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< Back Taiwanese Elections: Where Are We Heading? By Lydia Ntourountou February 29, 2024 2024 is considered the election year, as at least 64 countries are meant to hold national elections over the upcoming ten months. The results of these elections will not only determine their political and economic state, but in some cases they will also fundamentally shape their approach to international relations. As the diplomatic ties between the United States and China are already causing multiple concerns on an international scale, the upcoming American presidential election could unleash disastrous repercussions. Amidst this tense climate, Taiwan (officially the Republic of China) held its presidential elections on Jan. 13 2024, and the results are worthy of analysis. A Very Brief History of Cross-Strait Relations, with the U.S. in the Middle The relations between China and Taiwan are complicated, and result from a long history marked by the first Sino-Japanese war in which Taiwan was ceded to Japan. However, Beijing’s position–claiming that Taiwan is a part of China–has remained firm since then, as Xi Jin-Ping reminded us in his New Year’s speech: “China and Taiwan will surely be reunified.” The Shanghai Communiqué (1972), issued by the US and China on the last evenings of President Richard Nixon’s diplomatic visit could be considered to have bolstered China’s permanent position. In this document, the U.S. formally acknowledged the fact that “all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China,” contrary to the modern gestures of support that the U.S. is often seen offering Taiwan. The complicated relations between Taiwan and the U.S., which in return define Cross-Strait relations, are evident in the Taiwan Relations Act (1979) which states the fact that the US does not have diplomatic relationships with the island, all while confirming military support in case of a potential Chinese invasion. Tensions between the three countries mounted in 1995, after Taiwan’s President at the time, Lee Teng-hui, visited the U.S., and China objected strongly to the U.S. decision to grant him a visa. Following this event, multiple ballistic missiles were fired in close proximity to the island, an ongoing tactic of the Chinese military. Instead of only applying political pressure, China has also tried to indirectly create vulnerability as well as dependency in the Taiwanese economy. According to Al Jazeera, in 2021 China banned the importation of pineapples produced in southern Taiwan due to pest issues. However, prior, Taiwanese pineapple farmers exported the majority of their fruits to China (an industry worth around 284$m a year), and this abrupt restriction resulted in an incredible financial loss for the farmers and the larger economy. Though a very simple example, this showcases the potential fallouts that could erupt in case China decides to limit its commercial relations with Taiwan, especially since the cross-strait trade was valued at 205$ billion in 2022, according to data collected from the Taiwanese Ministry of Finance. The Long Awaited Elections Taiwan follows the regime of a representative democratic republic, with a multi-party system, currently dominated by two major parties: the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in favor of Taiwan’s sovereignty, and the Kuomintang (KMT) which advocated for closer relations with mainland China. This constitutes another factor of conflict, considering the political situation in China is often criticized as authoritarian due to the lack of democratic procedures. Tsai Ing-wen, former President of Taiwan, shaped a political landscape characterized by the strong refusal to recognise the “1992 consensus,” and made clear that Taiwan would not recede to Chinese threats. On the Jan. 13, after her presidential term expired, elections were held and the three main candidates were as following: Lai Ching-te, previously a legislator from DPP, Hou Yu-ih from KMT who advocates discussions with Chinese Communist Party to avoid the rise of tensions, and lastly Ko Wen-je from Taiwan’s People’s Party and who, according to the Economist, has been more preoccupied with domestic issues than Cross-Strait relations. However, the Cross-Strait tensions did not prevent the voters from electing a democratic and “separatist” President Lai Ching-te, with a plurality of 40.05 percent. By choosing Lai Ching-te as their representative, the people of Taiwan confirm their support for the political “legacy” built by Tsai Ing-Wen, and which Lai Ching-te can not only preserve, but evolve according to his own political vision. The new President himself announced multiple times during his campaign that “there is no need to declare independence, because Taiwan is already an independent sovereign state.” The results of the Taiwanese elections are only one of the many factors that could aggravate the political situation in the South China Sea, and that implicate the involvement of external forces, such as the U.S. or Europe. Thus the following months will be revelatory, in a political landscape that is becoming increasingly tense, with no hopes of dialogue nor compromise.

Whether look-alike contests have already gained momentum or there is more to come remains to be seen. But how can one answer the important question of what lies behind the facade of look-alike contests? Well, the answer is simply put: a lot. Perhaps they will continue to foster the much-needed community for inhabitants of the cities or they will disappear as quickly as the 2010s’ prank videos. They could teach us a thing or two: to call out stereotypes, to stop minimizing the impact of queer communities throughout history, as well as to put pressure on the entertainment industry to more equally represent all people. < Back What Lies Behind the Façade of Look-Alike Contests? Ema Nevřelová December 31, 2024 If you ever found yourself wondering what it would be like to marry a celebrity, attending look-alike contests might take you closer to your dreams. Not only do they provide free and fun entertainment for the spectators watching the celebrity doubles, but they have also become a way to meet potential partners. Three weeks ago, at a New York Zayn Malik look-alike contest, a woman held a hand-made poster saying, “Do you… Look like Zayn? Like girls? Want to be in a relationship? Get our number so we can talk from DUSK TILL DAWN (Bonus for having the Zayn curl).” It makes one wonder, could look-alike contests become new ways to meet people outside of online dating platforms and social media? The trend is still too fresh to provide convincing conclusions. Nevertheless, this new manifestation of society’s obsession with celebrities pushed people to get out of their houses, run to parks and bond with others over culture, famous actresses and actors. Regardless of the effects on dating culture, it seems look-alike competitions could momentarily cure people of loneliness and isolation, especially pertinent in the big cities. From looking at the organizers and participants to exploring the origins of the contests in drag, this article is the full package. THE FIRSTS… The Timothée Chalamet look-alike competition, which seems to have started the trend in 2024, was organized through hundreds of flyers put up around New York City. The mastermind behind it, influencer Anthony Po, made a bet with his friend, arguing that, “There would be more people who come to a Timothée Chalamet look-alike competition than a Kai Cenat look-alike competition.” The Cenat competition happened on October 26 and the prize was $100. The Chalamet competition happened a day later, offering the winner only $50. Even though the incentive for the former contest was $50 more, Cenat is an online streamer creating comedic videos with a far smaller fan base than Timothée Chalamet, a Hollywood actor. Therefore, the outcome of the bet was not particularly surprising when more people attended the Chalamet look-alike contest. BREAK UP BY POLICE Po previously advertised several competitions and happenings—asking a person to wear a lampshade for an hour for $30 or famously inviting people to Union Square Park in New York City to watch him eat an entire jar of Cheeseballs without previously revealing his identity. Seemingly an entertaining way to gather people, it is also a strategic tool for gaining more followers on Instagram and subscribers on YouTube. Those feeling nostalgic about the 2010’s prank videos and challenges will likely enjoy his content despite the occasional lack of substance. However, for those who remember these types of videos, they often got out of hand, with unauthorized sleepovers at IKEA and legal consequences. Po took us back to that era as he got fined $500 for not obtaining a permit and four of the doubles of Chalamet were arrested by the police who wanted to break up the event. IN LOVE WE INFLUENCE Po’s social media reach highlights the importance of influence at a look-alike competition, which is perhaps why the Harry Styles look-alike competition and others in San Francisco or Chicago did not get as much attention. The Styles competition was first advertised through flyers, the same way the two others had been, and then on social media, which is when the information about the event started spreading even through more prominent media outlets. The turnout was minimal, with only five contestants and some female spectators. This might be a testament to the fact that we are living in the social media age. It takes the power of an influencer, even if not the most well-known one, to mobilize thousands of people. Nonetheless, it is fascinating to see the resurgence of flyer-based community mobilization in big cities when we are so consumed by the online world that it seems increasingly impossible to engage people with a flyer. In addition, cities are often described as anonymous, with people in them having a reputation of being individualistic and busy to participate in events such as these. It seems the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated this, but apparently, there are still people who crave the good “old-fashioned” socialization through flyers. Therefore, it is not too daring to expect romantic relationships to emerge out of them. After all, what better story there is than “I found my Timothée Chalamet at a look-alike competition”? LOOKS MATTER Fostering community in the city is important, but connecting with people from similar backgrounds can be even more beneficial when sharing experiences or finding empathy. However, the dangerous aspect of the look-alike contests is that our society still has a lot of stereotypes. Being told you resemble a celebrity can be on the scale from a flattering compliment to microaggression. After all, remarks like “they all look the same” have been, and still sometimes are, othering and dehumanizing people. Three friends from San Francisco, therefore, organized a Dev Patel look-alike competition, not only bringing together the Southeast Asian community, but sharing their experiences. One of the contestants, Ashwin, stated : “I’ve been getting called Dev Patel ever since white people watched ‘Slumdog Millionaire’.” The organizer Tasnim Khandakar added, “I really feel like South Asian actors have always been a little bit marginalized, and I think now knowing that Dev Patel can create a crowd this big, this positive — I think that’s amazing.” Clearly, look alike contests can be a positive way to engage with people who look like you, creating representation as well as celebrating the achievements of people from your community. However, they can also be exclusionary, as the biggest attention is focused on those contests of white male actors. These competitions can send a message that there is one particular way to look that is more attractive or acceptable. ATTENTION GRAB? On November 7, the day of the premier of Gladiator II, directed by Ridley Scott and starring Paul Mescal, the Dubliners decided to recreate the look-alike competition with Paul Mescal. The alignment of the Mescal look-alike competition with the Gladiator II premiere date shows that fan-driven movie-promotion, such as the “Barbenheimer” phenomenon in 2023, is still alive even in 2024. The Dublin gathering was nowhere near the scale of the phenomenon or the Chalamet competition, yet it still caught the attention of British media outlets such as The Guardian, hinting at the potential of these contests. This time we might not see people in pink clothes or wearing hats as in the ‘Barbenheimer’ craze. However, we might see lovebirds on movie dates watching the actresses and actors whose looks got the pair together. REAL LOVE, NORMAL PEOPLE Moreover, the date of the premiere was also not a pure coincidence as the organizers and the attendees had possibly hoped that Mescal would make an appearance, as a few days before, Timothée Chalamet had attended the New York look-alike competition and had made it a huge success. This was not the case during the Mescal competition, but Jack Wall O’Reilly, the winner, got to meet Mescal through video call when the actor was a host at a BBC Radio 2 broadcast. In it, O’Riley revealed he had just graduated from a masters in screenwriting and had released his first short-documentary called “ Enough” about sexual harassment. The Chalamet competition winner Miles Mitchel is also a notable person of his own: he attends pro-Palestinian protests and shares information about the genocide, declared as such by Amnesty International, in Gaza. These two men illustrate that they not only have celebrity looks but are also active in spreading awareness about current global problems. BE A DOLL! Celebrities attending their own look-alike contest is a noteworthy phenomenon in itself. For a long time, there was a rumor that Charlie Chaplin was, in fact, part of one of the look-alike contests of his, however, this has been contested . Even more famously, one could argue, Dolly Parton, a famous U.S. country singer, recalled in her memoir Dream More that she once took part in a look-alike contest of herself in a bar in Los Angeles. She lost to a drag queen. Considering the constant scrutiny, especially in the United States, that drag queens endure from wishing to ban drag, Dolly Parton is a much-needed ally. Drag queens have long been known for performing like Madonna, Marilyn Monroe and other celebrities. Much of mainstream media has dived into the history of doppelgangers, failing to mention the contribution of drag queens whatsoever. Yet, December 23 will mark 99 years since the death of William Dorsey Swann, the first self-proclaimed drag queen in the United States, creating the perfect opportunity to shed light on the connection between drag and celebrity look-alike contests. IS IT A DRAG? Drag is defined as “typically glamorous or outrageous and stereotypically gendered costumes, make-up, etc., worn by a performer who adopts a flamboyant, exaggerated, or parodic feminine or masculine persona.” Swann, the first self-proclaimed drag queen, was rediscovered by Joseph Channing, journalist and author, who is set to publish a book called The House of Swann: Where Slaves Became Drag Queens - And Changed the World , covering in detail the intricacies of Swann’s life. In a nutshell, he was born a slave in the United States in 1860, five years before the 13th Amendment abolished slavery. Later in life, he moved to Washington , D.C., where he worked as a janitor. Yet, his notoriety came from hosting underground drag balls which were often raided by police. Even though Swann was not the first person to organize drag balls, drag history is deeply connected to black and queer history. The LGBTQ+ people in Washington D.C. were separated due to racial segregation; in fact, the Historic Context Statement for Washington's LGBTQ Resources states that drag in the city had “mixed-raced audiences,” creating a bridge between the two queer communities. It was not until the late 1950s that the LGBTQ+ protests in the United States slowly started undergoing the process of emancipation of rights and visibility of the community. BRING BACK THE GIRLS Drag has a much more intricate and fascinating history but, arguably, what most people associate it with is RuPaul’s Drag Race TV , a reality series of drag queens’ competitions. This summer, after one of Adele’s concerts in Munich, my friend dragged me to the “Adele World.” To this day, I vividly remember seeing a karaoke stage with Magnifck—a drag queen dressed like Adele making a bigger show than the singer did herself. As deep as my admiration for Adele is, the hard work and dedication of the drag queens, despite decades of attempts to suppress their art, is powerful. Mentioning drag in the context of look-alike contests is a reminder that the contests did not emerge out of nowhere. They are not a mere trend but a resurgence of ongoing phenomenon which has been historically promoted by this marginalized community. Failing to acknowledge the contribution of drag queens to look-alike competitions, is yet another manifestation of minimization of queer people’s influence on popular culture. Whether look-alike contests have already gained momentum or there is more to come remains to be seen. But how can one answer the important question of what lies behind the facade of look-alike contests? Well, the answer is simply put: a lot. Perhaps they will continue to foster the much-needed community for inhabitants of the cities or they will disappear as quickly as the 2010s’ prank videos. They could teach us a thing or two: to call out stereotypes, to stop minimizing the impact of queer communities throughout history, as well as to put pressure on the entertainment industry to more equally represent all people. These contests might also become a new tool for movie promotion or give social media rise to stardom to more winners, opening a new way of entering the influencer world. For those having fantasies about dating a celebrity or those bored of online dating, look-alike contests also have your back!

