dior are high. In fact, the Sciences Po student body is dubbed by the French populace as “ l’élite de la nation. ” However, the public perception of the institution often feels disjointed from reality. How can Sciences Po be training the nation’s future elites with a quality of education that, according to an anonymous Reims campus 1A, feels “worse than high school?” “I really don’t find the classes that difficult or fascinating,” continues the Reims 1A “The education is very superficial…” One of the most common educational grievances among the student body is the lack of standardization, not only between French and English sections, but also amongst different teachers within the respective tracks. Menton English track first year, Gayle Krest, wrote her history final about the similarities between the 1848 European Revolutions and the Arab Spring because her teacher is known to evaluate on the basis of originality: “If he is bored by your essay he will give you a lower grade.” Another 1A English track, who wishes to remain anonymous, had a wildly different experience in her History of the 19th Century class. Her teacher graded on historiographical knowledge. “I was encouraged to rely heavily on the opinions of the scholars we learned about,” she said. “[My history course] didn’t always push me to critically think about the topics. I was rewarded more for remembering the names of scholars than I was for having actual opinions.” The stark inconsistencies between both history teachers’ grading criteria is a microcosm of Sciences Po’s irregular and disorganized educational structure. “When exams come around you don’t know who is going to grade your (work). So you have no clue what methodology to use,” lamented the Reims 1A, “It creates so much ambiguity.” But ambiguity and structural disorder does not necessarily hinder one from securing a valuable education. What can serve as educational impediments, however, are incompetent and disinformed professors. According to Menton English track 1A, Angela Saab Saade, Sciences Po faculty is a mixed bag. “Some of the instructors are very qualified, others not so much,” said Saab Saade. Başak Üstün, a first year student at the same campus and track as Saab Saade, worries about the caliber of her professors at Sciences Po. Üstün said, “I learned very little this semester. Many of my teachers offered me no guidance or actual instruction. Often, we do not know the general framework for essay writing and the feedback that we receive later is not constructive.” The Reims 1A’s experience at her campus demonstrates that this is not limited to Menton, as even in Reims, “the instructors are not as experienced as they should be. How can they help their students if they’re confused about what they are doing?” The cross-campus similarities also reside in the administrative failure to meet campus needs. An English track 1A was “feeling terrible [mentally] during finals week.” Contemplating self harm, the student sought out mental health support from the school psychologist. They agreed to meet before his history final. But, when he arrived at his appointment, the psychologist was not in her office. “I got an email after my exam saying that she could not be there at that time and that she could meet in January,” he said. Such neglect amply demonstrates that the administration offers help as theater rather than out of true concern for student wellbeing. “If Sciences Po wants to retain that privilege of being an elite institution they need to deliver. They can’t do everything in service of their image because that comes at the expense of student life and education,” said Saab Saade. The appalling events that took place at Le Havre earlier this month serve as even further proof that these administrative shortcomings exist beyond the boundaries of campus alone. You can read more about the situation at Le Havre in the article written by Celeste Abourjeili.

Art has become the playground of impostors and also a means to escape taxes. Everything must be immediate and, most importantly, one arm away reachable. The greater threat was not totalitarianism, as Orwell thought, but the irremediable attraction of the immediate and the always reachable, as Huxley proposed in his dystopia, Brave New World. We are definitely not that far from that. < Back The mediocratization of the world Amer El-Ibrahim March 31, 2025 This article will be dedicated to an idea that has been remarkably captured in Mario Vargas Llosa’s book-” The Civilization of the Spectacle”, a literary masterpiece that deserves far more recognition than it had received. Dealing with a critical issue of contemporaneity, that of the decline of culture in its pure sense, this is a manifesto against the status quo of our times. The book's main point is that the word “culture” lost its previously high standards interlinked with engaging in literature, philosophy and the arts , and has become something much more semantically ambiguous. The word “culture” is now interlinked with a number of topics unrelated to its original sense, such as Cancel Culture, to name one of them. Subsequently, the previous definition of culture could be called in today’s terms high culture. This cleavage shows the transformation this word had through the decades and thus the greater implications outside semantics this implies. Progress and empowerment always come at a cost, and only through analyzing this cost can one decide whether it is better to reform or to maintain what still exists. For example, when planes were invented and massively produced, that was considered a major leap for humanity since transport became faster than ever before. But this innovation utterly tainted the inviolable and quasi-mystical flight of the dove; if humans manage to fly too, then all “magic” related to such a bird is lost forever. The same could be said about the number of published books. Each year, more and more books are published, thus making it harder for a good book to prevail in a sea of market-oriented books that tackle immediate subjects. That could be an explanation for the fact that almost all the classics we learn about in school are long-dead. This was also the case for the huge empowerment the middle class saw after WWII, especially in Europe. As part of its aftermath, the whole continent saw a drastic change in the quality of life of the average man, with the introduction of modern housing with electricity and sewage systems, more jobs on the market, higher literacy rates, and stronger welfare states. The elitism, both cultural and material, of the ancienne regimes was now eliminated, and workers finally had a voice. But at what price was this accomplished? With this empowerment of the middle class, however historically needed and sought after it might have been, came about the end of the so-called “high culture.” This democratization of society, as in a microrevolution from below against the traditional hierarchies that existed, even in authoritarian regimes such as those in Eastern Europe, was not limited only to the political sphere. Culture was naturally affected as well. The gradual rise of access to television and to newspapers lowered the quality of the produced content to mere entertainment. The worker, after all, wants to relax after his long working hours, and what was an easier way to do so other than through some good old-fashioned, cheap and immediate entertainment? Intellectual depth of any kind is now absent on any major news channel. Journalism, currently, is very much plagued by scandals and gossip, and not on a small scale. There are always people, see Murdoch, who capitalise on these very human needs for entertainment and immediate gratification. Contemporary literature is, similarly, plagued by the law of supply and demand, as I have mentioned above. . Art has become the playground of impostors and also a means to escape taxes. Everything must be immediate and, most importantly, one arm away reachable. The greater threat was not totalitarianism, as Orwell thought, but the irremediable attraction of the immediate and the always reachable, as Huxley proposed in his dystopia, Brave New World . We are definitely not that far from that. On an ending note, the easiest way to actually get a grip on this decline is by analysing how journalism, specifically, evolved. Specifically, because newspapers catch almost perfectly the Zeitgeist of an era. Thus, one could open any mainstream news outlet, such as The Guardian or The New York Times and read any article there and compare it with those of any newspaper from the 20s, 30s, or 40s. A very quick analysis would highlight that les anciennes did not just report on x events—they were not just simple accountants of facts, stern and emotionless. They were active participants in the society they were a part of, fighters for their own ideas and principles, and never afraid to show their opinions on the current events of their world. This tumultuous and never-ending passion, this combativeness that does not settle, this have we forever lost. Photo source: Wikimedia commons

The situation in Northern Ireland threatens the existence of the United Kingdom during what should be a celebration of the Union’s centennial. < Back ‘Till Death Do Us Part: Protests in Northern Ireland Threaten the Existence of the United Kingdom By Hugo Lagergren September 29, 2021 The Issue of Northern Ireland has been at the center of British domestic politics ever since its creation exactly 100 years ago. From the 30-year period of violence and guerrilla warfare dubbed “The Troubles” — which claimed over 3,000 Irish and Northern Irish lives — to the more recent riots caused by the post-Brexit trading arrangement that the United Kingdom agreed to sign, it has become clear that Northern Ireland’s socio-political situation has again become extremely precarious. Many believed that the Good Friday agreement of 1998 had resolved the issues, however, the rapid reemergence of tension post-Brexit show that the Good Friday agreement was a ticking time bomb. The violent nature of the recent protests in Northern Ireland has prompted the UK Government to seek a renegotiation of the Northern Ireland protocol with the European Union. The protocol prevents checks on goods travelling between Northern Ireland and Ireland, and instead introduces checks on goods moving from Great Britain to Northern Ireland, thus maintaining the soft border which has played a key role in maintaining the fragile peace between Northern Ireland and Ireland. The EU has since stated that it has no intention of renegotiating the protocol. However, it believes a solution can be found within the constraints of the existing protocol, thus creating a new de facto border between Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK. The protocol aims to protect the integrity of the EU’s single market, whilst avoiding any form of a hard border between Ireland and Northern Ireland, which was the central point of tension during The Troubles. Therefore, checks on certain goods, including chilled meats and eggs, were instead introduced between Great Britain and Northern Ireland. While this deal may have appealed to nationalists and republicans, who favor a united Ireland, it simultaneously created a feeling of marginalization and frustration among unionists and loyalists, who believe that Northern Ireland should remain a part of the UK. According to 19-year-old Joel Keys, an emerging loyalist figure, the violence is “all about maintaining [the] right to remain British,” and the physical barrier created by the checks on certain goods passing into Northern Ireland from Great Britain is representative of British feelings towards Northern Ireland. This sense of having been forgotten by the British Establishment is what sparked many of the riots across Northern Ireland. As the EU continues to reject the UK’s renegotiation offers, many Brexiteers have used this as an excuse to blame the EU for what is happening in Northern Ireland. However, this blame is misplaced as the EU has a duty first and foremost to its own members so maintaining a strict policy regarding its high food standards is essential, both for the safety of its citizens and the maintenance of its reputation as a major international player. Any relaxation of custom checks on goods going into Northern Ireland from Great Britain would make it far easier for banned goods, such as chlorinated chicken, to make its way into the European Market. This is a particular risk if Britain agrees a trade deal with the US, which would undoubtedly result in lower food standards in Britain. The EU has, however, made it abundantly clear that it is willing to open a dialogue with Northern Ireland. For instance, it has halted the legal proceedings it had launched against the UK for unilaterally extending the grace period (a period of transition before the EU’s tougher customs checks come into existence) which was originally meant to finish in March. The demonization of the EU by certain members of the Conservative Party is simply an attempt to distract the British public’s attention from the strain and tension that the Union is currently undergoing. The apparent stalemate between the UK and the EU threatens to engulf the two into a full-scale trade war in which the UK would undoubtedly come out worse. Furthermore, the increasing tension inside the UK, as a result of the disaster that is Brexit, threatens the very existence of the United Kingdom as a political and economic union. One wonders, during this year that celebrates 100 years of union, how much more can such a fragile union endure.

