< Back Sea, Sun and Surveillance: Menton’s Fete du Citron Introduces New Security Measures By Catarina Vita March 30, 2024 From the beginning to late February, the Cote D’Azur — more specifically the city of Menton — transforms from an abandoned summer paradise into an epicenter of tourism. Businesses of every kind come to life with Menton’s Fete du Citron, better known as the Lemon Festival. The city of Menton, currently harboring one of the most significant migrant crises globally, gathers tourists from all over the world around the city’s humble 14.05 kilometers squared area to admire statues made almost entirely out of lemons at the Jardins Biovès, delve into the orchid exposition right across the street in the Palais d’Europe, and walk straight and up the stairs to visit the iconic Basilique de Saint Michel Archange. Thursday evenings and Sunday afternoons, however, hold the true gist of the Lemon Festival: the parades. Including everything from cheerleaders to a Trojan Horse, everyone gathers around Avenue Felix Faure to celebrate the parades, rain or sunshine. This year’s theme was the Paris Olympics, and all statues revolved around that, with Olympic swimmers and wrestlers welcoming tourists that arrive from the train station into Menton. According to France3 , Menton was expected to receive 30,000 people for the festival, doubling the city’s population. Similarly to the Olympics itself, the Menton government reinforced security measures during the period of the Lemon Festival. Yearly, the government installs smaller lemon-made sculptures around the city, which usually find themselves empty after a few days of their installation. With the large influx of people in a small city, pickpockets surge. This year, the Menton government aimed to reinforce its security and surveillance measures, both through manpower and security cameras. France3 reported that 150 national police officers were dedicated to the event, as well as 50 municipal police officers. Surveillance cameras were placed in various locations of the city, especially in the lemon-made statues around the Old Town. Near the Basilique, where such a statue was placed, a big, red sign with white letters contrasted the yellow of the lemons: cette zone est surveillée. Another technology-based effort recently implemented is drone surveillance, also reaffirmed by France3. To access the traditional festival parades, an intricate security check is mandatory. The new metal-detecting device Evolv , similar to ones in airports and museums, was implemented for the attendees of the parade. The official Menton Préfecture website recommended arriving two hours before the parade due to intricate security checks, including bag search. In an interview for BFM Cote d’Azur , Aurélien Froger, a police officer placed in Menton for the Lemon Festival, recounts the dangers posed during this period, specifically during the parades. He describes two main ones, those caused by crowds and those caused by individuals. The crowds, according to Froger, can cause panic and instability, while the officer was concerned about knife violence with regard to the security threats posed by individuals. “When there is a crowd, there is always a concern,” says Froger. Another police officer described that the security team examined the parade areas before people arrived to ensure that “nothing dangerous” was placed on these premises. The collective local and national efforts for the Lemon Festival’s success reveal the importance of this period on a macro and micro scale. Evidently, the festival turns the lemons of the Mentonese economy during the winter season into lemonade, reviving chain hotels and small businesses. A small carelessness on the part of security during the festival could cause its collapse and with it, the collapse of Menton and the Cote d’Azur during winter. Thankfully for businesses and tourism, the 2024 edition of the Fete du Citron, also being the 90th edition of the festival, had surprising numbers. The Menton Préfecture website recorded almost 100,000 spectators to all four parades, 74,000 people in the orchid exposition at Palais d’Europe, and over a million accessors to the official Fete du Citron website. One of the smallest cities in the Cote d’Azur suddenly becomes overcrowded in February, which could lead to a security catastrophe. With security efforts like the ones imposed in this year’s edition of the Lemon Festival, a catastrophe like that could be considered successfully prevented from the lack of reports of serious security threats. Nonetheless, the enjoyment of the Fete du Citron also relies on the integrity of the police force and no police violence, which is not in place in the current migration crisis scenario in the Cote d’Azur. While tourists from all over the world are being protected by the police, for migrants at the Franco-Italian border, French law enforcement can come to threaten their life. Police brutality against migrants are rampant, besides neglect on proper reception and human rights.For years to come, security efforts would best be combined with actions to lower police brutality, at the Italian border and Mentonese streets, so that the city and the festival can be properly appreciated.

Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. < Back Syria Today: Post-Assad Turmoil and Efforts to Rebuild Maria Eirini Liodi for Sciences Defense April 30, 2025 The fall of the Assad regime in December 2024 marked the end of a dictatorship, leaving Syria free from Assad family rule after 50 years. Surely that’s a cause for celebration... However, Syria finds itself at a new crossroads. It is tasked with establishing stability and security in a nation on the brink of collapse. Today, the landscape remains bleak: 90% of Syrians in the country live below the poverty line. Bread prices have skyrocketed since the new regime lifted subsidies, electricity is available for just a few hours a day, the public sector remains largely unpaid, and banknotes are scarce, leaving the cash-reliant economy in a stranglehold. Adding to its financial constraints, the country remains one of the most heavily sanctioned in the world, second only to Russia and Iran. While the United States has paused its proposed 41% tariffs on Syrian goods, within the general 90-day sanctions pause, the future remains uncertain. Sanctions relief has been alluded to by both the EU and Washington, however, policy ambiguity persists, trapping the country in a precarious limbo. Where does that leave Syria in terms of safety? The country is facing both internal and external threats. Internally, local security has been jeopardized by sectarian violence in recent months, especially from March onwards. Alawites, an ethnoreligious group and Shiite sect living predominantly in Syria, have increasingly been the target of attacks by armed groups supporting the Sunni-Islamist government, who are thought to be carrying out ‘revenge killings’ against those associated with the previous regime. The reasons behind these attacks can be attributed to the Assad regime's legacy, given that Bashar al-Assad himself was an Alawite, and the sect made up a central part of the Shabbiha, an Assad-loyalist paramilitary force that carried out deadly attacks against Sunni civilians during the civil war. Aside from the historical origins of the grievances, an immediate trigger occurred on March 6 when Assad loyalists attacked a local patrol of security forces in the Latakia province, killing at least thirteen people and prompting consequent anti-Alawite attacks and revenge killings. In early March alone, at least 1,000-2,000 civilian casualties, mostly Alawites, were reported by monitoring groups in the regions of Latakia, Tartus, Hama and Homs. More recently, in late April of this year, fourteen Alawites were reportedly abducted and killed in the Homs region. As noted by UN Envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen, “every step towards establishing the rule of law—and moving on transitional justice—will help reassure all components of the Syrian society.” Grievances persist amidst both the Assad loyalists and those in support of the new regime. Additionally, external threats continue to compromise security, as Syria finds itself at the heart of growing Israeli-Turkish tensions. Since December 2024, Israel has carried out repeated airstrikes on Syrian bases, incurring several casualties, while also deploying troops in a UN-patrolled buffer zone in the Golan Heights. The true target of these attacks is Turkey, with Israel’s foreign minister raising concerns of Turkey playing an increasingly “negative role” in Syria. Turkey’s vested interests in Syria are multifaceted. For one, Turkey has been hosting the largest number of Syrian refugees since the start of the civil war. Aiding in the establishment of stability in the country would allow for the repatriation of some Syrian refugees, alleviating pressure on Turkey from hosting 3.2 million Syrian refugees. Turkey’s primary interest, however, lies in sustaining a ‘security corridor’ in northern Syria, tackling counterterrorism linked with Kurdish insurgency on its home grounds, and expanding its soft power through a growing military presence. This comes at a time when Turkey is preparing to deploy air defense systems in Syria’s T4 air base, concurrent with negotiations with the new government for a defense pact . This would increase Turkish presence in the country and bolster Syria’s military. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s response has been clear : Turkish bases in Syria would pose a “danger to Israel.” According to Israeli Defense Minister, Israel Katz, Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa’s new government would “pay a very heavy price” for allowing Turkey to further establish itself in the country. Given the various conflicting external pressures, President Sharaa is called to tread carefully in navigating Syria’s next steps. Despite the turmoil taking Syria by storm, there are some glimmers of hope on the horizon. The new Syrian leadership is taking a cautious stance diplomatically, committed to balancing ties between competing regional powers and positioning itself strategically. Experts suggest that Syria’s transitional government has a rare window of opportunity to reclaim its agency and stability. As such, the government’s next steps are of special importance, especially if sanctions relief is contingent upon counterterrorism cooperation and minority protections. If Syria can leverage its current relative freedom from Irania n dominance and can secure support from international actors and allies, the country may be en route to a sustainable transition away from its years of violence. Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. Photo source: upyernoz on Flickr

Joy is evident everywhere. It is woven into the fabric of the robust youth culture. It is painted into the murals that decorate almost every street. It mingles with the smoke in the jam packed shisha bar. < Back Amman Travel Review: What I Lost in Egypt, I Found in Jordan Lara-Nour Walton March 30, 2022 I spent my early childhood draped on couches in Heliopolis, spitting sunflower seed shells into ashtrays, curling up with cousins under the glow of Pixar movies. My fingers were perpetually sticky with mango. I sat on everybody’s lap, kissed everybody’s cheek. I slept in intergenerational apartments – blood relations on each story. I once knew Cairo by heart. I traced its corners, memorized its streets from balconies and car windows. But my great grandmother’s death marked a definitive shift in the Egypt that I had grown up with. Her passing preceded several more uprooting family losses. Without our Cairo-based matriarch, remaining relatives began to leave downtown for satellite cities. With the ascendance of Al-Sisi, bridges and highways diced up the metropolis, defacing its once recognizable figure. My relations scattered. Cairo lost all its unity, diminished to a blur of billboards and bustle, on my way from the airport to Sheikh Zayed. I wondered if the Egypt of my girlhood was gone forever. But, what I lost in Egypt, I found in Jordan. Jordan does not look like Egypt. Amman, the capital, is a sprawling city– boxy, and entirely limestone according to the Kingdom’s strict building code. Amman is uniform and retains very little of Cairo’s chaos. Jordan does not sound like Egypt. Shamy Arabic is sweeter– less guttural than its Egyptian counterpart. Fewer car horns are heard in the streets. The muezzin is more inconspicuous. Jordan does not smell like Egypt. The molokhia is spiced differently, the pollution hangs lighter in the air. But the sense of community, family, liveliness, that had vanished from my Egypt, it lives on in Jordan. When I landed in Amman this spring break, I was brimming with anticipation. My conception of the SWANA region was limited to my childhood experiences. I wondered how Jordan would stack up. My excitement was timidly matched by my traveling companion/tour guide, English Track 1A, Sami Omaish. Much like me, Omaish grew up between the Middle East and states. His Jordanian family magnanimously agreed to open their home to us for the vacation. Omaish’s palpable nervousness in Queen Alia Airport was familiar to me. Every time I return to Egypt, I too have airport crises– panicking about whether I will spontaneously lose the ability to interact with my relatives or, worse, forget how many bises are required for standard greetings (two). I suspected that his anxiety, just like mine always is, would soon be quelled by the open arms of family. When we arrived at the Omaish household, my hunch was confirmed. We were welcomed with guffaws, embraces, and a piping hot lunch in the dining room. Omaish’s grandparents are the epitome of Arab elders. His grandfather, Sami Omaish Sr., bellows on the phone and is acquainted with everyone in the neighborhood. His grandmother dotes on every guest and knits her eyebrows when there isn’t enough khobs on the table. His family was the veritable backbone of our trip: uncle Ziad organized our transportation from Petra, to Wadi Rum, to the Dead Sea; great aunt Samira, a downstairs neighbor to Omaish’s grandparents, gave me and English Track 1A Basak Üstün a bed to sleep in; cousin Laith led us to one of the best meals of the trip, Jordanian mezze – hummus, falafel, pita bread, pickled carrots, and baked cheese. Amman felt like a homecoming to me – the bevy of children, the animated conversation, the unwavering warmth – was reminiscent of my early years in Egypt. But there was an unknown face of SWANA, one that I never witnessed in Egypt, that I delighted in during my stay in Jordan. The youth scene in Amman is positively effervescent. Although spending bountiful time with young adults in Cairo, I never truly strayed from the sphere of domesticity. But, in the capital’s trendy locales, I experienced SWANA for the first time without familial restraint. It was in the Jabal Amman and Weibdeh neighborhoods where I was exposed to a cafe culture rivaling both Paris’ and Vienna’s. Rumi Cafe operates to a soundtrack of English and Arabic. They do cafe favorites with an Arab twist – saffron hot chocolates and cardamom cakes grace the tables of patrons. Down the street, Wild Jordan offers an array of coffees and smoothies that would make Starbucks quake in its boots. Snacks like apple pie and lentil soup were fan favorites among my travel partners. And if the menu was not enticing enough, the windows offer panoramic views of the Amman – the ancient citadel in direct eyeshot. But, Books@Cafe was my favorite establishment. Although boasting the title of “the Middle East’s first ever internet cafe”, it had the most unreliable wifi of all the ones we visited. This, however, could be overlooked. Books@Cafe is the type of business that, I believe, should be in every SWANA city. On the ground floor, local art is sold, creating a vibrant market for young Jordanian artists. Stacked up against kaleidoscopic wallpaper are shelves upon shelves of books in both Arabic and English. Stooped over laptops and books are school age people – the 50% off student discount presenting reason enough to frequent the coffee house. A hub for the Jordanian artistic, literary, and youth scenes, Books@Cafe also doubles as a haven for Amman’s queer community. This cafe represents joy. It is accessible and tolerant – a space where people of all backgrounds are encouraged to create, to learn, to share some delicious food and drink. And joy is not only relegated to Books@Cafe. It is evident everywhere. It is woven into the fabric of the robust youth culture. It is painted into the murals that decorate almost every street. It mingles with the smoke in the jam packed shisha bar. Jordan is the renewal of my Cairene glory days, but it is also unlike anywhere else I’ve been before.