For a week, we explored Israel’s historic sites, met with members of Israel’s civil society, and enjoyed spending time in the region that us Mentonese students have been studying so passionately. < Back Visiting Israel with the UEJF By Lionel Chambon April 30, 2022 In early February, I was approached by the Union des Étudiants Juifs de France (UEJF) Menton Chapter president, 2A Cécile Toussaint, about a potential week-long trip to Israel. I was both surprised and honored. I quickly found that nothing stood in the way of embarking on what would become an amazing week of visits, events, talks, and time spent with a wonderful group of people, many of whom I had not met before. The trip was organized by the national board of the UEJF in conjunction with Sciences Po’s UEJF Paris and Menton chapters. UEJF had invited campus associations, be they political, cultural, or environmental, to send one or two representatives to take part in the trip. For a week, we would explore Israel’s historic sites, meet with members of Israel’s civil society, and enjoy spending time in the region that us Mentonese students have been studying so passionately. On February 28, early in the morning, the whole group met for the first time in Orly Airport. Traveling alongside the Sciences Po students was a group of students from Sorbonne-Paris I. By the early afternoon, we arrived at Ben Gurion International Airport. Despite one of us having Lebanese stamps in our passport, we all managed to clear customs, pass a mandatory PCR-test and get to our first destination, Neve Shalom, by the early evening. A village situated between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, Neve Shalom was founded in 1969, designed to accommodate inhabitants from all backgrounds. In 2006, Roger Waters (Pink Floyd) held a concert there, attracting a crowd of around 40,000 people. Neve Shalom presented a great opportunity for us to settle in and get to know each other. There, we were introduced to our guide for the week, Moty Likwornik, who has been a guide in Israel for several decades and has even accompanied foreign government delegations. Moty talked to us about Israel’s history, its ancient civilizations, and geography. We got to appreciate the countryside and excellent Middle Eastern food. Not only would Moty stick with us the entire week and share his expertise on the region, but also entertain us during bus rides with anecdotes and gossip he accumulated over the years. We spent the following Tuesday, our first full day in Israel, in Jerusalem. In the morning, Moty guided us across Mount Zion into Jerusalem’s holy sites, which we were fortunate enough to visit in great weather and not too much commotion. From the Al-Aqsa Mosque and Dome of the Rock to the Wall of Lamentations and the Holy Sepulcher, it was incredible to walk across the historical sites which have been at the root of civilization for thousands of years. Visiting these holy sites was a touching experience for many of us, especially Muslims and Jews. For many, this was the first time they were able to visit their religions' holy sites. The Wall of Lamentations is allegedly all that is left of an ancient Jewish temple destroyed by the Babylonians, located not far from what is left of Mount Golgotha, where Jesus was once crucified. During the day, we also had some time to dive into one of Jerusalem’s Souqs, and discovered more of the local cuisine and arts scene. For many Jews in the group, it was their first time visiting Israel, making the exploration of the holy sites all the more special. In Jerusalem, we also had the opportunity to meet a Palestinian lawyer specialized in human rights law and an Israeli peace activist to discuss challenges Palestinian populations face within Israel, segregation, inequalities, and possible avenues for dialogue. For our final step of the day, we visited Jerusalem’s Hadassah hospital and met a French-Israeli surgeon. It was enriching to hear from actors within Israeli civil society who experience all kinds of difficulties and conflicts, but also opportunities to work together to complete meaningful work in the hospital on a daily basis. The following morning, we were greeted at the Hebrew University, one of Sciences Po’s Israeli partner institutions. There, we commemorated the victims who died during a Hamas bombing of the university cafeteria during the Second Intifada, including David Gritz, who was a Sciences Po exchange student at the time. We listened to testimony from Dror Even-Sapir, who sat only a few chairs down from David and survived the attack. Today, he works as a journalist in Israel and France. We also met Benjamin Canet, a former president of the UEJF Sciences Po and Israeli citizen. After leaving the university, we were supposed to visit the Israeli parliament, the Knesset. But, this was unfortunately cut from our agenda as an important vote took longer than expected and the deputies that had agreed to meet with us were no longer available. Nevertheless, we were able to look at the Knesset from the outside before we moved on to our visit of Yad Vashem, Israel’s Shoah remembrance site. There, we met Shlomo Balsam, our museum guide and Shoah survivor, who shared his own story with us, as well as that of many other survivors he had met — stories of lives destroyed, immeasurable loss, suffering, and desperation. Yad Vashem explained the Shoah through the perspective of those who had lived it by exhibiting artifacts and possessions that survivors had donated to the museum. No newspaper article could do justice to the thoughts and emotions that washed over us at Yad Vashem. Upon leaving, the mood among our group was despondent. The drive from the remembrance site into the Negev desert was the only outing in the entire week during which the bus remained silent. Nevertheless, we finished the day with a warm welcome in the Negev by a Bedouin tribe that hosted us. We were fortunate to enjoy some traditional coffee, tea, and foods by a campfire. But, it was only after the sunrise that we truly grasped the breathtaking scenery that surrounded us. The Negev surrounds the Dead Sea and stretches across Israel and Jordan. That Thursday, we woke up at 3:30 a.m. to climb Mount Masada in time for the sunrise. Masada is a very mythical place in Israeli and Jewish history, having been one of the last bastions of the Jews against Babylon. Up there, the view across the desert into Jordan and the Dead Sea is breathtaking, and Moty guided us through Masada’s ancient ruins. Next, we descended Masada and relaxed by the Dead Sea for the rest of the morning, which was surprisingly cold, yet very enjoyable under the desert’s beaming sun.From the Dead Sea, we headed West to the Arab-Israeli village of Abu Gosh. We were greeted by the town’s mayor, a Chechen Imam, a Catholic priest, and the French Consul-General of Jerusalem. Abu Gosh is known to host all religious communities. The mayor of the village stayed with us and shared insights on what governing such a diverse city was like before we departed for Tel Aviv later that night. Tel Aviv is Israel’s economic center. It is barely 100 years old and was built with socialist inspirations before gradually growing into a booming metropolis. Moty showed us Tel Aviv’s historical center and places such as Dizengoff Avenue, named after Tel Aviv’s first mayor, and Ben Gurion House, home of Israel’s founder and first prime minister. We also had the chance to discover Tel Aviv’s Souq before meeting with the French ambassador to Israel, Eric Danon. He talked to us about the war in Ukraine, changing dynamics in the Middle East following US disengagement, the signing of the Abraham Accords, and France’s role in the region. We also met Denis Charbit, a leading French political scientist on Israel and the history of Zionism. We concluded the day by celebrating Shabbat together, an opportunity for many to learn more about Jewish traditions and customs. During Shabbat, the day of rest, most of us used the opportunity to freely walk around Tel Aviv and discover other parts of the city. Some headed to Yaffa, where the beautiful coastline along the Mediterranean Sea could be admired. On the walk to Yaffa, our surroundings shifted to more heavily reflect the Palestinian and Arab culture and lifestyle. After Shabbat was over, we had the occasion to dive into Tel Aviv’s nightlife, which is also one of its most popular attractions. On our last day in Israel, we met students from Tel Aviv University and paid tribute to Ytzhak Rabin, a former prime minister murdered by an Orthodox nationalist in 1994, who was heavily involved in the signing of the Oslo Accords. After six days packed with experiences and memories, it was time for us to head back to the airport for our flight back to Paris. When studying the Middle East, it is always enriching to visit the region to build on what we have learned in the lecture room. Visiting Israel has definitely contributed to my understanding of the region, its dynamics, and its conflicts. I would like to thank the UEJF France and the UEJF of Sciences Po, especially Cécile Toussaint, for their hard work and dedication in making this trip possible and accessible to all of us. It was definitely a week to remember!

Dans le contexte du conflit de Gaza entre Israël et le Hamas, le Yémen, déjà en proie à ses propres troubles internes, se trouve de plus en plus impliqué dans des complexités régionales, principalement orchestrées par le mouvement houthis montant. < Back L'implication du Yémen dans la guerre de Gaza : l'essor des houthis et la dynamique régionale By Elian Jorand April 30, 2024 Dans le contexte du conflit de Gaza entre Israël et le Hamas, le Yémen, déjà en proie à ses propres troubles internes, se trouve de plus en plus impliqué dans des complexités régionales, principalement orchestrées par le mouvement houthis montant. Alors que le pays navigue sur ce terrain dangereux, la grave crise humanitaire qui sévit dans le pays est un rappel saisissant du coût humain des conflits et des manœuvres géopolitiques. Le Yémen, souvent qualifié de pays le plus pauvre du monde arabe, lutte depuis longtemps contre la pauvreté systémique et la souffrance généralisée. Avec environ trois quarts de sa population plongée dans la pauvreté et la maladie faisant rage, dont une épidémie de choléra suspectée dépassant deux cent mille cas en 2020, le pays est au bord de l'effondrement. La pandémie de COVID-19 n'a fait qu'exacerber la crise, les analystes de la santé suggérant que les cas signalés sous-représentent largement l'ampleur réelle de l'impact du virus. Le blocus imposé par les forces de la coalition dirigée par l’Arabie Saoudite a infligé d'indicibles souffrances à la population yéménite, obstruant le flux de fournitures vitales et faisant grimper les prix des biens essentiels. Bien que le cessez-le-feu de 2022 ait offert un bref répit, les craintes d'une résurgence des coûts élevés sont grandes après son expiration. Le bilan de la guerre, aggravé par des causes indirectes telles que le manque de nourriture, d'eau et de services de santé, a entraîné la mort d'environ 370 000 personnes, selon le Programme des Nations unies pour le développement. Dans ce contexte de désespoir, les forces houthies et de la coalition sont accusées de commettre des crimes de guerre flagrants, notamment des attaques contre des cibles civiles en violation directe du droit international. La destruction d'un hôpital dirigé par Médecins Sans Frontières en 2015 témoigne de la nature indiscriminée de la violence qui sévit au pays. Malgré ces nombreux défis, des lueurs d'espoir ont émergé à l'horizon. Les négociations de paix soutenues par l'ONU, bien que difficiles, ont progressé de manière incrémentielle, notamment avec l' Accord de Stockholm de 2018 qui a évité une bataille catastrophique dans la ville portuaire de Hodeïda. Cependant, la mise en œuvre des dispositions de l'accord a été lente, entravée par les frictions persistantes entre les acteurs régionaux, dont l'Iran, l'Arabie saoudite et les Émirats arabes unis. Des développements récents ont insufflé un optimisme prudent dans les efforts de paix, avec des relations améliorées entre l'Arabie saoudite et l'Iran et des discussions en cours entre Riyad et les houthis offrant une lueur d'espoir. La coordination d'un cessez-le-feu national en avril 2022, facilitée par le nouveau conseil gouvernemental du Yémen, a marqué une étape significative vers la désescalade. Toutefois , l'échec à renouveler le cessez-le-feu a soulevé des questions sur les perspectives de paix durable, d'autant plus que des acteurs clés, tels que le conseil gouvernemental et le Conseil de transition du Sud (STC), restent exclus des négociations. Malheureusement, le récent conflit à Gaza a anéanti les espoirs de paix, avec l'implication des houthis, soutenus par l'Iran, exacerbant la situation précaire. Leurs actions irrationnelles ciblant le commerce maritime civil ont suscité de fortes réponses de la communauté internationale, y compris des raids aériens conjoints des États-Unis et de la Grande-Bretagne. Ces frappes, touchant 36 cibles houthies dans 13 endroits au Yémen, ont été menées en réponse aux attaques continues des houthis contre le commerce maritime international et commercial en mer Rouge. Les frappes de précision visaient à perturber et à dégrader les capacités utilisées par les houthis pour menacer le commerce mondial et la vie des marins innocents, ciblant les installations de stockage d'armes profondément enfouies, les systèmes de missiles, les lanceurs, les systèmes de défense aérienne et les radars. Les houthis, quant à eux, ont justifié leurs attaques contre le commerce maritime en mer Rouge en tant que soutien aux Palestiniens de Gaza au milieu de la campagne dévastatrice d'Israël, déclenchant des frappes de représailles et exacerbant la violence régionale impliquant des groupes soutenus par l'Iran. La situation a atteint un état critique, avec peu d'optimisme à l'horizon. Alors que le Yémen se débat avec son implication dans les conflits régionaux, l'urgence de trouver une solution durable à sa propre crise n'a jamais été aussi pressante. Ce n'est qu'avec des efforts internationaux concertés, soutenus par un dialogue diplomatique et une aide humanitaire robuste, que le Yémen pourrait espérer sortir de l'ombre de la guerre et tracer un chemin vers un avenir défini par la paix, la stabilité et la prospérité pour sa population longtemps éprouvée.