During the European Union Foreign Ministers’ meeting on Jan. 22, the Israeli Foreign Minister Israel Katz presented a video discussing the creation of an artificial island off the coast of Gaza to serve as a maritime port and potentially an airport for the strip in the future. < Back Artificial Island Proposal for Gaza By Jad Toufic Toutinji February 29, 2024 During the European Union Foreign Ministers’ meeting on Jan. 22, the Israeli Foreign Minister Israel Katz presented a video discussing the creation of an artificial island off the coast of Gaza to serve as a maritime port and potentially an airport for the strip in the future. Even if this proposal was found “very interesting” by the EU Foreign Policy Chief Josep Borrell, it was also regarded as off-topic amidst the current war in the Gaza Strip. In fact, Katz was recommended to focus more on the security concerns in the region instead of suggesting a proposal which has been mentioned on several occasions since 2011. Many skeptics regarded this artificial island as an indirect response to the question on the future of the Gaza Strip. Due to its timing, many perceived the proposal as a suggestion to relocate the Palestinians living in Gaza to the island in the long term in order to eliminate Hamas or to annex the Gaza Strip. Nevertheless, the Israeli Foreign Ministry denied that Katz made any claim of relocation of Gaza’s population in his defense and insisted that the plan was only a commercial vision for the Strip. What is the Proposal Really About? In its essence, the project is an alternative proposal to building a coastal port in the Gaza Strip. Since Gaza is a coastal region surrounded by Israel to the East, a method of achieving economic development through trade would be to build a maritime port. Given that there exists no secure connection to the West Bank, and thus the Arab world, and a limited crossing in Rafah connecting to the Sinai Peninsula, the path towards integrating Gaza into the global economy is to look to the Mediterranean Sea as most civilizations of this region have done historically. Based on the security concerns presented by Hamas, Israel suggests that the port be controlled by an international force inland while the Israeli navy takes responsibility for securing the maritime borders. Even if little information has been disclosed regarding the matter, the main idea is to build an island port for Gaza in an endeavor to prevent a coastal port, which Hamas might utilize to strengthen its armament. In the video presented by Katz, some commercial installations were also displayed, alongside a potential airport lane, which might replace the Gaza airport that Israel destroyed earlier this century. What are the Potential Complications? Many Israeli ministers, headed by the main proposer, Israel Katz, have been complimenting the idea, claiming that it would bring an infrastructural tool for the economic development of Gaza without threatening Israel’s security. However, skeptics have not been silent on the matter every time the proposal resurfaces. Most evidently, the main predicament behind the proposition is the sovereignty question: can a Palestinian state be created if Palestinian authorities do not cement their control over their main economic infrastructure? Not only so, but others even go as far as saying that the maritime control by Israeli forces, as well as inland control by international ones, will legitimize the Israeli blockade of Gaza, not to ignore in this situation Israel’s historical tactics in breaching sovereignty through claims on security. In this situation, it would be unsurprising that Israel pressures the future Gazan authorities by blocking maritime trade for security concerns. Also, despite some calling for a cooperation between international forces and the Palestinian authorities inland, it is not even known who are the proposed ‘legitimate’ authorities, especially after current events. Regarding the costs of the port, which are projected to reach $5 billion dollars, it is unclear who will cover them. If the future Gaza authority is held responsible for the charges, then it is doubtful that such an authority will be able to fund an artificial seaport and rebuild the demolished strip. Other reports in years past hinted that China and Saudi Arabia are willing to build and fund the project. However, considering the unstable geopolitical situation of the region, and in parallel with the detrimental invasion, it would be unlikely for the Chinese to invest in the Gaza strip. As to the Saudis, as long as an Iranian proxy exists, they will not invest in the region, considering the case of Lebanon with Hezbollah. Moreover, Israel will have a role in the investment, yet not only might Palestinian authorities reject it to avoid public discontent and political dependency, but also the Israeli public will be reluctant, especially after the Oct. 7 attacks. On the other hand, Israeli authorities, depending who reaches power at that time, might regard such an investment as a way to correct Israel’s public image in the international media. Environmentally, there will inevitably be negative consequences; however, no prominent studies have been conducted on whether a coastal seaport will be more environmentally friendly or not. Reality of the Current State? In the current state of war, with more than 90 percent of the Gaza population staying around the Rafah crossing in the south, it is expected that allegations regarding the relocation of Gazans on to the proposed island would surface. Realistically, however, three points can be made: first, it would be cheaper for Israel and the U.S. to pressure Egypt, as well as Gulf countries, to host the 1.8 million refugees than to build a costly island. Furthermore, building an artificial island requires years to be finalized: if Israel lacks something, it is time, especially with the rising death toll of Israel Defense Force soldiers as well as public anger. Finally, it is unlikely that Israeli allies will accept the relocation due to potential infringement of further human rights, which will arouse the already incessant fury amongst pro-Palestine manifestations in Western communities. It is important to note that when Katz displayed the video, it was also followed with another video that proposes a trade route connecting India to the Middle East. As readers were shocked with the timing chosen to revive the island seaport proposal, many overlooked the second proposal, thus little information has surfaced around it. Yet, the second video most probably refers to the India-Middle East-Europe Corridor (IMEC) trade route proposed in September, prior to the Oct. 7 attacks. This trade route which would connect India to Europe through the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Israel, thus bypassing the Suez Canal, throws doubt on the economic efficiency of an Island in Gaza. Putting into perspective, the already pre-constrained island would be competing with an international trade route a few kilometers away; in other words, even if the seaport provides integration for Gaza into the globalized world, the competition will demolish potential long-term investments, possibly leaving the future Palestinian authorities in huge debt. Clearly, no trade route through the island can be made into the region without passing through Israel, so IMEC will be more favourable for traders. A Political Message? Finally, the timing of the videos, amidst International Court of Justice trials on genocide allegations, reflects an indirect message to Hamas and the world: Israel has won the war against Hamas and it will do as it sees appropriate with the Gaza Strip in the future. Moreover, both videos can also be a political pressure to Egypt to accommodate the refugees or else face the crippling economic effect of a cheaper alternative to the Suez Canal.

The war on drugs will, ultimately, be a war against civilians if Noboa's approach concentrates itself only in the streets of Guayaquil, instead of looking at where the militia has long stabilized itself — Ecuador's dearest political institutions.  < Back American White Lines: The History of Militia Violence in Ecuador By Pedro Meerbaum February 29, 2024 The afternoon of Jan. 9 was a common day in Guayaquil, Ecuador. Workers and students returned to their normal routine with the end of the holidays and the beginning of 2024. As the second Tuesday of the year came to an end, the people of Guayaquil tuned in for the afternoon news. The program on the national television channel TC was typical: an introduction from the presenters, daily news, a couple of interviews, and a section on international affairs. It would have been an ordinary day, but instead, the audience watched, for 15 minutes, as masked gunmen invaded the broadcast network, forced staff to the floor, and shot their guns as the hostages cried for help. In that afternoon, there was no news besides terror. The invasion of the broadcast followed the escape of notorious drug lord José Villamar, known as Fito, who had been detained since 2011 in the city of Guayaquil. His disappearance was reported on Jan. 7, and on Jan. 8 a wave of riots in six different Ecuadorian prisons took place , leading President Daniel Noboa to announce a state of internal armed conflict. The televised violence that befell right after was a response to Noboa's statement, easily seen as a confrontation between drug lords to the new Ecuadorian president — a stark reminder of the limits of his autonomy as a leader. As Noboa intensifies its military response to the militia groups, and as the coast of Ecuador transforms its landscape into a quasi-war zone, questions are raised about the nature of gang violence in the country. The militia group works, mostly, with cocaine, and yet Ecuador is famously not a producer of narcotics. Instead, it is a channel in which cocaine produced by its neighbors, Peru and Colombia, is transported into North America. The cocaine that reaches Ecuador in its borders is then transported to port cities, like Guayaquil or Esmeralda, and is then shipped through the Pacific Ocean. To avoid dealing with anti-narcotics policing forces from Colombia or the U.S., the boats pass through the Galapagos islands, where they refill before reaching their destination in Mexico, Costa Rica, or Guatemala . The illegal goods are then smuggled into their final destination, the United States. The easy access to ports or lack of inspection throughout the process of smuggling the cocaine is a result of a marking characteristic of the Pacific Ocean: it is a sea of corruption. Ecuador has been a transit country since the 1980s, but it was only in the last twenty years that it became one of the global cocaine traders. In the early 2000s, while the Colombian government tackled the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) cocaine fields, Ecuador suffered a strong economic crisis. On Jan. 9, 2000, exactly 24 years before the televised dispersion of terror, the central bank announced the dollarization of the Ecuadorian economy, replacing the Sucre with the American Dollar as the national legal tender. Ecuador, then, became an international target for money laundering. As writer James Bargent puts it , Ecuador is a "country bordering the world's biggest cocaine producer that uses the currency of the world's largest cocaine market." Its potential to become a major exporter of cocaine and a hotspot for narcotrafficking in South America was boosted with the 2006 election of Rafael Correa. The former president of Ecuador led the country for 10 years, from 2007 to 2017, implementing internal policies that cultivated the strengthening of militia in the country: Correa decided to remove a U.S. naval base in the city of Manta, which later revealed in a scandal to be a campaign promise to the FARC in exchange for funding. The former president also politicized the judiciary and shifted his internal security focus to reducing the power of his political adversaries rather than properly tackling organized crime. In the years of administration by Correa, a blindspot is left in Ecuadorian land. Militia groups now have proper access to ports and the country's sky, transforming it into a huge global transport for cocaine. It is within this pretext that, in 2023, Noboa gains popular support. A young and charismatic leader, the businessman builds his campaign around the extermination of gangs. And for the past month, Noboa has been successful in establishing a war on drugs. Military forces roam around Guayaquil with weapons, forcefully pulling people out of their cars and searching for any type of indication of gang involvement. While his military-based approach has received overwhelming popularity within Ecuador, similarities are raised with other cases of war on drugs throughout Latin America that have, in the long term, been unsuccessful. The use of extensive military force to combat gang violence left its traces in Colombia, in its combat against FARC caused mass incarceration, extrajudicial executions of civilians , and an increase in violence. Likewise, in Brazil, raids against drug lord s in favelas have been historically linked to the high-level loss of innocent civilian lives. Noboa's tackle-down approach does not bring hope. It is paving the way for a stronger proliferation of violence, incarceration, and calamity. The military, like in Colombia, is not properly trained to deal with gang violence without, in return, acting in violence towards civilians. The temporary relief and support being given to the military action is not sustainable, it is bound to develop into a cycle of violence and a massive reduction of well-being in what was once the safest country in South America. For Noboa, however, this approach gives him the legitimacy as a leader he sought, one that had been jeopardized by militia involvement since the beginning of the millennium. He has also received increasing support from the US, strengthening the diplomatic bonds between the two countries — without any direct intervention, internally nor externally, from the U.S. despite being the biggest receptor of Ecuadorian coke. The war on drugs will, ultimately, be a war against civilians if Noboa's approach concentrates itself only in the streets of Guayaquil, instead of looking at where the militia has long stabilized itself — Ecuador's dearest political institutions.

