As a Muslim living in France, it has been difficult facing the day to day reality of an extremely charged and hostile political discourse that targets my community. This election has chosen our community as the scapegoat, and while the elites run free from their corruption scandals and the cost of living crisis slaps the most underprivileged communities hardest in the face. Here we are debating my mother’s right to wear a scarf over her head. < Back It’s a Good Day to Fight the System: Students Protest Zemmour By Ismaeel Yaqoob March 30, 2022 ‘’It’s a good day / To fight the system,’’ the famous lyrics by Shungudzo blared out as we stood together, on the Franco-Italian border, in solidarity with the everyday mistreatment of refugees in this exact place. We stood in solidarity with the women, the Muslims, the Jewish people, the disabled, and every minority that Zemmour has targeted in his bigoted campaign for presidency. Sciences Po Menton students did not disappoint, responding avidly to our call out, by in two days, mobilizing a coalition of students, local residents, trade unionists and activists from Italy through Nice. The crowd was a diverse tapestry of people from all around the world, all political colors, races, and languages coming out to reject the visit of Zemmour in Menton. There was something powerful about the moment where hundreds shouted towards the border police that formed a wall between us and Zemmour who was interviewing officers at the frontier post, “Solidarité avec les réfugiés.” We demonstrated that we were not turning a blind eye to the humanitarian crisis at this border and view justice as the right of passage for refugees. Our chants echoed through the town of Menton that day, from “Riviera Antifa,” to “On est tous contre le racisme,” to “solidarité avec les sans-papiers.” Music blared from campus anthems like “C’est la vie” to the Zemmour remix of “Ne reviens pas” to Stormzy’s “Shut Up” to “Boushret Keir.” We brought an energy that older activists told me they had never seen in Menton. They thanked us for giving them hope that the university was producing conscious students with initiative, energy, and drive. As a Muslim living in France, it has been difficult facing the day to day reality of an extremely charged and hostile political discourse that targets my community. This election has chosen our community as the scapegoat, and while the elites run free from their corruption scandals and the cost of living crisis slaps the most underprivileged communities hardest in the face. Here we are debating my mother’s right to wear a scarf over her head. The reality of Eric Zemmour’s discourse is not polemic or controversialWith his plans to force Muslims in France to change their names to something more “french-sounding,” his essentialist view on gender roles, and criticisms of so-called LGBT propaganda, it is outright fascism. Let’s not forget that he has also been convicted twice now on charges of provocation of racial hatred for his numerous discriminatory comments against Muslims. He has also sought to rewrite history, talking up part of France’s collaboration with the Nazis under Petain. This rhetoric is setting France back generations on the progress it has made at the political and legal level when it comes to discrimination and minority rights. A day before the protest we hosted a sign making session, in which students demonstrated their solidarity and disgust at the candidate’s visit with phrases such as “Zemmour rentre chez toi;” “On est tous les enfant d'immigrés;” “Solidarité avec les femmes du monde entier;” “les jeunes contre fascisme;” “LGBTQI fièrement contre Zemmour” “Plus d’amour, pas Zemmour.” The colors, creativity, and designing skills were all a perfect demonstration of the artistic flair and talent within our student body, that was truly activated in this beautiful show of solidarity with all marginalized groups. The truth is that Menton is a beautiful place, where some very ugly things happen. Menton is a town where the streets are perfect and the sun is always shining, but just a few kilometers away, a humanitarian crisis is taking place with daily police violence at the border. It is often easy to turn a blind eye to these things —that is the nature of these operations. They exist, so we do not see anything. This time our small town where the far-right typically flourishes sent a clear message that there is no place for fascists here. Eric Zemmour spends his days running a campaign that targets any and every minority that exists. We marched in solidarity with refugees, Muslims, women, Jews, the LGBT community, immigrants, people of color, and all other minorities to say that we will not let his presence be normalized. We will fight against his politics of hate. We shouted for solidarity with refugees, we shouted to condemn racism and misogyny, we shouted for our community from all around the world. We have taken up space, been loud and unapologetic in our sleepy university town, uniting locals and the international student body alike in a beautiful display of hope, peace and love that we can be very proud of.

Le refus de Netanyahu de démissionner laisserait son gouvernement extrémiste au pouvoir, prolongeant la guerre et limitant la possibilité d’une pacification post-guerre. < Back Après la guerre, quel futur pour l’Israël? By Anna Halpern January 31, 2024 La guerre entre l’Israël et le Hamas, nous en entendons tous parler. Que se soit pour le procès de l’Afrique du Sud contre l’Israël, accusé de génocide à la CIJ (Cour Internationale de Justice), pour des questions humanitaires ou sécuritaires, le gouvernement Israélien est critiqué très fortement non seulement par la communauté internationale, mais aussi par les Israéliens eux-mêmes. En effet, le pire manquement sécuritaire de l'État Hébreux depuis une génération et même depuis sa création a secoué la scène politique Israélienne. Du gouvernement dont les positions violentes se sont trouvées confortées dans leur haine de l’autre, aux pacifistes pointant du doigt les problème liés à un conflit de plus de 75 ans, aux opposants du gouvernement attaquant Netanyahu pour ses problèmes judiciaires et son incapacité à prévenir les événements du 7 octobre, cette guerre est perçue comme un tournant. La question reste la suivante à ce carrefour de l’histoire Israélienne: quelle voie va-t-elle emprunter quand la guerre sera finie? Tout d’abord, pour comprendre la situation politique Israélienne il est important de revenir sur les événements du 6 octobre 1973 et leurs impacts. En effet, on ne peut manquer de faire le parallèle avec la guerre de Kippour déclenchée exactement 50 ans et un jour avant. Les forces armées Israéliennes s’étaient retrouvées prises au dépourvu quand une coalition de pays Arabes menés par l’Egypte et la Syrie ont attaqué l'Israël le jour de Yom Kippour, le jour le plus sacré pour les juifs. Ce grave manquement sécuritaire avait à l’époque été reçu comme un choc. L'Israël, malgré sa victoire militaire, y avait perdu de son image de puissance militaire sans faille et le gouvernement avait failli en ignorant des informations qui leur avaient été transmises et en manquant cruellement de préparation face à cette attaque. L’impact de cette guerre sur la politique Israélienne ne peut être ignoré. En effet, l'Israël ayant perdu de sa confiance en son système défensif s’est engagé dans une voie de pacification avec les accords de Camp David avec l’Egypte. De plus, le désastre sécuritaire subi par l'Israël mène Golda Meir (la première ministre Israélienne) à démissionner le 11 avril 1974 et à la création de la commission Agranat créée pour enquêter sur ces manquements de la part des forces de défenses Israéliennes et de la Première Ministre. Dans le cadre de la guerre Israël-Hamas et de l’attaque du 7 octobre, il est plus que probable que l’on voit un processus similaire se produire, étant donné que non seulement l’opposition politique, mais la grande majorité de la population Israélienne exige la démission de Netanyahu (Selon un sondage mené par l'Institut démocratique israélien paru début janvier, seulement 15% des Israéliens se disent favorables au maintien du Premier Ministre au pouvoir après la guerre). Il semble donc que dans un futur post-guerre les Israéliens soient très motivés à rejeter le gouvernement Likoud en faveur probablement de Yair Lapid, le leader de l’opposition, ou de Benny Gantz. Selon la proposition de Lapid, le futur de Gaza pourrait être une administration par une coalition d’États Arabes tels que l’Arabie Saoudite et les Emirats Arabes Unis, mais incluant l’Autorité Palestinienne (AP). Néanmoins, la paix ne serait pas facile, surtout avec le maintien de sa position sur une déradicalisation nécessaire de l’AP avant sa participation. En outre, le futur reste encore très flou. Le refus de Netanyahu de démissionner laisserait son gouvernement extrémiste au pouvoir, prolongeant la guerre et limitant la possibilité d’une pacification post-guerre. D’autre part, chaque instant que la guerre se prolonge, l'Israël perd du soutien international, et il est impossible de nier que cela impactera forcément le déroulement du processus de paix.