The truth is this: Egypt has never ruled merely by sword or throne. Its empire was always one of imagination, where a pen could be sharper than steel, a song louder than artillery, and a camera brighter than any spotlight. The world may forget armies, but it remembers stories. And Egypt has always known how to tell them. < Back The Pen, the Camera, and the Microphone: The Egyptian Kit of Soft Power Amena Elkayal September 27, 2025 Whether it is “ Huna al-Qahira ’ (Here is Cairo) echoing from radios in the beginning of every radio program, “ Cairo writes, the world reads ” proclaiming the Egyptian pen’s might, or Om Kulthum – known as Kawkab al-Sharq (the Star of the East) – mesmerizing hearts with her voice, Egypt has always spoken to the world through culture. Its soft power has always been a timeless symphony of word, image, and sound. In order to grasp the true reach of this subtle weapon of soft power, we must journey backward in time. Not to the recent golden age of cinema or the era of Nasser’s radio, but much farther into the fertile soil of the Nile and the texture of the papyrus, to Ancient Egypt—seven millennia ago. From tender love songs in hieroglyphs in temples in the Egyptian city of Aswan to tales like the Eloquent Peasant , Egypt's stories reached the farthest points of the earth and gave the scribe’s pen the power of a sword: they gave the nation its own legitimacy, unique persona, and influential cultural heritage. Centuries later, in Alexandria, the greatest library of the ancient world was the headquarters of literature, poetry, arts, and sciences, giving birth to some of the world’s greatest poems, epics, and scientific discoveries. What united these eras was not the might of armies but the sway of ideas–the ability to move nations through fascination and respect for its heritage and legacy rather than fear. It is this very idea that Joseph Nye would much later name soft power , defined as “the ability to affect other’s behavior by coercion, inducement or attraction.” The main sources of soft power are diplomacy but also culture, including music, media, literature, science, and cinema; thus, states achieve desired outcomes through attraction rather than coercion. As Janice Bially Martin later observed , this attraction Nye referred to in his definition of soft power is " constructed through communicative exchange" which emphasizes that soft power lives and dies in the art of storytelling: whether it's through the pages of a book, the melodies of a song, the flash of a camera, or the strength of the spoken word. By this measure, Egypt has long been a maestro of attraction. In 2025, Business Insider Africa announced Egypt 1st in leading soft power in Africa and 38th globally. Its score, 47.8 points out of 100, rested on pillars varying from trade, international relations, culture and heritage, media and communication to people and values. Under Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Egyptian call for justice and unity through its media thundered across the Arab world. Nasser believed that his revolution should not be carried only by soldiers but by soundwaves. The radio broadcasting station Sawt al-Arab (The Voice of the Arabs) was launched in 1953 as Egypt’s revolutionary radio station. It played a huge role in spreading Nasser’s ideas of Pan-Arabism, nationalism, socialism, and anti-colonialism across the region. Through radio waves, Cairo became the capital of Arab and African unity broadcasting the spirit of independence to Algeria, Kenya, and beyond. When Algerian revolutionaries spoke from Cairo in both Arabic and French: “The Voice of the National Liberation Front Speaks to You from Cairo”, this was proof that Egypt’s microphone was as mighty as any arsenal. On the other hand, while the radio spread words, music touched souls. Om Kulthum’s voice was an ocean of tarab (as the Guardian described : “ a state of rapturous enchantment, where time and self dissolve in the music”) in which millions willingly drowned. Her reach extended far beyond the region, as Western artists like Bob Dylan and Maria Callas confessed that Kawkab al-Sharq is like no other. Before Om Kulthum, Sayed Darwish had already proven that music could shake empires, rallying Egyptians during the 1919 Revolution until even the British felt threatened by his melodies. The pen, too, carved Egypt’s name into the cultural map. From Abbas Mahmoud Al-Aakkad’s pioneering contributions to the world of play-writing and philosophical essays to Naguib Mahfouz’ labyrinthine novels introducing the Arab world to the art of novel-writing; Cairo strongly embodied the saying “Cairo writes, Beirut publishes, Baghdad reads” . Mahfouz, the Arab world’s only Nobel laureate in literature, actually introduced the modern novel to the Arab world, turning Cairo’s alleyways into characters in their own right, therefore vividly capturing and conveying the essence of the Egyptian spirit to the world. And then came the camera. Egypt, producing 75% of Arab films in the 20th century was called the Hollywood of the East . This did not only shape stories, but a wide range of Arab identities; dialects, fashions, ideals, jokes, morals, and general taste. Stars like Omar Sharif who conquered Hollywood with Lawrence of Arabia and Faten Hamama who bewitched Arab audiences with her grace, made Cairo both stage and spotlight. To this day, Ramadan dramas and Eid films keep Egyptian screens flickering in living rooms from Baghdad to Rabat. Yet, brilliance is never eternal. In recent decades, Egypt’s cultural production has drifted into shallow waters; its once-vast sea of creativity and influence now narrowed by profit-driven media chasing sensation over substance. Increasing censorship and the tightening grip of centralized control have been among the major currents dragging this deterioration. Before the revolutions of 2011 and 2013, there was more freedom given to Egyptian drama to weave political references and to mirror, however imperfectly, the pulse of the nation and its people. However, when such reflections began to rattle the system, more state control over media led to the retreat into safer terrain of content leaning more towards ‘social’ dramas. In an article by The Arab Weekly, Nader Khalifa, a critic and scriptwriter, lamented “the age of Egyptian drama is over”. That is, according to him, resulting from the trend of mediocre serial dramas that absolutely lack representation of the Egyptian people, their pulse, their truth. Instead of what was once a means of cultural influence, representation, and genuine portrayal has taken a turn now into being a commodity measured only by financial return rather than its artistic and cultural worth. The trend is unmistakable. Today’s Egyptian drama leans almost entirely toward depoliticized social stories, detached from the nation’s lived realities. Despite the rise of inflation and the economic crisis, no discussion or portrayal of these realities seems to ever be present in current shows. An essay published by Mohamed El Aswany, Egyptian journalist and critic specialized in Arab arts and entertainment industry and its relationship to society, discussed the reality of the class stratification currently present in Egyptian Ramadan shows and how producers split the content into 3 class categories: Class A, B, and C. Class A shows are completely detached from the harsh reality the Egyptians are living in, while the so called “shaabi drama”, popular drama of Class C, is by far the most produced, however unfortunately misrepresenting Egypt's lower social classes rather than being a voice for the voiceless. Violence, drug dealing, mistreatment of women, gangs, and vulgarity: caricatures that misrepresent the very people they intended to capture, gradually erasing a hundreds-of-years legacy. But not all is lost. Even though Egyptians themselves might blame the government’s shift to private sector and building new cities and festivals, yet it is undeniable that this is one of the things keeping the country’s splendour alive: El Gouna Film Festival , the cultural vibrancy of Alamein , Cultural and historical Events like Pharaoh's golden parade , and the Sahel (Egypt's North coast) scene keep Egypt in conversation with the world. The truth is this: Egypt has never ruled merely by sword or throne. Its empire was always one of imagination, where a pen could be sharper than steel, a song louder than artillery, and a camera brighter than any spotlight. The world may forget armies, but it remembers stories. And Egypt has always known how to tell them. So for all Egyptians out there, keep in your bag a pen, a camera, and a mini microphone and… rise to power! Photo Source: Aldas Kirvaitis, Flickr

< Back How Many Lives Will Be Lost Before the Ethiopian Government and the Oromo Liberation Army Settle a Peace Agreement? By Vanja Lerch Eriksson December 31, 2023 The conflicts in Ethiopia’s Oromiya region have been ongoing for decades, with several armed groups carrying out attacks towards the public and government authorities simultaneously. Only a few weeks ago, one of the more organised militia groups, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), sat down at the negotiation table with the Ethiopian government. The outcome was unfortunately as disappointing as many expected it to be. The OLA and Ethiopian government have not managed to reach a consensus, thus continuing to put thousands of civilians at risk every day. The OLA is an established militia – they have previously posed as the military wing of the once-banned political opposition group, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). The OLF fought for self-determination for the Oromo people for decades until 2018, when they reached an agreement with the Ethiopian government to lay down arms and reintegrate. However, as these negotiations later broke down in 2019, the OLA also broke ties with the OLF and continued to conduct armed operations under their own leadership. From this point, the Ethiopian federal and regional forces started a counterinsurgency towards the OLA, resulting in serious human rights abuses from both parties. Human Rights Watch has reported that the OLA has carried out killings of several government officials as well as attacked non-military government offices. However, the OLA does not contain their violence to the Ethiopian authorities but also targets the ethnic Amhara minority in the region. There have for decades been conflicts and disagreements in the region between the different ethnic groups living there, and the OLA has on several occasions specifically targeted the Amharan communities. Residents who survived the attacks by the OLA witnessed how the armed men surrounded entire villages and forced their inhabitants to gather in the town centre for mass executions. At the same time as the OLA carries out attacks on civilians, they are also having an armed conflict with the Ethiopian government in the Western parts of Oromiya. Though there are established government forces in the region, they usually take hours to respond to emergency calls from civilians being ambushed by the local militias. There have also been reports of arbitrary arrest and detention of Oromos, as well as summary executions by government authorities. The Ethiopian authorities have killed and injured hundreds of civilians over the last few years, using violence towards peaceful protestors and large gatherings of people which did not pose a security threat on several occasions. For example, this was the case as hundreds of people gathered to honor the killed Oromo singer, Hachalu, at his home in 2020. The gathered group did not carry weapons and did not behave violently, yet, the police and armed forces opened fire and shot several individuals. Thus, it is clear that the government authorities are also perpetrators of human rights abuses. In addition to the mentioned abuses, the Ethiopian security forces have instrumentalized the arrest of Oromos as a way of limiting the group's influence and their ability to exercise freedom of speech. Thousands of Oromos have over the last couple of years been arrested, and many are kept in prison for years without facing trial. The huge amount of arrests could seemingly also be a way of covering up the dozens of arrested opposition politicians. In addition, the Ethiopian government has failed tremendously in providing housing and support for the thousands of displaced people in the region, as many are fleeing more violent areas It is therefore clear that the civilians in the area are the ones suffering the most, as they are attacked both by militias such as the OLA and at times even government authorities. The thousands of people who have been killed so far do thus not make up too big of a cost for either party to yet consider a peace agreement. There are at the moment no further planned negotiations like the ones held in September, making the future unsure for the thousands of civilians living in limbo. At the moment, both parties refuse to acknowledge the other's demands and worries. The Ethiopian National Security Adviser, Redwan Hussein, said that the OLA currently had an obstructive approach and unrealistic demands after the September negotiations. In turn, the OLA accused the government of not dealing with the structural issues regarding the marginalisation of the Oromo people in Oromiya. Thus, the two parties are stuck in this stalemate until further ado, as something needs to change before any party would consider a different path. Organisations like the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), also called the East African Trade Block, have however made efforts to support future negotiations. At the moment there are no signs that their effort is paying off, as both parties continue to engage in violence, both towards each other and the already suffering Ethiopian population.