في اليوم العالمي للمرأة، كشعيرة من شعائر "الإنسانية،" يجب علينا، نحن ماكثي العالم الغربي، أن ننعى بؤس المرأة العربية. ولكن الحقيقة هي أن المرأة العربية، في طبعها، ثورية عنيدة. < Back خاطرة في اليوم العالمي للمرأة Anonymous March 31, 2025 في اليوم العالمي للمرأة، كشعيرة من شعائر "الإنسانية،" يجب علينا، نحن ماكثي العالم الغربي، أن ننعى بؤس المرأة العربية. ولكن الحقيقة هي أن المرأة العربية، في طبعها، ثورية عنيدة. فأن تولد عربيًا أمر في غاية العناد، ولكن أن تولدي امرأة عربية يعني أن يلين أمامك صلب العناد نفسه. فأنتِ لستِ فقط في صراعٍ وجوديّ مع عالمٍ ظالمٍ يستبيح دماء شعبكِ، ويودّ لو يجعل من بلادكِ ريفييرا يستجمّ فيها فوق أضرحة أطفالكِ، ولكنكِ أيضًا في صراعٍ مع نفسكِ ومجتمعكِ؛ فأنباء اضطهادكِ تتصدر عناوين الصحف في الغرب، ناعتةً الرجل العربي بالرجعية وغير ذلك من صفاتٍ قبيحة؛ كل كي يزعزع جنودُ "الإنسانية" وجدانَ الرجل الغربي المتحضر، لعلّ وعسى أن يلبّي نداء التحضّر ويجلب لكِ الحرية المحتومة. وأنتِ، أنتِ يا أيتها المرأة العربية، مركز كلّ ذلك. ولكن الحقيقة هي أن المرأة العربية، في طبعها، ثورية عنيدة. كانت جدّتي منذ صغر سنها مناضلةً، استطاعت أن تربي جيلًا كاملًا في بيتٍ صغيرٍ لا يكاد يتسع لنفسه، لكنّها جعلت منه صرحًا عظيمًا واسعًا رحبًا بإقامتها فيه . كانت أُميّة حُرمت من التعليم، ولكن، على الرغم من ذلك، كانت تفوقنا جميعًا علمًا. فيا للعجب! أما عمّاتي، فكنّ فلاحاتٍ في قريةٍ من قرى الأردن، ومثل جدّتي، كان مقطنهنّ متواضعَ الحال، لكنهنّ كنّ إمبراطوراتٍ في عالم الفلاحة، يحرثن الأرض، ويحلبن البقر، ويرعين الدجاج، ويأكلن من عمل أيديهنّ، بل إنّ القرية بأكملها كانت تأكل من عمل أيديهنّ. ولا سيما أمي كذلك، قيادية حازمة، فكل كلمة تصدر منها في البيت أو خارجه بمثابة أمر نهائي لا محال منه. فإذا نطقت أمي، سكت القانون. وعلى الرغم من أن هذه الصفات بدت سائدةً فينا بالوراثة، إلا أنني لا زلت امرأة في مطلع شبابي، أحاول بعسر أن أستمد ثوريتي من النساء اللواتي نشأت على أيديهن؛ فلا بد بالطبع أن يعكر صفو تلك المحاولات الكلام الفارغ الذي يُتطلب مني أن أصغي إليه يوميًا في محاضراتي الزنانة. ففعلًا، إن ما تنشره الصحف في ذم الرجل العربي ورثاء المرأة العربية له روّاد في الغرب يتابعونه ويطّلعون عليه، وها أنا، التي كنت أعتقد أنني مركز هذا الحوار، أجلس في خلفية الصف، نائيةً نأي الكواكب عن الشمس عن المركز. فإيميليا (أو أدخل اسم أي فتاة أعجمية) أصبحت أكثر درايةً بمصلحة المرأة العربية، وها هي ذا منفعلة، يحتدّ صوتها وهي تستنكر فعلة الرجل العربي الشنيعة في حق امرأته. يا للهول! إنها لا تستطيع أن ترتدي ما تشاء من ماركات، ولا أن تدارك موضات لباس إيميليا ورفيقاتها! ولن نبرح من المحاضرة حتى تقنعنا إيميليا أن هذا هو كل ما في الأمر يا سيدي، ولا يوجد أي بعد آخر للوطن العربي تراه سوى ذلك. وأنا في الخلف أخاف أن أئنّ أي أنين، حتى لا تهيج إيميليا وتدعو إلى التحرك العسكري الفضائي لإنقاذي من أيدي سجّاني! لكن أيا ليت صمتي لخطابها رادعًا، فهي لا يعنيها حقًا كل ما يمسني من سوء، فيشغلها السوء طالما يطولني من على يد الرجل العربي وليس الغربي، وذلك لأن مذهبها الفكري ليس سوى امتدادا لحيلة استعمارية قديمة؛ استنادًا لتحاليل الكاتبة المصرية ليلى أحمد، فإن فكرة اضطهاد الرجال في المجتمعات المستعمَرة للنساء لا تعني المستعمر إلا بغرض توظيفها أداة في الخطاب الاستعماري تُستخدم "لإضفاء شرعية أخلاقية على مشروع تقويض ثقافات الشعوب المستعمَرة أو القضاء عليها." فهل تدري إيميليا أن جدتي وعماتي كنّ كلهنّ ضحايا حرب الإملاق نتيجة سياسات العالم الغربي الرأسمالي المحتل، قبل أن يكنّ ضحايا الرجل العربي؟ هل ذكرت الصحف المستشرفة التي تتابعها أن الرّجل العربي نفسه ضحيّة للعالم الغربي الرّأسمالي المحتل؟ وذلك كما وضّحت عالمة الأنثروبولوجيا الفلسطينية ليلة أبو لغد في كتابها هل تحتاج المرأة المسلمة إلى الإنقاذ؟ إن "اختزال المرأة المسلمة في صورة نمطية يُبعدنا عن الإشكالية الأعمق، وهي أن سياساتنا وأفعالنا في الغرب تساهم في خلق الظروف القاسية التي يعيشها آخرون في أماكن بعيدة. في النهاية، إن خطاب "إنقاذ" النساء المسلمات يتيح لنا التهرب من التعقيدات المتشابكة التي نشارك جميعًا في تشكيلها، ويكرّس استقطابًا يضع النسوية في صف الغرب وحده." لا أخاطبكم اليوم إنكارًا لما تمرّ به المرأة العربية من ظروف خطيرة وتعيسة، ولكنّي ضقت ذرعًا بالدموع المصطنعة التي يذرفها الغرب ادعاءً منه الاهتمام بتلك الظروف، وهو أول من صنعها. فبعد فصل دراسي كامل لي في جامعة غربية، أحطتُ علمًا بأنني لستُ جوهر الحوار. أصبحت على علمٍ بأنني أنا وسائر النساء العربيات لسنا سوى مضافًا إليه في نثر الكلام، وجزءًا من مسرحية الغرب المتحضر. فصفّقوا، كلٌّ كان له دور وأدّاه! ودوري أنا: أن أُجلب للصف كالصنم الذي لا يفقه شيئًا، ليطمئن زملائي أنه بوجودي استطاعوا أن يحطّموا الجدار الثالث، فأقحموني بكل سخاءٍ في نقاشهم الذي من المفترض أنني أنا "مركزه." وها هي مسرحيتهم العبثية قد أُخرجت بمباركة وجودي بينهم، ورفعت الأقلام، وجفت الصحف، وانقضى حلّ كلّ مشاكل الشرق الأوسط لا يزيد ولا ينقص عن دروس جوفاء تُردَّد عن المساواة الجندرية، كأنَّ العدلَ يولدُ من صدى كلمات الغرب، لا من صرخات أهل الأرض . بدأت أشعر أن الحرية التي أطمح لها أنا، وتطمح لها زميلاتي، ليست الحرية ذاتها. فلم تعد الحرية في عيني أن أرتدي بنطالًا أو قميصًا أو أي قطعة قماش زائفة. أدركتُ أن الحرية هي أن ترميك طائرات الغرب الوحشية بقنابل من سجّيل، تنخر عليك واحدة تلو الأخرى من السماء، لتُوئدك بعد ذلك تحت الأنقاض، ثم تعودي أنتِ وبقوة، تتوعدين بإنجاب المزيد والمزيد لتجديد العهد عليهم، حتى يجنّ جنون العدو، الذي لا يزال يحاول -عبثًا- أن يطمسكِ أنتِ ونسلكِ عن الوجود. ويبقى السؤال: هل إذا كسونا أجسادنا بلباس الغرب سيعصمنا لباسهم من جحيم قنابلهم؟ ومن ثمّ بلغوني، هل بين حريتي وحريتكم أية صلة؟ أوجه رسالتي في يوم المرأة إلى الأم، أو الأخت، أو البنت، أو الإنسانة التي فقدت حياتها، أو حياة من تحب، في غزة، في حلب، في بغداد، في بيروت، والتي تكافح في سبيل العيش الكريم في الأردن أو أي مكانٍ آخر. أضع كفي بكفكِ وأقول: تحيّة لكِ، فأنتِ الحريّة، وأنت الإنسانيّة، وأنتِ العروبة، وأنتِ الثّورة والعناد—وذلك حقّ، ولا شيء يعلو على الحقّ. Photo source: Alisdare Hickson on Flickr

How can believers trust an institution that continuously lies? How can they trust an institution that fails to live by the teachings of the word it claims to follow? How can one believe in the good, in the charity of an institution that causes so much pain? I am not suggesting the Church is inherently flawed, after all I still am a Christian and I still believe in the Church, but there is no denying the wrongdoings of its executive. The question is whether the Church will confront the sin lying in its foundation—for an institution like the Church cannot stand if it hides the rot within. < Back Broken Faith: Confronting Abuse within the Catholic Church Rebecca Canton For centuries, people around the globe have regarded the Catholic Church as an institution offering sanctuary, a place of rest and protection, evident in passages like Proverbs 18:10, ‘the name of the Lord is a strong tower; the righteous man runs into it and is safe.’ Christian children are taught religion is dependable as a source of guidance and truth, myself included. Yet, such promises do not tend to reflect current realities. The revelations of widespread abuse in the Church create a shadow over these ideals. The Church and its confessional, once considered a place for repentance and reflection, have become symbolic of secrecy and cover-up. I am a Christian, I believe in God, I believe in the Bible. Do I believe in the systemic abuse of children and vulnerable adults by priests and clergy members? Rather obviously not. I’m a Christian, not devilish. So then, why has this happened? Why have, since 1950, around 216,000 children in France been sexually abused by clergy members? 216,000 childhoods were destroyed in France alone, by people they were taught to trust. I’ve read the Bible and nowhere does it state ‘Thou shalt not refrain from assault,’ not one passage, phrase, nor implication suggests this is the Christian doctrine, that this is acceptable. Yet, until recently, they have gotten away with it. Protected by religion, protected by hierarchy, protected by institutions, such cycles of physical, sexual and mental abuse have been perpetuated throughout the Church for decades. The first time I heard of anything remotely related to abuse within the Church was in 2013. In my home country, the United Kingdom, Cardinal Keith O’Brien, who was the Archbishop of Saint Andrews and Edinburgh, resigned after revelations that he had engaged in predatory sexual relations with priests and seminarians in an abuse of power. I was eight and had just started religious studies. I remember my mother, who is a Protestant and my father, who is a Catholic, discussing this ‘scandal,’ but I did not think much of it. At the same time, I learned a phrase that rang particularly true, ‘a tree with a rotten core cannot stand.’ This metaphor resonates with the Church, with allegations of decades of abuse threatening the foundation of its institutions. It was in the 1980s that revelations of Catholic Church abuse first came to light, with allegations of decades of abuse. And that is just the modern Church. As early as the 11th century, abuse has been reported within the Church, notably when Peter Damian, an Italian Benedictine monk wrote ‘ Liber Gomorrhianus,’ which condemns priests having sexual relations with young boys. Now, since the 1980s, the Church has been hit with ‘scandal’ after ‘scandal.’ It only takes a quick search for ‘Catholic Church abuse’, for thousands of articles to emerge, from a multitude of countries. August 2005, Bell River, Ontario, Canada. Father Charles Henry Sylvestre pleads guilty to 47 counts of sexual abuse between 1952 and 1989. His victims? Girls aged nine to fourteen. August 2020, Germany. 1,412 people accuse at least 654 monks, nuns and other clergy members of abuse. 2017, Australia. The Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse finds that out of the 201 Catholic Churchs, 46% had allegations of sexual abuse towards minors. What becomes evident is that this is not one event. Not one ‘scandal’ like my parents told me. This abuse transcends borders, age and gender. It is systematic, ingrained within the very structures of the Church. Perhaps it is unfair to claim this is institutional. After all, not all Catholic priests are sex offenders. Institutions have taken steps, however small, to hold abusers accountable. There have been inquiries into sexual abuse in the Church with a court recently approving a $323 million settlement for abuse victims. Many priests have been forced to resign and in 2005, the ‘Ferns Report,’ an inquiry into allegations of clerical sexual abuse in Ireland, led to an apology from the Irish Prime Minister Brian Cowan and a promise to reform the Irish social service system. Such news fills me with hope. Whilst the historical abuse of children and vulnerable adults must not be ignored or neglected, the Bible teaches us to forgive. That hope is crushed when I see another article of another priest abusing another child in another country. That hope is destroyed even further when I read of how the Church has covered up another scandal. The Bible teaches us to forgive, but certain actions are unforgivable. The Church has apologized, but apologies mean nothing without incremental change. Further, are they really sorry, or are they just sorry they got caught? The most harrowing aspect to these cycles of abuse is that the Church was not unaware—they knew it was happening. So many of the Churches that housed these abusers knew. They knew and they did not care. In many prominent cases from all over the world, it has come to light that information surrounding abuse was intentionally suppressed. Take the 2010 Karadima case in Chile, for example, wherein Fernando Karadima, a Chilean Catholic priest, was accused of sexually abusing boys as early as 1984. Yet when it was found that these accusations were true, the Archbishop of Santiago, Karadima’s superior, took no action. In 2011, the Vatican found Karadima guilty of sexual and psychological abuse and he was forced into retirement and denied practice as a priest under the punishment of a ‘life of prayer and penance.’ Realistically, this was a slap on the wrist, as Karadima had no legal action against him due to the statute of limitations. Another example is from the United States, where on 29 December 2019, it was exposed that multiple bishops had withheld hundreds of names from the accused clergy list. Further, on 6 March 2020, an investigation by the Houston Chronicle and ProPublica revealed that the Catholic Church moved more than 50 accused clergy to other countries to avoid consequences for sex abuse. The story varies from country to country, but the patterns that emerge are the same: abuse has effectively been condoned, creating a system where clergy members think they can act without consequences and where victims are discouraged from coming forward. The hierarchical nature of the Church—characterized by a chain of command, has often led to an environment that leans towards mishandling and concealment of cases regarding sexual abuse. As in such a structure, the clergy and senior officials, the abusers, are protected by layers of secrecy. This system has long protected the reputation of the Church and loyalty over transparency and accountability, as many clergy members have been shunned from Church social circles, not for abuse, but for standing up for the abused. Likewise, it has meant that instead of being imprisoned perpetrators are simply reassigned. With a history of payouts, victims are compelled not to tell their stories. Further, in most religious communities, going against God is seen as blasphemous. Priests and Clergy members are meant to be his representatives, thus there is shame associated with questioning Church executives. Dissent or accusations towards Church members, especially high-ranking ones, can feel like a betrayal, promoting fear of condemnation or even eternal punishment. It is similar to why people tend not to testify against family members— there is a sense of loyalty. Loyalty not only to the Church, but to God and unless the victim wholly rejects religion, it can be hard for them to escape cycles of abuse. Likewise, it is not uncommon for priests and clergy members to have genuine relationships with their victims, acting as father figures to vulnerable children. For some, the Church becomes their family. “Seeing him in shackles and an orange jumpsuit, people asked me, ‘Why don’t you hate him? Why don’t you want to hurt him?’ Well, I do. But at the same time, I have some really strong conflicting feelings. It’s not hard to love the man that he was before he did what he did.” ~ Jim VanSickle The Vatican wishes for a “path of redemption,” which is how the narrative shifts. The very ones inflicting shame on the children they hurt, the ones seen as ‘holy’, now asking, begging, for forgiveness with statements of ‘pain’, of ‘regret’, of ‘institutional failings.’ But it is too late. You can not take back the suffering and erase the harm caused by the hands that touched perniciously. “Then, the next thing you know, he's reaching over there, touching you. You're asleep, wake up and somebody is touching you. I just remember freezing, frozen, kind of out of body.” ~ Mark Belenchia The Catholic Church has committed a heinous crime, the crime of failing generations, from Australia to Ireland, Rome to New York . In a way, the Church has failed not just the abused but its followers as a whole. When I think of God and Christianity, I feel loved, but when I think of the Catholic Church and the abuse of children, that emotion is replaced by disgust. These scandals, especially the failure to do anything about it, taints my religion and no amount of holy water can wash away the sins now ingrained in its very foundations. “I always listened as they said ‘lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil' but they were bestowing evil upon us at the same time” ~ Alicia Sample How can believers trust an institution that continuously lies? How can they trust an institution that fails to live by the teachings of the word it claims to follow? How can one believe in the good, in the charity of an institution that causes so much pain? I am not suggesting the Church is inherently flawed, after all I still am a Christian and I still believe in the Church, but there is no denying the wrongdoings of its executive. The question is whether the Church will confront the sin lying in its foundation—for an institution like the Church cannot stand if it hides the rot within.