Alors que les pays occidentaux et leurs soutiens s’enferrent à nier les fondements de l’ordre international qu’ils ont proclamé du haut de leur puissance, il apparaît qu’une nouvelle impulsion risque de renverser l’inconséquence complice des pays du Nord. En effet, le ‘Sud global’ entend bien chasser les marchands du Temple. < Back Au Sud global, rien de nouveau à l’horizon Lubin Parisien December 31, 2024 La France s’est félicitée du mandat d’arrêt de la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) contre le président russe Vladimir Poutine, pourtant elle a fait grise mine quand ce fut au tour du premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu d’être recherché par la CPI. La France a critiqué l’argument de la Mongolie, qui, se basant sur l’article 98 du Statut de Rome fondateur de la CPI et dont la Mongolie est partie, a refusé d’arrêter Vladimir Poutine en visite dans le pays sous prétexte que la Russie n’est pas partie du Statut de Rome. Cependant, la France a ensuite mobilisé l’article 98 pour justifier son refus a priori de procéder à l’arrestation du premier ministre israélien car Israël n’est pas partie non plus de la CPI. Quelle différence entre MM. Netanyahu et Poutine au regard du droit international? Aucune, si ce n’est que le premier est l’allié de la France et le second son ennemi. Alors que les pays occidentaux et leurs soutiens s’enferrent à nier les fondements de l’ordre international qu’ils ont proclamé du haut de leur puissance, il apparaît qu’une nouvelle impulsion risque de renverser l’inconséquence complice des pays du Nord. En effet, le ‘Sud global’ entend bien chasser les marchands du Temple. L’expression est chic, elle est commune et elle semble depuis 15 ans avoir une utilisation constante . L’incurie de l’Occident au regard du droit international—l’Irak en 2003 et les Palestiniens peuvent témoigner des manquements des pays du Nord—n’est plus à prouver. Pour autant, est-ce un fait exclusif au Nord? La Mongolie aussi a dû mobiliser des trésors de mauvaises fois pour accueillir Vladimir Poutine : l’affirmation des Etats du Sud global ne se conjugue manifestement pas par une perspective meilleure pour un ordre international plus juste. Les bons vieux instruments de l’hypocrisie et de l’indignation sélective sont appropriés sans modération par un Sud global pourtant porteur de promesses évanescentes. 80 ans dans les marges du monde Avant même de définir le Sud global un fait révélateur s’offre à nous: le Sud se définit séparément ou contre le Nord, contre un Occident composé de pays indéniablement puissants, dominateurs et riches, en premier lieu les Etats-Unis, les Etats européens, le Canada, quelques pays d’Asie ainsi que l’Australie et la Nouvelle-Zélande. Le reste, c’est le ‘Sud.’ Quand il y a un Sud, il y a un Nord, le truisme n’est pas révolutionnaire, mais il montre bien ce qu’induit l’expression de Sud global, c’est-à-dire une partie du monde autre, différente des puissances dominantes et dominatrices occidentales. Ainsi, le Sud global se définit en premier lieu par ce qu’il n’est pas. De tous ses ancêtres, le plus fameux est le concept de « Tiers-monde » énoncé pour la première fois par Alfred Sauvy en 1952, lequel dresse le parallèle avec le Tiers-Etat de l’Ancien Régime et son état de servitude. Les pays dont parle M. Sauvy sont en effet à peine sortis de la colonisation et de la sujétion aux puissances européennes déchues. En Afrique, après 1960, les pays anciennement colonisés par la France tombent souvent dans son escarcelle par une tutelle de fait et un ‘paternalisme’ pudiquement appelé « Françafrique. » Politiquement, la manifestation la plus ‘pure’ de l’originalité de ce Tiers-monde réside dans le mouvement des non-alignés. Alors que la Guerre froide sépare le monde en deux, des Etats comme la Yougoslavie de Tito, l’Indonésie de Soekarno ou l’Egypte de Nasser sont à l’initiative de nombreuses conférences de non-alignés, à Brioni en 1956 ou à Bandung en 1955 . En somme, deux faits sont à retenir: ces Etats non-alignés sont souvent portés par des figures et des membres plus éminents et importants comme l’Inde ou l’Egypte. En outre, il y a toujours la question du leadership et des batailles pour se l’accaparer. Tout parallèle avec l’Inde ou le Brésil aujourd’hui est purement fortuit. De uxièmement, ces pays se conçoivent à l’écart du grand jeu international, et c’est sur cette base qu’ils légitiment leur positionnement et leurs tentatives d’affirmation. Mais cette posture ne doit pas cacher des dissensions et la réalité des luttes de pouvoirs internes: en effet, un Nasser s’est singulièrement rapproché de l’URSS, la conférence des non-alignés de 1966 à La Havane est tout aussi singulièrement liée à l’URSS. A côté, des pays comme la Yougoslavie s’en sont toujours tenus à une prudente neutralité depuis 1948, bien que Tito soit communiste. Ces pays sont donc bien souvent totalement imbriqués dans les querelles de pouvoirs internationales structurantes, ils ne sont pas véritablement une alternative unique et réelle à l’ordre qui se construit alors sur la terreur du feu nucléaire. Le Sud global se nourrit aussi de la bipartition que font les géographes et les géopolitologues entre les pays du Nord et les pays du Sud, qui, en réalité, provient de la définition donnée précédemment. Cette bipartition séparait les pays sur un critère de développement, sur des données comme l’IDH ou le PIB par habitant. Dans les années 1980, une telle classification avait une certaine pertinence, les pays du Nord étant riches et développés, les pays du Sud étant mal classés sur la base des mêmes critères. L'Occident a beau jeu d’apparaître comme la pointe avancée du développement alors que le Sud est là encore dans les marges. Pourtant, cette ligne, dont le manichéisme a toujours été critiqué, est largement abandonnée aujourd’hui: un dossier publié par l’institut Géoconfluences de l’ENS de Lyon affirme ainsi que de « nettes et spectaculaires recompositions géographiques de l’architecture mondiale du développement [sont] intervenues ces quatre dernières décennies. » En outre, des pays comme la Russie sont désormais intégrés au Sud avec le Sud global au titre de son opposition à l’Occident et de sa participation au BRICS, non pas en raison de critères de développement, tandis que la Chine et l’Amérique latine demeure dans le Sud avec l’Afrique et les îles océaniennes malgré des écarts bien plus vastes avec ces derniers qu’avec l’Occident. Toutes ces dénominations—Tiers-monde, non-alignés, fracture Nord-Sud—ont précédé l’appellation de Sud global. Un point commun les réunit: être dans les marges de l’ordre international établi. Mais en fonction du vocable, ces termes peuvent sous-tendre une volonté politique subversive ou plus clairement anti-occidentale: ‘Sud global’ réunit tout cela. Pourtant, la subversion, si elle est proclamée, reste relative. Tout changer pour rien changer L’ordre occidental est démodé. Ses deux poids deux mesures en Palestine et en Ukraine ont récemment confirmé sa décrédibilisation. Sa propension aux guerres sans fin notamment au Moyen-Orient l’a affaibli. Sa prétention universelle ne tient pas longtemps face à l’affirmation de nouvelles puissances. Une formule du président turc Erdogan résume bien un esprit qui court dans les chancelleries du Sud global : « le monde est plus que cinq , » une allusion aux cinq membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité et à l’absence de raisons valables à leurs privilèges en premier desquelle figure le droit de veto. Le concept de Sud global cristallise les critiques légitimes que l'on peut exprimer à l’égard de l’Occident dans le concert des nations. Mais les pays du supposé Sud global ne valent pas mieux. En discutant du Sud global, de son histoire, de ses espoirs, on en oublie un fait essentiel: une imposture fondamentale se cache dans les discours. Pour être honnête, il faut bien cadrer le propos. Il consiste à dénoncer le vernis moral dont se pare l'expression Sud global, un vernis qui se nourrit de la juste contestation de l’incurie occidentale. L’objet n’est pas de discuter de la réalité effective du concept et de sa pertinence dans la description des relations internationales— un article de Bertrand Badie dans la revue du conseil scientifique de l’ONG Attac Les possibles en 2014 résume bien la réalité géopolitique du concept. Notre objectif est plutôt de pointer du doigt les faussaires qui utilisent la dénomination de Sud global dans un discours de justification de politiques étrangères qui doivent nous inquiéter. Erdogan déclare que “le monde est plus que cinq” depuis 2016, mais il a ressorti la formule dans un communiqué du ministère des affaires étrangères en 2023 pour soutenir l'ajout de l’Inde comme membre permanent du Conseil de sécurité. Ce serait un grand changement, mais seulement superficiel, car cela ne s’attaque pas à la racine du problème: l’existence de membres privilégiés. Le but pour l’Inde et la Turquie par derrière est simplement de s’emparer de plus de pouvoirs, un objectif bien cynique et qui ne laisse entrevoir aucune voie de progrès dans le concert des nations. Dans un communiqué commun avec la Chine lors d’une rencontre à Astana en 2024, la Turquie affirme que: « en tant que grands pays en développement et membres du “Sud global,” la Chine et la Turquie [...] [s’inscrivent dans] le maintien des normes régissant les relations internationales. » La norme défendue est celle de la course à la puissance, et non pas un droit vigoureux et égalitaire entre les Etats, puisque la Turquie a approuvé de facto l’existence d’une hiérarchie des États qu’il souhaite simplement élargir. De plus, la question du leadership du Sud global présage d’une vision toujours plus prédatrice des relations internationales. Ainsi, les pays des BRICS (Brésil, Russie, Inde, Chine et Afrique du Sud, avant l’élargissement), se disputent le rôle du chef de file ou simplement pour affirmer sa propre influence, d’où l’ aide apportée par Lula pour pousser la candidature, acceptée, de l’Argentine. La rivalité entre l’Inde et la Chine qui se cristallise au Cachemir ou dans le financement chinois du port de Gwadar au Pakistan est un exemple de ces rivalités au sein de la fausse unité qu’est le Sud global. Or, pendant ce temps, certains de ces chefs de file perpétuent de vieilles techniques de domination. Le ‘piège de la dette,’ bien que souvent fantasmé, demeure révélateur des techniques employées par la Chine pour s’assurer le soutien d’Etats fragiles peu regardants sur les taux d’intérêt de la dette et la bonne gestion des finances publiques, à l’instar du Sri Lanka sous la férule du clan Rajapaksa. Il mena le pays à la faillite notamment en acceptant des contrats d’entreprises chinoises telle que le port de Hambantota, dont l’utilité reste à démontrer. Le pays, exsangue, a dû accepter la cession d’un bail de 99 ans à la Chine en 2019. Les pays puissants du Sud global semblent faire peu de cas d’une quelconque éthique vis-à-vis des autres pays du Sud lui-même. Dans la construction d’un récit autour d’un Sud global, il y a la dénonciation du double-standard des Occidentaux quant au respect du droit international, visiblement optionnel quand il s’agit de M. Netanyahu ou de Georges W. Bush sur les actes commis par l’armée américain à Abou Ghraib par exemple. L’Afrique du Sud a décidé d’y remédier en décembre 2023 au sujet de la guerre menée par Israël à Gaza, dénoncé comme un génocide auprès de la Cour internationale de justice. Certains parlaient du pays comme du “ fer de lance ” du Sud global—toujours la question du leadership de ce Sud global. On peut toutefois croire que le motif de la plainte n’est pas qu’humanitaire, cet intérêt à être le “fer de lance” semble être déterminant. En effet, l’Afrique du Sud n’a eu aucune gêne d’accueillir sur son sol en 2015 Omar al-Béchir, dictateur à l’époque du Soudan, recherché par la CPI —dont l’Afrique du Sud est membre—pour notamment des faits de génocide durant la guerre du Darfour en 2003. Il y a eu environ 300 000 morts selon Amnesty international . Le deux poids deux mesures, loin d’être le fait propre de l’Occident, est aussi utilisé par des pays du Sud global qui profite du discours favorable induit par l’expression, une rhétorique d’atmosphère rudement pratique quand il s’agit de dissimuler ses propres contradictions et hypocrisies. Le Sud global incarne à bien des égards les espoirs pour un ordre international débarrassé des impérialismes et des néo-colonialismes. Pourtant, il y a une tension fondamentale entre l’usage qui en fait et l’image positive que l’on peut avoir de ces pays avec la réalité plus inquiétante de la politique de ces pays, renversant la table pour mieux jouer au même jeu que les grandes puissances d’antan. Ces espoirs sont nécessaires, mais il est illusoire d’attendre beaucoup du Sud global en tant que fausse unité. Tant que les ambitieux, les tribuns et les leaders autoproclamés d’un quelconque monde ‘libre’ seront aux commandes, le cynisme sera le gouvernail du concert des nations. En Occident comme dans le Sud, et comme le montre les protestations mondiales contre l’inaction occidentale par rapport à la politique israélienne en Palestine, c’est aux peuples de s’emparer des questions géopolitiques, c’est à eux de rappeler la nécessité d’un ordre mondial uni pour la paix, du Nord au Sud.

Dans ce monde, “chaque geste porte le poids d’une insoutenable responsabilité”, une responsabilité dont n’a pas su faire preuve la procédure pénale actuelle qui s’est distinguée par la légèreté de son prononcé. < Back L’histoire de Sanaa ou l’insoutenable légèreté des jugements au Maroc By Layla Hammouda “ L’absence totale de fardeau fait que l’être humain devient plus léger que l’air, et qu’il s’envole, qu’il s’éloigne de la terre, de l’être terrestre, qu’il n’est plus qu'à demi réel et que ses mouvements sont aussi libres qu’insignifiants” écrit Milan Kundera dans l’Insoutenable légèreté de l’être. C’est avec cette “insoutenable légèreté” que Soumaya Naamane définit le jugement declaré ce 20 mars pour les trois hommes auteurs du viol d’une fillette de 11 ans, condamnés à des peines qui atteignent peniblement les deux ans de prison. Elle s’appelle Sanaa et est originaire du discret village marocain de Tiflet. Ces dernières semaines, le petit Tiflet a fait les gros titres, de par l'hystérie qui a entouré l’histoire de Sanaa. Mais le récit de la fillette n’a pas fait qu’indigner, il a également fait écho. Il a fait écho à Amina Filali, qui s’était suicidée après avoir été forcée à épouser son violeur qui échappa aux poursuites par le biais de ce mariage. Cette histoire fit écho au drame de Khadija violée à 16 ans, s’immolant par le feu après que ses huit agresseurs innocentés par la justice sont venus à nouveau la menacer. Le récit de Sanaa fait écho à l’insoutenable légèreté des verdicts offerts par l’appareil judiciaire marocain aux femmes qui portent sur elles d’insoutenables fardeaux. “Aussi libres qu’insignifiants” écrit Kundera. La liberté conférée aux juges par le pouvoir discrétionnaire du tribunal prend toute son insignifiance lorsque la formation décide d’accorder de conséquentes circonstances atténuantes aux trois bourreaux de Sanaa. Selon le Code Pénal marocain, la peine encourru pour un tel viol devrait se situer entre 10 et 20 ans de prison. Cependant eu égard à la legereté des qualifications employés lors du procès, on parle non pas de viol mais de “detournement de mineure” et “d’attentat à la pudeur sur mineure avec violence”, les textes de lois prennent inévitablement une allure d’insignifiance. A cela s’ajoute les précédemment évoquées circonstances atténuantes stipulant qu’au regard des “conditions sociales de chacun d'entre eux et à l'absence d'antécédents judiciaires; et parce que la peine prévue légalement est dure au regard des faits incriminés”, leur peine devrait être amoindrie. Les indicateurs montrent pourtant des avancées significatives en matière de statut des femmes au Maroc. Que ce soit la réforme du Code de la famille en 2004 ou l’inscription de l’égalité hommes femmes dans la constitution de 2011, la tendance laissait à croire que l’heure était pour les institutions marocaines d’enfin assumer leur “insoutenable responsabilité”. Mais c’est un tel traitement juridique réservé à des femmes, des filles comme Sanaa, qui font enfiler à ces avancées le vêtement de l’insignifiance. Stephanie William de Mobilising for Rights Associates, analyse justement l’origine du problème: “Il y a un réel problème de procédure pénale: le code pénal marocain laisse l’entière appréciation aux juges de faire bénéficier les coupables de circonstances atténuantes avec pour effet de réduire les peines applicables voire de ne pas les appliquer. Cela leur laisse toute latitude pour fonder leurs décisions sur des stéréotypes sexistes.” C’est alors la légèreté dont est imbibée l’articulation de ces progrès qui fait verser toute les mobilisations, plaidoiries et mouvements des femmes marocaines dans le demi reel, le théorique, et encore une fois l’insignifiance. Car on peut s’acharner à changer les textes, mais comment s’assurer de leur application dans l’esprit et la lettre ? Depuis 1 an, Sanaa est mère d’un enfant dont le père est l’un des trois accusés. Sanaa porte alors à tout jamais l’insoutenable fardeau symbolisant son drame. Un fardeau qui doit être basculé instamment du côté des bourreaux aux moyen d’une procédure pénale qui prend toute la mesure de la situation et qui applique de manière stricte les sanctions qui s’imposent. Cette justice serait alors gardienne du monde de “l'éternel retour”, celui que Kundera oppose au monde de l’insoutenable légèreté. Dans ce monde, “chaque geste porte le poids d’une insoutenable responsabilité”, une responsabilité dont n’a pas su faire preuve la procédure pénale actuelle qui s’est distinguée par la légèreté de son prononcé. Milan finit par écrire :“le plus lourd fardeau est en même temps l’image du plus intense accomplissement vital”. Ainsi, alourdir nos jugements d’une telle responsabilité, les faire basculer dans le monde de l’eternel retour au même titre que les victimes serait un signe de réel, une lueur d’espoir profondément humaine mais surtout nécessaire face aux inlassables redoublements de vie des femmes marocaines. La récente mobilisation des femmes marocaines a abouti à un recours devant la Cour d’Appel de Rabat pour l’affaire de Sanaa. Le procès aura lieu jeudi 13 avril, on ne peut qu'espérer un verdict défait de toute forme de légèreté.