Will our hands remember how to take up a pen to write without the assistance of a keyboard and Grammarly? Will our eyes be able to adjust to words on paper rather than illuminated on a computer? Will we ever create an outline again without the assistance of ChatGPT? The words of my cousin’s “gyatt” echo into eternity, a siren call of the society we’ve become. < Back The End of Culture as We Know It Maia Zasler November 30, 2024 I will never forget the day my 10-year-old cousin shouted “gyatt” over FaceTime. Her text message rendition manifested in “gyattoose.” When I sit on the train, stand in extended airport security lines, or futilely try to pay attention during lectures, I can see those around me engage in the never-ending consumption of internet content: manufactured, tailored, pixelated images and videos that please the synapses in our brains (re: something more scientifically accurate). I too have fallen victim. My vocabulary seems feeble, easily influenceable. I am ashamed to say I am entertained by some of the most ludicrous content produced in the name of “pop culture,” a means of garnering views. Why did I watch that video of Nara Smith in what can only be described as a ball gown making gum from scratch for her husband? I, along with countless others, consider what is mainstream to be normalized; beyond the beauty standards and gender gap implications that have been heavily critiqued and theorized, respectively, I have to wonder, is the culmination of human intellectual and artistic achievement really the streaming of Keeping up with the Kardashians ? Is it staring at TikTok or Instagram reels for hours on end? In the social media realm, or performative virtual world, we are all audience members and performers. Can we, the masses, be trusted to spearhead culture creation? I would posit, after observing the consequences of the last decade, that the answer is an unequivocal no. A quick Google search will provide a rudimentary definition of “culture”: the ideas, customs, and social behavior of a particular people or society. So, what has gone deeply wrong in the broader, global society in terms of the deterioration of our ideas, customs and social behavior? I fear that the first catalyst has been a descent into digital absurdity. I have no defense for the two hours I spent (wasted?) watching Amadeus on TikTok. The laughter of young Mozart will forever haunt me. Or perhaps, more embarrassingly, I can refer to the videos displayed side-by-side, staying online to view clips of shows I’ve never even watched as in the parallel window somebody randomly unboxes miniatures or makes slime. I share this because I know mine are not singular experiences. The internet lingo that has encroached on our daily lives pervades beyond our phone screens, a product of oppressive collectivity. And that is part of the issue; we are eroding individualism. We are becoming our greatest obstacles in the production of quality content. We repost and remake existing trends, regurgitating that which we’ve heard too much of and seen too much of (arguably taking away from the voices of individuals who are pioneering culture development and sharing stories worth listening to). The linguistic evolution (or rather, devolution) of the “new generation” is yet another element of concern, a battlefront in this war to safeguard culture. The domination of nothing-words such as “skibidi” or “fanum tax,” or even worse, when combined to form nothing-phrases such as “skibidi Ohio rizz,” render centuries worth of linguistic maturation mute. We are inching closer and closer to a reality in which communication occurs solely through emoticons and TikTok dances. As Sciences Po students, we must ask ourselves: what if the future of diplomacy hinges on the mastery of the “Renegade”? You may think it extreme (it is), but at such an elevated rate of change and international exchange, it is a possibility. We engage more with content creators than Nobel prize winners; Mr. Beast videos supersede poetry and eloquent prose. We constantly have audio playing in the background—“Get Ready with Me” videos roll while we pick out outfits for the day. Our lives are played back to us on Instagram and Snapchat stories. Perhaps we may not all want to go viral, but we are making a conscious decision to give our attention (a valuable thing!!) to actors and general content that is not worthy. Maybe we should consider exploring the idea of a “Cultural Detox Camp;” we’ll read Dostoyevsky and listen to symphonies until we’re cleansed and inspired. Or are we too far gone? Can we reform that which has already been unleashed? Will our hands remember how to take up a pen to write without the assistance of a keyboard and Grammarly? Will our eyes be able to adjust to words on paper rather than illuminated on a computer? Will we ever create an outline again without the assistance of ChatGPT? The words of my cousin’s “gyatt” echo into eternity, a siren call of the society we’ve become.

The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. < Back Renewal of the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding Rose Harrill December 5, 2025 On Nov. 2, the 2017 Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding on migration cooperation automatically renewed for three more years, despite heavy pushback from various human rights organizations. The agreement is between the Italian government and the United Nations (U.N.)-backed Libyan Government of National Unity (GNU), one of two rival authorities competing for control of the country. It is sponsored by the European Union (E.U.) and aims to strengthen Europe’s borders by preventing the arrival of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers via the Mediterranean Sea. The memorandum requires Italy and the E.U. to provide technical and financial support to Libya in order to strengthen its Coast Guard; in return, the Libyan Coast Guard must intercept anyone embarking on trips across the Mediterranean Sea to prevent them from reaching Europe. In practice, the memorandum has disastrous effects for migrants, refugees and asylum seekers attempting to cross the Mediterranean. The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. Migrants detained and brought to Libya face blatant human rights violations and horrifying conditions in detention centers for indefinite periods of time. The centers are often controlled and managed by unaccountable local non-state actors and armed militia groups, making them almost impossible to effectively monitor. In these centers, migrants are often arbitrarily detained , exploited, abused and even tortured to the point of death. Migrants can face dehumanizing treatment, sexual and physical violence, and forced labor. The living conditions in these detention centers are also extremely degrading. Often overcrowded, migrants are packed into tiny spaces, deprived of food and water, denied access to medical care, as well as the right to legal counsel. Despite clear evidence of the disturbing abuse faced by migrants and inhumane conditions in these detention centers, the E.U. and Italy continue to support the Libyan Coast Guard in its efforts to detain migrants. The E.U. and Italy have both provided the Libyan Coast Guard with millions of euros dedicated to migration control since 2015, along with vessels and aerial surveillance used across the E.U. border. This mistreatment of migrants explicitly violates international human rights law. Although Libya is the state directly committing these atrocities, Italy is complicit and should also be held accountable. According to the International Law Commission and its Draft Articles on State Responsibility, Italy is responsible for Libya’s maritime seizures and human rights violations in detention centers, as Italy “ aids or assists” Libya in committing these crimes. Under the 1976 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Libya violates Articles 6 and 7, which prohibit subjecting any person to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Article 2 in the 1987 Convention against Torture and Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights also forbid the practice of torture, meaning that Libya infringes upon these statutes as well. Furthermore, Libya breaches Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court which defines rape, forced prostitution, sexual slavery, forced sterilization, or other acts of sexual violence of that nature, as crimes against humanity. The U.N. has found evidence of collusion between the Libyan Coast Guard and trafficking networks. Thereby demonstrating that Libyan state forces and armed militias have likely committed crimes against humanity including sexual slavery and rape against the migrants brought to Libya. Libya also violates the Common European Asylum System, which establishes guidelines on the proper procedure for processing asylum seekers and ensures their personal rights are protected, as the Coast Guard is intercepting people at sea and returning them without following the correct processing measures. While not perpetrating these crimes or transgressing these international human rights laws directly, Italy can be held accountable for Libya’s illegal actions in the Mediterranean because of its financial backing of the Libyan Coast Guard. The horrific abuses and violations of human rights by the Italian and Libyan governments have received backlash from various human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch has called for the end of the memorandum between Italy and Libya. Judith Sunderland, associate Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch, declared that Italy’s “continued support for abusive, unaccountable forces in Libya is indefensible” and called for the E.U. to stop “financing and legitimizing violence against migrants” and to “fundamentally reorient its Mediterranean policies to prioritize rescue at sea and safe and legal pathways for migration.” The human rights organization “Refugees in Libya,” founded by migrants who survived abuse in detention centers in Libya, is also mobilizing against the memorandum. They have requested that the E.U. suspend all migration cooperation with Libya. Despite worldwide condemnation, Italy and the E.U. continue to ignore these blatant human rights violations committed by Libya in the Mediterranean. When asked about their continued support for the Libyan Coast Guard, the European Commission insisted that it would continue to aid and assist the Libyan authorities. This was after an incident on Aug. 24 where a Libyan Coast Guard patrol boat opened fire on an SOS Mediterranee rescue ship. They claimed that “to improve the situation, we need to remain engaged.” The E.U. and Italy consistently choose to protect their own interests in securing their borders by providing Libya with more funding, vessels and aerial surveillance, rather than prioritizing the protection and safety of people whose biggest crime is seeking a better life abroad. Libya’s control over the Central Mediterranean route, combined with its own internal political instability and corruption that allows for the mistreatment of migrants to persist unchecked, has made this stretch of sea one of the deadliest migration paths in the world. If allowed to renew, the memorandum will only result in more deaths, more torture, more trafficking. The continued cooperation of Italy and the E.U. with the Libyan Coast Guard only makes it easier for them to commit these heinous violations of human rights. To ensure the protection of human rights of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers, it is clear that the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding must be revoked. The E.U. prides itself on promoting justice and defending the human rights of those around the world, and yet it continues to work with the Libyan Coast Guard. The E.U. has a moral duty to protect those attempting to cross the Mediterranean, and should therefore no longer promote, fund and enforce an agreement that results in such a blatant violation of human rights. Photo Source: Tim Luddemann, flickr

< Back Left Behind: UK Youth Moving Towards the Right Rebecca Canton September 30, 2024 We assume young people generally vote left and for green initiatives. They care for climate change, sexual liberation and free healthcare. Any young person who votes for the right is an anomaly, right? While historically such stereotypes may have held truth, the right wing throughout Europe is seeing unprecedented gains, especially from a younger demographic. In the 2023 general election in the Netherlands, the Party for Freedom, a nationalist right-wing party led by populist Geert Wilders, won 35 seats, a landslide victory. Likewise, in Germany the anti-immigration party, Alternative for Germany, won almost a third of the vote in the eastern German state of Thuringia. This political success of right-wing and far-right movements is not limited to these two countries; Italy, Finland, Hungary, to name a few, have “hard-right” governments. What is unusual for European governments is the age of the voters that support them. For example, Giorgia Meloni’s right-wing populist party, Brothers of Italy, was the most popular party among under-35s. The future generation seems to be turning their backs on their traditional parties, changing the political landscape of Europe. The United Kingdom is technically an exception to Europe’s swing towards the right. The social democratic Labour party, led by Sir Keir Starmer, defeated the Conservative party—the Tories—in the 2024 general election for the first time since 2005. This victory for the left was supported by young people, with a YouGov poll postulating that 41% of 18 to 24 year olds voted Labour. However, despite these statistics, it does not mean the United Kingdom is moving opposite to the rest of Europe. Starmer has been accused of ‘purging’ the Labour party, by prioritizing Tory votes with fiscally conservative policies. Further, another YouGov poll found that 48% of Labour voters backed Labour simply in opposition to the Conservative party. This negative cohesion perhaps does not represent true sentiments and political leanings of citizens; it also does not mean the U.K. is immune to the wave of right-wing mania sweeping Europe. On July 29, 2024, at a Taylor Swift-themed dance workshop in Southport, Merseyside, U.K., three children were fatally stabbed . Ten others were injured by 17-year-old British citizen Axel Rudakubana. Initially, no information about the attacker was released by police, and the platform “X” and other social media immediately labeled the attacker as Ali Al-Shakati, a Muslim immigrant, regardless of the fact that Rudakubana was born in Cardiff and had no established connections to Islam. On July 30, 2024, far-right protesters clashed with police in Southport, damaging a Mosque, especially due to the misinformation spread on social media platforms. In the following week, multiple towns and cities in England and Northern Ireland were swept up in riots and disorder, including arson, looting and racist attacks, in what was the largest occasion of social unrest in England since 2011. The disturbance marks a disturbing escalation in the far-right sentiment in the U.K., highlighting deep-rooted issues within the country concerning immigration and political polarization. What is particularly concerning is not just the number of rioters— 1,280 individual arrests— but also the age of those involved. Stageringly, 72 of arrests made were against those under 18, with children as young as 12 having pleaded guilty to violent disorder in relation to the riots. The far-right is not a new political movement to the U.K. with one of the first examples of facism, the British Fascisti, founded in 1923. he modern rise of extremism has links to right-wing media, with a number of riots organized through Telegram , specifically a channel called “Southport Wake Up.” The Southport riots in July and August, combined with the general increase in youth extremism, have been heavily centered around online radicalization, which has been exacerbated by the rhetoric of public media figures. One notable figure is Nigel Farage, a recently elected member of parliament and the leader of the right-wing populist Reform UK party, the third largest party by popular vote . Farage uses platforms accessible to young people e.g., TikTok—where he has almost 1 million followers—to spread his beliefs more effectively. Creators like Farage produce content of genuine social grievances, mixed with right wing conspiracy theories that resonate with many young people disillusioned by current governments. For example, he likened the landing of child migrants in Kent to an ‘invasion’ , thus creating an “us vs them” mentality, a mindset adopted by the right-wing who tend to blame economic and social problems on migration. Farage is not alone in the group of far-right influencers; figures like Paul Joseph Watson, a right-wing YouTuber with 2 million subscribers, use casual language and memes within their videos, which is specifically catered towards younger audiences through ‘Gen-Z’ references, thus amassing a younger following. Whether the media itself is to blame for violence is difficult to determine. What is not irrational is the fact that social media has provided a bridge between the far-right and youth, a bond that is unlikely to be broken anytime soon. Despite the influence of far-right figures, would the media and influencers be able to convince young people to vote right if they weren’t already disenchanted by their government? The U.K. currently faces some severe challenges to the nation’s stability. Although the U.K. came out of recession in 2021, the prevailing cost-of-living crisis affects a vast majority of the population. People cannot heat their homes, feed their families, or pay off their mortgages. Young people simply cannot afford to join the housing market. A lot of young voters do not agree with the core ideologies of the right or the far-right, but their general consensus is the same: they have been largely disregarded by the governments that preceded them. While a vast majority of voters have turned left and towards Labour, the right has placed blame on easy targets for everyday problems. Immigration has been a controversial issue in the country since the Windrush generation where Caribbean people migrated following World War II, after the British government encouraged immigration from Commonwealth countries due to losses suffered in the war. Immigrants themselves have been blamed by multiple public figures, including Suella Braverman, the Home Secretary in 2022. Condemning the concept of “others” divides the country, promoting hate and violence. The issue, as with most sensitive topics, is that it is a slippery slope and the pipeline from being disappointed with the government to right-wing radicalism is real and dangerous. It is now up to the new Labour government, a government not associated with the previous government’s failings, to close the gap between those on opposing ends of the political spectrum for both social cohesion and peace. The question remains as to how , with an answer emerging unlikely. Young people are more susceptible to online conspiracies, and until migration is not blamed for social problems, tensions are likely to continue. How can the government appease and convince the left that they stand for values of inclusion and harmony while not allowing the country to fall to right-wing violence? Is there really an answer to this pressing question?