The groundbreaking discovery of CRISPR has the potential to cure and even prevent at least 8,000 genetic diseases, but what ethical concerns does this technology raise? < Back The Ethics of Gene Editing By Isabella Aouad March 30, 2022 The genome is the blueprint of our being. Each person's genome comprises 20,000 to 25,000 genes, which define our physical traits, immunity, and even some of our abilities. Genes are made up of strands of DNA, and much like words, a change in just one letter can change the whole meaning of a gene. In fact, such a microscopic mutation in one gene can sometimes translate into a serious genetic illness. Gene therapy is the introduction, removal, or change of DNA strands to repair or alter a gene and thus cure a genetic illness. This kind of treatment has been accelerated by the discovery of CRISPR (an acronym for Clustered Regularly Interspaced Short Palindromic Repeats), a protein that cuts targeted strands of DNA with unprecedented precision, faster, cheaper, and more efficiently than ever before. The groundbreaking discovery of CRISPR has the potential to cure and even prevent at least 8,000 genetic diseases that afflict people with cancer, hemophilia, diabetes, and cystic fibrosis, among many other lifetime diseases. We have the knowledge to cure thousands of people severely suffering from genetic diseases, yet many oppose this cure, which they dismiss as "unethical." Are we "playing God" by attempting to alter our genetic code? Is changing the very nature of our being justified by the fact of sparing a person from a psychologically and physically painful disease? CRISPR's potential in genetic engineering gives us immense power to make people's lives better, but comes with significant risks if it were to get out of line. Adopting CRISPR gene therapy threatens to open a Pandora's box with chilling consequences. For one thing, biohackers could use CRISPR gene editing methods to enhance their abilities or alter their traits. Biohackers believe that we do not need to accept our bodies' shortcomings if we can engineer our way past them and boost our physical and cognitive performance. However, this philosophy could cause significant harm in the hands of inexperienced and reckless ordinary people. One such example is biohacker Josiah Zayner, who injected himself with DNA from CRISPR gene-editing technology at a biotech conference while live-streaming his experiment. Zayner has now become a biohacking celebrity with thousands of followers. Strongly advocating for the "democratization" of such a powerful technology, Zayner founded The Odin. This garage-run company sells biohacking supplies ranging from 20 dollar DNA to an 1849 dollar DIY genetic engineering kit. Although he is currently under investigation for practicing medicine without a license, his company is still running. Biohackers are still conducting experiments with insufficient knowledge of the technology, which could seriously harm their health. This example illustrates the dangers of making CRISPR technology widely accessible due to its potential to be used for self-enhancing purposes. Moreover, another essential risk accompanying the widespread adoption of CRISPR technology would be its application for germline gene editing. Germline gene editing is the process by which an individual's genome is edited so that the change is heritable. This is achieved through genetic alterations within the germ cells or the reproductive cells, such as the egg and sperm. This kind of treatment would affect the adult receiving it and their future offspring. By altering the genetic makeup of entire generations, this application of CRISPR technology threatens to exacerbate existing inequalities between families who could afford germline gene therapy and those who could not. Despite these frightening potential threats, I believe that CRISPR gene therapy could be a game-changer in treating genetic diseases more efficiently and painlessly than other medications, chemotherapy, and other existing treatments currently do. Nevertheless, the applications of CRISPR gene editing should be strictly regulated and limited to modifying somatic cells (all cells apart from reproductive cells). Somatic gene editing is not inheritable and would thus act as a promising analogous treatment for the adult undergoing the therapy. As long as caution and regulation are applied to control such a powerful technology, its effect could be a great relief for suffering patients worldwide.

It’s what Varoufakis calls a 'digital fiefdom': a post-capitalist economic order where smaller businesses pay dividends to massive corporations which control essential platforms — just like how poor serfs paid landowners in order to farm the land. < Back The Fight against Big Tech and the New Order Feidias Psaras November 30, 2024 As a law school student at Yale, Lina Khan was highly critical of how Amazon was doing business. In a break-out 92-page academic hit published in her university’s law journal, she explained how the company’s business model, which prioritized aggressive expansion within and across business lines even at the expense of profits, was poisonous to the free-market economy. Amazon’s Prime membership service, for example, allowed users to offer exclusive privileges such as same-day—for some, even same-hour—delivery and free shipping. Such features are immensely costly and lead to substantial deficits. But only multi-billion dollar companies like Amazon, with sets of faithful stakeholders and immense amounts of capital acquired from a wide variety of businesses, can fuel these ventures. These investments ultimately increase consumer spending and—much more importantly—loyalty. Lina’s efforts have extended to other tech behemoths that have pervaded their respective markets. After achieving her post as chair of the FTC, she quickly revived a lawsuit to break up Meta, and led attempts to prevent Microsoft’s $69 billion deal to acquire Activision in an attempt to consolidate ground in the gaming market. Khan called for a radical change in how the Federal Trade Commission, the state body in charge of maintaining anti-monopoly laws, dealt with companies such as Amazon. She contended that whether a company is engaging in anti-free-market practices should not be determined solely by its short-term impacts on consumer welfare and low prices, for example. It’s also the long-term impacts: how these low prices allow the company to gain a stranglehold over the market and paralyze competitors. It sets it up for a sort of dominance that would allow it, in the future, to raise prices as it wished. But there's something even more worrying about companies such as Amazon and their increasing establishment as the singular e-commerce retailer. While contemporary antitrust analysis would assume that rational firms aim to drive competitors out of business, Amazon’s ubiquitousness and role have made it necessary for competing smaller businesses. Thus, it has created an arena over which it gets to set the rules at the expense of dependent rivals. In a dispute with Hachette in 2014, for example, the company delisted the publisher’s books from its website during business negotiations. In ‘Project Gazelle,’ executives talked about approaching smaller book publishers as a ‘predator might approach a wounded gazelle.’ It’s what Varoufakis calls a digital fiefdom: a post-capitalist economic order where smaller businesses pay dividends to massive corporations which control essential platforms — just like how poor serfs paid landowners in order to farm the land. An emerging neoreactionary movement Varoufakis’ interpretation is an expressly Marxist one, and he believes in increased regulation to try and mitigate it. But there are others who welcome such change. Curtis Yarvin, one of the key thinkers of an emerging neoreactionary movement, believes that the best form of government would come about by a nationalization and subsequent privatization of everything. Nick Land, a frequently cited colleague, is known for coining the term accelerationism; that rather than fighting to regulate capitalist forces, we should just let them be and drive the system to its limits. In his essay, Meltdown, he writes: The story goes like this: Earth is captured by a technocapital singularity as renaissance rationalitization and oceanic navigation lock into commoditization take-off. Logistically accelerating techno-economic interactivity crumbles social order in auto-sophisticating machine runaway. As markets learn to manufacture intelligence, politics modernizes, upgrades paranoia, and tries to get a grip. These thinkers are founding members of what has been dubbed the ‘Dark Enlightenment,’ a movement that criticizes aspects of the liberal democratic model prominent in the ‘Western sphere.’ Its proponents support that democracy is fundamentally flawed; that giving power to the majority ultimately leads to mediocre governance by the most popular rather than the most competent. The democratic institutional complex does not promote genuine plurality of opinion but rather just enforces another form of cultural hegemony through the imposition of societal norms. Yarvin’s concept of the ‘Cathedral’ denotes how the liberal universities that predominate the US zealously promote a foundational belief in egalitarianism that stifles freedom of thought and innovation. Land, in the same essay mentioned above, finishes: Learning surrenders control to the future, threatening established power. It is vigorously suppressed by all political structures, which replace it with a docilizing and conformist education, reproducing privilege as wisdom. Schools are social devices whose specific function is to incapacitate learning, and universities are employed to legitimate schooling through perpetual reconstitution of global social memory. Although this movement’s intellectual achievements were generated in online blogs by informal scholars, it doesn’t only extend to niche circles of disillusioned internet hermits. Peter Thiel, a multi-billionaire tech—investor listed 212th on Forbes’s list of richest people, recommends Yarvin’s blog unqualified reservations while stating that he ‘no longer believe[s] that freedom and democracy are compatible’. He is counted among the many ‘broligarchs’ that find the government’s monopoly on money-production irksome and seek to circumvent it. As well as heavy investment in seasteading projects aimed to create tax-free safe havens for the rich, he’s known to have co-opted government programmes intended to extend retirement savings for middle-class Americans to amass 5 billion in venture capital income, uncut. But it’s not just clever accounting tricks for tax avoidance. A Republican, Thiel has ramped up political involvement in the past decade. After being seriously considered for a position in the Trump cabinet in 2016 and abstaining from support in 2020, he’s been tentatively drawn back to Trump’s side given his choice of a former employee and protégé —JD Vance—for vice president. The election results and the future Although ultra-rich donors backing both US 2024 presidential candidates have expressed discontent for the aggressive approach to antitrust of the head of the FTC, Trump’s election has all but sealed Lina Kahn’s fate. Elon Musk, known for cutting Twitter’s staff by half a week after acquisition and now the co-head of the newly-created Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), has stated that she “will be fired soon”. The change would most definitely mark a decrease in state checks on private power in the interest of the consumer. This administration marks a decisive step at the crossroads between state and private power. Trump’s cabinet picks have already indicated his readiness to enact significant reform on the government apparatus. It’s not just the role of the FTC that’s about to experience seismic change, but the nature and freedom of big tech and business as a whole—very likely at the cost of that of the consumer.

