Préserver les traditions ou changer ? C'est le thème qui est devenu de plus en plus récurrent lors de notre séjour à Kakuma et de nos échanges avec les étudiants résidents du camp. Cette tension entre la tradition et l'universalité des droits humains est ressentie dans l'environnement, en espérant qu'un équilibre puisse être trouvé entre les deux concepts pour assurer la sécurité et le bien-être de l'individu. < Back Es-tu gay? By Amalia Heide for Sciences Po Refugee Help November 30, 2023 "Es-tu gay ?” Cette question a été posée par l'étudiant qui se trouvait à mon côté dans mon cahier de notes il y a quelques semaines dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma. À partir de cette question, une discussion écrite de quarante minutes sur l'homosexualité a commencé. Ecrite parce que, simultanément, un migrant géorgien queer a témoigné de son expérience et de son travail de recherche sur le thème de la migration LGBTQ+. Cette discussion a été retranscrite en partie : Amalia : Tu détestes ça ? Lui : L'homosexualité est contraire à notre culture. NOUS le détestons. Le pronom " nous " dans ce cas fait référence à la communauté. Mon interlocuteur se présente, pendant toute la durée de la conversation, comme un porte-parole de la vision générale de la communauté. Lui : Nous n'aimons pas les gays et les lesbiennes. C'est un crime ici. La société vous maudira si vous vous engagez dans cette voie. Les LGBTQIA+ sont-ils autorisés en Argentine ? Amalia : Nous croyons (j'ai également décidé de prendre le rôle de représenter la culture hégémonique de mon pays) que chacun est libre d'aimer qui il veut. Le mariage gay est légal. Lui : Je n'ai jamais vu de joueurs argentins se marier avec des joueurs masculins, par exemple Messi, Aguero, etc. C'est un manque de respect d'épouser un homme quand on est un homme. Amalia : Pourquoi ? Lui : Dieu a créé Adam (l'homme) et Eve (la femme). Pourquoi Dieu n'a-t-il pas créé le même sexe ? Amalia : Il est peut-être préférable de considérer la création du monde comme une légende, créée dans une société où les LGBTQIA+ n'étaient pas bien vus, comme c'est le cas aujourd'hui au Kenya. Mais si la légende était vraie, pourquoi cela signifierait-il que Dieu est nécessairement CONTRE les LGBTQIA+ ? Ne peut-il pas soutenir les deux? Quelle est la corrélation entre le fait qu'Adam soit un homme et qu'Eve soit une femme et le fait que Dieu ne puisse pas nous aimer tous, peu importe notre sexualité ? Lui : Le mariage est destiné à mettre au monde des enfants, mais les personnes du même sexe ne peuvent pas mettre au monde des enfants. Autoriser les LGBTQIA+ revient à aller à l'encontre de l'œuvre de Dieu. Pourquoi s'engager dans une relation si l'on ne peut pas avoir d'enfants? Nous pouvons nous aimer les uns les autres, mais pas nous engager dans des actes sexuels avec le même sexe. Adopter des enfants est une bonne chose [...] mais il faudrait savoir aussi à quoi ressemblerait ton produit (le bébé). J'ai estimé qu'il était important de transcrire cette conversation afin de contextualiser l'environnement dans lequel la communauté LGBTQIA+ est contrainte de se développer. Afin de ne pas baser ma déclaration uniquement sur une conversation, je voudrais souligner que la Commission nationale des droits de l'homme des gays et lesbiennes (NGLHRC) et Amnesty International ont publié cette année un rapport conjoint sur les expériences des réfugiés LGBTQIA+ vivant à Kakuma, au Kenya. Ils qualifient cette situation extrêmement