Growing up, I constantly pondered over what a hero meant to me. I would have varying heroes ranging from fictional characters to influential figures. I always thought that they were out of reach, yet today, I can look back and realize that I was surrounded by them. < Back Women of Iran Named Time Magazine’s “Heroes of the Year.” By Anonymous December 31, 2022 Who and what makes a hero? Could it be a superpower that allows you to jump over buildings as if they're pebbles or shoot webs from your hands? Is it a quality that distinguishes you from the average person and makes you the "chosen" one, bringing peace to the whole population? Or is it an achievement, saving a life, helping those in need, and standing up against injustice? At some point in our lives, each of us has appointed someone as a hero, whether a parental figure, someone influential, or maybe a fictional character that embodies characteristics we admire. These different "heroes" change over time and embody varying features that we look up to, making the unifying factor of what constitutes a hero contestable. However, I define a hero as a community, or someone, who brings positive change to our society and personifies inspiring bravery. On Dec. 7, 2022, Time Magazine named Iranian women "Heroes of the Year." This accolade represents a significant step forward in how Western media and society depict Iranian women, and it has increasingly positive influences than one may imagine. To understand this choice, one must first recall the current women-led movement in Iran. Upon the brutal murder of Zhina Mahsa Amini by Iran's morality police, protests broke out around the country, demanding the abolishment of the mandatory hijab and corrupt morality police. As time passed, the repression of the protests increased. Anger built up amongst Iranians — recalling the injustice they have faced for the past 43 years under the Islamic Republic, the continuous human rights violations, the oppression of women and the lack of freedom –– the movement progressed into what some may call an "uprising" and others a "revolution." The underlying sentiment, however, is clear: the people want a change in the regime. Their wants? Women, Life, Freedom. Iranian women have been the face of bravery since the dawn of time. When one lives in a country that suppresses one's fundamental rights, tries to diminish one's happiness and extinguish one's light, that person quickly learns how to rebel and live the way one wishes, even if it does not adhere to the regime's rules. For instance, in the context of the intense dress code imposed by the Islamic Republic, Iranian women rebelled by wearing more make-up, changing fashion trends that "softened" the dress code and even protesting. From the first time Vida Movahed took off her hijab, placed it on the stick and expressed her disapproval of this misogynistic law to the movement of the "Girls of the Revolution Street" and to it taking a larger form in today's protests, allowing girls to start taking off their hijab in daily life while being fully aware of the risks and dangers, Iranian women showed they were never people to conform to injustice. In everyday life, they rebel by asserting themselves in society and proving their capability, intelligence, talents, and strength. They start controversial debates about the patriarchy, the effects and wrongdoings of traditions enforced by older generations towards women and the unfair marriage laws. Through their persistence, Iranian women changed modern Iranian society and its mindset. They allowed their male counterparts to understand their struggles, stand by them and even fight with them, as seen in this movement. Their efforts are inspirational, and they do not go unnoticed. It is not an easy job to change the mindset of a population, and Iranian women's work every single day for the past years has been crucial to allow this movement to take off and have the impact and momentum it has today. It is precisely their refusal to fit into a mold of what society told them they should be, whether it is the Islamic Republic dismissing them or the West orientalizing them, which is incredibly inspiring, notably for other young Iranian girls who face the same challenges. During these protests, we have witnessed incredible bravery — Iranian women sacrificing their lives and safety to fight for what they believe in and for freedom — not only for themselves but also for other Iranian women and the next generation. They refuse to admit regret even when the regime abuses them, and they refuse to stay silent despite repression. I believe that the bravery, inspiration and change-making latent in the current Iranian movement render the country's women deserving of the title "Heroes of The Year." Time Magazine's decision is highly significant. With propaganda determining the media image of Iranian women in the past, it is an astonishing relief that they are finally being seen as their true selves. It humanizes Iranian women in the eyes of those who were fed lies, giving them credibility and allowing a larger sympathy to the cause. International support is crucial to keep this movement alive, and this amazing act of Time Magazine sends a political message highlighting that they are on the side of the people and Iranian women. It terrifies the regime and empowers Iranians, making it all the more noteworthy. To support this movement, the international media must change the hegemonic narratives and align themselves with reality, as did Time Magazine. The international community must keep listening and spreading the words of the Iranian people and, most importantly, Iranian women. Growing up, I constantly pondered over what a hero meant to me. I would have varying heroes ranging from fictional characters to influential figures. I always thought that they were out of reach, yet today, I can look back and realize that I was surrounded by them. I feel immense pride for Iranian women, their efforts and how far they have come, and I believe they are such inspirational figures. Iranian women are more than deserving of this title.

Feet planted firmly on purple and teal tiles faintly covered in a layer of filth, I was greeted by the familiar odor of buttered popcorn blended with a candy scent so sweet it could make your teeth ache. < Back Driven Snow; A Review of “The Hunger Games: The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes” By Maia Zasler January 31, 2024 Feet planted firmly on purple and teal tiles faintly covered in a layer of filth, I was greeted by the familiar odor of buttered popcorn blended with a candy scent so sweet it could make your teeth ache. Ever since the coronavirus pandemic disrupted and permanently altered our lives in 2020, movie-going has become an extra thrilling prospect, a novelty; we’re able to sit in an often densely-packed room, eating and drinking at our leisure, feeling a profound range of emotions alongside complete strangers. I was pleased to note that Short Pump Regal Cinemas, my local movie theater, had not changed in my absence. It was 10:30 p.m., the last showing of the night. The theater was practically empty save for me and my good friend from home. The two of us made our way down a dark hallway, ready to see the latest installment in Suzanne Collins’s Hunger Games franchise, “The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes,” released on Nov. 17, 2023. Until that night, we lived adjacent to “The Hunger Games” realm, uninterested in and fairly dispassionate to the story and its characters. Before this outing, I had not seen a single Hunger Games movie, ever. My friend and I were moved to see this new film only due to the immense social media hype surrounding it (and, candidly, a few well-done TikTok edits of one Coriolanus Snow). We found seats in the center of the unoccupied theater. We took a moment to run around the perimeter, enjoying the freedom from un watchful eyes and the subsequently liberating lack of social norms before the trailers stopped running. Silence then befell us both. The original Hunger Games trilogy is set in the dystopian, fictional nation of Panem, a country divided into 12 districts and ruled by the Capitol. Each year, the Capitol hosts a Hunger Games in which a boy and a girl (aged 12 to 18) from each district are “reaped” / selected and forced to fight to the death until just one survivor remains, the Victor. The competition is televised, serving as entertainment for the citizens of the Capitol. The annual, horrific spectacle also serves as a means of punishment for and control of the districts that had attempted a failed revolt 74 years prior. The Hunger Games themes of the growing divide between rich and poor, the weaponization of food access, and the normalization of violence as entertainment are also replicated in this movie-adapted prequel. “The Ballad of Songbird and Snakes” is primarily oriented around the 10th Annual Hunger Games and the development of the trilogy’s most prominent, detestable villain, Coriolanus Snow, President of Panem. The film chronicles young Snow’s ascension to power and the critical interactions and events leading to his apathy and dictatorial, sociopathic behavior as a totalitarian leader 64 years later. Dimly lit and foreboding, the first scene opens three years prior to the first annual Hunger Games. These “Dark Days” reveal a young Snow (Tom Blyth) and his cousin, Tigris (Hunter Schafer), fearfully running around desolate city streets littered with dead bodies in a desperate search for sustenance. The pair see a man violently chop the leg off of one of these dead bodies; Coriolanus asks Tigris why the man would do such a thing. She responds, simply: “He’s starving.” The film then jumps several years into the future, where 18-year-old Coriolanus is in his final year of schooling, hoping to attend university. His family (his grandmother / “Grandma’am” (Fionnula Flanagan) and Tigris) are struggling financially, masking their economic plight from Capitol society. The dynamics between the Snow family members emerge quickly in the plot; Coriolanus may seemingly prioritize his relatives, but there is a lingering sense that selfish motives drive these efforts. He works to preserve the Snow family name to present a strong front in hopes of climbing the political ladder of Panem. At this time, the Capitol notes that the Hunger Games are losing viewership. To help encourage more spectators, the Capitol enlists Coriolanus and his fellow classmates as mentors, assigned to each tribute, or competitor, from the districts. Whoever is able to make their tribute the greatest spectacle, whoever turns their tribute into a Victor , will be the designated recipient of the Plinth prize, an unfathomable sum of money. Coriolanus is assigned to Lucy Gray Baird (Rachel Zegler), an errant singer from District 12. Lucy Gray’s vocal gift captures the hearts of the Capitol audience, aiding in her chance for survival and sparking Coriolanus’s infatuation. The two strike up an unlikely romance, which must be put on hold throughout Lucy Gray’s coerced participation in the Games. In each scene where the two interact, the audience is left to determine whether or not Coriolanus is acting in good faith: Is he helping Lucy Gray because he genuinely cares for her and is willing to do everything in his power to ensure she makes it out of the Games alive? Or, is he instead helping her because he views her as a pawn in a larger game, a necessary piece in his pursuit of the Plinth prize and political prestige and power? The progression of the plot and intricate dialogue perfectly captures Snow’s moral regression, the series of choices he makes that increasingly favor “evil” over “good.” Coriolanus is a main character that we, as audience members, cannot, in good conscience, root for. His decaying core characteristics are juxtaposed with the goodness in Lucy Gray, her relative pureness to his internal corruption. In this prequel, Snow “lands on top” (to use his own words). Along this vein, the portrayal of humanity is thus intensely bleak. As the movie reached its final minutes, I sat, deflated. I longed for the triumph of good, or at least some insertion of hope for future change in Panem’s social structure. In a way, I mourned the hero that could have been, the failed and fraught love story, and the deaths of the only characters courageous enough to challenge the system that Coriolanus goes on to propagate. Truthfully, my upset and frustration felt a bit silly, but upon further reflection—and binge-watching all four original Hunger Games movies—I realized it was far from frivolous emotion. What ultimately prevails in “The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes” is a manipulative, over-indulgent, perverse ruling class profiting off of the labor and—in the case of the Games—relishing in the deaths of those in the districts, the masses. For the impoverished, the victims of a system that is structured to never be in their favor, unity and solidarity are a pipedream. As highlighted by the outcome of each Hunger Games (up until, of course, the 74th), alliances turn to enemies and there is no winning (other than survival at the expense of human life, of the violent extinguishing of children). The tributes make a show of themselves in hopes of attracting rescuers in the Capitol; the elite have the ability to send “gifts” (e.g., bottled water) to competitors in the Hunger Games arena. Through the lens of “art imitates life,” dystopian stories are often more eerily close to our realities than strict fantasy. Although this film may have been less of an overt political commentary or demonstration of existing societal inequalities and injustices, it astutely captures the initial transitional choices before devolving completely into authoritarian brutality of leadership/regime (on a micro level with Coriolanus Snow himself and on a macro level in the case of Panem). Income inequality in the United States increased by about 20 percent from 1980 to 2016 according to the Pew Research Center. American programs such as the food stamp system are known to cause resentment among the disinvested: the tax-paying low income and those who receive welfare. Food abundance, extravagance and waste are characteristics of the elite—often of “Western” nations—whereas the masses are deprived of necessities (not due to a lack of supply or resources, necessarily, but inefficient distribution and a focus on profit-driven production). The exploitation of violence for views is extremely prevalent in our modern digital culture. As the ancient Greek philosopher Plutarch asserted: “The poor go to war, to fight and die for the delights, riches, and superfluities of others.” The violence of war is turned into blockbuster Hollywood hits or best-selling novels, and the victims of real war, more often than not, do not perish in an honorable manner. They are slaughtered and, in several instances, serve the selfish interests of others more financially well-off. For survivors, veterans who return home are frequently overlooked, and they lack adequate support. This is a particularly prevalent issue in the United States. The Hunger Games—and, more pertinently, “The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes”—does not provide any answers to pressing social and complex moral questions but rather poses them; the film holds up a mirror to the audience and our society, allowing us to see the impurities, the risks, and the dangers that currently lay bubbling below the surface. What I thought this film prequel did most effectively (apart from the fantastic world-building, impressive cinematography, character portrayal, and an epic soundtrack) was incorporate veiled, almost diluted elements of silhouettes of real-world systemic issues and moral quandaries into an already action-packed and compelling narrative; at no point during its two hour and 38 minute duration was I bored. When I finally begrudgingly walked out of the theater, I whined to my friend; I wanted more — both more content (in which I happily absorbed watching the other movies), but also more in a grander sense of the word. We should be able to expect more from our leaders, from each other, and from ourselves. “The Hunger Games”—like any quality piece of art—gives us an opportunity to reflect, if not just to enjoy its aesthetics and intrigue. In a review published in the New York Times, Amy Nicholson shrewdly writes that the film and its content “moves us to spend its gargantuan running time reflecting on contemporary headlines, mourning the generational tragedy of anger and fear begetting anger and fear.” Through the medium of film, the Hunger Games illustrates the susceptibility of the inherent goodness and purity that we are born to the probability of it being tainted by our surrounding conditions. In this view, nurture trumps nature, and if this is true (which I believe it to be), then change can be made in both directions. What is done can be undone, laws can be written and rewritten, and extended power can be limited. After all, the “Victor” should be a healthy society where collaboration and understanding set a stage for the next generations to thrive.

Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. < Back Why We All Need to Get Our Hands in the Soil Finn Leary for Environnementon December 31, 2024 When I put my hand up to write this article, I initially had plans to write about environmental NGOs and why so many continue to fall short in delivering meaningful change, despite bold, well-intentioned promises. Then, after witnessing the ways in which COP29 again stormed its way into the news cycle, with not much to show, I thought perhaps this was a more important conversation to have. But after an afternoon of getting my hands dirty, pulling out a few weeds in the garden following an obnoxiously boring French class, I decided perhaps this was a ripe place to focus my attention. And a bit more of a hopeful place to dwell. So yep, you guessed it! This article is going to be dedicated to the humble act of gardening. For ease of reading, I’ll be discussing three main ideas: gardening as a profoundly (often unintentional) anti-capitalist act, gardening as self-care and care for the planet, and gardening as a directed political action. PSA: This article is driven in equal parts by my desire to find a lovely human (or several) that are willing to give some love and care to the garden after I’m gone (sounds like I’m dying, I’m just heading back to Australia) but also to convince more of you of the value of gardening and growing your own food. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Profoundly Anti-Capitalist I want to start here with a little story. This past summer, at home in Tasmania, my father, an avid gardener, was blessed with a handful of tomato plants that sprouted naturally from last year’s crop. They popped up in the veggie garden and quickly announced their arrival by growing prolifically. These tomato plants were huge, spreading to cover the whole garden. Hundreds, if not thousands, of tomatoes emerged over the course of the coming months. Dad was so overwhelmed (in the best way possible) by the sheer scale of his tomato success, that he started finding new homes for the tomatoes. Boxes full were given away at the local markets. Handfuls were passed over the fence to the elderly neighbors. Their sweet juicy nectarines were handed back. This quickly evolved into passing over bottled passata and tomato relish for nectarine pie. A local restaurant heard of Dad’s surplus tomatoes, and for the rest of the summer Dad swapped boxes for a meal at the restaurant. Thankfully this extended to his sons whenever they visited. A friend of mine who has her own fermentation and preserves business took buckets full to use in her recipes. A community group in Hobart used kilos of pasta sauce and fresh tomatoes to feed the masses at their weekly gatherings. And still tomatoes went to waste. But that’s the beauty of gardening. Fruit falling to the ground never really goes to waste. Just returning to the soil, seeds aplenty, waiting for the next year to sprout again. Indeed, all of this arose from the seeds that fell to the ground the previous autumn. Just a few months earlier, in a class at university, my favorite professor had been discussing the beauty of seeds and gardening more broadly. For the last class of the semester, he brought in broad bean seeds that were gifted to him by a previous student 15 years earlier. For the past decade and a half, my lecturer had grown broad beans and given the seeds to every class member, asking each student to sow the seeds and to pass on the gesture. It is fair to assume that one handful of beans given 15 years ago had led to the planting and harvesting of hundreds of plants in backyards around Hobart and further afield. I planted mine and they are still growing in my old shared house garden. My lecturer’s point with this act was this: That the beautiful gift of life stored in the form of a seed costs nothing but can generate so much good. And that this gift is exponential. In this sense, gardening is very anti-capitalist. Produce grown in the garden (and the seeds from these plants) are a gift from nature that can be regifted to others, shared and swapped and eaten and celebrated—a liberating and life-bringing act fundamentally rooted in connection to the land and to others. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Self-Care: Nurturing Ourselves and the Planet Gardening is also fundamentally about returning to something better, something rooted in the past and oriented to the future. It’s about returning to ourselves in new ways (old ways really) and to the natural environment around us. Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. Gardening requires slowing down. It forces us to contend with the seasons, and cycles of death and decay. Gardening makes us more aware of what is happening all around us, from the critters and the pollinators to the amount of rain held in the clouds above. We live such distanced and disconnected lives from the natural world that we are inherently a part of, that simply getting in the garden can be a reclamation, a way to remind ourselves of all we are connected to and the stewardship we must return to. Gardening also fundamentally orients us toward big, important questions: What is our role within the natural world? How do we care for what sustains us? How is food grown, and who grows it? How can individuals and communities take control of their food systems? Gardening as a Political Act Gardening can take so many different forms; it can be as varied as the people who practice it and the environments in which it occurs. Gardening can be a solitary endeavor pursued in private space like a courtyard or a balcony, or it can be a deeply connected act embedded in communities and shared public space. Gardening can differ radically in scale, from a few pots of herbs and greens to bustling community gardens. There lies beauty and value in all these examples. Gardening can also be a rebellious political act that challenges the status quo, as seen in practices like guerrilla gardening and botanarchy. These forms of gardening are premised upon transforming and reclaiming neglected and poorly used public spaces into green, productive areas, often without permission, to challenge private ownership and environmental conservatism. A good friend of mine in Australia started a guerrilla garden in Meanjin (Brisbane) during Covid, turning an abandoned council-owned plot into a thriving communal space where all walks of life from the community would meet and get their hands into the soil, sharing produce and meals. Engaging in guerrilla gardening/botanarchy is an empowering act, a way to push back against systems that aren’t really serving us. With our ecological systems in crisis, political instability growing the world over, and social divisions deepening, it is hard to envision a livable future without radical scaled change—the revolutionary, system-transforming type. I want to suggest that it is too the small battles that can pave the way to new modes of living and relating to each other and the planet. The peaceful revolution of growing something in the garden (whether in your backyard, or in a poorly used public space), in my opinion, is a small but sure step forward out of this mess. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024.

A warm welcome to the Menton Times 2022-2023! < Back A Warm Welcome From the Editor-in-Chief By Lara-Nour Walton July 26, 2022 Dear incoming Ummah, As I write this, we are scattered like confetti about the globe just anticipating our convergence. Sciences Po beckons us, and we draw nearer to her cautiously, maybe zealously, or perhaps not at all – denying, denying, denying, grasping onto summer’s last lights with a desperate grip. But alas, we must begin to heed her now, the time has come. To the rising 1A’s, it is with great pleasure that I welcome you to our idyllic town. My name is Lara-Nour Walton, and I am the editor-in-chief of The Menton Times, the campus newspaper. I joined as a timid first year, knowing that my love for journalism ran deep, but distrusting my ability to generate meaningful work. I had only briefly been a staff member of any conventional journalistic publication before. Everything was so new, and everything proved to be so wondrous. I owe my instant infatuation with this paper to the dynamic, welcoming, and worldly Menton Times community. Our team is composed of creators who cannot be described merely as staff. They are journalists who are famished for knowledge, craving to trace the political, economic, and social contours of the world around us, eager to serve their student body. We all share the unifying conviction that information should be accessible to everyone, and we put in great effort to meet this end. The paper covers campus and global news, arts and culture analysis, sports, and opinion. Moreover, the publication aims to celebrate the campus’ West Asian, North African, and Mediterranean specialization by emphasizing the region in our reporting. Our ultimate aim is to feature and disseminate the ideas of our brilliant Sciences Po Menton. Applications for the Menton Times open on August 1st, 2022 . We welcome all – the philosophers, football players, artists, computer scientists, and rookie writers among us. There is something that each one of you has to say, and we cannot wait to know what it is. In the interim, we encourage you to follow our Instagram, @thementontimes , for regular updates about the exciting plans we have in store for our newest generation of Sciences Pistes. And please peruse our all-new website for a taste of what we have to offer. Here’s to a great year ahead to all our readers and contributors - new and old. With great impatience for our imminent convergence, Lara-Nour Walton Editor-in-Chief The Menton Times 2022-2023 Chère Ummah entrante, Au moment où j'écris ces mots, nous sommes éparpillés comme des confettis autour du globe anticipant notre convergence. Sciences Po nous fait signe, et nous nous rapprochons d'elle avec précaution, peut-être avec zèle, ou peut-être pas du tout - niant de toutes nos forces, saisissant les dernières lueurs de l'été d'une poigne désespérée. Mais hélas, nous devons commencer à faire attention à elle maintenant, le moment est arrivé. Aux 1A montantes, c'est avec grand plaisir que je vous accueille dans notre ville idyllique. Je m'appelle Lara-Nour Walton et je suis la rédactrice en chef du Menton Times, le journal du campus. J'ai rejoint le Times en tant que timide étudiante en première année, sachant que mon amour pour le journalisme était profond, mais ne faisant pas confiance en ma capacité à générer un travail significatif. Je n'avais été que brièvement membre du personnel d’une publication journalistique conventionnelle auparavant. Tout était si nouveau, et tout s'est avéré si merveilleux. Je dois mon engouement immédiat pour ce journal à la communauté dynamique, accueillante et mondaine du Menton Times. Notre équipe est composée de créateurs qui ne peuvent pas être décrits uniquement comme constituant le personnel. Ce sont des journalistes affamés de savoir, avides de tracer les contours politiques, économiques et sociaux du monde qui nous entourent, désireux de servir leur corps étudiant. Nous partageons tous la conviction unificatrice que l'information doit être accessible à tous et nous nous efforçons d'atteindre cet objectif. Nous couvrons l'actualité du campus et du monde, les commentaires sur les arts et la culture, les reportages sportifs et les opinions. En outre, le journal vise à célébrer la spécialisation du campus en tout ce qui concerne l’Asie de l'Ouest, Afrique du Nord et Méditerranée en mettant l'accent sur cette région du monde dans nos reportages. Les candidatures pour le Menton Times ouvrent le 1er août 2022. Nous accueillons tout le monde - philosophes, footballeurs, artistes, informaticiens et écrivains débutants parmi nous. Chacun de vous a quelque chose à dire, et nous avons hâte de l’entendre. En attendant, nous vous encourageons à suivre notre Instagram, @thementontimes , pour des mises à jour régulières sur les projets passionnants que nous avons en réserve pour notre nouvelle génération de Sciences Pistes. Et nous vous prions de parcourir notre tout nouveau site Web pour un avant-goût de ce que nous avons à offrir. Je vous souhaite une superbe année à tous nos lecteurs et contributeurs - nouveaux et anciens. Avec grande impatience pour notre convergence imminente, Lara-Nour Walton Rédacteur en chef The Menton Times 2022-2023