Confronted by a tirade of questions expressing concerns about inflation,, rising energy costs and economic recession, Liz Truss chose to deflect by focusing her attention on the Labour opposition’s inability to elect a leader that “is not male or from north London.” Setting aside the observation that statements such as these are symptomatic of the conservative cabinet’s disease, preventing its elected members from answering the questions posed to our government, Liz Truss’ comment does raise questions about equality in a political party which generally claims to stand for progressive ideals < Back Are problems with female leadership unique to Britain’s Left? By Leo Gerza October 31, 2022 Ensuing the crowning of Liz Truss as victor of the summer palaver that was the contentious Conservative Party leadership election, many in Britain and abroad had the opportunity last month to watch the new prime minister jousting in her first Prime Ministers Questions. Confronted by a tirade of questions expressing concerns about inflation,, rising energy costs and economic recession, Liz Truss chose to deflect by focusing her attention onthe Labour opposition’s inability to elect a leader that “is not male or from north London.” Setting aside the observation that statements such as these are symptomatic of the conservative cabinet’s disease, preventing its elected members from answering the questions posed to our government, Liz Truss’ comment does raise questions about equality in a political party which generally claims to stand for progressive ideals. The fact is that all three of Britain's female prime ministers have been leaders of the Conservative Party. On the other hand, Labour has only ever had three female leaders during periods of opposition, all of which were in an “acting” capacity, thus temporary by design. Yet, the Conservative Party looks towards its elected female leaders with great reverence, especially Margaret Thatcher, who has become idolized by the Thatcherites, swooning over the glory days of the “Iron Lady.” How is it that the party of progress lags behind the party of right-wing beliefs and politicians stolen from a museum display when it comes to electing women? This phenomenon is difficult to dissect but seems to be guided by deep-rooted and outdated misogynistic political beliefs. The leading theory suggests that this phenomenon is not solely a problem in the UK. In fact, across G7 countries, “widespread distrust in women at the top” has been a core barrier, according to the Reykjavik Index, which outlines that in almost all western countries, men are perceived as more capable leaders than women. This ultimately suggests that, in a democratic system which still suffers from institutional sexist ideas, men are more likely to be elected into positions of power because there is a greater belief in their competence to perform as a leader. I think Boris Johnson and Donald Trump exemplify this truism. The study also hints towards a rising tide of misogyny in recent years against female leaders. They have always faced more vicious scrutiny, yet the outpour of criticism in reaction to a video of the Finish Prime Minister partying demonstrates that double standards remain a core-rotting pillar in politics. Increasingly concerning is that the same Reykjavik Index, outlining the general bias towards men, also found that 18 to 34-year-olds have a “less progressive attitude to gender and leadership.” Could this signal a warning that we may be diverging from decades of progress on gender equality? I would argue that attitudes perpetuated on social media sites, such as Tik Tok, are both a manifestation of this statistic and a source of its existence. The hyper-macho content and misogynistic comedy featured on the app combine to convince impressionable youth that men are the apex of society and that women are an evolutionary tool for man’s benefit. This is to say that these issues are not exclusive to the Labour party, they are global. In fact, Labour can claim to have had significant impacts on the fight for equality by introducing the Equal Pay Act of 1970 and the Equality Act of 2010. Perhaps more significantly, Labour also introduced all-women shortlists to select half the candidates running in the 1997 United Kingdom general election. The affirmative action taken by Sir Tony Blair saw a record 101 female members of Parliament elected to the House of Commons. However, more needs to be done so that rather than mitigating inequality our political parties can be actively promoting it. As for Liz Truss’ comments, perhaps she can be credited with raising important questions about equality in politics, but it should not distract from the dismal omnishambles her prime ministerial career has been so far.

In January 2022, the United States Supreme Court announced that it would hear two cases, one against Harvard University and one against the University of North Carolina, seeking to ban affirmative action in university admissions. The potential end of affirmative action would dramatically transform the framework of college admissions. < Back The End of Affirmative Action? By Magdelena Offenbeck March 30, 2022 In January 2022, the United States Supreme Court announced that it would hear two cases, one against Harvard University and one against the University of North Carolina, seeking to ban affirmative action in university admissions. The conservative Supreme Court majority is likely to overturn a legacy of race consideration in college admissions. The history of race as a factor in college admissions begins in the 1960s when Harvard University announced concrete measures to increase the percentage of African American students in its cohorts. Harvard’s plan of action was then adopted by many of the major institutions for higher education in the United States. Aiming to counter the inequality caused by the history of racial segregation, the policies have effectively promoted upward social mobility and diversified cohorts at US universities. Since its implementation, affirmative action has faced criticism by those who favor admission procedures that are entirely based on academic merit. In the landmark 2003 Supreme Court case Grutter v. Bollinger , the constitutionality of affirmative action was confirmed in scenarios when race is one of many factors considered in the admission process. However, in the same year, the court declared points-based admission systems that grant extra points to minority applicants unconstitutional and contrary to the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourth Amendment. Both Harvard University and the University of North Carolina are now accused of discrimination by giving race overwhelming importance in admission procedures. The difference between the cases is that Harvard is charged with discrimination against Asians while the University of North Carolina is accused of favoring Black and Hispanic applicants. The plaintiff, Students for Fair Admissions,' argued that Harvard’s disproportional consideration of race violates the Equal Protection Clause and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act. The case was tried in 2018 in the state of Massachusetts but, after a 15-day bench trial in 2018, a lower court in Massachusetts found Harvard not guilty of “race balancing,” otherwise known as admission quotas for racial groups at the university. Many consider it unlikely that the Supreme Court has taken on the case to reaffirm the ruling of the state court. What would the end of affirmative action mean for university communities in the United States? Deans of Yale, Columbia, and Harvard University have spoken out against the lawsuit. In a statement released on the Columbia University website, President Lee Bollinger Broad asserted that “public awareness of the unrelenting impact of racism demands a recommitment to affirmative action, not its abandonment,” deeming affirmative action essential considering the nation’s history. He further described a ban on affirmative action as “calamitous for universities and for the ideals embodied in the Constitution.” The end of affirmative action could significantly decrease the number of Black students admitted to elite universities in the country as Black and Hispanic students have lower average standardized test scores and are subjected to structural obstacles that are not encountered by their white counterparts. However, the plaintiff argues that affirmative action comes at the expense of Asian students, who have lower chances of admission with equal or higher test scores and are consistently ranked lower on the personality scores of the admissions process. Public opinion seems to confirm the plaintiff’s view. A 2019 survey by the Pew Research Center concluded that 73% of Americans think that race should not be considered in college admissions. However, there is stratification between racial groups, with 78% of Caucasians opposed to affirmative action compared to 65% of Hispanics and 62% of Blacks. This gap persists with political leanings. While 88% of Caucasian Republicans are against the consideration of race, this number falls to 66% among Caucasian Democrats. The consideration of other factors such as legacy status, gender, or athletic ability is equally deemed inappropriate by the majority of survey participants. Therefore, the case puts into question a number of controversial admission practices, especially the elitist concept of legacy admissions. If affirmative action is found to be unconstitutional, the question of feasible alternatives arises. The benefits of diverse student cohorts in university environments and the positive effect of upward social mobility in the larger society have continually been emphasized by university administrations and the Supreme Court. Especially the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg was a major proponent of the policy. Yet, a similar degree of diversity could be achieved by taking into account the socio-economic background of applicants. Black and Hispanic communities are generally more socio-economically disadvantaged. According to a US government census, the median income of Black households in the United States is $28,000 and $41,000 below that of White and Asian households, respectively. The gap is slightly smaller for Hispanics. Considering household income and access to education resources would hence have similar effects on student diversity to affirmative action. This is not to deny the intersectional experience of members of the Black or Hispanic communities that face disadvantages compared to whites with a similar socioeconomic background. Rather, it acknowledges that the individuals who experience similar levels of poverty equally merit a chance in the higher education system. It further takes into consideration the racism and systemic discrimination that Asian communities are victim to, and counters stereotyping in admissions where the achievements of Asian students are not valued equally because of their ethnic background. While the official judgment will only be released in 2023, the end of affirmative action will bring changes to the framework of college admissions. However, it may not be necessary to equate this to the end of student diversity in higher education. A range of alternative tools could continue to protect the interests of socially disadvantaged students.