Rap seems to attract the worst of both worlds, awfully behaving artists and their near-blind cult following. The most despicable behavior can be forgiven so long as the musician continues to produce good music. Hip-hop fans have ease separating the rap from the rapper it seems, but this can set a dangerous precedent for the future. < Back Separating the Rap from the Rapper Pracheth Sanka February 28, 2025 Certified Lover Boy, or Certified Pedophile? This was the question fans of the rapper Drake had to ask themselves last summer. American rapper Kendrick Lamar popularly uttered these words during his and Drake’s widely publicized feud in early 2024. Lamar levied heavy accusations against the worldwide superstar , insinuating that Drake, or at least that members of his entourage, are sexual predators. While his claims are not yet fully verified , there remains select evidence to back up Lamar’s claims, like when Drake kissed an underage fan at one of his concerts, even after confirming that she was just seventeen. Still, even after these claims surfaced and being embarrassingly outrapped by Lamar, Drake’s superfans remain loyal to him. As an admirer of hip-hop, watching the “beef” from an outside perspective was a glorious experience. The clever wordplay and production of a song like “ Meet the Grahams ” satisfied the musician in me, and Drake’s humor on “ Family Matters ” made me audibly laugh, as he wittily struck back at Lamar’s assertion that his racial ambiguity precluded him from using a certain racial slur, the n-word. But the rivalry also highlighted a troubling pattern in the rap community: the blind adoration for the superstars. Drake, despite the alarming allegations and real-life instances of pedophilia, remained the year’s top-performing rapper and is arguably as popular as ever. If you look at his subreddit and all over Instagram reels, you can find avowed enthusiasts jumping to defend his honor and legacy as one of hip-hop’s “Greatest of All Times.” Even Lamar is not immune to this phenomenon; en route to his Grammy near-sweep and Super Bowl headline , accusations of his domestic abuse emerged from the Drake feud. This cult-like following, the unconcerned attachment to our favorite artists, is a worrying trend, one that has grown over the years in the hip-hop sphere. Formerly known as Kanye West, Ye’s narcissistic and arrogant behavior at the 2009 MTV Video Music Awards was cause for concern, yet his fans remained more or less supportive of his music at that point. Now, nearly sixteen years later, some of those same fans keep him in high regard despite his anti-Semitic and, to put it very, very mildly, politically incorrect turn. It seems astounding that even with his—and other rappers—persistently deplorable behavior, they can maintain large followings and even grow in popularity. These instances of course take us back to the age-old question, can we separate the rap from the rapper? Part of the issue lies within rap’s inherent relatability. While most may not connect with the sometimes grandiose and braggadocious rhymes, hip-hop’s roots are in the stories of inner-city neighborhoods, often giving a voice to the voiceless youth and marginalized who listened to it. As the genre evolved, so did its subject matter. Rappers began to speak about their mental health struggles and personal battles, something that struck a chord with many avid rap fans globally. Take XXXTentacion, who before his untimely death in 2018, released songs that talked about suicide, depression and heartbreak. Some of his hit songs, written when he was just in his late teens, include “ Everybody Dies in Their Nightmares ” and by far most popular “ Sad! ”, both of which talk about the rapper’s fight with suicidal ideation. His youth, relatability and talent propelled him into mainstream stardom, where he gained cult status and where he now remains one of the most listened-to artists even seven years after his death. But this popularity stands in contradiction to his often deplorable behavior. He was an admitted abuser who physically assaulted his pregnant girlfriend and he reportedly stabbed nine people. His connection to his fans and other musicians, as well as his early passing, seems to have given XXXTentacion’s legacy a shroud of innocence, hiding the dark past that mars it. Many other rappers can play on this relatability factor to conceal their misdeeds. The aforementioned Ye does this exceptionally well. While his current musical output is fraught with the use of artificial intelligence and controversial lyrics , his music of old gave listeners an insight into his upbringing, bridging themes of class, love and faith. His production prowess also lends to his status as another one of hip-hop’s greatest. This greatness has in many ways overshadowed his rampant anti-Semitic, pro-Nazi and racist behavior. Many fans still lay in wait, hoping his new projects will be a return to his prior merit, especially after their disappointment with his last two endeavors, Vultures 1 and Vultures 2. While some have jumped ship, his cult status maintains many of his faithful who seem to willingly ignore his peculiar behavior. But sometimes, it has little to do with the rapper’s perceived greatness or approachable lyrics. It's just that the artist has made good music and the perceived injustice is not deemed to be bad enough. Travis Scott is a prime example of this phenomenon. Known for his spacey and production-heavy songs, he is a hit-maker who regularly performs in front of sold-out crowds. One of these sold-out performances, the 2021 Astroworld Festival, turned out to be a dark stain on his record, as the overcrowded swarm of concertgoers began to collapse , leading to the deaths of ten people and the injuries of many more. While the incident was not entirely his fault, the rapper caught criticism for continuing to perform despite the visible conditions of the crowd and for his later response to the tragedy. Since the incident, Scott has released a best-selling record and embarked on the accompanying best-selling tour, indicating that his irresponsible and erratic behavior surrounding the Astroworld tragedy was just a small blip in his rap career. Clearly, even the loss of life does not deter the most ardent of rap fans. Rap seems to attract the worst of both worlds, awfully behaving artists and their near-blind cult following. The most despicable behavior can be forgiven so long as the musician continues to produce good music. Hip-hop fans have ease separating the rap from the rapper it seems, but this can set a dangerous precedent for the future. It’s already been seen with the recent arrest of artist A$AP Rocky, who is going to trial over allegedly firing a gun at a friend. Facing 24 years in prison, I’ve seen many fans proclaim dissatisfaction with having to wait that long for a new album of his, rather than voice distaste for his assault charge. Whether those comments are said in jest or not, this tacit acceptance of shameful behavior can enable even worse actions from some of our favorite stars. This endemic issue will inevitably grow larger as the genre continues to rise in popularity, and fans will have to ultimately decide whether they will stick to choosing the rap, or have the courage to ditch the rapper. Photo credits: Super 45 | Música Independiente at Flickr

All of these realities are undisputable, and for many women, especially those living in displacement camps, they shape everyday life. Yet this framing, while alarmingly accurate, is incomplete: it captures what is done to these women, not how they respond to it. It reduces their lived experience to suffering alone, overlooking the many forms of agency they cling to, their organization and leadership that persist even in the most fragile of conditions. < Back There is a woman in Somalia Ibtissem Remdane September 16, 2026 Women in Somalia are majorly described through the language of weakness: conflict, displacement, violence and loss. Somalian women make up 49.9% of Somalia’s total population. The country ranks among the worst for women’s rights , with a UNDP Gender Inequality Index score of 0.776, where a score of 1 indicates complete gender inequality. Furthermore, a startling 99 percent of women between the ages of 15 and 49 years have undergone Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) . All of these realities are undisputable, and for many women, especially those living in displacement camps, they shape everyday life. Yet this framing, while alarmingly accurate, is incomplete: it captures what is done to these women, not how they respond to it. It reduces their lived experience to suffering alone, overlooking the many forms of agency they cling to, their organization and leadership that persist even in the most fragile of conditions. In displacement camps, life is governed by uncertainty. Families arrive after fleeing drought or war zones, only to find spaces that offer limited protection and scarce resources. For these women, this instability translates into a constant negotiation for survival. Each day begins with urgent, practical questions: how to access water, how to feed children, how to secure small amounts of income, how to maintain safety in spaces where privacy is minimal and protection is inadequate. The risks are particularly acute and routine tasks such as collecting firewood or fetching water expose women and girls to harassment and violence. Overcrowding, weak infrastructure and limited access to healthcare actively deepens that vulnerability. Moreover, the economic pressure forces difficult choices, sometimes pushing families toward early marriage for daughters or precarious forms of labor. Yet focusing solely on vulnerability obscures an important truth: women are the ones who make survival possible. Within camps, they are the ones rationing food supplies, caring for children, and attempting to find stability when there has been none since 1991. This work is constant and demanding, but is rarely recognized as such. It is dismissed and reduced as background even though it underpins every aspect of the daily lives in these camps. Beyond individual households, women also act collectively, which is where their strength lies. In many camps, they build informal networks that sustain entire communities. These networks are practical and immediate, again, sharing food, rotating childcare, exchanging information and offering emotional support. They are not the formal institutions which were promised to them for protection, and they remain invisible in official accounts, but still they are essential. When those formal systems fail, it is these structures of solidarity that fill the gap. They demonstrate a form of social organization that is both adaptive and incredibly resilient. This collective dimension challenges the claim of passivity often associated with certain humanitarian narratives attributed to women in Somalia. They are not simply the recipients of aid, they are active participants trying to rebuild their country. While organizing around necessity, they at the same time respond to gaps in services and develop systems that allow families to endure. Their agency, in this context, does not mean freedom from constraint. It means acting within these very constraints and making decisions, however limited, that influence outcomes for themselves and others. There is also a broader political dimension to women’s roles in Somali society. As even when excluded from formal positions of power, they have long contributed to community mediation and peacebuilding. Especially in local disputes where they commonly help to maintain dialogue or reduce tensions. By championing cohesion across certain families and clans, writing about Somalia or advocating for it, their influence is unofficial but significant. Displacement camps are not isolated spaces, they are embedded within wider social and political dynamics. And the same women managing daily survival are also participants in these larger processes of negotiation and stability. One of the most persistent challenges in writing about women in Somalia is the issue of visibility. Even finding enough resources to write this article proved tricky. The facts are acknowledged and talked about extensively, but more often than not without centering their own trauma and voices. Their leadership is evident in practice, but rarely recognized as political. This gap between reality and representation conditions how their experiences are understood, and therefore, misunderstood. A more accurate account must therefore hold two truths simultaneously. Women in Somalia face serious and devastatingly brutal forms of violence, displacement and have to live with longstanding grievances. It hinders any choices they could ever make, and creates an ever-present system of ongoing harm. But the most important point there is to emphasize is that within these constraints Somali women are not passive. They act, organize, react and lead . Yes, their agency may be constrained, informal or unrecognized, but it is nonetheless very real. This dual reality is especially visible in the displacement camps and local communities in Somalia. They are spaces of hardship but also of social persistence. Again, these women hold communities together, sustain networks of support and care and create forms of order where little exists. They do not simply endure crisis, they shape how it is lived. Writing about women in Somalia in this way does not diminish the severity of the challenges they face. Rather, it tries to provide a fuller picture, one that recognizes not only vulnerability but also tenacity. Not only loss but also the capacity to respond. It is an active survival where agency exists not despite crisis, but intrinsically and fervently within it. Photo Source: Ilyas Ahmed

September 16, 2026 There is a woman in Somalia All of these realities are undisputable, and for many women, especially those living in displacement camps, they shape everyday life. Yet this framing, while alarmingly accurate, is incomplete: it captures what is done to these women, not how they respond to it. It reduces their lived experience to suffering alone, overlooking the many forms of agency they cling to, their organization and leadership that persist even in the most fragile of conditions. Read More March 31, 2026 Interview with Lenka Králová for the International Trans Day of Visibility Lenka is a trans woman, an activist, a parent, a podcaster with two shows called V Tranzu and TLK–Talkshow with Lenka Králová, a person with an incredible sense of fashion, an artist, former IT developer and a new member of the Czech Pirate Party. Read More March 15, 2026 The Question of Palestine as a Feminist Issue Palestine is often discussed as a geopolitical conflict. Yet it is fundamentally a feminist issue. Palestinian women face violence due to the genocide Israel is committing, seen through reproductive violence and healthcare deprivation. This leads Palestinian women to be disproportionately affected by different forms of violence fundamentally shaped by the occupation Read More February 20, 2026 The Art of Becoming: How Movies Help Us Grow Sometimes growth begins in places we do not expect. Not after a life changing event, or a dramatic turning point, but during a movie scene that lasts only a few seconds. A moment so small that, if you were distracted, you could miss completely. Yet for those of us, these seconds can stay with us for longer than entire conversations. They settle in quietly, becoming part of how you remember, feel, and reflect. They touch something inside you before you can understand what is happening. And those few seconds, those tiny pieces of art, can become the beginning of who you are slowly becoming. This is how movies have helped me grow, not through dramatic lessons, but through quiet moments that slowly shape who I am becoming. Read More February 15, 2026 The Iranian Judicial System: Institutionalizing Fear and Repression As mass protests continue to spread in Iran, understanding how the system of arbitrary detention is maintained is crucial in order to determine how it can be addressed. Arbitrary detention encompasses not only illegal detentions but also deprivations of liberty that, even when lawful, are disproportionate, unreasonable, or lack due process. Read More December 5, 2025 Renewal of the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. Read More November 26, 2025 What Women Learn to Endure: How Early Socialization Shapes the Structural Roots of Intimate Partner Violence On average, 24% of women within the EU face Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). In Finland this figure rises to 30% with Denmark being even higher at 32%. In the context of the Nordics, 28% and 27% of Swedish and Norwegian women experienced IPV respectively. These relatively high statistics are described as the Nordic paradox, which explores why countries that are often described as models of egalitarianism face the highest rates of IPV. Read More November 15, 2025 Syria's Invisible Wounds: When Justice Must Rebuild What Violence Destroyed During Human Rights Week, I had the opportunity to hear from Noura Ghazi, a Syrian human rights lawyer and founder of Nophotozone. Her reflections centered on the wounds that linger beneath the surface — wounds inflicted by years of arbitrary arrests, torture, and enforced disappearances. At the conference “Syria in 2025 : Justice, Memory, and the Road Ahead,” Ghazi addressed one of the most painful chapters in Syria’s recent history. She spoke about the chaotic and sudden opening of prisons controlled by the regime and the dark consequences that followed. Read More November 13, 2025 Beyond Ceasefires: Building Lasting Peace with Art From Shatila to Menton, artist Maryam Samaan turns puppets and knitting into spaces for healing and dialogue. Read More November 11, 2025 Quand le Caire faisait rêver le monde arabe, l’âge d’or du cinéma égyptien. Dans son ouvrage Arab Cinema : History and Cultural Identity (1998), Viola Shafik affirme que l’Egypte était le premier pays arabe à produire une industrie cinématographique dont la production était supérieure, en quantité, à celui des autres nations arabes. Read More April 30, 2025 The Price of Blood: Syria’s Alawites and the Cost of Power Syria’s post-Assad experiment will be judged not only by who governs, but by how it treats those on the losing side of power. Will justice be pursued through institutions, or through revenge? Will Syria embrace unity, or settle into division? These are not abstract questions. They are matters of life and death, national identity and regional balance. Read More April 30, 2025 Syria Today: Post-Assad Turmoil and Efforts to Rebuild Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. Read More April 30, 2025 The Future of Air Warfare: Sixth-Generation Aircraft & the Race for China, Europe & the U.S. Just as the early 20th century saw an arms race over battleships, today’s world is entering a new era of aerial arms competition, where superiority is not only measured by performance but also by how well systems communicate, adapt and dominate. Ultimately, the effectiveness of these next-generation systems will not be fully known until they are tested—not in simulations, but in war. Read More April 30, 2025 « Tombez amoureux de l’Europe ! » Le message d’espoir du président Enrico Letta Il y a un siècle les Français et les Allemands se battaient pour déplacer leur frontière, aujourd’hui celle-ci ne semble même pas exister quand on la croise. » raconte Letta à l’ouverture de l’interview. Il faut trouver une histoire globale européenne, et comment cette institution bénéficie à tous les citoyens. Read More April 30, 2025 Sanctions: The Key to a Longstanding, Powerful, Authoritarian Regime Sanctions do more than empty out grocery aisles and indirectly kill the innocent recipients. While the proposed intention is to combat autocratic regimes through economic means, rather than traditional uses of violence, the effect is often counterintuitive, propping up the very regimes they aim to weaken. Read More March 31, 2025 From Paradise to Perimeter Defence: What Making the Pacific a Military Playground Means for its Indigenous People It's a smart idea—if you’re the US government. Get rid of all your pesky hazardous material on an irrelevant island 6,607 miles away from the land of the free. Burn it up, blow it up, it’s all the same. Unfortunately for everyone else, the cost-benefit analysis is slightly less clear-cut. Read More March 31, 2025 Marseille, toujours une ville d’immigration? Marseille, deuxième ville de France, port phare de la Méditerranée, permet de comprendre la complexité du rapport entre la France et l’immigration. Une sorte de « je t’aime, moi non plus », d’une réécriture de la véritable histoire de l’imigration, ou encore d’un profond melting pot urbain. D’un côté, Marseille est une des villes les plus cosmopolites de France, avec une partie de la population favorable à plus d’immigration. D’un autre, un électorat de plus en plus séduit par les discours anti-immigration du Rassemblement national (RN). Read More March 31, 2025 Hey Chat! How sustainable are you? When we speculate about the takeover of artificial intelligence, we envision robots and robots with human-like abilities toppling the human race. However, as humans continue to deplete their own environment without regard to the rights of others, it becomes more and more clear that the revolution of artificial intelligence is already underway. At this rate, it is not the machines that will destroy us, but rather ourselves. Read More February 28, 2025 America First, Migrants Last: Trump’s New Southern Border Policy Trump’s new border policy isn’t as simple as just closing the border and getting “terrorists the hell out” of the United States. It encompasses a myriad of endeavors, each dealing a blow to the U.S.’ immigration program, which comprises one-fifth of the entire world’s international migrants. Read More February 28, 2025 Corps et Conscience: L’Écriture révoltée de Nawal El Saadawi La liberté implique-t-elle nécessairement la solitude? Ou bien avons-nous, malgré tout, besoin d’un témoin, d’un appui, d’une présence pour exister pleinement? Read More