Confronted by a tirade of questions expressing concerns about inflation,, rising energy costs and economic recession, Liz Truss chose to deflect by focusing her attention on the Labour opposition’s inability to elect a leader that “is not male or from north London.” Setting aside the observation that statements such as these are symptomatic of the conservative cabinet’s disease, preventing its elected members from answering the questions posed to our government, Liz Truss’ comment does raise questions about equality in a political party which generally claims to stand for progressive ideals < Back Are problems with female leadership unique to Britain’s Left? By Leo Gerza October 31, 2022 Ensuing the crowning of Liz Truss as victor of the summer palaver that was the contentious Conservative Party leadership election, many in Britain and abroad had the opportunity last month to watch the new prime minister jousting in her first Prime Ministers Questions. Confronted by a tirade of questions expressing concerns about inflation,, rising energy costs and economic recession, Liz Truss chose to deflect by focusing her attention onthe Labour opposition’s inability to elect a leader that “is not male or from north London.” Setting aside the observation that statements such as these are symptomatic of the conservative cabinet’s disease, preventing its elected members from answering the questions posed to our government, Liz Truss’ comment does raise questions about equality in a political party which generally claims to stand for progressive ideals. The fact is that all three of Britain's female prime ministers have been leaders of the Conservative Party. On the other hand, Labour has only ever had three female leaders during periods of opposition, all of which were in an “acting” capacity, thus temporary by design. Yet, the Conservative Party looks towards its elected female leaders with great reverence, especially Margaret Thatcher, who has become idolized by the Thatcherites, swooning over the glory days of the “Iron Lady.” How is it that the party of progress lags behind the party of right-wing beliefs and politicians stolen from a museum display when it comes to electing women? This phenomenon is difficult to dissect but seems to be guided by deep-rooted and outdated misogynistic political beliefs. The leading theory suggests that this phenomenon is not solely a problem in the UK. In fact, across G7 countries, “widespread distrust in women at the top” has been a core barrier, according to the Reykjavik Index, which outlines that in almost all western countries, men are perceived as more capable leaders than women. This ultimately suggests that, in a democratic system which still suffers from institutional sexist ideas, men are more likely to be elected into positions of power because there is a greater belief in their competence to perform as a leader. I think Boris Johnson and Donald Trump exemplify this truism. The study also hints towards a rising tide of misogyny in recent years against female leaders. They have always faced more vicious scrutiny, yet the outpour of criticism in reaction to a video of the Finish Prime Minister partying demonstrates that double standards remain a core-rotting pillar in politics. Increasingly concerning is that the same Reykjavik Index, outlining the general bias towards men, also found that 18 to 34-year-olds have a “less progressive attitude to gender and leadership.” Could this signal a warning that we may be diverging from decades of progress on gender equality? I would argue that attitudes perpetuated on social media sites, such as Tik Tok, are both a manifestation of this statistic and a source of its existence. The hyper-macho content and misogynistic comedy featured on the app combine to convince impressionable youth that men are the apex of society and that women are an evolutionary tool for man’s benefit. This is to say that these issues are not exclusive to the Labour party, they are global. In fact, Labour can claim to have had significant impacts on the fight for equality by introducing the Equal Pay Act of 1970 and the Equality Act of 2010. Perhaps more significantly, Labour also introduced all-women shortlists to select half the candidates running in the 1997 United Kingdom general election. The affirmative action taken by Sir Tony Blair saw a record 101 female members of Parliament elected to the House of Commons. However, more needs to be done so that rather than mitigating inequality our political parties can be actively promoting it. As for Liz Truss’ comments, perhaps she can be credited with raising important questions about equality in politics, but it should not distract from the dismal omnishambles her prime ministerial career has been so far.

When Luffy’s Jolly Roger was hoisted from Nepal’s Singha Durbar palace, it instantly became a symbol of something larger. Over the past few months, a wind of protests has swept across the globe. From Nepal to Madagascar, Kenya to Peru, Indonesia, the Philippines and Morocco: the youth, unwilling to inherit a broken system, have taken to the streets to prove that their future is daring and won’t be silenced. < Back #GenZ 212 Ibtissem Remdane When Luffy’s Jolly Roger was hoisted from Nepal’s Singha Durbar palace, it instantly became a symbol of something larger. Over the past few months, a wind of protests has swept across the globe. From Nepal to Madagascar, Kenya to Peru, Indonesia, the Philippines and Morocco: the youth, unwilling to inherit a broken system, have taken to the streets to prove that their future is daring and won’t be silenced. Nepalese Gen Z protesters in front of Bharatpur Mahanagarpalika Office हिमाल सुवेदी, Wikimedia Commons Unlike previous waves of political mobilization, the Gen Z protests distinguish themselves through their decentralized organization, digital coordination, and symbolic creativity. Simultaneously emerging across several regions of the world, they reflect a generational response to deep structural crises like economic precarity, political disillusionment or the distrust in traditional institutions. What really makes them Gen Z though, is the fact that these movements are enabled and amplified through social media platforms such as TikTok or Instagram, where humor becomes a political language. By September 2025, these protests became a transnational phenomenon. Although each local movement addresses specific national issues such as political corruption in Kenya or the restriction of free speech in the Philippines, they all share a common logic: the rejection of hierarchical authority and the demand for accountability in governance. Something else they have in common, is the means of transmitting symbolic messages. Young women protesting the increase of period products in the #RejectFinanceBill2024 in Nairobi, Kenya author:, Egotieno, Wikimeda commons Gen z’s the first generation to grow up fully online and has had a worldview shaped by an infinite access to information. Unlike previous generations, I believe our political awakening did not occur only through party affiliations or ideological schools but through our feeds. Many before now have witnessed global tragedies through media – from the TV broadcast of the Resistance War Against America in Vietnam to seeing 9/11 live in their living room. What differs for Gen Z is not exposure itself, but the proximity, the pace of it, and the line between those watching and those living the events becomes thinner. The result of this hyper-connected daily-life isn’t simply “more exposure to suffering,” but a system where this very suffering is always available to be seen, directly, at all times: close enough to tap into, and just as close enough to scroll past. For some this information overload fosters apathy, and to some extent, really does numb us to violence. But for some others it sparks indignation, because what this really means is injustice is never distant; it’s chronically always in our pockets. Since these movements are leaderless, they are also difficult to suppress. There is no single figure to arrest, no headquarters to shut down. Their anonymity democratizes participation: anyone with a smartphone can join. Only it is not without consequences, as governments, along with the protesters, have adapted. Affiliation alone can become grounds for punishment, such as in the US where supporting the Palestinian cause publicly has led students to face disciplinary action, surveillance or even barriers like visa denials. Still, this particular humor Gen Z has adopted online disarms power, and it transforms fear into creativity: because beneath the irony does lie a sharp moral core. Again, the memes are not just jokes; they are tools of political literacy. The use of images drawn from pop culture such as animes like One Piece, where a young pirate challenges the authority of the corrupt Marine Forces, or movies like The Hunger Games truly demonstrate Gen Z’s ability to merge digital culture with political activism. This led to the creation of a shared dissident language, and a sense of community despite the geographical distance. Within this wave, Morocco’s Gen Z #FreeKoulchi movement stands out as one of the most relentless. The word koulchi means “everything” in Arabic, which all of it then means “Free Everything.” Born after the tragedy at Hassan II Hospital in Agadir, where eight women died in childbirth after failed C-sections, what began as outrage over poor healthcare quickly evolved into a broader social movement. By the end of September of this year, Moroccan cities saw the emergence of a decentralized protest network. In a statement published on its official accounts and Discord server, the movement calls on “all Moroccan youth, as well as all citizens,” to gather “in large numbers.” while emphasizing the nonviolent nature of the demonstrations: “The protests are peaceful and civilized. Order and responsibility must be maintained.” The movement had no formal leaders or party affiliations, yet its organization was remarkably efficient. Teenagers and university students used TikTok, Instagram, and Discord to coordinate marches, share safety tips, and amplify testimonies of hardship. The digital sphere became both a meeting place and megaphone. Protests in Rabat Mounir Neddi, Mounir Neddi, Wikimedia commons The initial grievances were clear, such as collapsing public services or youth unemployment exceeding 25%. Later on, it gradually broadened to challenge the fact that national wealth was concentrated in the hands of a few. Many criticized the government’s investment in grand infrastructure projects for the Africa World Cup, AFCON, while hospitals and schools struggled to function. Phrases like “No World Cup, health comes first" and "We want hospitals not football stadiums" could be heard in the streets. Later, as the movement progressed and protesters were being massively repressed, arrested and prosecuted by the Moroccan police, the phrase “Free Koulchi” appeared. It called for the release of the peaceful protesters who exercised their right by coming to the streets. It thus became not only a slogan but a diagnosis, everyone and everything needs to be freed because everything feels trapped. Emotionally, the movement was fueled by hogra : a dialectal Arabic term used to describe humiliation and injustice. It’s the feeling of being ignored, of existing within a context that perpetuates oppression. For many young Moroccans, hogra had become a national condition. As a response to the uprisings, the Moroccan government, accustomed to containing dissent through a mix of reform and restraint, initially downplayed the protests. But as #FreeKoulchi gained visibility and international attention, the official rhetoric shifted. On 10 October 2025, King Mohammed VI delivered a rare televised address urging his administration to act “with greater speed” on healthcare, education, and youth employment. Days later, Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch’s government announced a package of social reforms: investment in hospitals, teacher recruitment programs, and targeted job creation schemes. Finance Minister Nadia Fettah Alaoui promised to redirect budget funds from luxury projects toward essential services. Yet these promises were met with skepticism. Many activists viewed them as performative gestures from Akhannouch aimed at cooling tensions rather than systemic change. The AMDH (Moroccan Association for Human Rights) reports around 2,068 arrests, intimidation, and police violence continued to surface, prompting condemnation from organizations such as Amnesty International. So while the government’s reformist language was conciliatory, its security practices remained repressive, a dual strategy that seems to have long characterized Moroccan governance. Still, the movement achieved something significant: it disrupted the narrative of Moroccan youth apathy. It revealed that beneath apparent stability lies a generation increasingly unwilling to accept a political order that limits them to symbolic participation. GenZ 212 demonstrations in Rabat , Mounir Neddi, flickr #FreeKoulchi encapsulates many features of Gen Z activism worldwide: decentralization, digital organization, and moral clarity. It demands dignity, opportunity and concrete actions. What sets Morocco apart is how these universal frustrations intersect with local realities: a constitutional monarchy balancing modernization with control, a rapidly urbanizing youth population, and stark inequalities between coastal elites and rural communities. The AFCON preparations have also exacerbated these disparities, making many Moroccans feel the government’s priorities are misplaced . The protest thus reflects both a national crisis and a generational awakening. For Moroccan youth, #FreeKoulchi is not only and solely about policy failure; it’s about belonging. Although the movement initially focused on social and economic rights rather than challenging the political system itself, it was later associated with broader democratic aspirations. It asserts their right to shape the country’s future rather than merely inherit it. In that sense, Morocco’s movement joins a larger global pattern: the rise of “connected dissent”, where young people mobilize simultaneously as citizens of their nations and participants in a transnational digital public sphere. Yet, the power of digital protest contains its own contradictions. The same algorithms that connect youth also fragment their attention. Sustaining momentum beyond the viral moment remains a challenge, one that many Gen Z movements from #M66 in Togo to #MilkTeaAlliance in Asia, have confronted. Indeed in Morocco too, sustaining #FreeKoulchi beyond the online moment remains a challenge. Without formal organization or negotiation structures, translating demands into policy becomes difficult. But its legacy may not lie in immediate reform; it may lie in the cultural and psychological shift it triggered. Milk Tea Alliance: Group called Humanity Beyond Borders distributes free Tiananmen cookies author: Prachatai, flickr The #FreeKoulchi movement in Morocco is both a symptom and a signal. For thousands of young Moroccans, protest is no longer taboo. It is part of civic life. Today, our generation does not seek revolution in the old sense. It seeks renewal of trust, of accountability, even of hope. Its politics are not about overthrowing systems but about demanding that they finally work, that the citizens can be heard. In Morocco and beyond, these protests announce a truth that governments keep on ignoring– not without cost– the youth are not the future, we’re the present. #FreeKoulchi