La construction du "peuple" à travers le spectre d'un ennemi anachronique, en s'appuyant sur la menace de la dictature pour instiller la peur, a démontré son efficacité. < Back Argentina 1985 By Amalia Heide January 31, 2024 Le film Argentina 1985 apparaît comme le dernier ajout à une vaste série cinématographique abordant le thème complexe de la dictature civico-militaire en Argentine de 1976 à 1983. La réception massive de ces films par le public et l'absence de critiques révisionnistes entourant ces productions laissent présager un consensus général concernant les violations des droits humains par les militaires pendant cette sombre période de l'histoire argentine. Cependant, ce consensus social apparent n'est pas nécessairement synonyme d'absence de conflit concernant la mémoire de la dernière dictature argentine. En effet, il existe une reconnaissance largement partagée des disparitions et des tortures envers d’activistes de gauche effectuée par les militaires argentins, leur rôle dans l'enlèvement de bébés issus de familles de gauche et confiés à des familles soutenant les actions militaires, ainsi qu'une reconnaissance collective de l'impératif de localiser et de rétablir l'identité véritable de ces bébés (comme le font l'organisation des Madres y Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo ). Cependant, cette acceptation des faits n'implique pas un consensus sur leurs interprétations. Une tension sous-jacente entre des interprétations historiques peut être instrumentalisée, voire exacerbée, par les politiciens. C'est cette instrumentalisation que nous cherchons à analyser. Nous adopterons une structure chronologique et thématique. Pour ce numéro, nous examinerons comment le régime kirchnériste (2003-2015 / 2019-2023) a marqué un tournant dans l'instrumentalisation de la mémoire de la dictature. Dans le prochain numéro, nous examinerons comment le parti politique de centre-droit "Juntos por el cambio" (au pouvoir entre 2015 et 2019) et à présent Javier Milei l’ont instrumentalisé à leur tour de manière assez originale. Après la crise économique significative en Argentine en 2001, la société civile a complètement perdu confiance en la politique et les politiciens du pays. Cependant, le candidat présidentiel Nestor Kirchner a compris que pour regagner légitimité et confiance, il pouvait aspirer à jouer le rôle d'avocat pour la reconnaissance des victimes de la dernière dictature. Cela impliquait de répondre à des demandes de longue date que les gouvernements précédents avaient échoué à satisfaire. En assumant ce rôle, le mouvement politique kirchnériste en Argentine a utilisé stratégiquement la mémoire de la dictature pour construire son identité politique unique. Alors que l'activisme en faveur des droits humains contre la dictature avait des racines depuis le début de la démocratie en 1983, le discours kirchnériste a embrassé, coopté et monopolisé ce récit au sein de son militantisme. Néstor Kirchner, à son arrivée à la présidence en 2003, s'est identifié comme faisant partie d'une "génération diezmada (génération décimée) punie par des absences douloureuses" . Il a déclaré : "J'ai rejoint les luttes politiques en croyant à des valeurs et à des convictions que je n'ai pas l'intention de laisser à la porte de la Casa Rosada (siège du gouvernement)". Néstor Kirchner a renforcé cette approche sur la scène internationale en se présentant comme le "fils des mères et des grands-mères de la Plaza de Mayo" dans un discours prononcé la même année devant l'Assemblée générale des Nations unies. Ce discours politique a été suivi par des actes symboliques officiels de reconnaissance et de commémoration des victimes du terrorisme d'État. Le 24 mars 2004, à l'occasion du 28e anniversaire du coup d'État militaire, la présidente Kirchner a demandé au chef de l'armée du collège militaire de la nation d'enlever les portraits des anciens dictateurs Jorge Rafael Videla et Reynaldo Bignone, qui étaient toujours accrochés dans l'établissement. Plus tard dans la journée, Mme Kirchner a présidé une cérémonie publique annonçant la transformation de l'École de mécanique navale (ESMA), le plus grand centre de détention clandestin du pays, en "site de la mémoire et des droits humains" . Aujourd'hui, ce site est devenu un site du patrimoine de l'UNESCO. Ces mesures officielles marquent un tournant dans les relations entre l'État et une partie importante du mouvement des droits humains. Cette dernière a rejoint les rangs du kirchnerisme, reconnaissant Néstor et Cristina Kirchner comme les principaux porteurs politiques légitimes de la mémoire de la dictature. Ainsi, Hebe de Bonafini, cofondatrice et principale dirigeante des Mères de la Place de Mai, a intégré l'appareil du parti kirchneriste dans les années 2000 et l'a revendiqué à de multiples reprises : "Notre ennemi n'est plus à la Casa Rosada" . En conséquence, la relation entre le mouvement des droits humains et l'État est passée de la confrontation à l'intégration, différents segments de ces secteurs devenant partie intégrante de l'appareil d'État. Le cas d'Horacio César Pietragalla Corti illustre ce processus d'intégration. Enlevé à sa mère dans un centre de détention pendant la dictature, il a été réuni avec sa famille biologique en 2003 par les Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo. Embrassant le kirchnerisme, il a ensuite été président des archives de la mémoire nationale, puis député, et occupe actuellement le poste de secrétaire aux droits humains de la nation argentine. Ainsi, une fusion entre les sphères politique, publique et militante s'est progressivement opérée. En mars 2018, dans une interview au journal La Nación, Estela de Carlotto, une autre dirigeante historique des Grands-mères de la Place de Mai, résume ce processus politique. Le journaliste lui a demandé si les gouvernements kirchneristes s'étaient "approprié la cause des droits humains" . Elle a répondu : "Non, nous nous sommes approprié des Kirchner" . De ce fait, comme nous le constatons, ces organisations et défenseurs individuels de la reconnaissance des victimes du terrorisme d'État n'ont pas été de simples récepteurs passifs de l'identité kirchneriste, mais ont contribué à la construction et à la consolidation d'une mémoire officielle par le biais de l'appareil du parti et de l'État de la mémoire de la dictature. Ce récit officiel kirchneriste a non seulement incorporé la mémoire de la répression politique sous la dernière dictature, mais l'a également remodelée dans le contexte politique contemporain. En créant un sentiment de continuité entre les luttes passées et présentes, ce récit a encouragé la dichotomie entre "nous" et "eux" pour gagner des partisans à leur cause politique. L'exposition "Le néolibéralisme, plus jamais ça" , présentée en avril 2022 par le déjà mentionné Horacio César Pietragalla Corti , illustre l'instrumentalisation de la mémoire de la dernière dictature militaire (1978-1983). Elle est utilisée pour définir "l'autre", en associant tous les opposants politiques à "l'ennemi" de cette période sombre de l'histoire argentine. L'exposition a été installée dans l'ex-ESMA, le centre commémoratif en souvenir des victimes du terrorisme d'État pendant la dictature. Ce lieu n'est pas une simple coïncidence. Elle démontre une tentative explicite de lier les politiques de la dictature à celles des gouvernements ultérieurs, notamment en critiquant les mesures de libéralisation économique mises en œuvre sous la présidence de Mauricio Macri (2015-2019). Cette exposition présente le "néolibéralisme" comme une continuation du modèle économique de la dictature, créant une antithèse entre cette idéologie économique et la démocratie. Pour rendre cette allusion très claire, le titre de l'exposition emprunte le slogan "Nunca más" (plus jamais ça), une expression très connue en Argentine. Elle a d'abord été employée par les mères et les grands-mères des membres disparus de leur famille sous la dernière dictature et s'est profondément ancrée dans la conscience collective. L'utilisation de cette expression vise à délégitimer le principal adversaire politique de Kirchner à l'époque, qualifié d' "antidémocratique" . L'exposition publique a intégré des discours politiques, comme celui prononcé par Cristina Fernández de Kirchner le 17 octobre 2019, dix jours avant les élections présidentielles qui allaient la couronner vice-présidente du pays jusqu'en 2023 : "Le néolibéralisme plus jamais dans notre pays. C'est la troisième expérience néolibérale subie par le peuple argentin. La première, lointaine, avec le coup d'État du 24 mars 1976, où un projet néolibéral a été installé dans le pays pour la première fois (...) Puis est venue la deuxième expérience, celle des années 1990 (...) Et maintenant cette dernière et troisième expérience néolibérale, nous devons le dire, et je pense que tous les Argentins doivent repenser et se demander pourquoi ces choses nous arrivent (...)". Ce discours adopte une approche clairement populiste. Cristina simplifie un passé traumatisant pour la population argentine, en le formulant en termes économiques, et se positionne comme la défenseuse du "peuple" contre les élites capitalistes et antidémocratiques. La construction du "peuple" à travers le spectre d'un ennemi anachronique, en s'appuyant sur la menace de la dictature pour instiller la peur, a démontré son efficacité.

Promoting finance to tackle climate change in developing countries is one of the pillars of the Paris Agreement. Yet the investment world, which seemingly has a never-ending stream of scandals and mis-selling driven by greed and lack of ethics, is yet again undermining the existentially important issue of climate change. < Back Regulating ESG Investments Becomes More Pressing Amidst Greenwashing Trends By Noor Ahmad November 30, 2022 The 27th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, or COP27, is convening in the Egyptian coastal city of Sharm el-Sheikh between the 6th and 18th of November 2022. The conference seeks to tackle global climate emergency issues: how to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, adapt to the effects of climate change and finance climate action in developing countries. The conference seeks to build on the Paris Agreement in 2015, which set out goals to guide nations on how to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions and limit global temperature increase to two degrees Celsius. The agreement is a legally binding international treaty with 194 signatory Parties. The issue of climate change and financing the fight against it are nothing new. Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) investing has been rising for the last decade. ESG incorporates a broad set of principles that socially responsible investments should follow and are sometimes commingled with “green” investments, which focus primarily on environmental impact. While there is no clear taxonomy for ESG, it broadly aims to curtail the effects of climate change, carbon emissions, environmental pollution, deforestation and water scarcity. The non-environmental categories of ESG encompass a wider scope, including community impact, human rights, diversity in company boards, bribery, and corruption. A report by the consulting firm Deloitte published earlier this year estimated $39 trillion of assets in 2020 were ESG-focused versus $19 trillion in 2014. This represents 36 percent of total global investments in 2020. The magnitude and proportion of ESG investments are expected to rise dramatically in the coming years, reaching $96 trillion by 2025 and representing 58 percent of worldwide investments. Other measures put the projected amount invested in ESG funds at a few trillion dollars. What is indisputable is that this sector is proliferating. As interest in the environment and sustainability has increased, so has regulatory focus. In 2021, the European Union introduced its Sustainable Finance Disclosure Regulation, which requires asset managers to provide information regarding their adherence to ESG investment standards. Three categories were introduced in classifying investment funds: article six funds, which do not take sustainability into account; article eight funds, which promote ESG practices; and article nine funds, which is the highest ESG category, with sustainability at the heart of its investment policies. Moreover, since August 2022, the Markets in Financial Instruments Directive II, a regulation seeking to protect investors and standardize practices across the European Union, now requires financial advisors to evaluate not only the client’s risk tolerance but also their preferences for environmentally sustainable investments. The regulatory changes by the union are timely and possibly the beginning of a worldwide regulatory convergence in how to classify environmentally responsible investments. The changes have come against a background of mis-selling and misrepresentation by some of the world’s largest asset managers. DWS, Deutsche Bank’s asset management arm, recently saw its CEO step down after evidence emerged that the firm failed to classify investments labelled ESG against the necessary criteria correctly. The term “greenwashing,” which aptly describes DWS’s behavior, is one where a company tries to portray itself as more socially responsible and environmentally friendly than it is. The company may not meet the necessary standards and continue investing in environmentally harmful businesses. A German consumer group recently filed a lawsuit against DWS alleging that its ESG Climate Tech fund was marketed as having zero percent investments in polluting sectors such as coal. Yet, the fund’s investment policy allowed for investments in companies where up to 15 percent of their revenues could be generated from these harmful industries. The problems faced by DWS are not a one-off event, and the prevalence of misrepresentation of what investment funds are doing versus what they are advertising is an issue concerning regulators beyond the European Union, with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission and the U.K.’s Financial Conduct Authority reviewing both conduct and current regulation. Promoting finance to tackle climate change in developing countries is one of the pillars of the Paris Agreement. Yet the investment world, which seemingly has a never-ending stream of scandals and mis-selling driven by greed and a lack of ethics, is yet again undermining an existentially important focus. As the awareness of climate change has begun to alter the behavior of both individual and institutional investors and centered them on environmentally positive goals, the investment world must step up and learn to police itself. Regulators will eventually catch up and create guidelines, but the intermediaries have a significant role as time passes and environmental catastrophe descends on humanity. Let us hope that the outcome of COP27 is a clear message to the investment industry that it needs to address these shortcomings and take substantial steps to finance positive change.