June 3, 2026 Être élève à SciencesPo quand son pays est en guerre 65% des étudiants du campus de Menton de SciencesPo sont des étudiants internationaux, dont une partie est originaire de pays du Moyen Orient touchés par des conflits ou des crises profondes. Si certains conservent l'espoir d'un retour, d'autres font état d'une « relation difficile avec le pays pour lequel il porte de l’amour mais qu’il a à la fois toujours voulu quitter », ne souhaitant plus y vivre. Ce paradoxe entre attachement et répulsion marque le quotidien de ces étudiants, partagés entre leur cursus en France et les instabilités qui touchent leur pays d'origine. Read More February 25, 2026 Why I Drag a Suitcase to Italy for Groceries Everyone loves the convenience of a quick grocery store run. I, too, once lived that life of luxury. Living a mere two-minute walk from Carrefour, I thought I had made it. I could roll out of bed, grab a pain au chocolat and be back before my coffee cooled. Read More February 25, 2026 The Art of Domestic Failure: An Anthology of Apartment Mishaps You can analyze political theory and debate international policy, but nothing in the Sciences Po curriculum prepares you for the true test of intellect and will: surviving your own apartment. I learned this the hard way, one domestic disaster at a time. Read More December 22, 2025 Menton’s Senior Citizens Won’t Bite: Go Talk to Them! Shortly after arriving in Menton this August, I got the sense that the town’s older residents are not particularly fond of Sciences Pistes. For many students, this might not come as such a shock. After Integration Week, complaints echoed through the Old Town. As one woman eloquently put it, “Sciences Po drove us crazy until 3 in the morning !” The objections vary in subtlety, from frustrated sighs and muttered grievances to water-pouring incidents on the heads of unsuspecting Le Rétro-goers. Read More September 30, 2025 How I Survive the Walk to School Without Losing my Will to Live Everyone loves to brag about how they can roll out of bed five minutes before class and still make it to class on time. (Good for you, king. May your alarm never betray you.) Meanwhile, some of us are out here having our own daily Olympic event—a 20-30 minute trek to campus. Every. Single. Day. Character-building, they say. Trauma, I reply. Read More September 30, 2025 On Becoming Mentonnais Yet, for much of my first few days, the town seemed quite impersonal to me: I felt disconnected. Because for all its beauty, I felt as if Menton always found a way to avoid intimacy. It pushed me to ask, what does it mean to be a part of this town anyways? Read More September 29, 2025 There's No Place Like Home I have always felt that way because “home”, to me, has always been a patchwork. There’s the place you were born, the one you grew up in, the countries tied to your heritage, and now a campus far away from everything you ever knew. Each one of them feels like “home,” but then again none of them quite do. They overlap and argue with each other—they coexist like siblings fighting over the bigger room. Read More September 28, 2025 Locals Versus Students: One Town, Two Communities When you search Menton on the internet, you’re greeted with pictures of lemon trees, sparkling blue water, and beautiful multi-colored buildings dotting the coast. It seems like a no-brainer when choosing your Sciences Po campus – who wouldn’t want to live in one of the most beautiful towns in the world? But as students arrived in August, they began to realize that living in Menton might not be as pleasant as it seems online. Read More September 27, 2025 A Year in Retrospect Accepting that “leaving one place does not mean that I leave my problems behind” is the biggest lesson this place has, accidentally or not, taught me. Being content where one is is a choice, although not an easy one. Life can be a lot of work, even when living on the Riviera. Read More April 30, 2025 An Ode To Menton: Notes From the Edge of France As we 2As prepare for our departure, I wonder what my biased memory will frame my time in Menton to be. Is living in the Côte D’Azur really as luxe as Instagram stories sell-it to be? This is my little reflection to remember the highs and the lows while they're still fresh in my memory. Here are ten lessons (from the 100s) from Menton Read More April 30, 2025 Cocteau’s Azur: Exploring Queerness in Menton At first glance, Menton appears to be a quaint and peaceful town on the French Riviera—a place of leisure, history, and, of course, lemons. But is Menton truly as fruity as it seems? Read More March 31, 2025 Choose Your Fighter: Dual Degree Edition Though they are both great, one has to be better, right? Is being a Lion superior to being a Golden Bear? Are the views of the Bay more attractive than the sights of the Big Apple? Read More

Student associations were especially active in the month of February, hosting a variety of exciting events throughout the month. Click the link in our bio to read more about events hosted by Babel, MEDMUN, LFP, Environnementon, BDA, SSA and more! < Back February Associations Recap By Celeste Abourjeili March 31, 2022 Vegan Barbeque & Veganuary For the month of February, Environnementon was active in promoting a belated Veganuary. Students were encouraged to give up meat and become vegetarian, pescatarian, or vegan for the entire month. Besides recipe recommendations and TikToks on its Instagram, the association hosted a vegan barbeque with a plentiful menu at the Zoo on February 20. Sciences Palestine book club Throughout the month of February, Sciences Palestine held its second book club of the year. Every Sunday, participants discussed the short poetic novel "Touch" by Adania Shibli, combining literary analysis with insight on the Palestinian struggle. The next book club will be about "Salt Houses" by Hala Alyan — it's not too late to join! BDA Valent’art week BDA's Valent'art Week was both online and on campus. While the board members presented each day some of their favorite artworks on love via Instagram, the week was full of events. Monday was kicked off by an Acoustic Romantic Jam Session by our Music Club in Espace Etudiant, as well as the opening of poem submission. On Wednesday was held a workshop on "the art of Healing" in which our participants talked and drew their representation of love. The week finished on Friday with the final poem display in collaboration with SciencesPoésie to read, talk, and share thoughts about love. LFP x MEDMUN simulation On February 10, students came together in the big amphitheater to watch a collaborative simulation between LFP and MEDMUN. A collaboration between La Fabrique Politique and MEDMUN, the event ended with XX. Philosophical Society x UGE event: what kind of leftist are you? Students gathered together in the Soundproof living room on February 12 to find out what kind of leftist they are. With interactive activities, the event led to fruitful discussions about ideology, and more specifically, what constitutes a leftist ideology. Prix Richard Descoing On the 19th of February, students from each of the various campuses gathered in the conveniently-named Richard Descoing amphitheater to witness candidates compete in the prestigious ‘ Prix Richard Descoing ’ competition. The yearly competition celebrates the eloquence and rhetorical skills of Sciences Po students. Menton’s own Raphaël Phanor took home the prize for enthusiasm. MEDMUN drunk crisis MEDMUN’s crisis team gathered students together at Soundproof on February 19 to simulate the Menton administration in a battle against lemon-robbing students. The simulation ended student autonomy, the death of the evil dog of Rue Longue, and immense student wealth — in real life, the event ended with drunk (and happy) participants. BDE x Babel valentine’s day party BDE and Babel collaborated to host a party at Soundproof on February 19, which was moved to Sablettes and Bastion as the night progressed. The party included students from other campuses who were visiting for the Prix Richard Descoings. SSA Relationships Talk On February 22, the Student Support Alliance hosted a spa night and screening of Inside Out. Students channeled the spirit of Valentine's Day into self-love with nail-painting, homemade face masks, and a classic feel-good movie. Babel culture week In the build-up to Babel’s trip to Tunisia, the team organized a week full of cultural events ranging from a cooking session, to a henna station, to a movie night at the Eden cinema. The Tunisian-themed events got students excited for the spring break. Columbia Dual BA Event On March 19, Foxes & Lions did a “hazing” night to officiate 1A dual BAers into the program. It featured trivia questions about Columbia and a push-up contest, among other fun activities. Mafia remembrance protests On March 21, Understanding the Mafia collaborated with several other associations to march to the Franco-Italian border bearing the names of victims of the mafia. They were met at the border by a partner association from Italy.