A cat from seemingly nowhere appeared on the Menton campus fresh into the second semester of the 2021-2022 academic year. Once the Mentonese had accepted the kitty as part of its community, it was time to give him a name. < Back Elections Held to Name Campus Cat By Ayşe Lara Selçuker March 31, 2022 A cat from seemingly nowhere appeared on the Menton campus fresh into the second semester of the 2021-2022 academic year. One of the campus guards, Marc, said that he had simply appeared one day, and Jose and the students had taken initiative to take care of it. Rumor has it that the cat once belonged to Jose a couple of years ago, returning almost 2 years later to its home. Once the Mentonese had accepted the kitty as part of its community, it was time to give him a name. On the ninth and 10th of March, a text into the school-wide group chat, “Risen 1As,” prompted a two-part election to suggest and elect a name for the Sciences Po kitty: “The cat in front of Sciences Po does not belong to anyone but the Mentonese Sciences Pistes. His/her name should thus be decided by no other than the people themselves…” As of 10:30 a.m. on March 9, all Sciences Pistes gained access to the first Google Form allowing them to suggest names. By the same time the following morning, the form had collected 15 different recommendations. The next day, later in the afternoon, each of these names was aggregated on a second and final form, upon which 61 students exercised their fundamental right to vote, ultimately providing a definitive name for the kitty. The election allowed individuals to vote for multiple names, taking an approval-rating approach to elections. Before revealing which name actually won, and in order to get a better understanding of the elections, we interviewed some of the nominators to get a better understanding of the story behind their proposed name. Hubert (6.6% approval) The first vote was cast at 10:31:23, in the thick of sociology class, by 1A Lilith Springer. Her suggestion, Hubert, gained four votes, approved by 6.6% of voters. When asked why she chose the name, she quipped, “because it’s an AWESOME name,” shortly adding that it also “reminds” her “of a friendly ghost that is always there but doesn’t really talk, exactly like the cat.” Right after proposing this suggestion, she thought of another one. Abu Bakr (27.9% approval) Receiving 17 votes, “Abu Bakr” was the runner-up to the winning name. “He [Abu Bakr] has the same birthday as me, and, in my view, cats are kind of malicious creatures who are still worshiped for some reason.” When the time came to vote, Springer cast her ballot in favor of her own two suggestions. Malthus (8.2% approval) The next submission came from 1A Saoirse Aherne, fighting for the representation of economic principles outside the classroom. The number of votes received for Malthus (five) was shocking for some, given how pertinent the subject was in the first semester 1A curriculum. Some suggested that a sort of post-economic stress disorder led to the strict rejection of the instinctively funny name suggestion. Venti (6.6% approval) Suggested by 1A Emilio Egger Prieto, also in Sociology class, this name earned four votes. Yet Egger Prieto had a keen agenda when he chose the name: “Ventimiglia is a very important part of the Menton experience. Menton without Ventimiglia is like Darkness without Light or Heat without Cold. They define each other and coexist naturally. This is why I advocated to have Venti permanently represented on our campus.” Balthazar (9.8% approval) For 1A Ferida Altun, this name, which earned six votes, was “the first name that crossed [her] mind as soon as she saw the cat’s face.” To justify her choice, she explained the history behind the name. “Balthazar is a name coming from royalty, meaning ‘God protects the king.’” The cat seemed rather dominant to her and “the fact that the cat carries (the domination) is a bit of an inversion of the traditional domination relationship (God protects the cat)” made her smile. Rayantoufiq (11.5% approval) This creative name was suggested by 2A Ilaï Beressi. Some suggest that it was selected in reference to his roommate and Menton 2A Rayan Toufiq. Although, when directly asked about his suggestion, Beressi explained little, simply saying, “Well… Isn’t it obvious?” and sending a picture of Toufiq smiling thereafter. “Look at him.” Ibn Khaldun (16.4% approval) “Ibn Khaldun” received 10 votes. Along with the following two names, this candidate was suggested by 1A Isabel Cronin, who established that she liked the idea of naming animals after historical figures. “Ibn Khaldun is one of the most influential figures of our degree focus so it felt like a good option. He comes up in many of our courses and is a name most of our campus is hopefully familiar with.” Machiavelli (13.1% approval) Earning 8 votes, this name was, in all likelihood, too familiar to the 1As who, at the time, were wrapping up their readings and presentations on Machiavelli’s “The Prince” for their political science seminars. Cronin said that the same reasoning for “Ibn Khaldun” applied to “Machiavelli.” She thought that this was “a sick name for a cat,” adding that then “we could nickname it ‘The Prince’ which would have been cute.” Tabbouleh (14.8% approval) This one of Cronin’s suggestions which dominated the candidate pool received 9 votes. Cronin reflected: “The second best names for animals are the food-based ones,” (Cronin’s cat back home is named Alfredo Linguini, “so I thought a popular Middle Eastern dish would suit the Middle East campus cat quite well.” Leviathan (4.9% approval) The unpopularity of this choice, accumulating only a measly 3 votes, could have been attributed to its placement in the selection pool as the penultimate option. One could also theorize that the wealth of other historical names stole Leviathan’s thunder. Surprisingly, 2A Stanislaw Naklicki was more outraged at the electoral process than the unenthused reception of his name suggestion “I was convinced the form was anonymous. I feel deceived,” he lamented. The nominations were not anonymous, and nowhere on the form was this indicated. Naklicki added: “I wanted to call him whale but I forgot how to say whale in English so Leviathan was the only thing that came to my mind as an alternative.” Perhaps “wave” would have earned more votes. No one will ever know. Yasmina (cat) as opposed to Yasmina (person) to do so we have to refer to the latter as Yasmina The Person (19.7% approval) The 1A who suggested this name preferred to remain anonymous, but they had clear reasons for their suggestion. “Right now, there are two Yasmina’s monopolizing powerful positions at Sciences Po Menton. We have… the director of our campus and the Yasmina in MDL (the boys’ dorm on campus). Both (are) arguably powerful and intimidating people. I was thinking if we named the cat ‘Yasmina,’ we would have to refer to the other Yasmina’s as ‘Yasmina the Person’ and take their power away a little bit because the cat would be called just ‘Yasmina.’ There would therefore be three powerful girls running Sciences Po Menton.” Sciences Pussy (19.7% approval) 1A Giulia Vigoriti chose this name but was disappointed by the 12 votes cast for it. When asked why she chose the name, she simply said, “It was funny! Pussy = Cat. But apparently I am too funny for the average SciencesPiste.” Vigoriti also warned the Feminist Union, telling them to “watch out,” because she might potentially recycle this name suggestion for a student initiative. قط Suggested by 1A Emilia Kohlmeyer, this name came with its own platform: “This is why you should pick this: It’s funny because qat. It can be translated to qt (cutie). It’s a great name. Good night.” Dog (11.5 % approval) Suggested by 1A Gayle Krest and earning seven votes, the name “Dog” was submitted “because it’s a Cat” and she thought that was funny. THE WINNING NAME: Muammar Cat-Dafi (59% votes) The modest 1A who suggested this winning name (which gained 36 votes) wanted to remain anonymous. They reflected: “I submitted Muammar Cat-Dafi because it was a pun, but I regret it because I think it’s mean to the cat and maybe disrespectful to the people of Libya.” It was particularly enlightening to ask each student who suggested a name for their reasoning behind their choice. Perhaps if each nominator had created a platform presenting reasons why the campus should choose their name, we would have seen different outcomes Without further ado, congratulations to Muammar Cat-Dafi, for officially joining the Sciences Po Menton community and having such an important role in Mentonese history. The certificate above recognizes that the Electoral Council has approved that the name has won with necessary requirements met. The cat has since been given a distinctive dictator hat, described by a Sciences Piste as a “generic military hat.” Perhaps the cat, once set to be called “Yasmina(cat) as opposed to Yasmina(person) to do so we have to refer to the latter as Yasmina The Person” is organizing a coup against its hypothetical opponent Yasmina… Menton will never know where this cat came from, what its goals are, or where he found Gaddafi’s hat.

Sports Recap – October 2022 < Back October Sports Recap By Arian Akrami October 31, 2022 Formula 1 Max Verstappen was officially crowned 2021 Formula 1 World Champion following the Japanese Grand Prix on Sunday Oct. 9. He became only the 11th driver to win back-to-back championships. With 12 victories already secured, and four races left, it remains entirely possible that the Dutchman could break the record for the most wins in a season (13 – Michael Schumacher with Ferrari in 2004, Sebastian Vettel with Red Bull in 2013). However, Red Bull has come under a barrage of criticism following statements that the team had exceeded the budget caps which were introduced at the beginning of the 2021 season. A Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile (FIA) statement announced that the team exceeded the $145 million budget cap by less than 5%, which constitutes a “minor” level breach. This level has come under criticism since it could still constitute a significant value of approximately seven million dollars. Ferrari team principal Mattia Binotto said: “five million dollars is about half a second, one to two million dollars is 0.1-0.2 seconds, which can be the difference between second on the grid to pole.” Potential repercussions include a deduction of championship points, financial reprimands and a reduction on the team’s budget cap. Tennis On Sunday Oct. 9, Novak Djokovic, recently championed at Wimbledon, defeated Stefanos Tsitsipas (6-3, 6-4) to clinch his 90th Association of Tennis Professionals title at the Astana Open in Kazakhstan. United States Open victor and world number one Carlos Alcaraz faced a major upset following defeat in the opening round Belgium’s David Goffin. Elsewhere on the Association of Tennis Professionals Tour, Taylor Fritz beat the United States Open runner up Francis Tiafoe (7-6, 7-6) in an all-American final at the Japan Open. This has allowed him to enter the world top 10 for the first time. Fritz was able to progress to the semifinals with a walkover due to the injury of Wimbledon finalist, Nick Kyrgios. On the Women's Tennis Association tour, the Polish world number one, Iga Swiatek, was stunned at the Ostrava Open final in the Czech Republic. She was defeated by Barbora Krejcikova, who managed to clinch her second successive Women's Tennis Association title on home soil (5-7, 7-6, 6-3). Football In the Premier League, as Arsenal continued their fine form, beating Leeds United away from home to remain top of the league, out-of-form Liverpool managed to defeat reigning champions and currently second place Manchester City, courtesy of a goal from Mohammed Salah. Manchester United Women thrashed Brighton and Hove Albion 4-0 to remain top of the Women’s Super League, level on nine points with Arsenal and Chelsea, who beat Everton and Reading, respectively. Manchester City picked up their first points of the season with another 4-0 scoreline against Leicester City, who remain rock bottom with zero points, alongside Reading. In Ligue 1, Neymar extended his excellent goal-scoring record so far this season in a crucial 1-0 victory for Paris Saint-Germain in the Classico against Olympique Marseille. The club now sit top of the table with a three-point lead over second place FC Lorient, who fell to a draw at home to Reims despite a 45th minute red card for their opponents. On the international front, Denmark’s kit manufacturer, Hummel, have hidden their logo, and Denmark’s emblem, on their World Cup apparel as a way to voice their disassociation with the Qatar tournament which has been criticized for its abhorrent treatment of migrant workers . Although their national colours are red and white, they have decided to release an all-back third kit, which Hummel described as “the color of mourning,” in solidarity with the thousands of lives lost during the construction of the stadiums.