Was the G20 meeting once again superfluous? No. The alternative would be a policy of speechlessness and confrontation. < Back The G20 Summit in Rome: Timid and Vague, but Necessary. By Florian Heydecker November 29, 2021 On October 30 through 31, 2021, the 16th meeting of the Group of 20 was held in Rome, Italy. With an agreement on a global minimum tax, the G20 countries have found a common position. There was no consensus on climate protection, but determination in the fight against tax evasion. In their first in-person meeting since the outbreak of COVID-19, the heads of state and government of the leading industrialized and emerging countries voiced concerns and raised hopes at the G20 summit in Rome. Climate change and Environmental protection The G20 countries want to implement robust actions to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees. The new stipulation is that governments will target climate neutrality as early as the middle of the century. However, countries such as Russia, China, and Saudi Arabia were unwilling to accept 2050 as a confirmed target date for carbon neutrality. There was also no agreement on phasing out coal-fired power generation. However, they followed the announcement of China to withdraw from international financing of new coal-fired power plants. As for environmental protection, the G20 countries aim to halt biodiversity loss by 2030. At least 30 percent of the land area and no less than 30 percent of the oceans and seas worldwide will be "conserved or protected" by 2030. In addition, there are new measures to end overfishing of the oceans. There will also be an intensification of the fight against illegal deforestation and illicit mining. Coronavirus pandemic and Migration The joint fight against future pandemics will be strengthened and financially secured by establishing a working group of G20 finance and health ministers. At the same time, the G20 countries backed the World Health Organization's (WHO) goal of vaccinating 40 percent of the population worldwide by the end of this year and 70 percent by the middle of next year. There were calls for a general transfer of technology and vaccine production in developing countries. Furthermore, the heads of state and government want to prevent “irregular migration flows and the smuggling of migrants.” What is needed is a comprehensive concept “for safe, orderly and regular migration.” At the same time, they are willing to address the root causes of displacement and strengthen the integration of refugees. Taxes and Trade Leaders confirmed the agreement signed by 136 states in October for a global minimum tax on international corporations. It will come into force by 2023. The main aim of the reform is to prevent the shifting of corporate profits to tax havens. Large, internationally active companies will pay at least 15 percent tax, regardless of their headquarter. If a company pays less tax with its subsidiary abroad, the home state can claim the difference. The G20 countries also committed themselves to an “open, fair, equitable, sustainable, non-discriminatory and inclusive rules-based multilateral trading system.” This action, they said, is crucial for recovery. The World Trade Organization (WTO) will become the centerpiece of this trading system. On the fringes of the summit, the EU and the US also agreed on a provisional settlement of their years-long dispute over special US tariffs on steel and aluminum imports. Energy and Nuclear weapons The G20 countries pointed out the need for a secure energy supply concerning the current high energy prices. "We stress the importance of maintaining uninterrupted energy supplies from different sources, suppliers and through different routes, exploring pathways to improved energy security and market stability, while promoting open, competitive and free international energy markets," they said. They agreed that secure supply chains are also crucial to transforming energy systems. Finally, the US, France, the UK, and Germany called on Iran during the G20 summit to return to its commitments under the Vienna nuclear agreement. The different leaders said that, without a swift return to the agreement, “a dangerous escalation” could loom. At the same time, the US declared its willingness to return to and fully comply with the accord. Hence, discussions in such a round are laborious and complicated — in the end, they produce compromises that are often highly woolly. Yet, some of the agreements reached in Rome also show that the G20 can reach a common ground and deliver concrete actions against global issues. If some perceive the summit as outdated and ineffective, they should remind themselves that the alternative would be a policy of speechlessness and pure confrontation.

British imperialism sharpens into battles of tic-tac-toe; Durkheim’s grasps at sociological greatness darken into pages stained with doodles. The ocean beside me leaves white trails of foam and my folly, churning boredom and desperation so violently I might drown. You guessed it - I’ve been in the petit amphithéâtre for about six hours too long.  < Back Foam and Folly: A Need to Restructure the Class Schedule at Sciences Po Menton By Marly Fisher November 30, 2023 British imperialism sharpens into battles of tic-tac-toe; Durkheim’s grasps at sociological greatness darken into pages stained with doodles. The ocean beside me leaves white trails of foam and my folly, churning boredom and desperation so violently I might drown. You guessed it - I’ve been in the petit amphithéâtre for about six hours too long. I often leave Sciences Po lectures unsure of the time and anything I’ve just been taught. For weeks, I’ve been worried that the fault is my own, but can we really be expected to be attentive for upwards of three hours at a time? Is Sciences Po’s course schedule structured effectively? In pursuit of an answer, I began by asking other university students around the United States about their course-load. What I found was disappointing but not surprising. Their class hours amounted to an average of fifteen per week, with most first years having twelve credits - or four classes each semester. Instead of midterms, finals, and presentations, they have regular assignments and essays on top of summative assessments. All were appalled that my class hours were in the twenties — “How do you have time to study?” they asked. “Do you have a life?” The standard course load for a first-year at a U.S. university is between 12 and 15 hours, with a maximum of 18 credit hours allowed. At many universities in the UK, contact time is even less; for an English BA at King's College London, there are only four hours of seminars and four hours of lectures each week. At Cambridge, lectures typically last only around 50 minutes. Comparatively, the standard class load at Sciences Po hovers around 22 hours per week (many have even more if they are taking multiple language courses,) and the shortest class time is two hours long. I examined more scholarly sources next, only to reaffirm my sneaking suspicion that more class time is not always more effective. In 1996, in a journal called the National Teaching & Learning Forum, two professors from Indiana University, Joan Middendorf and Alan Kalish ,found that long lectures can result in detrimental effects on human attention and retention. They cited a 1976 study that detailed the ebbs and flows of students’ focus during a typical class period. They found that, first, students need a three-to-five minute period of settling down (which, I suppose, is naturally provided to us students that operate on Menton time.) This time was followed by just 10 to 18 minutes of optimal focus. Then, no matter how thrilling the lecture or how powerful the rhetoric, their attention lapsed. The students would “lose it.” While attention would eventually return, it would be in ever-briefer three to four minute spurts. Furthermore, Middendorf and Kalish cited a 1985 study that tested students on their fact recall from a 20-minute presentation. In fact, students remembered far more of what they’d heard at the very beginning of the lecture - by the 15-minute mark, they’d mostly zoned out. A few swift clicks on the calculator reveals that there are 16 fifteen-minute increments inside a four hour lecture. Most lecturers here offer us just one to two breaks within that time. If students are unable to remember facts from more than fifteen minutes ago, how can we be expected to retain complex ideas from hours ago? Most, if not all, students concur. “No fraction of this education system is effective,” lamented a Sciences Po Menton student on the way out of her last class of the day. “As fascinating as I can find the subjects presented in the lectures, it is undeniable that in every case, my attention span dwindles almost immediately an hour into it,” said another. Many agree that information retention is even more difficult with a lack of accountability in the form of more frequent assessments. For a group of students yearning to achieve political greatness, it seems that most are only achieving new records of the fastest Mini Crossword solving time. If we aim to revolutionize the world, we must revolutionize our way of learning first. Maybe it’s in the form of shorter, more frequent classes. Perhaps we should abandon the lecture style altogether. But one thing is for certain: someone in the class of 2026 will go on to be a marvelous NYT game creator.

When I first announced to my family that I would be doing my parcours civique with Care4Calais, a British organization that provides non-food items to refugees, most of my relatives acted as if I was about to become a war photographer in Sudan. Despite them, I managed to not have any image of Calais in mind before actually arriving. So what was Calais really like? < Back Calais: Between Migration and Solidarity Ema Nevřelová September 25, 2025 As I wrapped up my first year in Menton and embarked on a 16-hour train ride to the very north point of France, Calais, I had an intuition that the experience would be life-changing. If the first year of Sciences Po had taught me anything, it was definitely how to find ways to leave Menton, and France in general. So, the prospect of having to spend an extra month in France for my parcours civique was probably as thrilling as sitting through four hours of Jean-Pierre Filiu’s Question of Palestine . Painful, but somehow worth it in the end. War zone or just a regular town? When I first announced to my family that I would be doing my parcours civique with Care4Calais , a British organization that provides non-food items to refugees, most of my relatives acted as if I was about to become a war photographer in Sudan. Despite them, I managed to not have any image of Calais in mind before actually arriving. So what was Calais really like? Maybe it was the breeze of fresh air when I left the crowded, non-air-conditioned carriage of my train, or perhaps it was the image of finally having a bed to sleep in that made me instantly fall in love with my new short-term home. When I got out of the train station, I mostly could see young male migrants sitting on nearby benches.. Some of them I later recognized as I started volunteering. Contrary to the well-intentioned warnings from my family members, they were unfettered by my presence and were more interested in conversations with their friends. Give North of France a chance While dragging my suitcase around town, one of the first things that caught my eye, was Hotel de Ville de Calais. This breathtaking building towers over the rest of the city highlighting the striking contrast of once a wealthy region with today’s reality, because the rest of the city centre essentially resembles a ghost-town. For context, the North of France has historically profited from coal and textile production. During the economic recession in the 1970s the region took a hit. The main source of wealth was coal and textile but both of the industries started diminishing as the coal ran out. Not to mention, that the region was, and still remains, underfunded by the government. In 2015, for example, around 18.1 % of the city’s population lived below the poverty line. The average for France at the time was 14.2 %. Its portrayal in the media as a city struggling with migrants did not help its image, especially as the town mostly profited from tourists from the UK. Despite the dismal situation some of the citizens find themselves in, they still feel empathetic towards refugees. For example, the owner of the restaurant Mirador said : “I don't blame the migrants, they aren't aggressive and I do feel sorry for them, but I want to retire. My restaurant has been on the market for two years, but not one person has expressed any interest. I am 70 years old and penniless. Here in Calais, we are all on our knees.” Coming to Calais, Mirador was one of the first places I saw and thought of having lunch at. But as I learned on Google maps it was closed as well as most of the other restaurants in Calais. As someone who experienced France, mainly in Menton, where shops are open even on Sunday due to the number of tourists, this was a shock. The only place I could eat my lunch at on Monday was a fast-food place, the chain called O’Tacos. One of the first discoveries I made during this “life-changing” journey was that the French have their own tacos. Ema Nevřelová 2025 The House of Horror I chose to stay in a house that accommodates some of the volunteers for Care4Calais. That being said, I did not expect the place to be luxurious—I have stayed in my fair share of hostels to know better. However, the fact that the place did not have walls or more specifically plaster-covered the insulation was a little concerning. Not to mention the occasional mold. Yet, there is no better bonding topic than paying 20 euros per night for a housing that was almost, quite literally, falling apart. Still, as someone privileged enough to be able to afford it, it was really the least I could do to contribute to the economy of the city. Elitist friendships To make up for all the things the house did not provide, I got to live under one roof with people so like-minded and funny as were my housemates. Most of them volunteered with me, making it feel like a coincidental summer camp. Somehow, this experience managed to cure my absolute dread of summer camps. Collective dinners, ice creams on the beach, hour-long walks home, beers in La Betterave (the best bar in Calais) not only made us closer but allowed us to share tough days at work, our personal life or the stupidest little things you can imagine. In a true non-elitist nature, the people I became the closest with were mostly students from other Sciences Po campuses. Whether it was the proximity of our beds or internalised elitism, having people of roughly the same age to share Calais with, turned out to be a necessity. Because hardly anyone can grasp the magical dimension of playing football in heavy rain with the refugees. Ema Nevřelová 2025 Even your brother could be staying in the ‘Orange squat’ One thing that immediately caught the attention of many volunteers in Calais is how many young boys were living there. The idea of sending my 16-years-old brother across several countries without knowing if he survives the journey makes me nauseous. Not to mention that behind each of these boys is usually a family that made a lot of sacrifices to send him on the way. Yet, these people are still often treated as less than an annoying mosquito you are desperately trying to get out of your house. The “real” house these young men live in is called the ‘Orange squat.’ Hearing from people who have, it is inhabited by about 500 people living in tents. The toilets inside are not in the best condition. When I was leaving Calais an unofficial source claimed that Orange squat will likely be evicted some time in September. It belongs to a private owner, who decided— apparently with the light push from the city council— to take the place back. In reality, this means that the boys will go through brutal police eviction. The police will take all their possessions and they will be boarded on buses and driven outside of Calais towards government-run facilities. For NGOs operating in Calais, it means that they have to stock up as many tents, sleeping bags, and other necessities as possible. Working for Care4Calais definitely made me understand how Sisyphian their work is. Waiting as a lifestyle What I realized during my parcours civique is that the life of migrants is full of waiting. Whether it is waiting to save enough money to make the journey to Europe, or waiting for the asylum claim to be processed, to mundane things like waiting in line for food, clothes, showers, or whatever else they need. Every time I now find myself grumpily waiting at the post office in Menton to send my letter, I remember that having to wait occasionally is a privilege. In this fast-paced era waiting often feels like a punishment but seeing people having to wait for everything that I can buy in under 10 minutes truly made me understand the real-life consequences of all the privileges I have. Despite the waiting, most of the men and women I met remain positive. Whether they were filming Tik Toks, dancing or playing football, they seemed to enjoy every moment to the fullest. I often come back to many of the interactions I had. Once I was distributing clothes and shoes to women and children, and I encountered a young pregnant woman with her son who could not have been more than one-years-old. When we found shoes that were her size, she was overjoyed. “I can run fast again from the police,” she said laughing. The ability to joke in spite of the horrors she must have been through amazed me and horrified me at the same time. Ema Nevřelová 2025 But what about migration? The reason I did not start my article by focusing on the situation of the refugees is because Calais is so much more than just a politicized space exploited in the anti-immigration discourse. It would be easy to say that its citizens are radicalized nationalists. Especially as in the 2024 parliamentary elections, the region of Pas-de-Calais elected a candidate from the Rassemblement national—a nationalist party that was led by far-right Marine Le Pen until 2021. As always, reality is much more complicated. In 2015 France24 interviewed inhabitants of Calais and it turned out despite their preference for far-right parties they feel solidarity with the refugees. In fact, some of the Calais population provides housing , food, clothes and whatever else is needed despite dealing with poverty themselves. Between the UK and France On a political level one of the issues that refugees face is a lack of safe routes. Asylum seekers coming to the UK have no other possibility of applying for a visa than physically arriving in the country on a small boat or by lorry but even this is persecuted and extremely dangerous. On the other hand, the Ukrainian asylum seekers have had the opportunity to apply for asylum from outside of the country under the ‘Homes for Ukraine Sponsorship Scheme.’ This shows how much the system in place is rooted in racism. Being white and European changes the dynamics of migration completely. Yet, the UK and France refuse to take accountability for essentially trapping people in Calais because of their policies. Their newest policy is called the ‘one in, one out’ scheme agreed between Sir Keir Starmer, the UK Prime Minister and Emanuelle Macron, the French President. Essentially, it means that for each person the UK deports back to France, it will accept another person who has not yet attempted to cross the channel. As of September 19th, the first person of Indian nationality has already been deported under the scheme. What will be the fate of Calais in the future remains unclear. But whether you are looking to cleanse yourself of Menton, learn more about refugees and their lives, or just desperately need a parcours civique, Care4Calais offers all of that and more. I believe that with every volunteer that comes to Calais the city becomes less of a politicized crossing point and more of a place of solidarity and community that I experienced.