Marseille, deuxième ville de France, port phare de la Méditerranée, permet de comprendre la complexité du rapport entre la France et l’immigration. Une sorte de « je t’aime, moi non plus », d’une réécriture de la véritable histoire de l’imigration, ou encore d’un profond melting pot urbain. D’un côté, Marseille est une des villes les plus cosmopolites de France, avec une partie de la population favorable à plus d’immigration. D’un autre, un électorat de plus en plus séduit par les discours anti-immigration du Rassemblement national (RN). < Back Marseille, toujours une ville d’immigration? Raphaël Guermonprez for SPRH March 31, 2025 Ce mois de janvier 2025, le Premier ministre français déclarait que les Français avaient très largement un « sentiment de submersion migratoire. » Pour beaucoup, ce type de métaphore est inhéremment lié à l'extrême droite, qui, depuis toujours, fait des immigrés un réel bouc-émissaire. Dans un contexte politique au point mort, pointer du doigt les migrants comme la faute de ce marasme paraît idéal, surtout dans un pays où près de sept Français sur dix partagent l’impression de Monsieur Bayrou. Marseille, deuxième ville de France, port phare de la Méditerranée, permet de comprendre la complexité du rapport entre la France et l’immigration. Une sorte de « je t’aime, moi non plus », d’une réécriture de la véritable histoire de l’imigration, ou encore d’un profond melting pot urbain. D’un côté, Marseille est une des villes les plus cosmopolites de France, avec une partie de la population favorable à plus d’immigration. D’un autre, un électorat de plus en plus séduit par les discours anti-immigration du Rassemblement national (RN). De nos jours, à Marseille, il n’est pas rare d’entendre, comme ce qu’explique Sarah à France Bleu Provence , « J'ai des collègues qui disent 'Moi, j'en ai marre de tous ces Arabes, de tous ces Noirs, il faut le RN ... Moi, on m'a dit 'Mais toi ça va, tu es intégrée'! Mais pourquoi on me parle d'intégration? Je suis née en France, je suis autant Française que toi! » . Mais quel serait le problème? Qu'est-ce-qui dérange avec l’immigration à Marseille? Y a-t-il une vraie ‘submersion?’ Marseille a-t-elle oublié son histoire faite de récits migratoires? Entre Marseille et l’immigration, une longue histoire Depuis l’Antiquité, la cité phocéenne est sujette à des circulations de populations étrangères. Des Grecs aux Francs en passant par les Italiens, la ville s’est construite avec l’immigration. Néanmoins, il convient de nuancer cette vision, et comprendre que l’immigration telle qu’on la connaît de nos jours s’est amorcée bien après. Même si la Marseille antique connaît des circulations de populations en raison de sa position stratégique dans le bassin méditerrannéen, c’est à partir du XIVème siècle que des individus migrent en Provence pour répondre à la demande de main d'œuvre. Le point fort de la ville, c’est son port. Ce dernier permet un développement commercial de la région et entraîne également une progression de mouvements migratoires et de brassages culturels, issus d’Europe du Sud mais également d’Orient, du XVIème au XIXème siècle. C’est le long des XIXème, XXème et XXIème siècles que l’immigration telle qu’on la connaît de nos jours émerge réellement à Marseille. Cette immigration est liée à deux facteurs. Le premier est le besoin de main d'œuvre. Étant une ville commerciale en développement, des populations italiennes, corses, espagnoles, maghrébines, sud-asiatiques ou encore subsahariennes vont affluer progressivement dans la cité phocéenne. En second lieu, plusieurs populations se sont implantées à Marseille en quête de refuge, fuyant des discriminations, des conflits, voire des génocides, tels que les Arméniens, les Juifs ashkénazes ou encore les pieds-noirs. Une ville tourmentée entre hospitalité et hostilité, pauvretés et richesses Ce qui surprend à Marseille, c’est l’ambivalence qu’il y a vis-à-vis de l’immigration. Étant donné sa proximité avec la mer, mais également son cosmopolitisme déjà très marqué, Marseille est un endroit privilégié d’implantations de la part des populations migrantes, issues surtout de couches défavorisées, par exemple, venant d’Afrique du Nord ou des Comores. C’ est pourquoi plus de 10% de la population du département des Bouches-du-Rhône (Marseille) est immigrée. La pauvreté les entraîne dans les quartiers les moins favorisés de la ville. A titre indicatif, l’écrasante majorité des immigrés Algériens et Comoriens, qui représentent les plus grandes communautés étrangères de la cité phocéenne, habite dans les arrondissements les plus précaires, tels que le 16ème ou le 3ème arrondissements. A l’inverse, Marseille est symbole de réussite et d’insertion pour d’autres immigrés. Des populations d’origine étrangère, étant présentes depuis plusieurs générations à Marseille, habitent dans les zones les plus favorisées de la ville. C’est notamment le cas des Arméniens, ou encore des Italiens. L’homme d’affaires Alain Manoukian en est l’exemple parfait: issu d’une famille ayant fui le génocide arménien, il est fondateur d’une entreprise au chiffre d’affaires à plusieurs dizaines de millions d’euros. Même pour les personnes à l'installation plus ‘récentes’, certains brisent le plafond de verre et connaissent une ascension sociale considérable. C’est le cas du quinquagénaire Karim Loufti , issu d’une famille d’origine marocaine, aujourd’hui à la tête d’un important groupe d’agroalimentaire halal. Marseille est ainsi à la fois une terre propice et une terre hostile au phénomène migratoire. Nous observons d’abord que Marseille, au niveau de l’immigration récente, reste une ville qui accueille. Face à une demande croissante en main d'œuvre, notamment dans les secteurs du bâtiment et des travaux publics, de la sécurité et du gardiennage, ainsi que de l'hôtellerie-restauration , l'immigration est une nécessité au développement économique de la ville. L’économie marseillaise tourne grâce à aux professionnels étrangers, ou aux individus ayant acquis la nationalité française depuis peu. Néanmoins, face aux discours anxiogènes du flanc droit de la scène politique, certains Marseillais s’avèrent de plus en plus hostiles aux immigrés, qu’ils accusent directement de tous les maux, tels que l’insécurité ou encore l’« invasion culturelle », avant même de cerner les raisons de leur déviance et de leur spécificité. La mairie de Marseille, d’orientation socialiste, s’efforce, malgré des désaccords avec d’autres acteurs politiques, comme le gouvernement ou des députés plus à droite, et malgré certaines politiques publiques controversées, de faciliter, à son niveau, l’intégration des immigrés dans l’environnement francoprovençal. En août 2021, d’après Nelly Assénat pour France Bleu Provence, « Deux jours après la prise de pouvoir des talibans en Afghanistan, le maire de Marseille assure que les personnes qui “viennent de Kaboul ou d'ailleurs” auront “toujours une place” à Marseille. » La scène culturelle marseillaise est également engagée pour mettre de la lumière sur la réalité de l’immigration dans la région. Cette réalité est à la fois une chance et une nécessité, mais également souvent une blessure pour ces mêmes migrants, devant quitter leur terre natale en raison de problèmes multidimensionnels, à la recherche de meilleures opportunités. C’est d’ailleurs ce que met en valeur la nouvelle exposition du Musée des civilisations de l’Europe et de la Méditerranée (MUCEM) intitulée « Revenir. » De plus, plusieurs quartiers de la cité phocéenne regorgent d’affiches, de peintures murales et de commerces solidaires, célébrant le cosmopolitisme à la marseillaise, tel que le Cours Julien, ou encore Noailles. Affiche de l’exposition « Revenir » // Graffiti au Cours Julien de Mahn Kloix rendant hommage à l’activiste aidant les migrants Cédric Herrou. La vérité sur les problèmes de la cité phocéenne Bien que la municipalité de Marseille fasse beaucoup d’efforts quant à la régularisation, l'intégration et l’insertion professionnelle des immigrés, il existe une réelle ghettoïsation des quartiers connaissant une forte population immigrée. C’est ce que décrit Philippe Pujol—journaliste de renom international originaire de Marseille. Pour lui, nous assistons à un abandon de la part des pouvoirs publics de ces zones, ce qui crée une réelle isolation, et par conséquent, une tendance significative au banditisme, ce qui explique la forte criminalité de ces endroits. C’est ce que Pujol montre d’ailleurs dans son documentaire « Péril sur la ville » datant de 2020, racontant la dure réalité de la vie dans le quartier défavorisé de la Belle de Mai. L'effondrement de la rue d’Aubagne en 2018, en plein quartier de Noailles, révèle aussi ce manque de prise en charge de ces quartiers, et de leurs habitants, souvent laissés pour compte. Paradoxalement, ce n’est pas la « submersion » qui est réellement préoccupante à Marseille (ni d’ailleurs autre part en France), mais plutôt la mise en péril des couches les plus précaires de la population marseillaise, souvent issues de l’immigration. L’influence des politiques hostiles à l’immigration et à l’aide sociale ne fait qu’aggraver la situation qui, à termes, entraîne une exclusion sociale, elle-même propice à la délinquance et aux incivilités. Dans une recherche approfondie, l’association Ritmo révèle la ségrégation socio-spatiale à Marseille, où le manque d'infrastructures de sport, de culture ou encore de mobilité, dans les quartiers nords (quartiers les plus précaires) est flagrant. Ainsi, le lien entre l’immigration et la cité phocéenne se détériore, du fait d’une précarisation des conditions de vie des populations immigrées et d’un relent xénophobe et raciste de la part d’une partie des Phocéens—adhérents aux idées phares de l'extrême droite française. La seule solution pour réparer ce lien, pourtant nécessaire à la prospérité de la ville, semble être celle d’une meilleure gestion, à une échelle nationale, voire européenne, de la question migratoire, afin d’éviter l'exclusion sociale et favoriser l’intégration socioprofessionnelle. En fin de compte, la seule vague qui semble submerger les Français n’est pas une vague migratoire, mais une vague de radicalisation de la scène politique. Photo source: Jeanne Menjoulet on Flickr

Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. < Back Syria Today: Post-Assad Turmoil and Efforts to Rebuild Maria Eirini Liodi for Sciences Defense April 30, 2025 The fall of the Assad regime in December 2024 marked the end of a dictatorship, leaving Syria free from Assad family rule after 50 years. Surely that’s a cause for celebration... However, Syria finds itself at a new crossroads. It is tasked with establishing stability and security in a nation on the brink of collapse. Today, the landscape remains bleak: 90% of Syrians in the country live below the poverty line. Bread prices have skyrocketed since the new regime lifted subsidies, electricity is available for just a few hours a day, the public sector remains largely unpaid, and banknotes are scarce, leaving the cash-reliant economy in a stranglehold. Adding to its financial constraints, the country remains one of the most heavily sanctioned in the world, second only to Russia and Iran. While the United States has paused its proposed 41% tariffs on Syrian goods, within the general 90-day sanctions pause, the future remains uncertain. Sanctions relief has been alluded to by both the EU and Washington, however, policy ambiguity persists, trapping the country in a precarious limbo. Where does that leave Syria in terms of safety? The country is facing both internal and external threats. Internally, local security has been jeopardized by sectarian violence in recent months, especially from March onwards. Alawites, an ethnoreligious group and Shiite sect living predominantly in Syria, have increasingly been the target of attacks by armed groups supporting the Sunni-Islamist government, who are thought to be carrying out ‘revenge killings’ against those associated with the previous regime. The reasons behind these attacks can be attributed to the Assad regime's legacy, given that Bashar al-Assad himself was an Alawite, and the sect made up a central part of the Shabbiha, an Assad-loyalist paramilitary force that carried out deadly attacks against Sunni civilians during the civil war. Aside from the historical origins of the grievances, an immediate trigger occurred on March 6 when Assad loyalists attacked a local patrol of security forces in the Latakia province, killing at least thirteen people and prompting consequent anti-Alawite attacks and revenge killings. In early March alone, at least 1,000-2,000 civilian casualties, mostly Alawites, were reported by monitoring groups in the regions of Latakia, Tartus, Hama and Homs. More recently, in late April of this year, fourteen Alawites were reportedly abducted and killed in the Homs region. As noted by UN Envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen, “every step towards establishing the rule of law—and moving on transitional justice—will help reassure all components of the Syrian society.” Grievances persist amidst both the Assad loyalists and those in support of the new regime. Additionally, external threats continue to compromise security, as Syria finds itself at the heart of growing Israeli-Turkish tensions. Since December 2024, Israel has carried out repeated airstrikes on Syrian bases, incurring several casualties, while also deploying troops in a UN-patrolled buffer zone in the Golan Heights. The true target of these attacks is Turkey, with Israel’s foreign minister raising concerns of Turkey playing an increasingly “negative role” in Syria. Turkey’s vested interests in Syria are multifaceted. For one, Turkey has been hosting the largest number of Syrian refugees since the start of the civil war. Aiding in the establishment of stability in the country would allow for the repatriation of some Syrian refugees, alleviating pressure on Turkey from hosting 3.2 million Syrian refugees. Turkey’s primary interest, however, lies in sustaining a ‘security corridor’ in northern Syria, tackling counterterrorism linked with Kurdish insurgency on its home grounds, and expanding its soft power through a growing military presence. This comes at a time when Turkey is preparing to deploy air defense systems in Syria’s T4 air base, concurrent with negotiations with the new government for a defense pact . This would increase Turkish presence in the country and bolster Syria’s military. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s response has been clear : Turkish bases in Syria would pose a “danger to Israel.” According to Israeli Defense Minister, Israel Katz, Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa’s new government would “pay a very heavy price” for allowing Turkey to further establish itself in the country. Given the various conflicting external pressures, President Sharaa is called to tread carefully in navigating Syria’s next steps. Despite the turmoil taking Syria by storm, there are some glimmers of hope on the horizon. The new Syrian leadership is taking a cautious stance diplomatically, committed to balancing ties between competing regional powers and positioning itself strategically. Experts suggest that Syria’s transitional government has a rare window of opportunity to reclaim its agency and stability. As such, the government’s next steps are of special importance, especially if sanctions relief is contingent upon counterterrorism cooperation and minority protections. If Syria can leverage its current relative freedom from Irania n dominance and can secure support from international actors and allies, the country may be en route to a sustainable transition away from its years of violence. Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. Photo source: upyernoz on Flickr

Division colors our everyday existence, but do we understand it? From where does the phenomena of polarization arise? In what way does the human psyche interact with digital platforms? How is technology being harnessed to sustain conflict and control the spread of information? And how does this impact our society at large? All this and more will be discussed in the upcoming Student Agora TEDx conference on April 9. < Back The Event of the Year: Student Agora Brings TEDx to Menton By Saoirse Aherne March 31, 2022 Our generation has witnessed the world become increasingly polarized. We were raised on technology which drives conflict, swings elections, fractures families, and facilitates the manipulation of millions. Division colors our everyday existence, but do we understand it? From where does the phenomena of polarization arise? In what way does the human psyche interact with digital platforms? How is technology being harnessed to sustain conflict and control the spread of information? And how does this impact our society at large? All this and more will be discussed in the upcoming Student Agora TEDx conference on April 9. We hope that in the process of understanding these issues, the means by which they can be overcome will begin to take form. Division. Dilemma. Dialogue. The Student Agora has been a presence on the Menton campus since 2016, though it has since gained the TEDx logo. However Agora has always aimed to create a platform for honest dialogue pertaining to contemporary issues. Agora president, Orianna Merer, underlines that the association connects actors within the Menton campus, drawing in artistic talent and consulting expertise from other student-led organizations. But beyond this, Agora aims to involve the community of Menton as a whole by inviting local residents to the April 9th event. Agora - The marketplace in Athens, used for popular meetings, or any similar place of assembly in ancient Greece. The name of this organization encapsulates its mission to create a meeting space where ideas can be explored and developed. In this pursuit, Agora emulates the values of our campus community; we aim to question all that we perceive, we seek to challenge our worldviews, and we build spaces in which productive and authentic discussion flourishes. Each year, the Student Agora organizes a conference, drawing in external and internal speakers to discuss a common theme. The first Agora conference was hosted in 2017, centered on the theme “Dare to Know.” This event showcased a Nobel prize nominee, a Middle East Broadcasting Center spokesperson, and a Syrian online celebrity among other impressive internal and external speakers. Since then, the Agora has continued to facilitate discussion surrounding topics such as “Walls and Shadows” in 2018, “Tales of Expression” in 2019, and “(R)evolutions: Motions for Change” in 2021. Moreover, the Agora has brought the world to Menton and Menton to the world by connecting a network of activists, journalists, filmmakers, politicians, correspondents, and even a Nobel peace prize winner, with the students of our campus. Though the mission of Agora has been interrupted by the presence of COVID-19 over the past two years, Agora returns in 2022 stronger than ever. This year, the conference will be centered around the theme of “Division, Dilemma, and Dialogue,” with a focus on the role of digital platforms in the phenomenon of polarization. Merer notes that what makes Agora so special is the diverse array of internal and international speakers who participate in the conference. She underlines the value of providing an equal platform on which both students and experts can share their experience. According to Merer, an excellent roster of internal speakers has been selected to present at the upcoming conference, from Ismaeel Yaqoob, who will discuss the means to create productive dialogue on campus, to Ferida Altun and Carmen Guintrand, who will explore the instrumentalization of political identities in the upcoming French election. Attendees of the Agora conference can look forward to six thoughtful and provocative speeches from some of our very own Mentonese SciencesPistes on April 9. This year's external speakers are equally as impressive, coming from across the MENA region, North America, and Europe. Each of the external speakers is described in greater detail below: Daoud Kuttab Daoud Kuttab is a Palestianian journalist, media activist and former professor of journalism at Stanford University. Currently, Kuttab is the director general of a non-profit organization dedicated to preserving and advancing independent media in the Arab world. At Agora 2022, Daoud Kuttab will be discussing how journalists in the MENA region can overcome censorship. Remy Dandan Remy Dandan is a French lawyer and YouTuber. On this platform, Dandan provides legal and personal perspective on fundamental rights and freedoms in French public law. Makram Rabah Makram Rabah is a lecturer in the Department of History at the American University of Lebanon and author of a number of books, notably “A Campus at War: Student Politics at the American University of Beirut, 1967-1975.” At Agora 2022, Rabah will be discussing the assassination of his friend at the hands of Hezbollah and the subsequent efforts of cyber armies to silence calls for justice. Rabah will explore threats to freedom of speech in the digital sphere in the context of Lebanon, pairing his insight as a seasoned professor with personal anecdote. Gary Klein Gary Klein is a senior scientist at MacroCognition LLC and a research psychologist. He has developed several research and application methods such as the critical decision method and the knowledge audit for doing cognitive task analysis. Klein was a pioneer in the development of the field of naturalistic decision making. At Agora 2022, Klein will help to contextualize the psychology behind polarization and decision making in conflict situations. Amanda Montell Amanda Montell is a linguist and the author of two acclaimed non-fiction books; Cultish: The Language of Fanaticism and Wordslut: A feminist guide to taking back the English language . Cultish was named one of best books of 2021 by NPR. Montell is also the creator and co-host of a podcast, “Sounds Like A Cult,” which peaked at #20 on Spotify’s top podcasts in the USA. At Agora 2022, Montell will delve into the power of language as a tool for indoctrination and polarization. Ezzedine Ghlamallah Ezzedine Ghlamallah is a teacher, researcher, and doctoral student in management sciences at CERGAM. After eight years of experience in the world of finance insurance, he decided to add an ethical dimension to his career by co-founding SAAFI in 2014. SAAFI provides consulting services relating to the legal and financial feasibility of structuring insurance solutions. Ghlamallah has contributed to “ethical finance” sections in newspapers such as the Tribune, the Argus de l’Assurance, and the Huffington Post. At Agora 2022, he will provide insight into Islamic finance. Join us this April! Agora is sure to offer one of the most enriching on-campus events of the year. What makes it stand out, by Merer’s account, is the centrality of storytelling. Agora provides a place for educational growth, but in a medium that is personal and vulnerable. Agora aims to evaluate issues through the lens of human experience; an approach sometimes forgotten as we study the technicalities of social sciences here in Menton. Indeed, Merer is optimistic that the Agora event will humanize what we explore every day in class, deepening our understanding issues in the MENA region and beyond by providing a portrait of the individual experience. Places are limited so be sure to book your tickets now to partake in a true celebration of exploration and curiosity. Aid us, the Student Agora, in our mission to foster productive discussion regarding topics which have long acted as a source of conflict on our campus and in the world at large.