dangereuse, caractérisée par des crimes de haine, des discriminations et d'autres violations des droits de l'homme. Malgré cet environnement hostile, il existe dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma un collectif LGBTQIA+ extrêmement actif qui cherche à sensibiliser les gens à leur statut dans le camp. Il s'agit de Free Block 13 Kakuma. Leur site web ( Free Block 13 - Free the LGBTQIA+ community from Kakuma ) contient des informations sur les activités du Pride month, une section "dons" et une section "histoires". J'ai pris le temps de lire plusieurs témoignages poignants et je vous invite à faire de même. Cependant, j'aimerais mettre en lumière l'histoire de Kevin, un homme transgenre qui a subi plusieurs attaques de la part de la communauté à Kakuma sans recevoir d'aide de la part du HCR. Kevin raconte que "le 25 juin 2020, des homophobes ont mis le feu à notre clôture, qui s'est propagée à notre maison malgré la présence de la police, aucun effort n'a été fait pour arrêter les agresseurs et, à ce jour, personne n'a jamais été appréhendé et les mêmes agresseurs jurent toujours de nous attaquer et de nous tuer pour mettre fin à la malédiction qui pèse sur nous, les LGBTQIA+ de Kakuma au Kenya". Une malédiction, c'est la même expression que celle utilisée par mon interlocuteur pour décrire cette communauté. Il est évident que cette série de discriminations doit être comprise à travers l'intersectionnalité. Prenons le témoignage de Shifra: sa mère, qui est homosexuelle, a dû fuir avec Shifra son pays d'origine, l'Ouganda, après avoir été victime de violences physiques et mentales. Elle et Kevin ont tous deux été victimes de mariages forcés parce qu'ils étaient des femmes et étaient incapables d'imposer leur volonté. Ainsi, le statut des femmes en matière de droits de l'homme est une question centrale dans le camp de réfugiés. Lors de la conférence internationale sur les mobilités et les immobilités à Kakuma, un groupe d'étudiants du camp a présenté le projet sur la santé et les droits des représentants sexuels. Composé de deux femmes et de quatre hommes, le groupe vise à sensibiliser les femmes (mais aussi les hommes) à leurs droits sexuels.En effet, l'une des fondatrices du projet a raconté, avec beaucoup de tristesse dans les yeux, comment plusieurs de ses camarades de classe ont dû épouser des "hommes de plus de 60 ans". Une autre a raconté comment l'absence d'éducation sexuelle a conduit des adolescentes à tomber enceintes contre leur gré. Cette initiative étudiante est rejointe par d'autres, comme dans le cas d'Amina Rowimoh Hortense. Amina est arrivée au camp de réfugiés de Kakuma en 2004, fuyant le conflit en République démocratique du Congo. Elle n'avait que 17 ans. Elle a réussi à suivre une formation de cinéaste grâce au HCR et réalise aujourd'hui des films pour sensibiliser à la situation des femmes dans le camp. Son dernier film traite par exemple des mutilations génitales féminines et l a été projeté dans le camp, incitant les femmes et les hommes à remettre en question cette pratique, toujours ancrée dans la société. Préserver les traditions ou changer ? C'est le thème qui est devenu de plus en plus récurrent lors de notre séjour à Kakuma et de nos échanges avec les étudiants résidents du camp. Cette tension entre la tradition et l'universalité des droits humains est ressentie dans l'environnement, en espérant qu'un équilibre puisse être trouvé entre les deux concepts pour assurer la sécurité et le bien-être de l'individu.

Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. < Back The Menton Times: A Year in Review By Celeste Abourjeili April 30, 2022 Mentoniya, Mentoniya. Last summer, I was struck with a vision for a newspaper that would synthesize campus discourse and bring all student events together in one collective monthly recount. Though I was committed to bringing it to life, I never foresaw the scope or size that it would reach in just one year. Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. The journey of creating a newspaper from scratch was filled with the unexpected — it was a turbulent yet irreplaceable experience. I got to watch our designer and my dear friend, 2A Ada Baser, create a layout template from scratch. She pieced together over 30 articles worth of content into one digital masterpiece each and every month. “Starting the design of a paper from scratch wasn’t the easiest experience… [but] at the end of the day, it’s been a pleasure to work with the many different members of the team, because designers need to communicate with reporters, photographers, and the editorial board,” said Baser. “I hope I have been able to bring their amazing works to life.” Her clean-cut designs have been praised by Mentonese students. “I really like the mise-en-page,” said 1A Amira Zargouni, “it’s really easy to read.” Our editorial team, made up of 1A Ayse Lara Selcuker, 1A Lara-Nour Walton, 2A Morgane Abbas, and myself, has had to edit just as many articles to fulfill our three-step editing process. “Editing felt special to me because journalism has been a really formative source for me,” said Walton. “To make this newspaper a reality was genuinely so fulfilling.” My role as Editor-in-Chief, besides managing and organizing the team, consisted of a wondrous albeit time-consuming process by which I had to review each article that was ever published. I knew that I was collecting stories from the students, combining them in one collective and polished form, and sending them back to the student body for all to read, and I wanted to do them justice. I grasped the significance of my job in qualifying the words our students were entrusting to the paper to send out to the world. Our photography team, led by 1A Hugo Lagergren and composed of 1A Emilia Kohlmeyer and 2A Wang Di, has brought each and every story to life with its talent and eye for the camera. “ The staff reporters and guest reporters, without whom this paper would not exist, made the decision to share their stories with us and with you — a decision for which we are endlessly grateful. “Writing for the Menton Times has been incredible! I joined the team with little writing experience, but I saw my skills improve through the feedback and support of our editors, and my articles allowed me to further immerse myself in the topics I am most passionate about,” said 1A Magdelena Offenbeck. Over the course of one year, we have worked with a team of about 20 people and around 39 guest writers. We wrote articles in collaboration with a variety of associations, ranging from Sciences Alcoolémiques to the Stone Skipping Society to the BDS to Babel, MEDMUN, TedX, Environnementon, and the list goes on. 2A Isabella Aouad, who contributed to the newspaper as a guest reporter, noted, “It was very impressive how, in one year, the Menton Times became a real thing. It was very consistent and rigorous and featured really high quality articles.” 1A Joudi Arafa, who claimed she was proud to contribute as a guest reporter, affirmed, “The Menton Times is a big campus name.” I’m proud of our team for creating a shared vision out of what started as a small idea. The process behind the paper starts with our monthly meetings, which take on the form of a team brainstorming session, to choose article topics for that month’s issue. “I really enjoyed the flexibility of choosing my topics instead of having them assigned,” said 1A staff reporter Luca Utterwulghe. I’ve always trusted our writers with the topics they chose, and I was ecstatic that they matched my trust with passion and motivation for the job. Besides our partnerships and guest articles, we try to include everyone on the campus by including student quotes and opinions in each article. “It’s fun interviewing people to get quotes for my articles,” said Utterwulghe, “I learned a lot from this past year at the Menton Times.” I am grateful to you, Mentoniya, for electing our association to be an official student initiative this past semester, opening up doors of opportunity for us with your trust. With the exception of the godforsaken month of February, we upheld our promise to you to publish each and every month. For the first year, our 7-1 success rate makes me quite proud. I recognize that our process wasn’t perfect. This was just the start of an association that I hope will live on for years after my departure. I believe in the future leaders of the association to not only enhance our process, but establish additional projects and events to make campus life even more robust. I am proud to announce that the association will be carried on by Lara-Nour Walton as Editor-in-Chief, Magdalena Offenbeck as Managing Editor, Hugo Lagergren as Head of Photography. I originally intended for the Menton Times to be a route for students to be heard by their peers, an opportunity for one to collect their thoughts before making them public, and to bring attention to a particular experience or event. It was supposed to serve as a chance to create change in our small, cozy Mentonese ummah. My goal, above all, was to bring students closer together. In my original “Letter from the Editor” in our very first issue, I wrote that journalism is a pillar of democracy, a chance to touch the hearts and minds of those around us and change the course of history for the better. Here in Menton, I hope we’ve done that on a personal level — if nothing else, I hope we’ve helped you better understand and resonate with the going-ons of our little community. I hope we’ve informed you. Thank you for your attention, and for the last time this year, happy reading! Sincerely and with love, Celeste Abourjeili Founder & Editor-in-Chief Menton Times 2021-2022