The scale of flooding Pakistan is enduring is greater than anything it has witnessed before. An estimated third of the country is now underwater; over 1,300 people have died, while 33 million people have been directly affected. < Back Climate Change, Pakistan, and the Case for Reparations By Noor Ahmad September 27, 2022 Pakistan has witnessed months of heavy monsoon rains and severe flooding. An estimated third of the country is now underwater; over 1,300 people have died, while 33 million people have been directly affected. The last time Pakistan experienced similar flooding was in 2010, when millions of acres of cropland were destroyed alongside the lives and livelihoods of over 20 million people. Back then, the Secretary General of the UN, Ban Ki-moon, said that the scale of flooding Pakistan had endured was greater than anything he had witnessed before, with 400,000 cusecs of water making their way down the Indus. This time, however, 700,000 cusecs of water are expected, highlighting the extent of the emergency. In their 2021 report, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change said that the environmental crisis intensifies the water cycle, resulting in more extreme rainfall and flooding. This explains the unprecedented downpour that enveloped Pakistan from mid-June to late August, with parts of the country receiving 500%-700% of their usual August monsoon rain. Although climate change is the likely cause of heavy rainfall, it is notable that Pakistan produces less than 1% of global greenhouse gas emissions. Despite that, due to its geography, Pakistan is particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change; the Global Climate Risk Index ranks Pakistan as the eighth most affected country by climate change-related extreme weather events. In contrast, more developed countries in the northern hemisphere – who were the first to industrialize and therefore have produced the greater share of greenhouse gas emissions – have only been mildly affected by such extreme weather events. The global south has faced the more severe impacts of climate change, although it bears less responsibility. There is a case to be made that Pakistan and other developing countries facing climate change should receive reparations from abroad. Pakistan has to rehabilitate around 15% of its population and requires funds it does not have. And although countries such as Canada and the US have provided donations – $5 million and $30 million, respectively – this is not enough, especially because the total damage exceeds $10 billion, and because Pakistan is facing its most severe cost-of-living crisis. After he visited Pakistan on Saturday, Sept. 10, Antonio Guterres, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, urged members of the international community to provide massive financial support to Pakistan. Guterres suggested a debt restructuring, which would involve writing off a portion of Pakistan’s debt owed or lengthening its repayment period. This would allow Pakistan to have breathing room to rebuild its economy. However, the traditional “lender of last resort,” the International Monetary Fund, does not follow this logic. The fund released $1.1 billion as a part of a larger assistance package to Pakistan as of Aug. 29, 2022, but with the proviso that it undertakes a reduction in its budgetary outlays. Now is hardly the time to cut social assistance expenditure, just when it is needed the most. Beyond climate change, many internal failures within Pakistan have contributed to this catastrophe. Overpopulation and poor building regulations have led to riverside housing developments that lack adequate safeguards against flooding. Moreover, unsatisfactory disaster management and surveillance mechanisms are likely to have worsened this outcome. Pakistan’s government must now focus on preventative strategies such as building resilient infrastructure since these disasters are now reoccurring. Only $50 million of Pakistan’s budget this year has been allocated to its Climate Change Ministry, which is insufficient. This results from a significant portion of its budgetary expenditure being diverted to defense, given the country’s hybrid civil-military dyarchical system. Interestingly, Pakistan is one of the most water-stressed countries in the world, yet it cannot adequately harvest rainwater because of a lack of dams. Undoubtedly, better governance and allocation of funds could have mitigated the tragedy to some extent. Climate change is upon us: extreme heat, floods and melting glaciers, all seen in the space of this summer in Pakistan. Developed western nations are responsible for countering the consequences of global warming caused by their industrialization and ongoing polluting activities. There is a need to enact the climate change agenda, as espoused by the United Nations Climate Change Conferences, and accelerate the move to net zero emissions. At the same time, assistance must be given to southern countries facing the effects for which they bear less responsibility. Debt forgiveness, financial aid and expertise are now required. But of course, this does not absolve developing countries of their responsibility. There is a need for better governance and redirection of finances on social development and infrastructure rather than militarization.

The sufferings of Palestinians were marginalized even at COP26, where Prime Minister Shtayyeh reiterated his denouncement against the environment-threatening Israeli policies. This article aims to investigate the inherent characteristics of the Israeli occupation which aggravate climate change. < Back The Israeli Occupation of Palestinian Territories Threatens the Environment By Margherita Cordellini January 29, 2022 The 2021 United Nations Climate Change Conference of Parties (COP26), which took place in Glasgow in November, was depicted by the media as a theater of — sometimes empty — promises and of implicit defeats. People expressed their indignation towards Narendra Modi’s last-minute intervention, and India was accused multiple times of prioritizing political and economic aims over the commitment to avoid a global catastrophe. Public opinion deemed this action as intolerable. However, the Glasgow Climate Conference silently witnessed the denouncement of another state that includes in its political agenda an enormous quantity of CO2 emissions: Israel. On the second day of the international conference, the prime minister of the State of Palestine, Mohammad Shtayyeh, reiterated his denouncement of the Israeli occupation defining it as the “most critical long-term threat to the Palestinian environment.” It was not the first time that worrying data concerning the issue had been presented, as it was not the first time that the situation went almost unnoticed on an international scale. For instance, in 2012 the United Nations (UN) raised the alarm by announcing that Palestine would have been inhabitable by 2020 if Israel did not radically modify its expansionary and repressive policies. The human characteristic to adapt to inhumane conditions was once again underestimated. The Applied Research Institute-Jerusalem (Arij) published several reports which clearly affirmed that, not only do the inhabitants of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) suffer from the Israeli occupation, but so does the climate. The report published in 2007, perhaps the most complete one, illustrates in detail all the consequences of the Israeli occupation, which are supported by sound scientific evidence. In 2018 another report was issued, which showed rapid escalation of the problem. Given the complex nature of the issue, this article will seek to summarize the most devastating climatic problems that Palestine is facing because of foreign occupation. Israel’s settlement project in the OPT is grounded on four main pillars: expansion, segregation, fragmentation, and resource exploitation. First of all, one of the main objectives of the Israeli occupation has been expansion, and consists of ensuring control over Area C, an administrative division following the Oslo accords, that represents 66 percent of the West Bank. The Arij report of 2007 underscores the dichotomic appearance of the Palestinian landscape. On one side, Palestinian villages are built on non-fertile soil and favor the organic development of the landscape, on the other one, Israeli settlements are scattered significantly on agricultural lands situated in strategic positions such as the Jordan Valley, in the West Bank’s western edges and the Jerusalem area. Thus, Israel’s expansion entails destruction of cultivations and deforestation: Prime Minister Shtayyeh drew attention to the fact that Israel has uprooted approximately 2.5 million Palestinian trees since 1967, 800 thousand of which were olive trees. Moreover, the settlements are typically characterized by their enormous sizes. This has a twofold aim: to attract colonists and to cover as much land as possible. Since 1967, Israel has been trying to convince the world that the solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict is the segregation of Palestinian communities. This statement is undoubtedly misguided both from a humanitarian and a climatic perspective. The main way of establishing a situation of apartheid is the development of two distinct road networks. Colonists have at their disposal an increasing number of streets, which are mostly strictly forbidden to Palestinians, so that the journey time from the settlements to Israel decreases. Furthermore, Israeli settlements are surrounded by “security streets” of thousands of square kilometers which have no purpose other than circumscribing the living area of the colonists. This further fragments the Palestinian Territories, which are already constituted by two separate land masses. The result of the apartheid regime to which Palestinians are subject is a disproportionate quantity of CO2 emissions caused by an unavoidable traffic jam. For instance, in order to go from the villages to the main cities of the OPT, local inhabitants are forced to face longer journeys in order to avoid Israeli settlements and pass checkpoints, as is now required. The former obstacle is responsible for the supplementary yearly emission of 196 thousand tons of CO2, whereas the latter, according to the Arij report of 2018, for the annual waste of 80 million liters of fuel in the West Bank. In such cases, a classical solution would be the implementation of a public transportation system. However, the fragmentation of the territory and the highly limited freedom of movement of Palestinians makes it impossible. Israel’s occupation of Palestine is also a story of exploitation. From a resources point of view, Israel parasitically avails itself of Palestinian water. For instance, Palestine is currently undergoing a severe problem of water scarcity. The Arij report of 2007 shows how Israel has been exploiting the territory’s hydric resources since the beginning of the occupation in 1967. In the area, the Jordan River System, the Coastal Aquifer and the West Bank Aquifer System are the three main water resources, and theoretically, they should be shared with Palestine. However, Israel is in control of all of them. Since the occupation, Palestinians are denied their rightful access to the Jordan River and they are compelled to give Israel more than 80 percent of the water coming from the West Bank Aquifer. As a result, the per capita share of water of West Bank inhabitants (excluding settlers) is 79.1 liters per day, whereas in the Gaza Strip, it is 79.9, much lower than the daily required standard recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO), which is 100-150 liters per person. Repercussions are visible not only in the progressive decrease of Palestinians’ living standards but also in the indirect climatic impact. In fact, given the limited availability of hydric resources, Palestinians are forced to exploit the Gaza Aquifer system. Because of its over-usage, 96 percent of its water is undrinkable. Thus, a CO2-consuming purification plant is required. Without considering the impact that such measures have on the inhabitants’ daily lives, we can still evaluate the enormous environmental consequences, which originate also from the necessity of transporting the treated water. The marginalization of the Arab-Israeli question in the international political discourse can no longer be justified: it is not only a private issue, but a collective one since it is indissolubly tied to the concept of climate justice.

What better way to start the new semester than to indulge in Nice’s flourishing art scene? Escape December blues with a range of new exhibitions from classical to modern art, spanning from Marc Chagall to Roman artifacts alongside modern sculptures. < Back Escape December Blues With a Range of New Exhibitions in Nice By Emilia Kohlmeyer December 29, 2021 What better way to start the new semester than to indulge in Nice’s flourishing art scene? Escape December blues with a range of new exhibitions from classical to modern art, spanning from Marc Chagall to Roman artifacts alongside modern sculptures. Marc Chagall, le passeur de lumière The intersection between colour and light Until when? January 10, 2022 Where? Musée National Marc Chagall What? On exhibit is one of the most notable aspects of Russian-French artist Marc Chagall’s work: stained glass. Considered one of the most important Jewish artists and a major influence on modernism with his synthesis of cubism, fauvism, and symbolism, Chagall’s work is now displayed in prominent places such as the United Nations headquarters with his stained-glass memorial “Peace.” His works are rich in iconography and his use of colors has been commended by artists such as Pablo Picasso, who said that after Matisse’s passing, Chagall would be the only artist left to comprehend colors. The exhibition highlights two important pieces: model of the rose as well as “The Creation of the World,” accompanied by professional lighting to highlight the intention of the works on the importance of spirituality and humanity’s “inner light,” in addition to musical renditions in the evenings. Voyage Musical A musical journey to Eastern Asia and Africa Until when? January 10, 2022 Where? Palais Lascaris What? Exhibited are 21 musical instruments from Eastern Asia and Africa from the collection of musician Zia Mirabdolbaghi. One can explore these artifacts ranging from Iran to Anatolia, all in playable condition following the collector’s aim to explore their cultural function, sound and evolution. After viewing this new addition, one can explore over 400 other instruments in the second largest instrument collection in France, kept at Palais Lascaris. Sosno Squatte L’Antique Connecting the present and the past Until when? January 23, 2022 Where? Museum of Archaeology of Nice/Cimiez What? The exhibition revolves around the art of renowned French artist Sacha Sosno. Native to the South, he is largely known for his sculptures and the application of the concept of obliteration, the dominant theme of his works. Along with artists such as Yves Klein, he was a part of the “Nouveau Réalisme” (New Realism) movement. The exhibition presents over 70 works set along Roman artifacts onsite the ancient city of Cemenelum. It invites the viewer to draw the relationship between the contemporary and the past. Les paysages de l'âme A contemporary love letter to landscapes Until when? February 2, 2022 Where? Musée Départemental des Arts Asiatiques What? Explored in this exhibition is the relationship between Chinese philosophy and aestheticism of 11 Chinese and Taiwanese artists. Themes which are under exploration include finding ‘The soul of nature‘, concepts of spiritualism and beauty, opposing the traditional Chinese approach to display of landscape, rather taking an abstract occidental approach. Artists represented in this exhibition include Li Chevalier, a practitioner of “experimental inkwork’” and Rao Fu, who utilizes an approach of double or triple perspective, immersing the viewer into his works. ‘Le routes du thé’ par Tuul et Bruno Morandi Tracing the significance of tea across Asian societies Until when? February 7, 2022 Where? Musée Départemental des Arts Asiatiques What? A photographic exploration of countries in which tea plays a significant role in terms of production and consumption, this exhibition takes the viewer on a journey to China, Japan, India and Sri Lanka over to Tibet, Mongolia and along the Silk roads to explore the medium of tea. From its philosophical conception to colonial trade, tea served as a means of socialization in tea houses, and the photographic couple explored the meaning of this celebrated beverage. Additionally, one can partake in a traditional tea serving ceremony on the 9 of January. Noël Dolla, visite d’atelier / Sniper, 2018-2021 Exploring the abstraction of violence Until when? March 31, 2022 Where? Musée Matisse Nice What? On display is a selection of the work of Niçois artist Noël Dolla, produced during the last four years in the context of his sniper series. The works are created by projecting paint from a compressed air gun, and they explore darker themes of war and death. The weapon represents an intercessor between artist and canvas. Considering himself a “baroque rationalist,” the artist explores concepts of abstraction in context of socio-political issues.

< Back Democrats’ Worst Fear: Pro-Life Bill Attempts to Kill Roe By Madeline Wyatt October 31, 2021 When Texas’s Senate Bill 8 (SB8) took effect on September 1, known as the “Texas Heartbeat Act” under section one of the law, most people expected it to reach the Supreme Court for violating Roe v. Wade ’s precedent under which women are entitled to privacy when receiving abortions. It was the Democrats’ worst fears come true: Trump’s heirs on the Supreme Court could finally make good on his campaign promise to overturn the nation’s landmark ruling. A few days before the law was set to go into effect, it went to the Supreme Court in an emergency request to block the law until its constitutionality could be determined, but in a surprisingly convoluted and pedantic motion relying extensively upon the law’s more dubious provisions, the Supreme Court, in a 5-4 ruling, declined to block its passage. Still, the Court did not rule on the law’s constitutionality— something John Roberts’s dissenting opinion made abundantly clear. The most odious provisions in SB8 were crafted with surgical precision meant to circumvent judicial review, which proved particularly ideal for judges who take an especially textualist approach to ignore the blatant unconstitutionality of SB8— this explains why a court imbued with Scalia apostles allowed the Texas law to proceed into effect. The majority opinion held that while the federal court is not endowed with the ability to block a law in question, it is allowed to block the enforcement of the law. SB8 is not technically enforced by state or local officials, rather it is enforced by deputizing all private citizens; in other words, private citizens are responsible for reporting and suing any persons who are thought to have had, given, or aided in abortions— meaning that patients, doctors, nurses, receptionists, and even Uber drivers can be sued under this law if an ordinary citizen believes an abortion took place. If the courts rule in favor of the private reporting citizen, the citizen is entitled to $10,000 by the state, creating a dystopian bounty-hunting system that insulates the Texas government from being held responsible for its law that it created like a game of legislative hot potato. The majority opinion, being the good and noble textualists they are, argued that because it is instead private citizens who are responsible for enforcing the law, the bill could not prohibit Texas from enforcing the law as it would not technically be Texas enforcing it. Such an argument is absurd, however: if the government shares the will of the people— a necessary reflection of its society— then the laws that are created by the government would be representative of the people, meaning the Supreme Court’s choice to enjoin a law by restricting government enforcement would also mean that it restricts its people; so, it does not matter who enforces the law, it’s only a matter that such an onerous law should exist— especially when the net result should be the same. After the Supreme Court declined to enjoin the law, Biden’s Department of Justice sued the State of Texas challenging the constitutionality of the law, arguing in two parts that it both violated Roe v. Wade ’s legal precedent and required proper judicial review of its dubious enforcement mechanisms. On October 6, Western Texas’s District Court enjoined the law as the judge ruled both that the law itself was unconstitutional and the enforcement mechanism was blatantly unconstitutional as it sought to avoid judicial review. No more than two days later, Texas’s appeal to the 5th Circuit Court was successful, reinstating SB8. The DOJ has not yet appealed the decision to the Supreme Court, but is expected to do so within a few weeks. The Supreme Court could choose to decline to hear the constitutionality of the case, but it would be incredibly unlikely as it challenges Roe v Wade as well as the lack of precedent for the enforcement mechanism. SB8 may be the bill to finally kill Roe v. Wade , but its future is far from final. TX SB8 flies under the guise of modern progress for the rights and liberation of the unborn— a frontier of the American left’s immoral and profane agenda. But for the women who will most feel the impacts of this bill, it’s a matter of temporal whiplash as the rugged individualism that the lone star state has promoted since 1836 failed to disclose that only men were given the courtesy of wearing the lone star moniker. Because somehow, nearly 200 years later, the lone star’s liberation is still the woman’s condemnation, leaving us wondering if we ever knew the meaning of progress in the first place.