As Sciences Po students and young individuals, living in a world riddled with conflicts, human rights crises, inequalities, and climate change disasters; the quest for peace can often feel like an unattainable ideal. < Back Celebrating World Peace Day: A Campus Initiative for Awareness and Unity By Naïa Berliocchi for MEDMUN October 31, 2023 As Sciences Po students and young individuals, living in a world riddled with conflicts, human rights crises, inequalities, and climate change disasters; the quest for peace can often feel like an unattainable ideal. Every day, we are bombarded with news of conflicts and suffering, increasing devastation for the world’s tumultuous state. In this context, World Peace Day, observed on Thursday, Sept. 21, emerges as a poignant reminder of the ongoing struggles communities face world wide. It serves as a beacon of hope, urging us to reflect on the significance of peace, recommit to global goals, and take collective action toward a more peaceful world. Our studies at Sciences Po, and in particular our interest in the Middle East and Mediterranean region, have made us aware of the numerous areas where peace remains elusive. In a region marked by complex geopolitical dynamics and persistent conflicts, peace often feels like a distant dream. The Collaboration: MEDMUN and the BDA In recognition of the importance of World Peace Day, MEDMUN (Model United Nations) and the Bureau des Arts at Sciences Po Menton came together to create a unique collaboration. Their joint efforts emphasized the significance of this day and fostered a sense of unity and activism among the student body. An Artistic Workshop for Peace The centerpiece of their collaborative initiative was an artistic workshop held on campus, featuring multiple paintings that depicted various peace-related issues. Art has always been a powerful means of political expression,, and this event aimed to harness its potential to engage students in advocating for peace. Four considerable topics were chosen as the focus of the paintings: Women's Rights in Iran: A powerful reminder of the ongoing struggles for gender equality in the region. The Refugee Crisis: Highlighting the plight of refugees and the urgent need for solutions. The LGBT Community in the MENA Region: Shedding light on the challenges faced by this marginalized group. The Situation in Palestine: Reflecting on the enduring conflict and the hopes for a peaceful resolution. Each painting served as a visual testament to the pressing issues that demand our attention and action. Through these artworks, students were encouraged to confront uncomfortable truths and consider the role they can play in promoting peace. Bake Sale for a Cause In addition to the artistic workshop, the event also featured a bake sale organized by MEDMUN in collaboration with Sciences Maroc. Delicious treats such as Msemen, brownies, cookies, and cakes were available for students on the campus forecourt. Fifty percent of the funds generated from the bake sale went towards supporting initiatives in Morocco, struck by the recent earthquake, underlining solidarity existent in the global community. A Call for Collective Effort This initiative underlines the importance of collective efforts in supporting peace-related causes. Through this collaboration, students and the broader community can contribute to the promotion of peace and understanding. It reinforces the idea that peace is not solely the responsibility of governments and diplomats; it is a goal that requires the active involvement of individuals and communities. World Peace Day serves as a poignant reminder that the dream of universal peace is far from realized. Yet, events and activities such as: collaborative painting sessions and bake sales, provide a platform to educate, raise awareness, and inspire individuals to engage in the pursuit of peace. It is a day to reflect on the existing challenges and to renew our commitment to a world where peace is not just an ideal but a reality worth fighting for. In the face of overwhelming odds, students at Sciences Po have demonstrated their eagerness to embrace this responsibility and work together for a more peaceful future.

For a week, we explored Israel’s historic sites, met with members of Israel’s civil society, and enjoyed spending time in the region that us Mentonese students have been studying so passionately. < Back Visiting Israel with the UEJF By Lionel Chambon April 30, 2022 In early February, I was approached by the Union des Étudiants Juifs de France (UEJF) Menton Chapter president, 2A Cécile Toussaint, about a potential week-long trip to Israel. I was both surprised and honored. I quickly found that nothing stood in the way of embarking on what would become an amazing week of visits, events, talks, and time spent with a wonderful group of people, many of whom I had not met before. The trip was organized by the national board of the UEJF in conjunction with Sciences Po’s UEJF Paris and Menton chapters. UEJF had invited campus associations, be they political, cultural, or environmental, to send one or two representatives to take part in the trip. For a week, we would explore Israel’s historic sites, meet with members of Israel’s civil society, and enjoy spending time in the region that us Mentonese students have been studying so passionately. On February 28, early in the morning, the whole group met for the first time in Orly Airport. Traveling alongside the Sciences Po students was a group of students from Sorbonne-Paris I. By the early afternoon, we arrived at Ben Gurion International Airport. Despite one of us having Lebanese stamps in our passport, we all managed to clear customs, pass a mandatory PCR-test and get to our first destination, Neve Shalom, by the early evening. A village situated between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, Neve Shalom was founded in 1969, designed to accommodate inhabitants from all backgrounds. In 2006, Roger Waters (Pink Floyd) held a concert there, attracting a crowd of around 40,000 people. Neve Shalom presented a great opportunity for us to settle in and get to know each other. There, we were introduced to our guide for the week, Moty Likwornik, who has been a guide in Israel for several decades and has even accompanied foreign government delegations. Moty talked to us about Israel’s history, its ancient civilizations, and geography. We got to appreciate the countryside and excellent Middle Eastern food. Not only would Moty stick with us the entire week and share his expertise on the region, but also entertain us during bus rides with anecdotes and gossip he accumulated over the years. We spent the following Tuesday, our first full day in Israel, in Jerusalem. In the morning, Moty guided us across Mount Zion into Jerusalem’s holy sites, which we were fortunate enough to visit in great weather and not too much commotion. From the Al-Aqsa Mosque and Dome of the Rock to the Wall of Lamentations and the Holy Sepulcher, it was incredible to walk across the historical sites which have been at the root of civilization for thousands of years. Visiting these holy sites was a touching experience for many of us, especially Muslims and Jews. For many, this was the first time they were able to visit their religions' holy sites. The Wall of Lamentations is allegedly all that is left of an ancient Jewish temple destroyed by the Babylonians, located not far from what is left of Mount Golgotha, where Jesus was once crucified. During the day, we also had some time to dive into one of Jerusalem’s Souqs, and discovered more of the local cuisine and arts scene. For many Jews in the group, it was their first time visiting Israel, making the exploration of the holy sites all the more special. In Jerusalem, we also had the opportunity to meet a Palestinian lawyer specialized in human rights law and an Israeli peace activist to discuss challenges Palestinian populations face within Israel, segregation, inequalities, and possible avenues for dialogue. For our final step of the day, we visited Jerusalem’s Hadassah hospital and met a French-Israeli surgeon. It was enriching to hear from actors within Israeli civil society who experience all kinds of difficulties and conflicts, but also opportunities to work together to complete meaningful work in the hospital on a daily basis. The following morning, we were greeted at the Hebrew University, one of Sciences Po’s Israeli partner institutions. There, we commemorated the victims who died during a Hamas bombing of the university cafeteria during the Second Intifada, including David Gritz, who was a Sciences Po exchange student at the time. We listened to testimony from Dror Even-Sapir, who sat only a few chairs down from David and survived the attack. Today, he works as a journalist in Israel and France. We also met Benjamin Canet, a former president of the UEJF Sciences Po and Israeli citizen. After leaving the university, we were supposed to visit the Israeli parliament, the Knesset. But, this was unfortunately cut from our agenda as an important vote took longer than expected and the deputies that had agreed to meet with us were no longer available. Nevertheless, we were able to look at the Knesset from the outside before we moved on to our visit of Yad Vashem, Israel’s Shoah remembrance site. There, we met Shlomo Balsam, our museum guide and Shoah survivor, who shared his own story with us, as well as that of many other survivors he had met — stories of lives destroyed, immeasurable loss, suffering, and desperation. Yad Vashem explained the Shoah through the perspective of those who had lived it by exhibiting artifacts and possessions that survivors had donated to the museum. No newspaper article could do justice to the thoughts and emotions that washed over us at Yad Vashem. Upon leaving, the mood among our group was despondent. The drive from the remembrance site into the Negev desert was the only outing in the entire week during which the bus remained silent. Nevertheless, we finished the day with a warm welcome in the Negev by a Bedouin tribe that hosted us. We were fortunate to enjoy some traditional coffee, tea, and foods by a campfire. But, it was only after the sunrise that we truly grasped the breathtaking scenery that surrounded us. The Negev surrounds the Dead Sea and stretches across Israel and Jordan. That Thursday, we woke up at 3:30 a.m. to climb Mount Masada in time for the sunrise. Masada is a very mythical place in Israeli and Jewish history, having been one of the last bastions of the Jews against Babylon. Up there, the view across the desert into Jordan and the Dead Sea is breathtaking, and Moty guided us through Masada’s ancient ruins. Next, we descended Masada and relaxed by the Dead Sea for the rest of the morning, which was surprisingly cold, yet very enjoyable under the desert’s beaming sun.From the Dead Sea, we headed West to the Arab-Israeli village of Abu Gosh. We were greeted by the town’s mayor, a Chechen Imam, a Catholic priest, and the French Consul-General of Jerusalem. Abu Gosh is known to host all religious communities. The mayor of the village stayed with us and shared insights on what governing such a diverse city was like before we departed for Tel Aviv later that night. Tel Aviv is Israel’s economic center. It is barely 100 years old and was built with socialist inspirations before gradually growing into a booming metropolis. Moty showed us Tel Aviv’s historical center and places such as Dizengoff Avenue, named after Tel Aviv’s first mayor, and Ben Gurion House, home of Israel’s founder and first prime minister. We also had the chance to discover Tel Aviv’s Souq before meeting with the French ambassador to Israel, Eric Danon. He talked to us about the war in Ukraine, changing dynamics in the Middle East following US disengagement, the signing of the Abraham Accords, and France’s role in the region. We also met Denis Charbit, a leading French political scientist on Israel and the history of Zionism. We concluded the day by celebrating Shabbat together, an opportunity for many to learn more about Jewish traditions and customs. During Shabbat, the day of rest, most of us used the opportunity to freely walk around Tel Aviv and discover other parts of the city. Some headed to Yaffa, where the beautiful coastline along the Mediterranean Sea could be admired. On the walk to Yaffa, our surroundings shifted to more heavily reflect the Palestinian and Arab culture and lifestyle. After Shabbat was over, we had the occasion to dive into Tel Aviv’s nightlife, which is also one of its most popular attractions. On our last day in Israel, we met students from Tel Aviv University and paid tribute to Ytzhak Rabin, a former prime minister murdered by an Orthodox nationalist in 1994, who was heavily involved in the signing of the Oslo Accords. After six days packed with experiences and memories, it was time for us to head back to the airport for our flight back to Paris. When studying the Middle East, it is always enriching to visit the region to build on what we have learned in the lecture room. Visiting Israel has definitely contributed to my understanding of the region, its dynamics, and its conflicts. I would like to thank the UEJF France and the UEJF of Sciences Po, especially Cécile Toussaint, for their hard work and dedication in making this trip possible and accessible to all of us. It was definitely a week to remember!

My best friend passed away from brain cancer when I was in middle school. I felt as though my Parcours Civique would be the perfect opportunity to honor her life. < Back Do Not Fear the Emotional Toll: A Reflection on a Children’s Cancer Center Parcours Civique By Riwa Hassan September 26, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? My civic engagement took place at the Children’s Cancer Center in Lebanon, where I mainly interned in public relations and external affairs. Once a week, I acted as a friend and a support system for children undergoing chemotherapy. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? My best friend passed away from brain cancer when I was in middle school. Her vigorous fight inspired me never to waste time. I always felt like I wanted to reward her, so I wrote paragraphs about her, mentioned her in most of my conversations, and always remembered her. I felt as though my Parcours Civique would be the perfect opportunity to honor her life. The children’s cancer patients I worked with never ceased to fill my heart with happiness and hope. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? In Lebanon, we have a civil society directory called “Daleel Madani” which I used to find my Parcours Civique. As such, I selected and applied to my internship on my own. Even before applying, I already had NGOs in mind. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? My Parcours Civique was unpaid. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? I benefited a lot from my Parcours Civique because I not only experienced field work and helped my community, but I was also introduced to a new field in my major at Sciences Po, Politics and Government. This helped me expand my career vision and my master’s program choices. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? Do not overwhelm yourself; always prioritize thinking of the people you are helping before what you get from your work. Do not fear the emotional toll of doing certain jobs because once you start working, you will put your emotions aside.