Australia is a nation in which the interrelationship between the people and our Naval forces has come to play a pivotal role in shaping national identity. < Back Our Military Are Our Mates! By Lucy Lönnqvist for Sciences Defense December 31, 2023 Australia is a nation in which the interrelationship between the people and our Naval forces has come to play a pivotal role in shaping national identity. Australians hold an inexplicable appreciation for our island continent's safety and good fortune, guarded by the devoted efforts of our naval and maritime powers, the Royal Australian Navy (RAN). On the surface level, the RAN is known by Australians for its defense of civil liberties and national sovereignty against external threats. In another vein however, a more fundamental yet subtle duty of the Navy that often lies unspoken, pertains to its role in fostering a strong sense of harmony, trust, and connectivity within the social fabric of all residents who call Australian soil home. It is this latter principle which the essence of this article will focus on, in order to demonstrate precisely why Australians call the military our mates. The nature of Australia’s coastal geography positions the naval and maritime at the nexus of the country’s defense strategy. While Australia has come to be founded in the archetype of the ‘ Lucky Country ’ and ‘ Land of the Fair-Go, ’ through an examination of the military forces’ relationship with the Australian community, the answers as to why Australia has come to be characterized by these legends and how our naval powers have perpetually assured the prosperity and support of Australian people, are revealed. Australia’s reputation as a land of safety and abundance is by no means the product of a draw of luck, rather, these norms have been sowed into the attitudes of trust and reciprocity between Australian society and the Navy as a respected institution. This deeply rooted trust has perpetuated since the Royal Australian Navy was first titled in 1911, and today has proven difficult to invalidate through experience. As a liberal-democratic island situated in a region of growing momentum for military attention, the capacity of the country’s Naval powers to protect its people is a question occupying political agendas. Australians today are vesting their trust in the country’s naval and maritime powers as a politically neutral institution they believe will continue to safeguard the security of the land we seek to reconcile and the prosperity of living standards we relish in. Trust is an essential component of any sustainable relationship between a nation’s military power and the society at large. Arguably, much of the conflict in the world today can be explained by the lack of mutual confidence between the society and its governing authority, with the military serving as the third-party mechanism for social control bridging between. Thomas Hobbes sheds light on this arrangement in his solution to the dilemmas of collective action in saying “ If both parties concede to the Leviathan, their reward is the mutual confidence necessary to life .” That is to say that the naval forces of Australia acting as the third-party enforcement allows the state and its citizens to trust one another. In the absence of trust, there can be no guarantee over a population’s security, nor hope for prosperity of the nation; thus, the society would effectively be reduced to a state of lawlessness and self-interest, opening the gates for tensions to boil and even a breakout of a civil war. There is a psychological component to the legitimacy of trust in a nation’s defense powers. For Australia as a seaborne nation, trust towards our sea powers have a greater grip in the minds of Australians than other military branches, as we depend on the good order at sea to secure trade and maritime resources as well as uphold the territorial integrity of our state and homes. Unlike most global powers across the world, Australian society is fortunate to have fostered a relationship of reciprocal trust towards the heroism of our naval servicemen. It is not often Australians look towards our maritime powers in fear, but instead view the body as a kind of moral sage, a guardian for the protection and wellbeing of our community, one that allows Australians to thrive in a state of amity and non-violence. There are several reasons for this, including the important pillar of neutrality of the RAN. The Royal Australian Navy operates substantially removed from the whimsical affairs of day-to-day politics, acting as a somewhat invisible power in the minds of many Australians who often aren’t reminded of the gravity of its value in underpinning the harmonious culture of our daily lives. The invisibility of the RAN in this sense is productive, as the actions of a state’s military service should not occupy space in the minds of civilians, but instead operate in the background of the state. Many Australians appear unaware of the extent to which the service of our naval powers reinforce the prosperity of our day to day lives because Australians have largely flourished in an environment of peace and liberty since the inception of the RAN. This is not to say the country is without inequality or flaw, rather to highlight that our land has not been threatened by foreign powers for as long as our