Art encapsulates emotions whether it be joy, pain, love or anger. This encapsulation of emotion serves as a catalyst for conversation — conversations that can lead to de-mystification and promote open-mindedness.  < Back Palestinian Cinema: An Impetus for Productive Conversations — An Article for “Avante Garde Lawyers” (Part 1) By Sarina Soleymani February 29, 2024 Art encapsulates emotions whether it be joy, pain, love or anger. This encapsulation of emotion serves as a catalyst for conversation — conversations that can lead to de-mystification and promote open-mindedness. As it concerns the capacity to cause political change, art’s ripple effects are needed to cultivate solidarity and foster empathy. The latter explains why art simultaneously exists as a form of resistance. In highly politicized and deeply polarized contexts, art can be used to resist stereotypes, occupation, and cultural erasure by reinstating an identity and experiences. The creation and diffusion of Palestinian artwork accomplishes exactly that. In “The Origins of Palestinian Art,” Bashir Makhoul notes that a politicized context makes it absurd to distinguish a ‘political art’ when a simple cactus can be read as a nationalist message or certain colors risking placing somebody in jail. The latter is a reference to the banning of the gathering of the colors of the Palestinian flag from 1967 to 1993 leading artists such as Fathi Ghablan to be put in prison for this simple ‘crime’. Such inherent politicization reflects every aspect of Palestinian life, thus a focus on individual lives represents a form of resistance and solidarity. The vast ocean of artistic resilience in Palestine extends from the traditional Dabke to the Arab Futurism of Sansour. In order to limit our scope, this article will be oriented primarily on the seventh art, the combination of visuals, sound, dialogue and emotion to glimpse into the realities of Palestinian life and humanize the population globally: cinema. “When you live under occupation, you have different resistance than those in normal regimes and one of the ways is culture.” These were the words of Rawan Odeh, the co-founder of the association “Cine-Palestine” in Paris and Marseille who kindly offered her insight and experiences relating to her work organizing cinema festivals and the manner in which they play a role in creating crucial conversations but also the difficulties they faced. As she explained, it is rare to find Palestinian films in France. Having an association dedicated to shedding light on the Palestinian experience creates space for an alternative narrative. Cine-Palestine’s work allows audiences to speak to the directors, in which productive exchanges can be made with those unfamiliar with the extent of political struggles in daily Palestinian life and those who have lived through it firsthand. Through a compilation of this enriching interview alongside an analysis of some beautiful Palestinian films, I hope to convince the reader to consult this gem which lies in the cinematographic world. “When I left, I realized that people do not know anything about my country, all the time it is stereotypes,” Odeh explained. This relates to a misconception of Palestinian people through the word association game used by the media to paint civilians as “terrorists” or as “barbaric” and diminish their occupation to a “conflict.” Cinema is the stage, which can give back the voice to the voiceless, fight stereotypes and allow solidarity through humanizing said people. “Gaza, Mon Amour,” the impressive work of the Gazan brothers, Tarzan and Arab Nasser , which was nominated for three awards in the Academy of César among winning several other awards, reflects this . It follows a simple love story told through comedic undertones of two middle-aged individuals in Gaza after the main protagonist is arrested for finding a statue of Apollo by Hamas who wished to sell the statue for money, the latter subplot is based on a real story. The beauty of this film is that it shows a real story, a simple story, an authentic story. It illustrates the obvious: Palestinians are also people, they also experience love even in a politicized context. It exemplifies a concept expressed by Odeh: films portray universal feelings, allowing one to humanize the Other, through love, birthdays, and experiences of women. As she expressed, “That is what makes us human, we have so much in common even if we experience them from far away.” I had the pleasure of watching this phenomenal film in a screening where one of the directors (Arab Nasser) was present allowing an exchange with him afterward. He explained the significance of the film's subtleties, such as the choice of two middle-aged lovers as opposed to the common romantic trope of focusing on young protagonists. This small detail was to capture a tragic reality that causes the young people in Gaza to flee, to look for a life elsewhere in a safe environment that allows them the human rights they deserve alongside opportunities that should be available to any person. He explained that this film used this simple story to highlight all the layers of oppression and injustice in Gaza starting from the internal struggles whether political or economic to the harsh laws of Hamas to finally, and only at the end, the Israeli occupation. This enriching film allows one to understand the true dynamics of living in Gaza, the political dust which surrounds the place and how said injustice hinders a human in a “normal” life but also how people manage to find laughter, love and joy within difficult times. I would recommend it to everybody to watch as it allows non-Palestinians to witness a lifestyle that they would otherwise be unfamiliar with, notably as this is not a political narrative but a film that seeks to increase understanding. In other words, it shows us elements that one can never find in research, through articles or in the media. This humanization causes people to care and mobilize for their cause. Palestinian cinema allows filmmakers the option to choose their own story instead of needing to operate within the limits of any imposed narrative from any party. Found in the work of Elia Suleiman , “It Must Be Heaven”: a captivating, satirical film that received the Jury Special Mention award at the 2019 Cannes Festival. In this piece, this Palestinian director plays himself and travels from Nazareth to Paris to New York silently observing absurd scenes taking place which in my eyes shows a certain irony in the heavenly-painted West. Although not a biographic piece, the director explained that every sentence included in his film was based on phrases he actually heard. Moreover, he highlights his idea of a “Palestinisation of the world” in which the violence of his home is reflected everywhere, on larger or smaller scales, and his trauma follows him . In other words, he illustrates how Palestine is a global issue, a global struggle against violence or discrimination which can be manifested even in “heaven”. The choice of a silent film is especially interesting as it begs us to ask why he is muted throughout the film, was it a conscious choice or was his voice taken from him, forcing him to be silent? His comedic depiction of the authorities belittles their power but also comments on the lack of true freedom in the West. As an immigrant from the Middle East, I truly felt the depicted difficulties present in these “free” countries (which are nonetheless more free than our country of origin) where their hypocrisy and de-politicization of political experiences—that of injustice, power imbalances, discrimination— acts as a frustration which can only truly be expressed comedically. It must be heaven because it was told to us that this is heaven. It must be heaven because we must have gone through hell to wish to be here. It must be heaven, but it is not heaven—and if it is, then maybe it is only in the very broad sense of the term—and our countries were not hell—at least not in the strict sense of the term. He commented on the mythicization of Palestinians through a scene in which a New York taxi driver gave him a free ride after finding out his nationality, claiming that he is the first Palestinian he ever saw as though he is a mythical creature. He spotlighted the discrimination faced by Palestinians in the diaspora through a chilling yet nonetheless artistic and in part comedic scene where the police chase after a Palestinian woman in an angel costume for wearing her flag. The theme of being constantly on the move with persistent shots in which characters or vehicles are moving comments on the freedom of movement that is not available to those living in occupied Palestine whether that be in Gaza or the West Bank. The theme of the Western perception of the Middle East was depicted through a character expressing that a film about peace in the Middle East is “funny already” pretending as though the Middle East was made inherently unstable to the point that peace is only a far-fetched idea. Ignorance was depicted through other visual symbolism in which his character merely witnesses but never intervenes, a comment I found to be reminiscent of Western individualism where one can observe but continue with their day, ignoring the chaos and bloodshed in Palestine. But the pinnacle of the film was when he was in Paris and a French producer did not pick his film idea as he found it to not be “Palestinian enough .” It is an ironic criticism of how people try to stick a narrative onto Palestinian stories, how some people are forced to be outwardly political and that their life experiences are not seen as “enough.” Elia Suleiman reclaims his story and identity through this film, bringing out conversations that may not seem evident yet are nonetheless crucial to understanding these realities on the individual level.

L’absence de mémoire collective divise; chaque communauté se retrouve attachée à sa propre version du passé. Alors, quelle histoire raconter? Comment peut-on espérer construire un futur partagé lorsque les fractures du passé nous maintiennent encore captifs? < Back Repenser l’histoire de la guerre civile libanaise Christy Ghosn January 31, 2025 « Il n’y a pas de mémoire de la guerre au Liban, mais une guerre des mémoires, » souligne Marwan Chahine , journaliste franco-libanais. L’absence d’un véritable travail officiel de mémoire sur la guerre civile a conduit à une multiplicité de récits, où chaque communauté s’emploie à revendiquer sa propre version des événements. Dans cet espace fragmenté, l’histoire et la mémoire devraient, en théorie, se rencontrer, se fondre l’une dans l’autre. Pourtant, paradoxalement, raconter l’histoire, loin d’apaiser les mémoires, ravive les blessures enfouies et des tensions que le temps n’a su apaiser. Ainsi, l’histoire et la mémoire se confrontent, s’opposent, empêchant toute véritable union. L’absence de mémoire collective divise; chaque communauté se retrouve attachée à sa propre version du passé. Alors, quelle histoire raconter? Comment peut-on espérer construire un futur partagé lorsque les fractures du passé nous maintiennent encore captifs? Loi d’amnistie de 1991, une institutionnalisation de l’oubli En 1991, le Liban, émergeant des cendres de sa guerre civile, adopte une loi d'amnistie générale couvrant les crimes politiques commis avant le 28 mars de la même année. L’initiative visait à panser les plaies nationales en effaçant les offenses passées, espérant favoriser une réconciliation collective. Cependant, elle fut rapidement perçue comme une institutionnalisation de l'oubli, instaurant une culture d'impunité où les auteurs de violations graves des droits humains échappent à la justice. Les victimes, quant à elles, se virent marginalisées, leur quête de vérité et de reconnaissance entravée, retardant ainsi le processus de guérison collective. Les responsables de crimes de guerre furent de ce fait graciés sans avoir à rendre de comptes, sapant la confiance du peuple dans les institutions étatiques et judiciaires. Toutefois, cette amnistie, bien que générale, comportait des exceptions notables: elle ne s'appliquait pas aux assassinats ou tentatives d'assassinat de personnalités religieuses, politiques, ou de diplomates arabes ou étrangers. L'amnistie libanaise se présentait alors comme conditionnelle, conférant une immunité à certaines personnalités, notamment les chefs de milices de guerre, désormais reconnus institutionnellement. Cette stratégie, établie par et pour les responsables politiques, visait à sécuriser leur position, au détriment d'une véritable réconciliation nationale et d'une justice équitable. Une absence d’enseignement de la guerre L’enseignement ne facilite pas les choses non plus: les programmes scolaires ne couvrent pas la période de la guerre civile libanaise, mais s'arrêtent notoirement à la veille de la guerre. Bassel Akar , spécialisé en éducation citoyenne, dresse le tableau d’un système scolaire dépassé: « Ce que les jeunes connaissent de l’histoire récente du pays est le fruit d’une transmission familiale qu’ils ne retrouvent pas dans le programme scolaire. C’est comme si le gouvernement leur disait “ce que tu crois savoir est faux.’’ En effet, le problème des livres scolaires au Liban remonte aux accords de Taëf, signés en 1989 pour mettre fin à quinze ans de guerre civile et amorcer un processus de réconciliation nationale. Ces accords prévoyaient notamment la révision et le développement des programmes éducatifs afin de renforcer l'appartenance et l'intégration nationales, ainsi que l'unification du livre scolaire dans les matières d'histoire et d'éducation civique. Cependant, depuis trente ans, les ministères de l'Éducation successifs peinent à élaborer un manuel unifié, confrontés à la complexité de concilier les multiples points de vue issus de cette période conflictuelle. L'héritage politique La politique au Liban reste profondément influencée par des divisions confessionnelles et politiques héritées du conflit. Selon l’historien Jean-Pierre Filiu , « le Moyen-Orient est régulièrement présenté comme fatalement englué dans des problématiques religieuses . » La notion de laïcité, qui implique une séparation entre la sphère politique et la sphère religieuse, semble difficilement applicable dans ce contexte. Depuis les accords de Taëf de 1989, mettant fin à la guerre civile, les sièges de la chambre des députés doivent être répartis de manière équitable entre les représentants chrétiens et musulmans. De même, les postes de président de la République, de Premier ministre et de président de la Chambre des députés sont attribués selon des critères confessionnels, le président étant maronite, le Premier ministre sunnite et le président de la Chambre chiite. La coexistence d’un système juridique national avec plusieurs juridictions communautaires, qui régissent des affaires telles que les mariages, divorces ou successions, témoigne également de cette influence confessionnelle persistante. Ce modèle a été adopté comme solution pour apaiser les tensions intercommunautaires après les quinze années de guerre civile. Croyants ou non, les Libanais ne peuvent échapper à leur appartenance confessionnelle, chaque institution publique étant régie par ce prisme. La nouvelle génération revendicatrice De cette manière, la guerre civile libanaise ne figure pas suffisamment dans les livres d’histoire, et les échanges avec les parents sur ce sujet sont rares. Les jeunes générations souhaitent croire en un avenir meilleur et redonner de la valeur à leur pays et à leur drapeau. Ces jeunes revendiquent la nécessité de réécrire l’histoire pour mieux appréhender leur identité et construire un futur sans répétition des erreurs passées. Le mouvement de 2019 a marqué un tournant significatif en réclamant la démission du gouvernement, la convocation de nouvelles élections parlementaires et l’instauration d’un système politique et juridique laïc. Cette vague de contestation, qui a rassemblé plus d’une centaine de milliers de manifestants, se distingue par un consensus sur la nécessité de changer radicalement le modèle politique. Les manifestants rejettent toute réforme dans le cadre du confessionnalisme, estimant que cette sortie est essentielle pour éviter la corruption. Ce mouvement, porté notamment par la jeunesse, incarne une rupture profonde avec le lien entre le politique et le religieux. Les jeunes, majoritairement âgés de 18 à 25 ans, ne connaissant pas directement la guerre civile, rejettent les clivages communautaires hérités de cette époque. Des artistes se sont de plus largement engagés dans la réflexion sur cette période. Des pièces de Wajdi Mouawad par exemple, dramaturge libanais insistent sur la connaissance de l’histoire et la lutte contre l'amnésie mémorielle. Par ailleurs, des films tels que West Beirut, Memory Box, ou encore 1982 ont aussi joué un rôle important dans la documentation et la réflexion sur ce conflit. Par ailleurs, des expositions, comme la Maison Jaune, symbolisent cette mémoire. Situé sur l'ancienne ligne de démarcation, ce lieu, ancien poste de contrôle et repaire de francs-tireurs, est devenu un espace de réflexion collective, essentiel pour perpétuer la mémoire des événements tragiques qui ont marqué le Liban. D’une guerre à l'autre Contrairement à la guerre civile libanaise, où la mémoire collective a été marquée par des silences et des oublis, le conflit de 2024 a favorisé une documentation immédiate et une diffusion rapide des témoignages notamment grâce aux réseaux sociaux. Cette digitalisation de la mémoire pourrait indiquer une prise de conscience accrue chez la nouvelle génération de l'importance de la mémoire collective et de la reconnaissance des traumatismes. Cette évolution pourrait alors jouer un rôle clé dans le processus de réconciliation et de reconstruction du pays, tout en favorisant une meilleure compréhension des événements passés et en encourageant un dialogue ouvert sur les blessures du passé. Simone Veil affirmait « Que nous le voulions ou non, que nous le sachions ou non, nous sommes responsables de ce qui nous unira demain, collectivement. Nous sommes faits de ce qui nous a précédé et pour partie, nous engageons l’avenir. » Aujourd’hui, plus que jamais, cette responsabilité prend tout son sens, notamment avec l’élection du nouveau président Joseph Aoun, qui se distingue par son indépendance vis-à-vis des partis politiques. Cette nomination marque ainsi le début d’une ère nouvelle pour le pays, où les Libanais, jusqu’ici condamnés à l’espoir, pourraient enfin aspirer à de réels changements et à une véritable transformation collective. Photo credits: Steven Damron on Flickr .