Si l’on peut dire que le cinéma est l’art d’enregistrer des vues tirées de la réalité, c’est aussi et surtout celui d’exacerber ces images en leur donnant un sens plus saisissable par le public. < Back « It Must Be Heaven » ou quand l’absurde démonte les préjugés de l’altérité By Zohra Riahi for Cinémentongraphe October 31, 2023 Si l’on peut dire que le cinéma est l’art d’enregistrer des vues tirées de la réalité, c’est aussi et surtout celui d’exacerber ces images en leur donnant un sens plus saisissable par le public. Explosions, violence, suspense ou simplement paysages époustouflants : autant de moyens qui tentent de séduire un public en faisant valoir l’émotion, au détriment parfois d’un travail rigoureux d’authenticité. Dans cette continuité de pensée, je souhaite aborder le sujet de la représentation de l’Autre. Un sujet qui fait sensation, autant dans le cinéma dédié au « bourgeois Gaze » en France, comme vu dans « Le Brio » (2017), ou ce cinéma fait à l’étranger qui souhaite « exotiser » les salles françaises. Nous nous interrogerons alors sur la production de films « réalistes » commandés aux cinéastes provenant de l’étranger, et en particulier à ceux du Monde Arabe. J’ai rencontré la notion de Néo-Orientalisme au cinéma pour la première fois au travers de l’article de Wissam Mouawad : « Petite réflexion sur le néo-orientalisme, Le cas Nadine Labaki » dans Les Cahiers De l’Orient. Sa thèse est la suivante : « Le néo-orientalisme est beaucoup plus dangereux, beaucoup plus sournois que l’orientalisme car de par sa structure même il tente de bloquer tout discours critiquant l’authenticité de l’œuvre en question. Il est commode de faire porter par un « artiste » autochtone (consentant) un discours exotique. Par là, tout le monde trouve son compte : l’Institution, qui réussit ainsi à insuffler un peu d’authenticité à l’objet de culture qu’elle veut promouvoir comme œuvre d’art ; le producteur, qui est certain d’amortir ses coûts en donnant à la fois l’impression de financer des auteurs ; le fabricant-réalisateur, promu au rang d’artiste (au sens fort) ; le grand public qui a l’impression d’avoir accès à des films d’arts à moindre frais (et à moindre effort intellectuel) ; le public des cinémas d’art et essai, toujours à la recherche de l’authentique, et qui confond souvent authenticité et exotisme… » Ici il décrit la logique de l’offre et de la demande, qui selon lui aboutit forcément au commerce des clichés. Il questionne la façon dont les cinéastes adaptent leur histoire au public. Ainsi, financés par un acteur extérieur, les cinéastes doivent adapter leur histoire aux goûts du public occidental, qui auront la confirmation illusoire que cette œuvre est authentiquement orientale. Si Wissam Mouawad analyse « Et Maintenant On Va Où? » (2017) de Nadine Labaki dans son article, j’ai choisi d’illustrer cette théorie avec le film de Elia Suleiman : « It Must Be Heaven » (2019) . Lors d’une rencontre avec une boite de production française, lorsqu’il est à Paris, Elia Suleiman se voit refuser une offre pour un film, car celui-ci est considéré comme « pas assez Palestinien ». Lui même palestinien voulant représenter la Palestine, comment un film peut ne pas être assez Palestinien? Ma déduction personnelle est que ce sont les clichés habituels : la guerre, l’oppression, la souffrance, l’islamisme; un parti-pris qui servirait à essentialiser son pays. Un film du Moyen-Orient montré en France doit dénoncer. Elia Suleiman, refuse ce parti-pris facile, ou plutôt tente de représenter l’absurdité de ce concept en analysant la France et les Etat-Unis sous le même prisme. Son film montre ses voyages et impressions dans ces sociétés dans un triptyque de la Palestine, de Paris et finalement de New York. Non loin d’un film muet, qui laisse beaucoup de place à la contemplation, on observe avec la même ironie que celle que possède le personnage principal (joué par le réalisateur lui-même) qu’il n’y a pas forcément de lieu où il fait meilleur vivre. Si la Palestine connait son propre désordre absurde, avec ses tumultes quotidiennes comme le voisin du narrateur, voleur de citrons ; elle est aussi représentée comme un théâtre aux récits mystiques, dévoilés par une iconographie typique du pays que sont les cactus, les oliviers ou encore l’apparition énigmatique d’une femme dans la nature sauvage. Plus tard, à Paris, le protagoniste ne s’attend pas à voir que la ville est vide de ses habitants pendant le 14 juillet. Au lieu d’être un moment de fête et de vie pour la nation, ce n’est que le vain défilé de la majestuosité et de l’armement du pays. Dans les belles rues de la métropole, la seule présence est celle des tanks et des avions de chasse. Et lorsque le SAMU apporte un plateau repas gastronomique à une personne sans domicile fixe, on ne retient que l’irrationalité et l’idéalisme de la société. Après tout, que pourrait un SDF vouloir de plus? Finalement, à New York, les mères déambulent avec une poussette pendant qu’elles pratiquent la gymnastique synchronisée dans Central Park, car selon la logique capitaliste tout doit être rentabilisé et exploité. De même, tout le monde fait ses courses avec une mitraillette accrochée sous le bras, dans la totale normalisation de cette atmosphère d’anxiété omniprésente. Pourtant, malgré le dépaysement, où qu’il aille le narrateur rencontre la même présence de la police et des points de contrôle, comme chez lui. Ce film ne tente pas de donner des réponses, il fait surtout émerger de nouvelles questions au spectateur. Selon moi, il souhaite montrer que l ’exotisme renvoie au spectateur. La différence que l’on tente de projeter, contraste-t-elle nécessairement avec soi? Qu’y a-t-il de si étrange dans l’Autre?

Eastern Europe is often viewed as an exotic, mystical land by those who have neither lived there nor visited the region. < Back The Phenomenon of the Slavic Girl Winter By Nadia Taylor Sol for European Society January 31, 2024 Eastern Europe is often viewed as an exotic, mystical land by those who have neither lived there nor visited the region. The ideas of the brutalist buildings, post-communist memorials and cold, sometimes rude people, seem to be the standard perception people have in their minds when any European country behind the former Iron Curtain is mentioned. While these stereotypes might already ignite some uncomfortable conversations and can easily make any Eastern European start a quick historical-cultural crash course explaining the differences between our countries, I now would rather focus on the often-overlooked harms and dangers of one particular issue: the fetishization of Eastern European women and the standardized image created of them. While Eastern Europe is an extremely diverse region with a vast range of cultural and physical differences between the population, the media fails to do it justice by highlighting Soviet heritage and painting them solely as a political mass of blonde and blue eyed people. This indifference towards distinguishing one nation from another serves as perfect soil for creating the image of the typical Eastern European woman. The idea of a tall, blonde, timid housewife with the perfect beauty of a Barbie-doll, mixed with the image of a fur-wearing gold digger has been circulating in the media for decades. More importantly it is currently experiencing its renaissance thanks to freshly popularized TikTok and Instagram trends. Looking at the videos of people glamorizing the so-called “Slavic girl winter” and decreasing the multiple cultures the ethnicity encompasses to the modern mob-wife aesthetic, with fur coats, hats and expensive jewelry, made me consider how harmful this portrayal is. Especially since the whole stereotype comes from historic roots that are based on the fact that most people, especially women, could not afford to look the way the trend tells us they do. The aesthetic of the trend is the image of women who were either born or married into families and relationships with men that have either gained their wealth through living off the general public or engaging in crime. Just before explaining the problems with the trends, I shall state that there is no problem with people finding the women of the region beautiful or complimenting them for their efforts to look “perfect.” The negatives become more visible when we understand the traumatic past that has led to the creation of this image and the dangerous future these often backhanded compliments hold. The phenomenon itself can be closely linked to the fall of the Soviet Union and the socioeconomic shifts the post-Soviet states and the countries of the Soviet bloc have experienced. The 90s brought poverty and, especially for women, a drastic change in people’s status within the society. During the Soviet years, every adult was obliged by the law to work, meaning women were not tied to their husbands or male guardians to provide for themselves and their families. The collapse of the Union brought both unemployment and an influx of Western, more conventional beauty and patriarchal media, collaboratively resulting in women creating a new approach to wealth and survival. The idea that women have to be beautiful to be appealing to strong and successful men, who were often their only chance to get over the poverty line, became a widespread concept in society. The approach created an ever-lasting and strong duality between the expectations posed towards women and men. While men should be strong, wealthy and successful to be able to provide for their wives, women have to be easy on the eyes and should be ready to serve their men in any way they can. The international image of the Slavic and Eastern European sex workers can also be closely tied to the above-mentioned logic. When the Soviet Union fell, people tried to leave to the West in a hope of starting a new life. We do not have to look much further to understand the unfortunate turnout of events many women had to go through to be able to support themselves in a new, foreign society far from home. With no other way out of poverty many turned to sex work and the jump in the number of Eastern European women in the industry created a new, fetishized image in the minds of many. Women from the region are now viewed as either parts of the sex work industry or overly attainable in exchange for a high-value life and money. And thus, the image of the expensive-looking gold digger was created. An image that we still struggle to distance ourselves from. These stereotypes, while clearly holding an ugly mirror towards the reality of the history of the post-communist Eastern bloc pose dangers in the modern day as well. First, they discredit any attempt by regional feminist movements or just women in general to make people focus on anything but their appearance. One of the greatest examples of this is how online communities reacted to images of Ukrainian women fighting for their country. While some did praise them for their strength and bravery, and made an effort to educate themselves about the ongoing invasion, others decided to stick to the fetishization of Ukrainian women – particularly unacceptable during times of war, when violence against women is used to assert power – compounding the harassment women have to experience both in the virtual and real spheres of their lives. The second most prominent result of these widespread stereotypes is the high number of women from the region becoming victims of human trafficking. It is not unusual for people coming from lower income households to strive to leave their hometowns or countries in the hopes of a better future. While doing so they often fall victim to targeted advertisements, focused on women with certain physical traits. Both the online distributed easy to access work or study opportunities and the seemingly helpful people at the airports can pose grave dangers, as they can end up being linked to organized human trafficking with a special focus on women from the region. The already existing stereotypes and the sometimes-re-emerging fascination with the imagined submissive nature of Eastern European women, a good example of which can be the leaked messages of Andrew Tate and his claims on preferring women from the region, escalate the growth of the market and make women even more vulnerable to the dangers of human trafficking. Currently, the trend of the Slavic girl winter, when not used by members of the ethnicity to regain control over certain elements of their own culture, does nothing more than accelerate an already existing prejudice against Slavic and Eastern European women. It pokes holes into the efforts of reducing discrimination and elevating them to a higher level in the public eye than gold diggers and submissive housewives. As with every other fetishized ethnicity, instead of playing into the general stereotype, the public should rather educate themselves about the diverse and captivating histories and cultures of the region, make efforts to celebrate those representatives of the Eastern European women who deserve the most praise and be aware of the harm generalization brings about.