national naval and maritime services have operated. In recent years, the Royal Australian Navy has stepped into the vision of the Australian public during times of national emergency. A particular example to illustrate is the evacuation of Mallacoota in Operation Bushfire Assist 2019-2020 whereby the Navy conducted itself with sincere compassion and open communication with evacuees. This demeanor ensured that people felt accommodated and safe onboard, no doubt reinforcing internalized norms of trust towards RAN as an institution among the Australian public. This example proves the RAN is more than a purely militant institution; it is a public good serving to cultivate a communal culture of trust and mateship to be shared evenly by Australian people. The security and prosperity enjoyed by all Australians as a courtesy of our naval efforts are not the private property of any person, but the communal gift to the entire nation. While the actions of the RAN may not be expressly seen by Australians in their daily lives, the equal opportunity to join the Navy is accessible to all citizens. Australia employs a policy of optional military service as opposed to one of national service, testament to the working environment of the Navy as an attractive institution of community and trust whereby Australians elect to enter on their own accord as opposed to serving by compulsion. It is the nature of voluntary subscription to the Navy that enhances its capacity to better guarantee the security and prosperity of Australian people because the risk of betrayal or defection is lessened. The achievement of Operation Tonga Assist 2022 illustrates how Australia’s policy of voluntary inscription promotes efficiency in the work ethic of naval personnel, allowing the RAN to respond to crises with seamless coordination. The navy was able to deliver 417 tons of equipment and relief supplies, conduct reconnaissance operations and assist with damage assessment following the undersea volcanic eruption and subsequent tsunami. This operation serves to prove that a fleet in which sailors consciously choose to serve in, is able to accomplish more than a comparable group lacking trustworthiness between members thereby enhancing the success of the fleet in guaranteeing the island’s security. The relationship of reciprocal trust between the people of Australia and the RAN is a matter of attitudes, behaviors, and feelings. An inextricably difficult phenomenon for countries abroad to engrain between their citizens and military institutions because it cannot simply be uplifted and transplanted into another context. Rather, it must be bred overtime. Building reciprocal trust is not easy, and this trust is so finely thread within behaviors, attitudes and national institutions that it can be difficult to identify and eulogize as a nation. Recognizing it, however, allows us to see ordinary Australia in intimate detail, drawing on a seemingly limitless depth of commitment towards each other which binds our sense of safety and mateship for eternity. The Royal Australian Navy champions representations of Australian national identity by upholding the country’s security and prosperity which is presented as attainable for everyday Australians.

The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. < Back Renewal of the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding Rose Harrill December 5, 2025 On Nov. 2, the 2017 Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding on migration cooperation automatically renewed for three more years, despite heavy pushback from various human rights organizations. The agreement is between the Italian government and the United Nations (U.N.)-backed Libyan Government of National Unity (GNU), one of two rival authorities competing for control of the country. It is sponsored by the European Union (E.U.) and aims to strengthen Europe’s borders by preventing the arrival of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers via the Mediterranean Sea. The memorandum requires Italy and the E.U. to provide technical and financial support to Libya in order to strengthen its Coast Guard; in return, the Libyan Coast Guard must intercept anyone embarking on trips across the Mediterranean Sea to prevent them from reaching Europe. In practice, the memorandum has disastrous effects for migrants, refugees and asylum seekers attempting to cross the Mediterranean. The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. Migrants detained and brought to Libya face blatant human rights violations and horrifying conditions in detention centers for indefinite periods of time. The centers are often controlled and managed by unaccountable local non-state actors and armed militia groups, making them almost impossible to effectively monitor. In these centers, migrants are often arbitrarily detained , exploited, abused and even tortured to the point of death. Migrants can face dehumanizing treatment, sexual and physical violence, and forced labor. The living conditions in these detention centers are also extremely degrading. Often overcrowded, migrants are packed into tiny spaces, deprived of food and water, denied access to medical care, as well as the right to legal counsel. Despite clear evidence of the disturbing abuse faced by migrants and inhumane conditions in these detention centers, the E.U. and Italy continue to support the Libyan Coast Guard in its efforts to detain migrants. The E.U. and Italy have both provided the Libyan Coast Guard with millions of euros dedicated to migration control since 2015, along with vessels and aerial surveillance used across the E.U. border. This mistreatment of migrants explicitly violates international human rights law. Although Libya is the state directly