Whether it’s a $300 white noise machine that is advertised to put you to sleep within 10 minutes, or a $500 ring that will track all your bodily functions, which will most likely not be accurate, all the problems you can’t even imagine having have been solved for you. You are no longer only overwhelmed but you now also live in an overcrowded space. As if being exposed to advertisements of these isn’t enough, you also have the opportunity to buy them and test them out. Because investing in yourself can’t be a bad thing, can it? < Back FOMO (Face Yoga, Overwhelming, Maintenance and Overconsumption) Melissa Cevikel April 30, 2025 Missed Retro night or MEDMUN party? Tried writing your midterm paper on your train back from a weekend trip with friends and it didn’t go well? Stuck in a 14.05 km² town in your 20s where you feel like you’re missing out on classic college experiences? The early 20s are often advertised to be the most carefree and, according to clinical psychologist Meg Jay, the most defining years of one's life. But what exactly are these years defining if most youth navigating through them are battling with FOMO and are chronically overwhelmed? And how is this being used against us? In her book The Defining Decade: Why Your Twenties Matter and How to Make the Most of Them Now, Jay argues that the biggest factor shaping young adults is entering the workforce. Citing this, she mentions that she refuses to work with 20-something-year-olds who are not under stress while at work. “ If my 20-something clients aren’t on a steep learning curve at work, I would rather they get another job because it’s really about skill building,” she told UVA Today . “If you’re not feeling stressed and anxious at work as a 20-something, you’re probably not learning enough.” But who is this mindset serving? A 2023 American Psychological Association study on stress levels in young adults in America, defined as 18-34 year olds, revealed that 24% rated their stress level between 8 and 10 out of 10. An increase of 8% in overall stress levels was also observed compared to 2019—a change the APA linked to COVID-19. It should be noted that these findings most likely do not correlate with those in the Global South, for which statistics aren’t widely available. Looking at the data, it’s clear that people in their 20s are stressed and overwhelmed. So, where does the general stigma of Gen Z being careless, yet overly sensitive, come from? A 2023 Dazed article titled “Everyone needs to grow up” explains this phenomenon, noting: “Most complaints about the infantilism of young people have typically come from the right, which has pointed to safe spaces and trigger warnings as evidence that Gen Z and millennials have been coddled to the point of softness. The right-wing critique of infantilism usually contends that, due to a vague decline in moral fibre, young people aren’t willing to embrace the mantles of adulthood, like moving out of the family home, entering into a stable career, getting married and starting a family.” This right-wing idea of “softness” has not come alone—it has also brought justifications and cures to overwhelming stress with it. For some, the reason why people under 25 engage in behaviors that aren’t ideal can be explained by putting the blame on the frontal lobe. A popular belief—that has especially flourished on TikTok—claims that the age of 25 is the milestone at which life choices become clear, and henceforth, the feeling of overwhelmedness induced by decision making is no longer present. But how true is this? In an interview with Dazed, the head of the University of Edinburgh's Psychology Department, Dr. Sarah MacPherson, highlighted the wide misconceptions surrounding frontal lobe development. She stated that although it is true that frontal lobe development ends at 25, this doesn’t determine a clear and strict distinction between choices made before that age. Up until the early 2010s, the age of 16 was seen as the milestone age. Movies such as Sixteen Candles showcased characters hitting all their teenage milestones at 16. The idea of “sweet sixteen” being the perfect dating age during the 60s also signified the importance of the age in relation to transition into adulthood, especially for young girls. This age of “self fulfillment” kept being pushed further and further as many of today's young adults spent their critical ages of 16,18 and 21 in quarantine, without any chance of experiencing young adult milestones. Whatever was missed out on during the three years when COVID-19 was declared a health emergency is, in turn, being made up for right now. As we all know, we can’t make up for all the teenage and young adult experiences missed: attending high school house parties, carelessly drinking on a weekday or declaring “Euro summer” the minute we’re done with midterms. Responsibilities persist, but so does FOMO. This FOMO gradually grows as we see people who are, in fact, able to do all these things and balance it out with their academic life, and this subsequently turns into the feeling of chronic overwhelmedness. Feeling overwhelmed can be caused by many different factors, and frontal lobe development can’t always be blamed for it. Common symptoms of overwhelm include irritability, hopelessness, lack of motivation, panic and anxiety, low appetite and even problems with the immune system. And while the best way of solving this would be to take some time off and take everything one day at a time, social media’s obsession with self-care would beg to differ. As our problems became more complex, the market economy has presented us with more niche solutions. You can buy hormone balancing supplements (with no medical oversight), a new body lotion with 10% niacinamide and 1% zinc, a new workout set and a pilates subscription and sip on your green juice all at once! If you instead prefer to focus on your education and lock-in, you can purchase ten different highlighters, a laptop stand to help your posture and a subscription to an app that manages your screen time. A lymphatic drainage massage might help with muscle relief (because muscles “hold trauma”) and a foot mask just might be the purchase standing between you and solving your actual problem of procrastination. Whether it’s a $300 white noise machine that is advertised to put you to sleep within 10 minutes, or a $500 ring that will track all your bodily functions, which will most likely not be accurate, all the problems you can’t even imagine having have been solved for you. You are no longer only overwhelmed but you now also live in an overcrowded space. As if being exposed to advertisements of these isn’t enough, you also have the opportunity to buy them and test them out. Because investing in yourself can’t be a bad thing, can it? Our chr onic overwhelmedness has reached new heights. We are no longer overwhelmed by our tasks, relationships and responsibilities. We have entered a new era where we are overwhelmed by our purchases and the possibilities of them. AI is thinking—and most recently creating—in our place, so that we have fewer things to worry about. Yet the feelings of FOMO persist, no matter how much time we save not doing a reading for class or not editing an application. We still get bummed out when our friends post stories from a night out we had to sit out on, and are haunted by the regret of leaving our assignments to the last minute. Our overwhelmedness seems to connect us to our irreducible humanity more than any emotion can. We stress about jobs, money, friendships and grades—because we’re human enough to understand that there is no definite solution to any of it. We continue to go out the night before the exam, knowing that we will regret it, and we do things knowing they will overcomplicate our relationships. We make mistakes, partly because some of us have the privilege to do so and partly because there is no other way around being human. We get overwhelmed and feel like the end of the world is around the corner, yet we wake up the next morning and at least try to be better. Being chronically overwhelmed shouldn’t be normalized, but there isn’t any way not to feel overwhelmed once in a while. And though a pillow spray might seem like just the thing to help let go of everything, there is a very high chance it won't. Not buying into marketing tactics that claim to help with feeling overwhelmed might be one of the most important steps towards breaking free from the “chronic” aspect of feeling so. So can recognizing that our biological development most likely isn’t the reason for all our recklessness. People over 30 get overwhelmed, and so do people over 50. We will hopefully be surviving at least 50 more years of feeling overwhelmed and missing out on things, so no need to waste all our emotions on it now. Photo source: Toni Blay on Flickr

It is a sequence of events Europe has seen before. A firebrand — either of humble, apolitical origins or from a generations-long political dynasty to uphold — rallies their formerly left-voting, working-class base who feel alienated by the establishment. < Back Rise of far right in Europe By Colin Lim October 31, 2022 It is a sequence of events Europe has seen before. A firebrand, — either of humble, apolitical origins or from a generations-long political dynasty to uphold — rallies their formerly left-voting, working-class base who feel alienated by the establishment. On a continent that aspires to be — and is widely lauded for being — tolerant and open to the rest of the world, the far right has attained an incongruously high standing in recent years. In addition to the more established Fidesz Party in Hungary, the UK Independence Party, and the Law and Justice Party in Poland, the recent electoral success of the Sweden Democrats and Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy have added momentum to the populist machine. Fueled by the increased flow of refugees and migrants from the Middle East and North Africa region and the broader Global South since 2015, such political actors have relied heavily on the othering of those whom they perceive as dangerous to and incompatible with European society. The European Union is also presented as a faceless, bureaucratic and undemocratic institution whose sole goal is to over-regulate citizens’ lives and to tear asunder their individual national identities. The omnipresent menace of the “globalists,” chief among them Hungarian-American philanthropist George Soros, is also a common feature in extremist rhetoric. Many of these parties have roots in neo-fascism or neo-Nazism, which remain persistent political entities despite their often highly public rebranding efforts. For instance, the recently elected Brothers of Italy, headed by Giorgia Meloni, has often been described as neo-fascist, and despite the party’s attempts to soften its positions to appease more moderate voters, its stances on the EU, the Russia-Ukraine war, reproductive rights and LGBTQ equality, among others, have alarmed people across Italy and the world. The line between ostensibly moderate right-wing parties and more extreme ones has been severely blurred. As radical parties occupy a non-negligible number of seats in legislatures, it becomes increasingly difficult for center-right parties to govern without cooperating with extremists, or at least strategically adopting some of their stances. Emmanuel Macron, as the head of his self-created centrist Renaissance party, has adopted stricter stances on border control, migration and secularism, all in an attempt to lure would-be Reconquest or National Rally voters and avert a complete usurpation of power. Bulgarian second year, Sara Kovacheva asserts that the renewal of her country’s right-wing in October 2022 parliamentary elections makes her “terrified” that the political right has gained too much power in recent years. “I really wouldn’t want to live in a far-right Europe,” she passionately declared. The recent trends across Europe make it “feel like we are only going backwards,” she continues. The vision of a united Europe is threatened by the rise of the right, but it is not a uniquely European phenomenon. The factors behind this emboldened far-right ideology — migration, Euroscepticism, wars in Europe’s neighborhood — are uniquely European, but the rightward and nativist shift is a global phenomenon that will hopefully be resolved before extremism has a chance to cement itself in the mainstream.