The victory of the current regime, which was unsurprising for everyone, holds several messages. However, its validity and democratic facade must be taken with a pinch of salt. < Back Iranian Elections: What Messages Can Be Understood? By Jad Toufic Toutinji March 30, 2024 On March 1, Iranian voters went to polling stations as elections for the Islamic Consultative Assembly (ICA) and the Assembly of Experts (AoE) were due. In reality, with a record-low turnout rate of 41 percent, it can safely be said that barely any voters took part in the election because of several years of economic instability and violent anti-regime protests, such as the 2022 nation-wide protests following Mahsa Amini’s tragic murder. Indeed, boycotting the elections was, for many, especially in the diaspora, the only realistic form of resistance. The victory of the current regime, which was unsurprising for everyone, holds several messages. However, its validity and democratic facade must be taken with a pinch of salt. Results In both the ICA and the Assembly of Experts, the elections consolidated the regime’s grip of power in a typical political scenery which has remained unchanged since the Islamic Revolution in 1979. It came without a surprise when taking into consideration the electorate’s apathy and the high number of disqualifications by the Guardian Council of opposition candidates based on a perceived threat to the regime and the nation. In the ICA, the regime won 138 seats while 48 independents and 25 reformists only won on the opposing side. Moreover, only 11 women managed to get a seat in the ICA. As for the 88 members of the AoE, 53 of those elected were already incumbents, reflecting the little change that took place. Even for the new elected members, a majority of them are young members who also align with the regime and Khamenei. Indeed, the regime’s power remains unchallenged within the assemblies. “The Iranian people know well these elections are unrepresentative, whatever the outcome. And we do too, ” expressed U.S. Deputy Special Envoy for Iran Abram Paley on X after seeing the results. Many critics of the regime refused to recognize the elections’ results and believe that the supposed Iranian democracy is a means through which the Iranian regime legitimizes itself. Moreover, the criticism began even before the elections took place. With the record-low turnout rate, the Iranian regime had to call its people several times to cast their votes. Not only so, but even the participation rate of some provinces, like Tehran, have yet to be declared (at the current time of writing). This low turnout reflects the electorate’s apathy, the collective boycott, and the lack of alternative options. The opposition voters and the anti-regime protesters feel hopeless of any change coming as a result of an election orchestrated by the regime apparatus. Many who did not go, despite being in economic instability and critical of the ruling clerics, perceive that the time to vote can be traded off for providing living sustenance, especially that voting will not change anything in the embedded totalitarian power. Meanwhile the economic trade-off was rational for the impoverished, hopeless Iranian citizens, it was also logical for them to boycott the orchestrated elections in order to delegitimize the results which were inevitably not going to sway in their favour. Choosing not to vote was and has always been the Iranian citizen’s political statement of opposition to an oppressive theocratic rule. In addition, many oppositions and reformists called to boycott the election, or at least displayed their refusal to participate, some of whom were part of the regime such as former regime president Mohamad Khatami. Khatami’s refusal to cast a vote in the name of standing with the discontented Iranian people has sparked major debates in the country. Loyalist clerics have inevitably criticized his move, while other opposition members see that it is a maneuver to position himself as a leader for the unrepresented people as well as the reformist, to whom he belongs. The opposition criticizes him for remaining a reformist, having not declared the end of his allegiance to the Islamist ideology and religious democracy of the system. Furthermore, even the opposing and reformist voters who still believe in the potentiality of change through elections did not have candidates to vote for. In the AoE, after the Guardian Council had disqualified 366 out of 510 candidates, only 144 candidates were competing for 88 seats. In other words, some seats did not have two competing candidates, thus limiting the voters to either the regime’s candidate or a blank vote, the latter which the regime disregards as trivial. What After? Despite the unchallenged victory of the regime, the low turnout sent a clear message: a strong majority of the people, given the chance to, will unequivocally express their resistance and dissatisfaction to the ruling regime. Thus, in the upcoming years, the Islamic Republic will have to work on further consolidating their power internally to avoid any repercussions that would threaten its regional influence and internal grip. At the age of 84-years-old, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei is set to be succeeded should he die or fall incapable of maintaining his duties. Accordingly, the recently elected AoE, which is responsible to elect the supreme leader’s successor, might have to deal with this challenge in the upcoming eight years. In this context, the massive number of candidate disqualifications that took place should be seen as only an attempt by the regime to suppress opposition to the rule. It should also be perceived as Khamenei’s attempt to secure his own choice of his successor, which looks likely to be his son Mojtaba Khamenei even if no public designation has been made in fear of the successor’s assassination. Former president Hassan Rouhani, as well as other notable ministers like Ali Fallahian and Mohamad Alavi appeared on the list of disqualified candidates. Hassan Rouhani, having not been a strong hardliner to the regime and having been elected by the people, was seen as a potential candidate should a shift in power take place between hardliners and reformists. As to the ministers, both of whom served as intelligence ministers, it was a tactful move to avoid an internal revolt by the intelligence and the military after Khamenei’s death. Indeed, little by little, Khamenei is assuring that his son, or the candidate of his choice like current president Ebrahim Raisi, will succeed him as smoothly as possible. In spite of all inter-regime politics, the regime still has the task to mitigate the public outrage if it wishes to lengthen its survival, especially post-Khamenei. If Mojtaba, or any other candidate, reaches power with a strong public dissent to the regime, then it is likely that further economic collapse, as well as the weakening of aid to allied militant groups, like the Houthis and Hezbollah, will be seen. Moreso, in this context of impoverished legitimacy of the cleric and an undecided successor, is it possible that military and intelligence leaders seize power in the case of Khameini’s death to ensure the survival of the regime? Could the Iranian Supreme Leader become only a symbolic face to a military-intelligence hegemony?

With the coming of age comes individualization and a desire to break away from conformity. As rationality develops, it becomes more comprehensible that there is no need to be ashamed of or cringe at things either you or someone around you partakes in. This, in turn, eliminates the desire to conform to societal norms. < Back Is the Mean Girl Living Inside of Us Dead? The Possible Fall of Cringing Melissa Çevikel January 31, 2025 Musical.ly archives, “6 years ago today” Snapchat memories and recollections of my adolescence by family members at reunions…looking back at times when I wasn't fully self-aware and conscious causes a sharp pain in my chest. This is also largely because I am not able to fully remember what I did and didn’t do, leaving me with the burden of having to fill the gaps with my now much more developed frontal lobe and creativity. This creativity inherently leads to the phenomenon of cringing, which, in its most literal sense, means to “shrink in fear or servility” or “to draw in or contract one's muscles involuntarily (as from cold or pain).” There exists a third definition, however, which combines both the physical jerk element and the emotional aspect of the phenomenon: “so embarrassing, awkward, etc. as to cause one to cringe”. Though there clearly is a universal understanding of what cringing means, the phenomenon is not manifested in the same way for everyone. Not only do the things that trigger this sensation change based on our interpretations of events—and, more broadly, the world— but our reactions to it may also differ, ranging from slight discomfort to mental breakdowns. As I was thinking about the concept of cringing in general, I came to realize that I had stopped cringing, or at least having such a strong reaction to things that seemed embarrassing for me or any party involved. After asking around, most people who I talked to—though it must be noted that all of them were my peers—related to my realization and similarly noted that they had embraced most “cringe-worthy” things they or those around them engaged in. I wondered: had this change occurred simultaneously with our shift in interpretations of the world around us? Our interpretations of the world, for the sake of this article at least, can be identified based on age and the environments we socialize in, including social media. Age being a defining factor in this was the first thing that came to mind. With age comes maturity, with which comes acceptance. “And it makes no difference whether they (young people) are young in years or immature in character. The defect is not a question of time. It is because their life and its various aims are guided by feeling, for to such persons their knowledge is of no use any more than it is to persons of defective self-restraint” is a quote from Aristotle's “The Nicomachean Ethics.” The key idea here is that when you are young and lack maturity, your actions are guided by feelings. Though this is not a scientifically backed argument, the fact that many things are taken much closer to the heart than they should have been when younger can’t be denied. As we grow older, we gather different experiences and meet different people, which presents us with different pathways we can take and may even potentially inspire us. This builds confidence, mainly to pursue the things we enjoy regardless of whether we get judged for it or not. Without these experiences, it's difficult for us to accept criticism, since we’re not sure whether they are or aren’t worthy of being taken into consideration. As a result, most judgments received when younger are taken literally and hurt our self-esteem. Source: Melissa Çevikel, 2025. With the coming of age comes individualization and a desire to break away from conformity. As rationality develops, it becomes more comprehensible that there is no need to be ashamed of or cringe at things either you or someone around you partakes in. This, in turn, eliminates the desire to conform to societal norms. I asked some people (who wished to remain anonymous) about their interests which they thought were cringy and were ashamed of partaking in before coming to terms with them, focusing on what changed their minds. Interviewee No.1, a long-time K-pop stan, said that even though initially people made fun of it when they found out she enjoyed the music, the pleasure and enjoyment it brought her was greater than any of the criticism she had endured. Interviewee No.2, who enjoyed watching anime and reading fan fiction—both of which she was teased for—told me that she simply gradually realized the value of storytelling they held. She said that they even pushed her to study animation at university. Others told me about how they felt insecure about certain clothing and make-up items they owned since the brands they owned had come to be labeled as cringy. They told me that they did not let this stop them from using them because, after all, they had paid for them and someone’s opinion was not a valid reason to waste their money. The people I interviewed were around the age of 20 and were all university students. When I was at the end of my senior year of high school, I had doubts about whether I would be able to find a group of friends with whom my interests aligned. Almost every university student I talked to comforted me saying that university was a very diverse environment where it was impossible not to meet people who think alike. While this turned out to be true, there was a huge difference compared to high school. As they mature, people not only start being more accepting towards themselves and those around them but also create spaces where they can share and enjoy these. These create environments where these ideas are socialized and inherently accepted by a wider community who don’t necessarily partake in these interests. In contrast, high school students don’t feel as free to share their interests mostly since these kinds of spaces aren’t available. To compare the number of things people in earlier years of high school found to be cringeworthy to people in their early 20s, I interviewed a high school junior about the things she thought to be cringy. She presented me with a long list of things that included Victoria’s Secret pajama sets, cussing, fake smiling, smiling too much, young boys and girls, people filming TikTok vlogs, people who think of themselves as nice, old people acting young, etc. This was overwhelmingly long compared to what I had heard from older interviewees. It wouldn’t be right to say that maturity is what causes university students to be more accepting than high school students and vice versa because one summer isn’t that long of a period to allow students to undergo such great change. However, being surrounded by new people and tasks does leave much less space for judgment since new worries take up that space. This might be why people eventually reduce the strength of emotions they associate with second-hand embarrassment and cringing. Source: Melissa Çevikel, 2025. Another factor, however, in why today's young adults cringe less compared to high school students can be tied to the pandemic. The quarantine was a time when social media flourished—not necessarily for the best—and everyone was suddenly very involved with sharing their interests online and trying new things. As people began to share their interests, the already existing, yet not crowded, online communities began to grow, with people who would’ve been too ashamed to partake in these interests in real life joining them. This created safe spaces—similar to those I mentioned that occurred in universities—hence why this generation of young adults was able to experience such acceptance much earlier. Lastly, it's important to think about where the line between judgment and cringing is drawn. While cringing at something is a very human response, what it triggers in turn must be reconsidered. There lies a very thin line between borderline bullying and expressing how you find something cringe, and that negativity is quite unnecessary in our day-to-day lives. As we transition into newer phases and slowly mature, we gradually come to realize that nothing truly is that deep, and that this passage prepares us for adulthood. Unfortunately, adulthood is full of tasks and errands, leaving us with little to no time to critically analyze others’ actions enough to cringe at them. Maybe in 50 years me and cringing will meet again at sunset as I watch my grandchildren film music videos for random rap songs…but for now we have parted our ways as I’ve grown up.