Promoting finance to tackle climate change in developing countries is one of the pillars of the Paris Agreement. Yet the investment world, which seemingly has a never-ending stream of scandals and mis-selling driven by greed and lack of ethics, is yet again undermining the existentially important issue of climate change. < Back Regulating ESG Investments Becomes More Pressing Amidst Greenwashing Trends By Noor Ahmad November 30, 2022 The 27th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, or COP27, is convening in the Egyptian coastal city of Sharm el-Sheikh between the 6th and 18th of November 2022. The conference seeks to tackle global climate emergency issues: how to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, adapt to the effects of climate change and finance climate action in developing countries. The conference seeks to build on the Paris Agreement in 2015, which set out goals to guide nations on how to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions and limit global temperature increase to two degrees Celsius. The agreement is a legally binding international treaty with 194 signatory Parties. The issue of climate change and financing the fight against it are nothing new. Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) investing has been rising for the last decade. ESG incorporates a broad set of principles that socially responsible investments should follow and are sometimes commingled with “green” investments, which focus primarily on environmental impact. While there is no clear taxonomy for ESG, it broadly aims to curtail the effects of climate change, carbon emissions, environmental pollution, deforestation and water scarcity. The non-environmental categories of ESG encompass a wider scope, including community impact, human rights, diversity in company boards, bribery, and corruption. A report by the consulting firm Deloitte published earlier this year estimated $39 trillion of assets in 2020 were ESG-focused versus $19 trillion in 2014. This represents 36 percent of total global investments in 2020. The magnitude and proportion of ESG investments are expected to rise dramatically in the coming years, reaching $96 trillion by 2025 and representing 58 percent of worldwide investments. Other measures put the projected amount invested in ESG funds at a few trillion dollars. What is indisputable is that this sector is proliferating. As interest in the environment and sustainability has increased, so has regulatory focus. In 2021, the European Union introduced its Sustainable Finance Disclosure Regulation, which requires asset managers to provide information regarding their adherence to ESG investment standards. Three categories were introduced in classifying investment funds: article six funds, which do not take sustainability into account; article eight funds, which promote ESG practices; and article nine funds, which is the highest ESG category, with sustainability at the heart of its investment policies. Moreover, since August 2022, the Markets in Financial Instruments Directive II, a regulation seeking to protect investors and standardize practices across the European Union, now requires financial advisors to evaluate not only the client’s risk tolerance but also their preferences for environmentally sustainable investments. The regulatory changes by the union are timely and possibly the beginning of a worldwide regulatory convergence in how to classify environmentally responsible investments. The changes have come against a background of mis-selling and misrepresentation by some of the world’s largest asset managers. DWS, Deutsche Bank’s asset management arm, recently saw its CEO step down after evidence emerged that the firm failed to classify investments labelled ESG against the necessary criteria correctly. The term “greenwashing,” which aptly describes DWS’s behavior, is one where a company tries to portray itself as more socially responsible and environmentally friendly than it is. The company may not meet the necessary standards and continue investing in environmentally harmful businesses. A German consumer group recently filed a lawsuit against DWS alleging that its ESG Climate Tech fund was marketed as having zero percent investments in polluting sectors such as coal. Yet, the fund’s investment policy allowed for investments in companies where up to 15 percent of their revenues could be generated from these harmful industries. The problems faced by DWS are not a one-off event, and the prevalence of misrepresentation of what investment funds are doing versus what they are advertising is an issue concerning regulators beyond the European Union, with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission and the U.K.’s Financial Conduct Authority reviewing both conduct and current regulation. Promoting finance to tackle climate change in developing countries is one of the pillars of the Paris Agreement. Yet the investment world, which seemingly has a never-ending stream of scandals and mis-selling driven by greed and a lack of ethics, is yet again undermining an existentially important focus. As the awareness of climate change has begun to alter the behavior of both individual and institutional investors and centered them on environmentally positive goals, the investment world must step up and learn to police itself. Regulators will eventually catch up and create guidelines, but the intermediaries have a significant role as time passes and environmental catastrophe descends on humanity. Let us hope that the outcome of COP27 is a clear message to the investment industry that it needs to address these shortcomings and take substantial steps to finance positive change.

< Back First Death of the Year: Migrant Found Charred Atop Train in Menton By Lara-Nour Walton January 31, 2023 What was his name — the suspected migrant found charred atop a train at Menton’s Garavan station? Where was he from? These questions remain unanswered by French and Italian authorities. Yet, the man’s intended destination was clear. Like so many other asylum seekers, he sought a better life somewhere beyond the French side of the Franco-Italian border. The John Doe’s body emerged from the glow of an electrical fire at approximately 18:00 on Jan. 9, 2023. Train services were suspended for three hours as French first responders attempted to identify the victim. Agence France Presse reports that considering the chosen transit method, the man was likely an African asylum-seeker from Ventimiglia. An InfoMigrants article about the incident corroborates this presumption: “Francophone African migrants who arrive in Italy via the Mediterranean… often have connections and family and sometimes better job prospects over the border because of their knowledge of French.” Desperate times, desperate measures The suspected migrant’s death comes on the heels of tightening Franco-Italian border controls following a diplomatic row between the two countries. Tension skyrocketed in early November when a migrant rescue ship, the Ocean Viking, was refused safe port on the Italian coast and deferred to Toulon, France. The boat, run by humanitarian organization SOS Mediterranee, had been carrying 234 migrants since late October and filed 43 unsuccessful docking pleas with the Italian government before rerouting to France. After authorizing the Ocean Viking’s port in Toulon, the French government denounced Italy for its refusal to accept the ship. Paris asserted that because the vessel had been in Italian water for an extended period, the migrants, under maritime law, were Italy’s responsibility. But, Giorgia Meloni does not care for decorum. The right-wing Italian Prime Minister, who ascended to power at the end of October, pledged to close off Italy to the vast majority of migrants and requested that other coastal countries accept rescue boats. In a move described by Italy as “disproportionate” and “aggressive,” French authorities responded by effectively sealing the Franco-Italian frontier and withdrawing from the European Union’s Voluntary Solidarity Mechanism, introduced in June 2022. Murderous Border Clandestine Franco-Italian crossings have always been perilous and potentially deadly. On Nov. 7, 2022, 19-year-old Afghan refugee Ahmed Safi was hit by two cars on the A10 motorway as he attempted to traverse into France. He was only laid to rest after his body was dragged by a lorry to a tollbooth 500 meters away. Now that border controls have intensified, Italian newspaper, Il Messaggero, predicts that Ventimiglia’s migrants will be forced to resort to even more dangerous means of entering France. Transportation atop trains is only one of the many high-risk methods they may turn to. Safi and the John Doe are far from the only victims of what The Roya-Citizen Association calls the “murderous border.” Director of the Ventimiglia branch of Caritas, Christian Papini, estimates that at least 33 people have died in Franco-Italian crossings since 2015, while Nice-based lawyer Mireille Damiano puts the number at 50. First death of the year The John Doe’s death grimly kicks off yet another year on the Franco-Italian frontier — his scorched body marks the first migrant fatality of 2023. It appears that Italy’s new unforgiving asylum seeker policy and France’s progressively stringent border controls are not inhibitors enough. Migrants, chasing ever-elusive livelihoods, will pursue cross-border journeys at any cost.

Je ne vous apprendrai donc rien en vous disant que notre université, et le campus de Menton en particulier, souffre d’une image pour le moins ternie par des accusations d’antisemitisme et autres propos diffamatoires circulant dans les médias. Mais les questions qui demeurent sont : pourquoi en sommes nous arrivés là, et comment est-ce que cela nous impacte concrètement ? < Back La perception médiatique de Sciences Po Menton By Anonymous April 30, 2024 Si vous lisez ceci, vous êtes probablement élèves de Sciences Po. Je ne vous apprendrai donc rien en vous disant que notre université, et le campus de Menton en particulier, souffre d’une image pour le moins ternie par des accusations d’antisemitisme et autres propos diffamatoires circulant dans les médias. Mais les questions qui demeurent sont : pourquoi en sommes nous arrivés là, et comment est-ce que cela nous impacte concrètement ? Depuis le 7 octobre, Sciences Po a été au centre de l’attention pour les positions prises par ses élèves en relation au conflit en cours. Mais le campus de Menton en a souffert doublement. En tant que campus ‘Méditerranée Moyen Orient’ il est le plus directement affecté car ce conflit touche à notre zone géographique de prédilection, mais aussi car il touche certains de nos camarades de près. Pourtant, la discussion a été difficile et la gestion compliquée. En effet, notre campus a souffert d'attaques par des élus locaux d’extrême droite visant directement certains étudiants en postant des vidéos de leurs visages dans un but de diffamation du campus. Ils les ont ainsi mis au centre d’une attention qui n'était pas voulue et haineuse. De plus, les médias ont abondamment répété que notre campus était “antisemite”, associant tout une communauté étudiante aux actes certes répréhensibles mais non représentatifs d’une petite minorité, et vidant de son sens cette notion si grave et complexe. Il est donc impossible de ne pas être choqué de la durée durant laquelle ces propos ont pu circuler en ligne, endommageant gravement l’image de notre campus. On pourrait peut être penser que la réputation du campus, et de Sciences Po plus largement, s’en remettra probablement; après tout, les classements QS ne semblent pas en tenir compte, Sciences Po arrive 2 ème en politique, et c’est peut être tout ce qui compte… Néanmoins, cette attention médiatique est grave, car elle attise les divisions et fragilise notre confiance dans la capacité de notre institution à nous protéger. Souffrant d’une gouvernance instable, nous nous sommes donc retrouvés démunis. Qui plus est, les propos ont été plus d’une fois démentis par des élèves de manière très ouverte, mais étrangement cela ne semble pas autant attirer les médias. En ce qui concerne les impacts directs de ces accusations, notre campus en souffre déjà. En effet, le président de MEDMUN, l’une des cinq associations permanentes du campus, a évoqué la difficulté à inviter certains diplomates ou à nouer des partenariats avec certaines marques qui ne voudraient pas que cette image leur soit associée. Pour lui, il est d’autant plus difficile de se défendre contre de telles positions tant que Sciences Po ne fait pas de “contre attaque”, car sans un démenti officiel nous n'avons que peu d’arguments. Néanmoins, il est important de reconnaître l'existence dans notre campus de postures antisémites. Comme la conférence du 24 avril nous l’a rappelé, les élèves juifs de notre campus en ont souffert. Les témoignages l’ont montré, nous ne sommes pas toujours très à l’aise. Il est aussi important de se rendre compte que l’antisemitisme est souvent mal compris. En effet, ce que certains voient comme anodin ne l’est pas toujours pour ceux à qui ça s'adresse systématiquement. Et oui les ‘blagues’ stéréotypes toujours justifiées a ce titre sont dures à vivre, et oui être convoqué sur la conversation a propos du conflit en Israël/Palestine sans toujours être à l'aise pour donner notre perspective est un problème. Je dois l’admettre, durant le mois d’octobre et même depuis, certains jours ce malaise m’a envahie. Mais je refuse de laisser ces angoisses définir notre campus et mon expérience. Ce n’est pas en stigmatisant tout le campus que ce sera résolu. En effet, la reprise de la vraie souffrance de certains élèves à des fins politiques rend le dialogue d’autant plus difficile. La diffamation venant des médias pousse à des réactions antagonistes de certains qui empêchent la discussion modérée et honnête. Il est donc évident que la diffamation à l’encontre de notre campus affecte tout à la fois des individus, le fonctionnement d’associations et la capacité d’organiser des événements en son sein. Le manque de réponse face à ces attaques médiatiques et leurs reprises politiques nous laisse nous questionner sur l’avenir du campus.

Civilians have been demonstrating in the wake of the October 25 military coup. Though the military has reached a deal to release the Prime Minister and reinstate a technocratic cabinet, protests are ongoing. < Back Protests Against Military Coup Ongoing in Sudan By Cameron Sterling November 29, 2021 On October 25, a military backed-coup led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan dissolved the power- sharing agreement between civilians and military leaders in the wake of Sudan’s 2019 revolution. According to Al Jazeera, al-Burhan’s coup was declared a state of emergency, dissolving the sovereignty council and transitional ministers, suspending work on the Constitution, and relieving governors of their positions. The military arrested a large group of government supporters and put Civilian Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok on house arrest. In an interview with Vice News, retired general Fath al-Rahmen Muhyiddin claimed that the military executed the coup because the people have failed to see improvements in living standards since Bashir’s time in power. He continued that stagnation is evident of a failed system, which the military aims to fix. The October 25 coup did not come as a surprise for most Sudanese nationals; the military had attempted a similar operation on September 21, 2021, which many viewed as a practice run for October. Since this date, many civil society organizations have been demonstrating in fear of return to an authoritarian regime similar to that of Omar Bashir, the dictator ousted in 2019. Demonstrations have increased in scale and number since October 25, led by civilian groups such as Forces of Freedom and Change and the Sudanese Professionals Association. As Nazik Awad of Open Democracy wrote, these protests are uniquely grassroots, with organization coming primarily from resistance committees, youth groups, women’s groups, professional unions, and political parties. They have an impressively far reach in part due to the use of Rendok , a street language originating from rural migrants in Khartoum. The adoption of this language has engaged a class of people not usually included in civil society. The Coordinated Resistance Committees, one of the largest organizations, has established that it has seven demands and is looking to engage in civil disobedience until they are met. These demands are the following: Overthrowing the military coup and handing over full power to civilians. Handing over all members of the coup council to urgent and immediate trials on charges of the military coup. No dialogue and no negotiation with any member of the coup military council and all members of the security committee and the rejection of international inter-conversation. Dissolve all armed militias and reform the armed people’s forces according to a national belief that aims to protect the borders of the country and the rights of the people in freedom, peace, and justice. The removal of the systemic forces from the political process permanently, by criminalizing and preventing the practice of politics by the military. Formation of all structures of the transitional authority in a specific period, under the supervision of relevant professional and academic bodies. Total independence of the sovereignty of the Sudanese state in regards to all economic, political and security decisions. Though many members of the public support these demands and there is mass mobilization against the coup, Sudan’s future is unclear. Though it has denied it, the military has carried out violent crackdowns on peaceful protests, shooting tear gas and live rounds into crowds. As of November 21, the death toll has reached 40. As evidenced by Vice News, protestors and organizers also face the risk of arbitrary arrest and beatings by the police. Though, it seems that there is a degree of stability on the horizon; the Guardian claims that Prime Minister Hamdok has been released. He made a new deal with the military to establish a new technocratic cabinet, supported by the UN and United States, with the aim of restoring order to the nation. It is imperative to note, however, that most key resistance committees oppose this deal. They have vowed to continue to protest until a government is established without the involvement of the military.