It cannot be questioned. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has become the first hybrid war in history — taking place on the ground and online. < Back How Russians Are Using Cyber Warfare against Ukraine By Isabella Hehl Dalla Zuanna March 31, 2023 The use of cyber warfare in the Ukraine War is both underreported and of unprecedented magnitude. As Ukraine has been a cyber battlefield since the beginning of the Russo-Ukrainian War on Feb. 20, 2014, the amount of cyberattacks dramatically increased since the Russian invasion on Feb. 24, 2022. Yet, their efficiency and severity have been called into question recently, as it seems that in the last year, Russian cyber attacks have become less effective. However, especially following the Ukrainian cyber response, it cannot be questioned that this war has become the first hybrid war in history — taking place on the ground and online. Internationally, there is little common knowledge about the Russo-Ukrainian War before the invasion of 2022 and about the role of cyber attacks in this conflict. In fact, these have been some of the most vicious and disruptive cyberattacks seen in the world. The first malignant onslaught in 2014 targeted the Ukrainian central election commission. This was the first presidential election after Ukraine’s revolution for independence from Russia, and as a result of Russian interference, far-right candidate Dmytro Yarosh won by an overwhelming margin. The purpose was to support the Russian narrative that Ukraine was secretly controlled by neo-Nazis.When the Russian media broadcasted the news of Yarosh’s win, the Russian public only saw the narrative propagated by their government despite Ukrainian hacking accusations. In 2015, Sandworm, a notorious group of Russian hackers, took over Russia’s cyberwarfare attacks in Ukraine, targeting their media, power grid, and government agencies. This was the first time in history that hackers triggered a blackout, during which they destroyed hundreds of computers, turned off the backup power supply, and even bombarded government agencies with fake phone calls to worsen the chaos. While this blackout only lasted six hours, it had a clear goal: to terrorize Ukrainians. Sandworm continued its attacks, and in 2016, it led to the Kiev power plant hack, in which government agencies and national financial organizations were attacked. As a result, terabytes of information were lost and another blackout ensued. The state’s entire financial plan for the year was wiped. As an escalation of 2015’s attack and as an attempt to cause physical harm, Sandworm disabled safety systems in this transmission so that when Ukrainian operators came to turn the power back on, there would be a current overload that would cause explosions and injuries. Fortunately, a small mistake in Sandworm’s attack prevented this from occurring. In 2017, Sandworm’s infamous NotPetya attack unleashed the NotPetya malware, which contained a data-destroying piece of code. To execute this plan and spread the malware, Sandworm accessed civilian information through national institutions such as hospitals, and Ukrainians across the country received ransom threats that demanded money to retrieve their now encrypted documents. However, even if they paid the ransom, they would not retrieve their data, as the goal was not necessarily to make money but to damage IT systems. This worm later spread across the border, and impacted companies all over the world, such as Maersk, FedEx, Mondalez and Merck. As a result, thousands of shipments across the world were disrupted, and billions of dollars were lost. These attacks did not stop with the Russian escalation of the Ukraine War in 2022. Immediately before the Russian invasion in February, there was another cyber attack during which hundreds of computers were broken. Although it has not been confirmed if this was because of Sandworm, it can be assumed that the goal was to disrupt communication before the Russian military began their invasion. Arguably, cyber-attacks have contributed to the war in two main ways since 2022: decreasing communication and trust. At the start, Russia launched multiple relatively effective cyberattacks against Ukraine, targeting the country’s ability to communicate. However, the impact of these attacks dimmed, and seems to make little difference now. Furthermore, on both sides, each government has taken national civil action to take down each other’s websites, spreading misinformation and decreasing civilian trust in their governments. Perhaps, the reason why recent attacks have had less of an impact can be attributed to two main reasons: Russian brutality and incompetence, which seemingly have prevented Moscow from properly leveraging acquired cyber intelligence, and secondly, the resilience of the Ukrainian state and cyber-infrastructure, developed as a result of years of vicious Russian cyber attacks. Overall, it seems as though cyber warfare seems to be much more effective and resonant in periods of mild peace rather than full-scale war or other active military campaigns. Furthermore, Russia seems to be struggling with how to effectively launch such attacks and has instead benefited much more from non-cyber intelligence, such as human agents, imagery and signal intercepts. Ukraine has responded with its own version of cyber tactics through social media, where it uses Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, TikTok, Facebook and more to rally international support, which may have helped garner sanctions against Russia. These have also been accompanied by strong Ukrainian encouragement to boycott Russia, which has resulted in certain Russian athletes being forbidden from participating in certain international competitions. Even companies such as Apple ceased the export of their products to sale channels in Russia. While such methods are not significant enough to impact Vladimir Putin, it certainly influences Russian citizens, which is also highly important. Moreover, Ukraine invested in its own use of cyber warfare and established its own IT army on day three of the Russian invasion. Only several days after its creation, it already consisted of over 277,000 volunteers, many of whom were underground hackers who had been implored by Ukraine to put their skills to good use. Ukraine used its IT army to cause chaos and disturbance in Russia by giving it tasks to implement certain campaigns. For example, task number one stated that “we encourage you to use any vectors of cyber and DDoS (distributed denial-of-service) attacks on these resources,” naming resources that were business corporations such as Gazprom, banks such as Sberbank, and state organizations such as Moscow State Services. These tasks were often translated into English to encourage hackers from all over the world to participate in this digital warfare effort. This was a highly unusual form of hostility raising a lot of insecurity in other countries and the cyber world: if a hacker from a country outside of Ukraine, for example, Germany, were to be found hacking a Russian company, would Russia see it as an act of aggression by that country? However, even with these doubts, thousands of international hackers volunteered and participated to complete new tasks that were posted every several hours, already from the beginning of the invasion. The goal of this mission was to cause as much chaos and inconvenience as possible for Russia. While taking websites offline will not change the war, it will help garner a public international image that is anti-Russia and will force Russia to undertake additional efforts, money and energy to fight on the digital front. Last September, Ukraine’s IT army even collaborated with Anonymous, a decentralized hacktivist collective known for its cyberattacks against multiple governments, government agencies and the Church of Scientology, to hack Russia, showing how international the digital war effort has become. Other hacktivist groups that have volunteered to participate in the Russo-Ukrainian War are notably AgainstTheWest, BlackHawks, GhostSec and RaidForums Admin on the pro-Ukraine side, and Free Civilian, The Red Bandits and Gamaredon on the pro-Russian side. Overall, most volunteer hacktivists have joined the Ukrainian effort, showing the effectiveness of their media campaigns and cyber warfare methods. Concerning the Ukrainian use of cyber warfare to destabilize and hinder Russia, Ukrainian SciencesPiste Anna Hazolyshyn explained, “We have to use every possible way to protect and defend ourselves, and cyber security is just one of the aspects of that. And although to some people it may seem unnecessary, ultimately it contributes to our victory.” She went on to explain that the Russian cyber-attacks taking place since 2014, while perhaps serious, have had less impact on Ukrainian morale than is often assumed: “Russia was really trying to use these fear tactics to spread chaos and feelings of fear, but luckily Ukrainians became good at filtering the information and to not get emotional and fearful of hypothetical threats that were never proven to be true. The fact that even I, as a general citizen and a person who reads the news, the fact that I don’t remember the threats (of 2016’s Kiev’s power grid attack) being of such significance also tells us that they weren’t successful.” In conclusion, the first hybrid war shows previously unused forms of cyberattacks and targeted digital warfare in parallel to traditional military and nuclear efforts. While it cannot be questioned that these new cyber methods have had a great international impact, it still must be asserted that the latter is much more significant. Although cyber warfare plays a role in this conflict, it is only secondary and cannot unleash the same amount of death and destruction as armies, bullets and bombs. Nevertheless, Ukraine’s impressive digital developments could still continue to be a significant war effort, and if efficiently improved, could maybe even make a real difference against a digitally weak Russia. However, the most important contribution to the war is international support: Hazolyshyn stated that “many people in the West really don’t think that events happening in Ukraine and Georgia can affect them because it’s on the other side of the world.” However, Russia has been leading cyberattacks against Western countries as well, such as the U.S. and U.K. This war, therefore, involves us all. As stated by Hazolyshyn, “it is not just about Ukraine. It is about global security and democratic security.”

MEDMUN 2022 is,without doubt, shaping up to be one of the most unique experiences in Menton. The vast array of delegates from all over the world unite together in a sleepy-town-turned-global-forum for stimulating debates concerning some of our world’s biggest issues. < Back What Does the 2022 Mediterranean MUN Conference Have in Store for Menton? By Georgia Mckarrecher March 31, 2022 Believe it or not, it really is that time of year already. The official Mediterranean Model United Nations is just around the corner, beginning on Friday, 1 April. Not only will the conference witness some of our globe’s brightest young minds coming together from all corners of the world, but they will be tackling some of the most intriguing geopolitical crises facing the North African, Middle Eastern, and Mediterranean regions. As the first in-person MEDMUN conference Menton has seen in two years, the anticipation permeating MEDMUN’s Mentonese branch is palpable. Despite a series of stresses, strains, and a few emotional breakdowns, we’re finally going to see people from all over the world gathered in our very own Menton. One only needs to exchange a few quick words with MEDMUN’s members to feel the excitement in the air for the event. While there have undoubtedly been ups and downs punctuating the experiences of all members, an overwhelming sense of pride and dedication unites them all. Basile Rochet, the Secretary-General of MEDMUN for 2021-2022, highlighted this sense of complex amour surrounding his role in the organisation. While he described his experience as a member as being “intense,” and considered how throughout the year he has “rarely [had] a week off,” he still concluded that the fruits of his labor are undoubtedly worth the trials and tribulations. Likewise, Deputy Secretary-General Celeste Abourjeili reflected that despite her experiences with MEDMUN “varying greatly over the last two years,” having been peppered with COVID-19 crises, lockdowns, and a multitude of other stresses, “at the same time it’s super exciting to see it all come together for the first time.” The various members of MEDMUN have been endlessly devoting their energies over the past semester to make this exceptional experience come together, culminating in remarkable results. Every individual has tackled different challenges across their respective areas of responsibility, ranging from Angeliki Vytogianni, the Head of the English Committee, to Giulia Vigoriti the Head of Finance. Seeing all of these hardworking individuals gradually come together, amalgamating their once-discordant ideas and coordinating their actions to create an ever-clearer image of what MEDMUN 2022 is coming to look like can be described as nothing other than elating. “I can’t wait to see the final product after watching our amazing team work all year towards this,” said Abourjeili. “I’ve seen our team put in so much hard work… we’ve put [the event] together from scratch.” Take the example of Emilio Egger Prieto, the English-Speaking Committee Coordinator, as just one example of the back-breaking lengths MEDMUN’s members have taken to coordinate this conference. “As the MEDMUN conference is coming closer, being part of the MEDMUN board is becoming more and more stressful,” he said. However, Egger Prieto is finally beginning to see the “light at the end of the tunnel” with the conference taking place in only two weeks. “Over the course of the year, I have honestly developed a sense of pride in the amazing work the team has put into our committees… seeing everything come together will just be so satisfying.” Having found over 100 delegates to be involved in these committees, taking charge to assign them to positions based on their interests and skill sets developed from past MUN participation, Egger Prieto is only one of the members who has toiled tirelessly to piece the patchwork of the conference together. Rochet and Abourjeili have both reflected further upon how grateful they are for the continued work of all members, with Rochet specially recognizing the “sacrifices” individuals have had to make in preparation for the long-anticipated event. “I am proud of my team,” he posited “When I see everyone in the team taking their free time to work for MEDMUN, it’s a great satisfaction.” Sandra El Alam, Chair Coordinator for the French Committees, while acknowledging that various hitches punctuated her recent MEDMUN experiences, stressed that she is “proud of the teamwork” and that it is all worth it for the “thrilling” chance to “meet people from all around the world… all coming for MEDMUN.” Abourjeili’s words were particularly poignant in her final reflections on MEDMUN’s proudest achievements. “A project of this scale is never an easy feat, and of course problems are inevitable.” Although she, Rochet, and other members admitted to several disagreements between one another, “MEDMUN would be nothing without this collaborative dynamic… every single member of the team serves an integral role in our conference.” MEDMUN 2022 is,without doubt, shaping up to be one of the most unique experiences in Menton. The vast array of delegates from all over the world unite together in a sleepy-town-turned-global-forum for stimulating debates concerning some of our world’s biggest issues. You can keep up to date on the happenings of the event from April 1 to 3 of April through MEDMUN’s Instagram .

As the conflict in Ukraine persists, the analysis of historical environmental warfare tactics is all the more relevant. Even though the  front lines remain relatively unchanged, it is no secret that the ecological destruction and death toll have had irreversible repercussions. < Back Manifestations of the Environmental Consequences of Warfare By Alexandra Iliopoulou and Christopher López Rodríguez for Environnementon October 31, 2023 Many of us attended the Ecological Literacy course last semester, which detailed the basic tenets of the ecological question based on Sciences Po Paris professor Pierre Charbonnier’s book Culture Écologique . However, one aspect of environmental disturbance, the environmental implications of warfare, was largely excluded from the course’s curriculum. Considering the Menton campus’ focus on Mediterranean and Middle Eastern politics, there is a vast range of historical examples to draw from regarding environmental warfare, such as the Islamic State’s weaponization of water and seizure of oil fields or deforestation as a result of Turkish efforts to control rural territories amidst the rise in Kurdish insurgency activity; highlighting the pertinence for the Menton campus. As the conflict in Ukraine persists, the analysis of historical environmental warfare tactics is all the more relevant. Even though the front lines remain relatively unchanged, it is no secret that the ecological destruction and death toll have had irreversible repercussions. This past June, the destruction of the Kakhovka dam unleashed pollutants and agricultural chemicals into the local ecosystem, contaminated water supply, destroyed farmland, and eradicated villages, resulting in over 100 deaths. These effects – stated environmental activist Greta Thunberg– are ecocide, characterized by severe long term environmental impact as a result of human activity, and may end up warranting prosecution in the International Criminal Court (ICC). Using destructive force to purposefully harm and destroy ecological habitats for strategic gain is not new to military campaigns. In his paper The Environmental Effects of War , Philip Swintek describes how “throughout history, armies have burned enemy crops and fields, rivers have been dammed, and water supplies have been poisoned, all in the name of war.” Yet, it was not until the introduction of modern technological methods in warfare that this phenomenon manifested in a newer, more dangerous light. From the use of chemical weapons to intensify the risk of fatality to the use of flamethrowers and napalm to expel camouflaged combatants from forests lit ablaze, many modern war strategies have been crafted with the specific purpose of destroying the environment to neutralize opposing forces. When paired with the notion that wealthier countries have significant advantages in military investment capabilities and generally larger budgets to mitigate or control such environmental damage, the inequity in the creation and alleviation of this environmental damage also becomes clear. Russia’s purported role in the dam’s destruction serves as an example of a tactical justification of environmental damage, as outlined in Anna Feuer’s framework that details the various incentives that mold the practice of environmental warfare. In these cases, actors cause environmental damage to directly support military operations against strategic targets. The other five justifications that Feuer details include political, ideological, cultural, technological, and strategic motivations. Cultural incentives include narratives that perpetuate colonial ideas that “uncivilized” countries cannot provide proper stewardship of their land. These arguments are often weaponized to justify environmental destruction where the local populations might have a tactical advantage. The use of cultural motifs present in the environment should also not be remiss; the Israel Defense Forces disregarded the cultural value of the olive tree, a longstanding symbol of national identity to the Palestinians, when they uprooted olive groves during the First Intifada to build infrastructure and increase visibility in conflict zones. Among the most common justifications are strategic incentives that militaries exhibit, such as deforestation to increase the visibility of militant targets. The ongoing Kurdish-Turkish conflict serves to illustrate the strategic incentive behind ecological destruction. With the origins of the insurgency beginning in the 1970s, the conflict has been fought in mostly rural areas. Through an environmental lens, Dr. Mehmet Gurses has analyzed the response of the Turkish government , asserting that the practice of deforestation in a rural landscape is “ a direct result of the [Turkish] state’s deliberate policies to undermine rebels’ ability to operate.” Environmental damage materialized in various ways, but mainly through the direct targeting of flora, with the aim of rendering targeted vegetation fruitless. This, in turn, destroyed the agriculturally reliant economies of the southeastern regions of Turkey. Furthermore, Gurses claims that the decimation of natural habitats as deliberate targets, especially considering the devastation in economies that rely on agricultural production, has hindered the preservation of peace following the war. Overall, the evolution of warfare has surfaced unique worries and new capabilities for ecological destruction. Knowledge of frameworks such as those created by Feuer is instrumental in analyzing modern conflicts such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the Kurdish-Turkish conflict, as well as for recognizing a need to create legal guidelines to prosecute these crimes. A proposal has been brought forth to the ICC to include ecocide as a fifth crime, eligible for prosecution by the ICC, but it has yet to be adopted into the Rome Statute, the text that established the ICC. Such an amendment would require the proposal to amass a two-thirds vote of the signatories. Even then, experts express that there are various constraints and limitations to the efficacy of international law and its clash with state sovereignty. Nonetheless, the statute would have the potential to deter corporations and state actors from committing ecocide and create a legal classification for explicit crimes of ecocide to be prosecuted.