As first years assimilated through Integration Week at Sciences Po, 113 responded to a Menton Times survey about their backgrounds, beliefs, lifestyles and career goals. The data can be found here. < Back Frosh Survey: Meet The Newest Generation of Sciences Pistes By Colette Yamashita Holcomb September 30, 2022 Amidst heatwaves, lost luggage crises and seas of tourists, the Class of 2025 has arrived in Menton. Each student brings unique personal stories and aspirations. Despite being composed of over 34 different nationalities, the incoming class shares the challenging experience of navigating high school and college admissions during a pandemic — and, of course, the trauma of the French banking system. As first years assimilated through Integration Week at Sciences Po, 113 responded to a Menton Times survey about their backgrounds, beliefs, lifestyles and career goals. The survey explored topics ranging from nationality to political ideology to alcohol consumption. (Due to rounding, reported statistics may not total 100 percent exactly). Demographics The Class of 2025 is the largest in Sciences Po Menton’s history, yet it is still predominantly female. Among respondents to the survey, roughly 71.7% identify as female, 27.4% as male and 0.9% as nonbinary. With nearly 25% of students from more than one nationality and the majority speaking more than three languages, the demographics of this year’s new class serve as further confirmation of the Menton campus’ diversity. As in years past, over 60% of students come from outside France; 33.6% are of Middle Eastern and North African heritage. However, the class is not as diverse in its socioeconomic background as in its nationalities. When asked to describe their socioeconomic level, 67.3% reported theirs as middle, 16.8% reported theirs as high, 9.7% as low and 6.2% did not respond. Religion & Politics Survey results show that the incoming class is primarily secular; 47.8% reported that religion has no role in their life. However, 25.7% consider themselves somewhat religious, 13.3% very religious and 9.7% moderately religious. Politically, students tend to lean left — 58.9% declared their political persuasion as left compared to 17.9% reporting center, 7.1% extreme left and 5.1% right. The Path to Sciences Po For nearly 95% of respondents, Sciences Po was their first choice. Only 8.8% of students have family members who are alumni of Sciences Po. 21% of students are in one of the seven offered dual degree programs — programs where students attend Sciences Po and a partner university and graduate with two Bachelor’s degrees. 76% of dual degree students will attend Columbia University in the City of New York after their first two years, making it the most popular program. Programs with the University of California Berkeley and the University of British Columbia tied for second, involving 8% of dual degree students each. The program with University College London makes up roughly 4% of dual degree students. Beyond Menton The incoming class appears to be primarily in agreement regarding life beyond Menton. The majority of students, 75.2%, plan to complete their master’s program through Sciences Po, likely thanks to the guaranteed admission. Unsurprisingly, many students, roughly 43%, plan to work in government after graduation. Other popular choices included non-governmental organizations (23%), law (9.7%), business (8.8%), academia (4.4%) and journalism (3.5%). The remainder stated they were still undecided.

"I can attest that Israel has brought up a generation that is attached to the land and their roots like no other generation before. Our proud existence is resistance. Every story that died lives through us, and we will certainly not forget." < Back Navigating Conflict: A Palestinian Perspective Amidst the Israel-Hamas War By Clara Delso for Amnesty International November 30, 2023 The Israel-Hamas war that unfolded after the Oct. 7 attacks has resulted in a staggering death toll, claiming over 10,995 Palestinian and 1,405 Israeli lives in its first month. It has left the besieged Palestinian enclave in a dire humanitarian crisis and has shaken the entire Palestinian community. In light of these developments, civilians across the Occupied Territories of the West Bank mourn the losses of their Gazan brothers, as they, themselves, face increased aggression. Farah is a Palestinian girl from the 1948 Green Line living in East Jerusalem. In this interview, she shares her thoughts, offering valuable insights into how civilians living in the Occupied Palestinian territories are experiencing the War and the ways in which they grapple with the pervasive violence. Emotions run high during times of conflict. How have recent events in the region affected you personally? Being exposed to all that is going on is mentally draining. I exist in parallel with anguish over and detachment from the horrors of the war. The footage is endless, and having to constantly witness the suffering of your own people is heartbreaking, but has also made me desensitized to some extent. In these times, I find comfort in reflecting on the blessings I have taken for granted. Knowing that my family is alive and well, not having to worry about where my next meal will come from, and even stressing over university, while the lives and dreams of many have been cut short. While I thankfully don´t go through the horrifying reality of Gazans, Palestinians’ human rights and lives are still at risk everywhere. Everyone is a target. There is no freedom of speech without risking imprisonment or worse. I haven't been able to leave my home since the war started. I spend my days hearing gunshots in my street, scrolling through graphic photos on social media, and reading about violent attacks in the West Bank. Combined with the relentless checks of phones and arbitrary arrests, hopelessness has become a collective endurance. However, whenever I feel helpless, I remember a particular quote by David Ben Gurion during the Nakba, “The old will die, and the young will forget.” Being here today, I can attest that Israel has brought up a generation that is attached to the land and their roots like no other generation before. Our proud existence is resistance. Every story that died lives through us, and we will certainly not forget. As a Palestinian, how do you perceive the disconnect between Gaza and the West Bank, and what do you think can be done to address this division within the Palestinian territories? The divisions between the territories primarily manifest in the degrees of privilege. It is a direct result of post-colonialism and a rather bittersweet lottery of political liberties with no true freedom. On one hand, there are the privileged Palestinians from the 48 lines who often don't identify as Palestinian due to identity erasure, and on the other hand, there are Palestinians from the West Bank who experience raids, restrictions on freedom of movement, etc. but enjoy greater communal support and a stronger sense of national identity. However, no matter the nuances, these distinctions don´t expand into social divisions - we all share one cause and solidarity with Gazans. The idea of normalization between Palestinians and Israelis is a controversial topic of discussion. What are your thoughts on this and its potential impact on the conflict resolution process? There are many different attitudes towards normalization between Arabs and Israelis, both in civil society and internationally, in the light of Arab-Israeli negotiations. From my point of view, having coexisted in a multicultural school where all groups had social relations with each other, it can be problematic, but it really depends. I believe that, in many ways, normalization has been disguised as a pathway to peace. The peace that results from discussions which do not tackle the uncomfortable roots of the problem or from simply living together without acknowledging our differences and past, is shallow. It compromises the integrity of people and allows them to coexist with the reality of occupation . Rather than a genuine pursuit of peace, it appears to normalize the violence taking place under the guise of shared humanity. It is not true, positive peace, it is a form of coexistence marked by silence. Nevertheless, if both sides are able to come together to have a constructive conversation, I do not see this as normalization. I think it is really important to listen to each other and that everyone should be given a chance to speak and to be heard, in order to both foster empathy and avoid extreme polarizations. For example, if Palestinians were to completely oppose the thought of engaging with Israelis , it would be easier for the latter to accept learned beliefs which can lead to villainizing and dehumanizing us. Exposure to the Palestinian narrative can help them see and even understand reality through our eyes, dismantling prejudices and unveiling concealed truths. It could be a step forward in the right direction, a step towards mutual understanding and humanization. You attended a school with both Israelis and Palestinians. How did the recent events impact the relationships with your previous classmates? It seems to me that hard times like this one shed light onto the true intentions and beliefs of those surrounding you. Watching people I held to such a high esteem in my life, proudly and openly express violent ambitions or attempt to justify continuous escalations in their social media feels like a betrayal of our friendship. It's agonizing to see that during a sensitive time, some actively choose to turn a blind eye towards the devastation and pain of others. Polarization can be a significant challenge in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. How do you see this divide between pro-Israeli and pro-Palestinian sentiments impacting the peace process/ceasefire efforts? These sentiments are very broad in their scope, and they obviously both have the potential to become problematic. I think being in opposite spectrums of one or the other just results in normalizing all the violence arising, whether by justifying the actions of the Israeli government or Hamas. Regardless, I can talk about my pro-Palestinian sentiments, since I clearly identify with the Palestinian cause. I do not think expressing my thoughts, opinions, or publicizing experiences regarding the human rights violations of my people impacts the peace process negatively. Raising awareness is essential, and the more people are aware the more we see action being taken both by individuals and other stakeholders, even when governments are trying to censor our voices. Unveiling everything that is happening, being eyes and voices for the people that have had them taken away from them, it helps by both showing those suffering that they are not alone and by holding the Israeli government accountable. Overall it just helps to put more pressure into all actors to bring about a ceasefire. But yes, as I mentioned before, taking extreme stances to justify any sort of violence that comes towards the other side—which is what is happening right now, with everyone saying “it is proportionate”, “it needs to happen” etc.—does not improve any peace prospect. At the same time I think being neutral, with the excuse of being uninformed on the subject is very naive, and that taking the time to educate oneself is necessary. When advocating for all human beings and lives, it is crucial to acknowledge that the reality us Palestinians are living in is one with an ongoing imbalance of power.

The United States border crisis is a human rights emergency — there is no room for bipartisan hatred and broken promises in our immigration system. American leaders must act to protect the legal right to seek asylum and ensure that migrants are treated humanely and fairly at all steps of the immigration process. < Back Amnesty: The United States Border Crisis is Still a Human Rights Emergency By Peyton Dashiell December 31, 2022 For decades, migrants have used the United States’ vast border with Mexico as a crossing point to enter the United States and seek asylum. While most migrants originate from Mexico or Central America, thousands of migrants from Russia, China, India and Turkey seeking U.S. residence have flown to Mexico and crossed the frontier to potentially evade border patrol when crossing by land. The migrants and asylum seekers arriving at the border have a variety of motivations, from fleeing violence to wanting to join family members or seeking better economic opportunities. While anybody with a legitimate fear of persecution can apply for asylum, most asylum applications in the United States are rejected due to a cap on refugee admissions and specific requirements for asylum seekers, such as not having been convicted of a serious crime or felony. As a result, many migrants crossing the border aim to do so illegally and evade immigration controls so they can start their lives in the United States without having to undergo the long and arduous process of obtaining asylum. In 2014, the Obama administration declared a crisis at the border due to a sharp increase in unaccompanied minors and women illegally crossing. Illegal immigration has long been used as a right-wing scapegoat for the issues the United States faces, including high unemployment and increasing violent crime rates. This rhetoric featured prominently in the presidential campaign of Donald Trump, in which he mobilized supporters with calls to build a border wall and made inflammatory statements about the character of migrants, notably stating that “They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.” In January 2017, Trump began his term by signing Executive Order 13767, which directed the U.S. government to start the construction of the border wall. Throughout his term, a wall was constructed along 455 miles of the border, 49 miles of which previously had no barrier. By 2020, much of this construction was in danger of collapsing due to erosion. Several officials, including Trump advisor Steve Bannon, were indicted for defrauding investors and using wall funds for personal gain. Additionally, Trump sparked controversy with policies designed to separate migrant children from their families, detain migrants in overcrowded detention centers in dangerous and unhealthy conditions, and end the practice of allowing asylum seekers to live in the U.S. while awaiting court proceedings. In 2018, the conditions of migrant detention centers run by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) were exposed in the media. Journalists and human rights monitors who visited the centers discovered egregious human rights violations, including sexual abuse, a lack of food and clean drinking water and insufficient medical care. Many members of Congress visited the detention centers to observe the poor conditions firsthand in what Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielson labeled a “Hill stunt.” The international community quickly condemned the detention centers. Amnesty International released a report detailing the poor conditions on both sides of the border. United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet said she was “deeply shocked” at the treatment of children and expressed concern for their development and wellbeing. In 2019, Trump implemented the Migrant Protection Protocol, or “Remain in Mexico” policy, which forced asylum seekers to stay in Mexico while their immigration papers were processed. This policy returned at least 70,000 asylum seekers to Mexico, many of whom were trying to escape threats and persecution experienced in the country. While President Biden pledged a sharp turnaround from Trump’s cruel immigration policies while on the campaign trail, his leadership has demonstrated outright hypocrisy and little progress on border matters. He vowed to reunite migrant families separated by the Trump administration, close ICE-operated detention centers, end construction of the border wall and raise the annual cap for refugee admissions. However, none of these promises have been delivered during his two years in office, and there is little evidence that conditions for migrants at the border have improved from the standard set by the Trump administration. Despite his mantra of “not another foot” of border wall development, in July 2022, Biden’s administration quietly began construction to fill four major gaps in the border wall near Yuma, Arizona — one of the busiest locations for illegal border crossings. Additionally, while Biden ran on a promise of ending the Migrant Protection Policy, it remains in place after the two years he has spent in office, although he did exempt LGBTQ asylum seekers and people with certain medical and mental health conditions, recognizing their vulnerability in Mexico. Furthermore, President Biden has controversially used Title 42, a COVID-19 control policy, to increase expulsions of migrants at the border. Title 42 was first enacted by Trump in 2020 to rapidly expel asylum seekers to control COVID-19 and has been used 2.4 million times since its establishment. Title 42 was ruled unconstitutional by a federal court in Nov. 2022 in response to a lawsuit filed by the American Civil Liberties Union. Still, the Biden administration appealed the ruling on Dec. 8 to continue expulsions under the guise of public health. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is reportedly working with Biden to formalize this policy as a permanent health measure, despite lifting most other COVID policies. The United States border crisis is a human rights emergency — there is no room for bipartisan hatred and broken promises in our immigration system. American leaders must protect the legal right to seek asylum and ensure that migrants are treated humanely and fairly at all steps of the immigration process.