Il faut à tout prix entreprendre les efforts visant à sauver la sphère publique pour s’engager lentement, mais sûrement, vers la reconstruction d'un État pour ensuite reconstruire un pays. < Back Liban, la prochaine « République des ONG » ? Christy Ghosn Selon la Banque Mondiale, « la crise économique libanaise représente l’un des dix, voire des trois effondrements économiques les plus graves que le monde ait connus depuis 1850 » . Entre un PIB du pays qui chute , en passant de 52 milliards de dollars en 2019 à seulement 21,8 milliards de dollars en 2021, et une dépréciation de la livre libanaise de 211% par rapport au dollar, la situation libanaise a laissé une grande partie de la population plongée dans la détresse économique, tandis que loin des ruines, dans les bars animés de Gemmayzeh, ou encore aux soirées chics sur les plages de Batroun, une élite privilégiée continuer de baigner dans l’opulence. Le constat est amer: dix pour cent de la population détient plus de 70% des richesses. Cette situation humanitaire n'est pas causée par une guerre ou une catastrophe naturelle, mais bien par l'indifférence de la caste politique corrompue au pouvoir. Dans ce contexte, les donateurs et les ONG jouent un rôle crucial dans la lutte contre les inégalités socio-économiques et la reconstruction du pays suite à l'inefficacité et la défaillance de l’Etat . Cependant, leur omniprésence soulève des questions fondamentales: La délégation totale de la reconstruction libanaise aux ONG constitue-t-elle un scénario viable? Les ONG devraient-elle réellement écarter la classe politique libanaise? Le Liban devrait-il basculer vers une « République des ONG » afin de lutter contre sa crise et l’aggravation de ses inégalités? Des inégalités socio-économiques persistantes… Avec un indice Gini de 50.7 en 2017, le pays se classe parmi les plus inégalitaires au monde en termes de répartition de la richesse ; des inégalités renforcées notamment depuis la crise économique. Ces inégalités s’observent dans de multiples secteurs. Par exemple, la perte de revenus a fortement affecté l’accès à une éducation de qualité et a ainsi anéanti la capacité de nomb reux parents à envoyer leurs enfants dans les écoles de leur choix, en particulier privées. Résultat: les inscriptions dans les écoles publiques sont passées d’environ 30% à 47% à l’échelle nationale en 2018-2019 . Or, la qualité de l’enseignement public est extrêmement faible et les écoles publiques sont au bord de l'effondrement. En 2020, moins de deux pour cent du PIB du pays a été consacré à l’éducation, alors que le minimum recommandé est de quatre à six pour cent. Le cas de l'éducation n’est qu’un ca s parmi tant d’autres; il en est de même pour le secteur de la santé par exemple. Environ 44 % de la population libanaise ne dispose d’aucune forme d’assurance maladie. Des ONG efficaces pour pallier à la défaillance de l’Etat Classé en 2023 au 149e rang sur les 180 pays étudiés par l'indice de perception de la corruption de Transparency International , le Liban a non seulement perdu la confiance de ses citoyens mais aussi celle des bailleurs de fonds inte rnationaux. Comment accorder la reconstruction du Liban à un Etat corrompu, qui profiterait de cette reconstruction pour s’enrichir davantage? Pire encore, comment l’Etat ferait-il pour mener cette reconstruction alors qu’il ne dispose même pas des fonds nécessaires et crou le sous une dette publique qui représentait 181% du PIB en 2021 et 280% du PIB en 2022? L’Etat libanais s’effondre ainsi progressivement…Or, qu'elles soient internationales ou loca les, les ONG sont les seules à intervenir et tenir à bout de bras le pays, noyé dans une crise économique et sociale. Après l’explosion du port de Beyrouth notamment, elles ont joué les tout premiers rôles alors que l’Etat était aux abonnés absents. En effet, les ONG sont souvent obligées de combler les lacunes du secteur public: c’est le cas de Rebirth Beirut, qui, en allumant 105 rues, neuf avenues, quatre places, et deux escaliers, ainsi qu'en rétablissant les feux tricolores , a redonné vie aux quartiers de la capitale libanaise après plusieurs années d'obscurité, et a apporté une solution concrète à un problème crucial. Une solution insuffisante Même si les ONG semblent efficaces pour pallier aux défaillances de l’Etat, force est de constater que leurs actions posent des questions en termes de légitimité et de transparence. En effet, le paysage des ONG au Liban est hétérogène, de nombreuses associations étant directement ou indirectement affiliées à des partis politiques et/ou à des communautés religieuses. Une étude du Beirut Urban Lab a examiné les cas de 135 acteurs locaux et internationaux qui ont participé aux efforts de secours post-explosion. Résultat: 39% d’entre eux ont des affiliations religieuses et/ou politiques, tandis que les 61% restants se définissent comme indépendants. Ces types d’organisations sont ainsi susceptibles de baser la distribution de l’aide sur certains profils au lieu de proposer une aide inclusive. Il est par ailleurs difficile d'étudier la manière dont les dons reçus sont utilisés par les ONG suite au secret bancaire qui empêche toute autorité de vérifier les comptes d'une association. Plus inquiétant encore pour l’avenir: en juin 2021, l’agence de presse Reuters a révélé que sur 1,5 milliard de dollars injectés dans l’humanitaire au Liban en 2020, au moins 250 millions avaient été « avalés » par les banques du pays. Cette disparition est attribuée à la conversion des dollars en livres libanaises par les établissements bancair es, qui auraient appliqué un taux de change peu avantageux par rapport au taux du marché noir, constituant ainsi une perte significative de ressources pour l'aide humanitaire. Dans ce contexte, il est alors clair que le Liban ne peut pas se reposer uniquement sur les ONG pour sa reconstruction. Un partenariat nécessaire entre les ONG et l’Etat libanais Il en découle que l’aide, essentielle des ONG, n'est efficace qu’à court terme. Il s'agit alors de trouver des solutions à moyen et long terme. En effet, à court terme, recevoir l’aide des ONG dans le cadre d’un mécanisme transparent et correctement contrôlé semble être le seul moyen d’apporter une réponse relativement rapide au bénéfice des plus précaires. Cependant, pour la reconstruction et le relèvement à moyen et long terme, il serait nécessaire d'impliquer le gouvernement libanais et d’adopter un cadre de partenariat qui rassemble les différents acteurs pour la création d’un système solide et pérenne. Une quasi-saturation d'ONG au Liban pourrait s'avérer contre-productive car elle dédouane l'État de toutes ses responsabilités. Cette délégation totale des ONG pourrait ainsi saper toute véritable possibilité d'émergence de collectifs politiques capables de prendre leurs affaires en main. Il faut à tout prix entreprendre les efforts visant à sauver la sphère publique pour s’engager lentement, mais sûrement, vers la reconstruction d'un État pour ensuite reconstruire un pays.

< Back General Debate in the UN Assembly Kerem Demir Karahan October 23, 2025 The 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly began on Sept. 9 in New York, United States of America. World leaders convened in Turtle Bay in order to address the General Assembly where the debate was largely shaped by the ongoing wars in Gaza and Ukraine. Annalena Baerbock of Germany, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs until 2025, served as the President of the General Assembly and declared the theme of this year's debate as “Better together: 80 years and more for peace, development and human rights.” Baerbock began her remarks by highlighting the plight of children in Gaza, the war in Ukraine, and gang violence in Haiti. Moving on, she stated that cynics of the United Nations needed to realize that the “the [United Nations] Charter, our Charter, is only as strong as Member States’ willingness to uphold it,” encouraging the rest of the delegates to “act when action is needed.” The speeches of the Secretary-General and the President of the General Assembly were followed by the speeches by President Lula of Brazil and President Trump of the United States of America. Prior to Trump’s speech, the escalator he was riding malfunctioned, which Trump suggested could be sabotage (the United Nations denied the allegation, stating that it was rather a safety mechanism). This was one of the many criticisms Trump laid against the United Nations, stating that the organization “is supposed to stop invasions, not promote them.” Trump’s speech also largely focused on immigration, contrasting his policies with those of the previous Biden administration. Furthermore, Trump went on to state that “if you don’t get away from the green energy scam, your country is going to fail,” in line with his administration’s support for coal energy. On the war between Ukraine and Russia, Trump stated that the conflict ran for too long, and that he would be imposing harsh sanctions and tariffs against the Russian Federation. Following Trump’s statements, President Zelensky of Ukraine stated that he was “surprised” by Trump’s shift in position with respect to the war in Ukraine and believed that the relationship between him and Trump has gotten “better.” On the war in Gaza, Trump declared that “we have to negotiate peace, get the hostages back — all 20 back — and 38 dead bodies back.” Trump, referring to European states’ recognition of Palestine, stated that this unilateral recognition of the Palestinian state could amount to “a reward to Hamas for its horrible atrocities.” Under Trump’s directives, the State Department of the United States of America had previously denied Palestinian officials visas necessary for them to travel to the United Nations General Assembly, a move criticized by United Nations experts and many of the member states who believed that such an act is against the 1947 Headquarters of the United Nations Agreement. The State Department explained their reasoning by declaring that the Palestinian Authority has been failing to “consistently repudiate terrorism — including the October 7 massacre — and end incitement to terrorism in education.” Trump’s speech was followed by speeches from Presidents of Indonesia and Türkiye, Subianto and Erdoğan respectively—both of whom are presidents of large, Muslim-majority nations. Both presidents mentioned support for the two-state solution in Israel and Palestine, with Subianto stating that “both Palestine and Israel must be free and independent, safe and secure from threats and terrorism.” Erdoğan further stated that the situation in Gaza has become indefensible, expressing that it amounted to a “barbarity” and “genocide.” In the afternoon, the General Assembly heard a speech from the Colombian President Gustavo Petro, in which Petro harshly criticized Trump for the latter’s military strikes on suspected drug trafficking vessels off the coast of Colombia. Petro went on to condemn Trump and the inaction of the wider United Nations General Assembly with respect to the war in Gaza, stating that “this forum [the General Assembly] is a mute witness to a genocide.” Following his speech, Petro participated in a pro-Palestinian rally in New York in which he has called American soldiers to “Disobey Trump’s orders.” After the rally, the State Department declared that Petro’s visa would be revoked due to his “reckless and incendiary” comments. The following day, the General Assembly heard Ukrainian President Zelensky’s speech. Zelensky highlighted the failure of international law to protect Ukraine against Russian aggression, stating “because international institutions are too weak, this madness continues,” referring to Russia’s constant shelling of Ukrainian power plants. Zelensky further warned of democratic backsliding led by Russian policies in Eastern Europe, highlighting the situations in Georgia and Moldova. Zelensky finished his remarks by calling on world leaders not to “stay silent while Russia keeps dragging this war on” and “join us [Ukraine] in defending life and international law and order.” Two days later, on Sept. 26, the General Assembly heard from Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of Israel. As Netanyahu took the podium, dozens of diplomats and officials emptied the General Assembly hall in protest, leaving Netanyahu to address a largely empty hall. Leading news outlets such as the New York Times , commented on the symbolism of the moment, stating that the empty hall has become a testament to Israel’s growing isolation in the midst of its war in Gaza. Netanyahu, seemingly unbothered by the walkout, used his speech to criticize the member states which have begun to unilaterally recognize the Palestinian state, stating that European nations such as France and the United Kingdom were “reward[ing] the worst antisemites (referring to Hamas) on Earth.” Contrasting with his remarks on European leaders, Netanyahu took the time to express his appreciation for Trump’s support during the conduct of the war in Gaza, stating that the United States is “forcefully fighting the scourge of antisemitism.” Netanyahu also highlighted that Israel’s actions across the region, namely in Lebanon, Iran, and Yemen, helped bring down a web of Iranian proxies that waged war on Israel. Responding to growing claims of a genocide going on in Gaza from experts and member states around the world, Netanyahu stated that such claims were fueled by antisemitism. Baerbock closed the general debate of the 80th session of the General Assembly on Sept. 29. In her closing remarks, Baerbock stated that “Member States must do more to stem the tide of war and violence: to protect and feed starving civilians in Gaza, to return to peace to Ukraine, to protect women and girls in Sudan.” Referring to the New York Declaration on the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, Baerbock stated that “what happens in the General Assembly Hall matters,” as the Declaration led many Western European states to recognize Palestine for the first time. Baerbock further called for “an immediate ceasefire, a surge in humanitarian aid for civilians and the immediate release of the remaining hostages.” Talking about women’s rights and climate action, Baerbock highlighted the importance of continued efforts to advocate for inclusionary politics. Baerbock finished her remarks by stating that nations of the world needed one another to tackle problems that “no country alone can solve.” Photo Source: Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, Flickr