Neo-Baathism finds its roots in the thought of the Syrian intellectual Michel Aflaq, who was able to inspire generations of anti-imperialist revolutionaries and radicals. < Back Arab Intellectuals that Every Sciences Piste Should Know: Michel Aflaq By Emilia Kohlmeyer November 30, 2022 Michel Alflaq’s Baathism is difficult to recognize in contemporary Baathist ideology that still occupies Syrian and Iraqi thought. However, neo-Baathism finds its roots in the ideas of the Syrian intellectual Michel Aflaq, who inspired generations of anti-imperialist revolutionaries and radicals. Michel Aflaq was born to a middle-class Greek-Orthodox family in Damascus. He received western education during his childhood under the French Mandate and later studied on a scholarship at the Sorbonne. His politics were strongly influenced by the instability Syria experienced during the Great Syrian Revolt of 1925 and post-WWII Europe, which brought uncertainty to the Middle East. During his time in Paris, he first interacted with ideologies such as communism, Marxism, socialism and nationalism. He formed the Union of Arab students, which called for the decolonization of Arab lands. Upon his return to Syria, Aflaq and Salah al Din al Bitar, a Sunni Muslim, co-founded the Baath “renaissance” party, which would extend to many other Arab countries, most notably Iraq. Michel Aflaq’s principles are embodied in the Baathist slogan, “unity, freedom and socialism.” Aflaq’s quest for unity stems from his conception of the Arab nation. The essence of the Arab nation unveils itself through an eternal Arab revelation, which experienced its last rise when Islam unified the Arab world. The Arab nation is primarily bounded by its common language, which Aflaq regards as its primary source of social norms and perception. Restoring the glory of the Arab world, in his view, was only possible by a complete structural transformation achieved only through a revolution, “inqilab,” on the foundation of nationalism and socialism. Nationalism, as an ideology, was to be the key vehicle in unifying the lower classes against the political elites. Aflaq, a Greek Orthodox Christian, pursued a secular pan-Arab nationalist vision, which regarded religion as a force of division within the Arab nation. However, he regarded Islam by its “intense moral” nature to have inspired Arabs to “break through their entrenched reality,” as he outlined in a lecture in 1943. According to him, Islam represents an innate part of Arab culture, and he asserted that “Islam was an Arab movement. Its meaning was Arab renewal and its perfection. So the language that Islam descended with was Arabic. Its outlook and understanding were of an Arab mind. The qualities it encouraged were apparent or hidden Arab values, and the faults it addressed were faults the Arabs were to vanquish.” Furthermore, his writings were known to contain numerous Quranic references. The second pillar of his strategy of transforming the Arab world was socialism. During his studies in France, he was particularly exposed to Marxist thought, although he later declared communism to be “Western and alien to everything Arab.” Instead of relying solely on pure ideology, Aflaq drew on certain Marxist tenets, such as dialectical materialism. However, he translated the struggle of the working classes into the united Arab struggle against Western capitalists. While supporting inheritance rights and private ownership, Aflaq advocated for wealth redistribution, greater public ownership of key industries, and workers’ participation in profit-sharing and managerial matters. His socialist vision envisaged economic justice as forming the foundation of the new Arab nation-state, which should be democratic and a defender of fundamental rights such as free speech. However, despite supporting these values, he considered it necessary for the Baath party to claim the required authority to create the conditions where individual ideas could flourish after decades of imperialism and elitist ideology. Only then would the people be capable of forming their demands. His politics have been described as many things, from radically leftist to fascist, although in practice, they were rather vague and formulated to appeal to the masses. After the split of the United Arab Republic, a union between Syria and Egypt under Nasser that Aflaq had cautiously advocated for, the influence of the original Baathist generation began to decline. Successive military coups during the 1960s and a humbling defeat against Israel in 1967 culminated in a neo-Baathist coup instigated by Hafez al-Assad, whose son remains president today. Aflaq fled Assad’s Syria to Iraq under the protection of his follower Saddam Hussein and his Iraqi branch of the Baath party. Michel Aflaq died in Paris in 1986 and was buried in a mausoleum in Iraq, which, upon the American invasion, was repurposed as a gym for US soldiers and is now a shopping mall.

< Back First Death of the Year: Migrant Found Charred Atop Train in Menton By Lara-Nour Walton January 31, 2023 What was his name — the suspected migrant found charred atop a train at Menton’s Garavan station? Where was he from? These questions remain unanswered by French and Italian authorities. Yet, the man’s intended destination was clear. Like so many other asylum seekers, he sought a better life somewhere beyond the French side of the Franco-Italian border. The John Doe’s body emerged from the glow of an electrical fire at approximately 18:00 on Jan. 9, 2023. Train services were suspended for three hours as French first responders attempted to identify the victim. Agence France Presse reports that considering the chosen transit method, the man was likely an African asylum-seeker from Ventimiglia. An InfoMigrants article about the incident corroborates this presumption: “Francophone African migrants who arrive in Italy via the Mediterranean… often have connections and family and sometimes better job prospects over the border because of their knowledge of French.” Desperate times, desperate measures The suspected migrant’s death comes on the heels of tightening Franco-Italian border controls following a diplomatic row between the two countries. Tension skyrocketed in early November when a migrant rescue ship, the Ocean Viking, was refused safe port on the Italian coast and deferred to Toulon, France. The boat, run by humanitarian organization SOS Mediterranee, had been carrying 234 migrants since late October and filed 43 unsuccessful docking pleas with the Italian government before rerouting to France. After authorizing the Ocean Viking’s port in Toulon, the French government denounced Italy for its refusal to accept the ship. Paris asserted that because the vessel had been in Italian water for an extended period, the migrants, under maritime law, were Italy’s responsibility. But, Giorgia Meloni does not care for decorum. The right-wing Italian Prime Minister, who ascended to power at the end of October, pledged to close off Italy to the vast majority of migrants and requested that other coastal countries accept rescue boats. In a move described by Italy as “disproportionate” and “aggressive,” French authorities responded by effectively sealing the Franco-Italian frontier and withdrawing from the European Union’s Voluntary Solidarity Mechanism, introduced in June 2022. Murderous Border Clandestine Franco-Italian crossings have always been perilous and potentially deadly. On Nov. 7, 2022, 19-year-old Afghan refugee Ahmed Safi was hit by two cars on the A10 motorway as he attempted to traverse into France. He was only laid to rest after his body was dragged by a lorry to a tollbooth 500 meters away. Now that border controls have intensified, Italian newspaper, Il Messaggero, predicts that Ventimiglia’s migrants will be forced to resort to even more dangerous means of entering France. Transportation atop trains is only one of the many high-risk methods they may turn to. Safi and the John Doe are far from the only victims of what The Roya-Citizen Association calls the “murderous border.” Director of the Ventimiglia branch of Caritas, Christian Papini, estimates that at least 33 people have died in Franco-Italian crossings since 2015, while Nice-based lawyer Mireille Damiano puts the number at 50. First death of the year The John Doe’s death grimly kicks off yet another year on the Franco-Italian frontier — his scorched body marks the first migrant fatality of 2023. It appears that Italy’s new unforgiving asylum seeker policy and France’s progressively stringent border controls are not inhibitors enough. Migrants, chasing ever-elusive livelihoods, will pursue cross-border journeys at any cost.

Growing up, I constantly pondered over what a hero meant to me. I would have varying heroes ranging from fictional characters to influential figures. I always thought that they were out of reach, yet today, I can look back and realize that I was surrounded by them. < Back Women of Iran Named Time Magazine’s “Heroes of the Year.” By Anonymous December 31, 2022 Who and what makes a hero? Could it be a superpower that allows you to jump over buildings as if they're pebbles or shoot webs from your hands? Is it a quality that distinguishes you from the average person and makes you the "chosen" one, bringing peace to the whole population? Or is it an achievement, saving a life, helping those in need, and standing up against injustice? At some point in our lives, each of us has appointed someone as a hero, whether a parental figure, someone influential, or maybe a fictional character that embodies characteristics we admire. These different "heroes" change over time and embody varying features that we look up to, making the unifying factor of what constitutes a hero contestable. However, I define a hero as a community, or someone, who brings positive change to our society and personifies inspiring bravery. On Dec. 7, 2022, Time Magazine named Iranian women "Heroes of the Year." This accolade represents a significant step forward in how Western media and society depict Iranian women, and it has increasingly positive influences than one may imagine. To understand this choice, one must first recall the current women-led movement in Iran. Upon the brutal murder of Zhina Mahsa Amini by Iran's morality police, protests broke out around the country, demanding the abolishment of the mandatory hijab and corrupt morality police. As time passed, the repression of the protests increased. Anger built up amongst Iranians — recalling the injustice they have faced for the past 43 years under the Islamic Republic, the continuous human rights violations, the oppression of women and the lack of freedom –– the movement progressed into what some may call an "uprising" and others a "revolution." The underlying sentiment, however, is clear: the people want a change in the regime. Their wants? Women, Life, Freedom. Iranian women have been the face of bravery since the dawn of time. When one lives in a country that suppresses one's fundamental rights, tries to diminish one's happiness and extinguish one's light, that person quickly learns how to rebel and live the way one wishes, even if it does not adhere to the regime's rules. For instance, in the context of the intense dress code imposed by the Islamic Republic, Iranian women rebelled by wearing more make-up, changing fashion trends that "softened" the dress code and even protesting. From the first time Vida Movahed took off her hijab, placed it on the stick and expressed her disapproval of this misogynistic law to the movement of the "Girls of the Revolution Street" and to it taking a larger form in today's protests, allowing girls to start taking off their hijab in daily life while being fully aware of the risks and dangers, Iranian women showed they were never people to conform to injustice. In everyday life, they rebel by asserting themselves in society and proving their capability, intelligence, talents, and strength. They start controversial debates about the patriarchy, the effects and wrongdoings of traditions enforced by older generations towards women and the unfair marriage laws. Through their persistence, Iranian women changed modern Iranian society and its mindset. They allowed their male counterparts to understand their struggles, stand by them and even fight with them, as seen in this movement. Their efforts are inspirational, and they do not go unnoticed. It is not an easy job to change the mindset of a population, and Iranian women's work every single day for the past years has been crucial to allow this movement to take off and have the impact and momentum it has today. It is precisely their refusal to fit into a mold of what society told them they should be, whether it is the Islamic Republic dismissing them or the West orientalizing them, which is incredibly inspiring, notably for other young Iranian girls who face the same challenges. During these protests, we have witnessed incredible bravery — Iranian women sacrificing their lives and safety to fight for what they believe in and for freedom — not only for themselves but also for other Iranian women and the next generation. They refuse to admit regret even when the regime abuses them, and they refuse to stay silent despite repression. I believe that the bravery, inspiration and change-making latent in the current Iranian movement render the country's women deserving of the title "Heroes of The Year." Time Magazine's decision is highly significant. With propaganda determining the media image of Iranian women in the past, it is an astonishing relief that they are finally being seen as their true selves. It humanizes Iranian women in the eyes of those who were fed lies, giving them credibility and allowing a larger sympathy to the cause. International support is crucial to keep this movement alive, and this amazing act of Time Magazine sends a political message highlighting that they are on the side of the people and Iranian women. It terrifies the regime and empowers Iranians, making it all the more noteworthy. To support this movement, the international media must change the hegemonic narratives and align themselves with reality, as did Time Magazine. The international community must keep listening and spreading the words of the Iranian people and, most importantly, Iranian women. Growing up, I constantly pondered over what a hero meant to me. I would have varying heroes ranging from fictional characters to influential figures. I always thought that they were out of reach, yet today, I can look back and realize that I was surrounded by them. I feel immense pride for Iranian women, their efforts and how far they have come, and I believe they are such inspirational figures. Iranian women are more than deserving of this title.