committing these atrocities, Italy is complicit and should also be held accountable. According to the International Law Commission and its Draft Articles on State Responsibility, Italy is responsible for Libya’s maritime seizures and human rights violations in detention centers, as Italy “ aids or assists” Libya in committing these crimes. Under the 1976 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Libya violates Articles 6 and 7, which prohibit subjecting any person to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Article 2 in the 1987 Convention against Torture and Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights also forbid the practice of torture, meaning that Libya infringes upon these statutes as well. Furthermore, Libya breaches Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court which defines rape, forced prostitution, sexual slavery, forced sterilization, or other acts of sexual violence of that nature, as crimes against humanity. The U.N. has found evidence of collusion between the Libyan Coast Guard and trafficking networks. Thereby demonstrating that Libyan state forces and armed militias have likely committed crimes against humanity including sexual slavery and rape against the migrants brought to Libya. Libya also violates the Common European Asylum System, which establishes guidelines on the proper procedure for processing asylum seekers and ensures their personal rights are protected, as the Coast Guard is intercepting people at sea and returning them without following the correct processing measures. While not perpetrating these crimes or transgressing these international human rights laws directly, Italy can be held accountable for Libya’s illegal actions in the Mediterranean because of its financial backing of the Libyan Coast Guard. The horrific abuses and violations of human rights by the Italian and Libyan governments have received backlash from various human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch has called for the end of the memorandum between Italy and Libya. Judith Sunderland, associate Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch, declared that Italy’s “continued support for abusive, unaccountable forces in Libya is indefensible” and called for the E.U. to stop “financing and legitimizing violence against migrants” and to “fundamentally reorient its Mediterranean policies to prioritize rescue at sea and safe and legal pathways for migration.” The human rights organization “Refugees in Libya,” founded by migrants who survived abuse in detention centers in Libya, is also mobilizing against the memorandum. They have requested that the E.U. suspend all migration cooperation with Libya. Despite worldwide condemnation, Italy and the E.U. continue to ignore these blatant human rights violations committed by Libya in the Mediterranean. When asked about their continued support for the Libyan Coast Guard, the European Commission insisted that it would continue to aid and assist the Libyan authorities. This was after an incident on Aug. 24 where a Libyan Coast Guard patrol boat opened fire on an SOS Mediterranee rescue ship. They claimed that “to improve the situation, we need to remain engaged.” The E.U. and Italy consistently choose to protect their own interests in securing their borders by providing Libya with more funding, vessels and aerial surveillance, rather than prioritizing the protection and safety of people whose biggest crime is seeking a better life abroad. Libya’s control over the Central Mediterranean route, combined with its own internal political instability and corruption that allows for the mistreatment of migrants to persist unchecked, has made this stretch of sea one of the deadliest migration paths in the world. If allowed to renew, the memorandum will only result in more deaths, more torture, more trafficking. The continued cooperation of Italy and the E.U. with the Libyan Coast Guard only makes it easier for them to commit these heinous violations of human rights. To ensure the protection of human rights of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers, it is clear that the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding must be revoked. The E.U. prides itself on promoting justice and defending the human rights of those around the world, and yet it continues to work with the Libyan Coast Guard. The E.U. has a moral duty to protect those attempting to cross the Mediterranean, and should therefore no longer promote, fund and enforce an agreement that results in such a blatant violation of human rights. Photo Source: Tim Luddemann, flickr

Amid Egypt’s recent moves to assert itself as an eco-friendly regional power, it is fitting to explore key examples of green development initiatives spearheaded by the country in the last years. < Back Is Egypt a Model for Green Development? By Katie-Anne Harris November 30, 2022 Egypt’s national objectives for 2030, known as Vision 2030, have been implemented to meet the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals. One of this strategy’s major aims is to ensure that 15% of government investment goes into green development projects, and this figure is set to increase to 50% by 2025. This is not the first time Egypt has made its aspiration to be the voice of Africa clear. The country just hosted the United Nations Climate Change Conference — popularly referred to as COP27. In September, Egypt organized the meeting of African ministers of finance, economy, development and environment to formulate a unified vision for funding a transition to a greener economy. Amid Egypt’s recent moves to assert itself as an eco-friendly regional power, it seems fitting to explore key examples of green development initiatives spearheaded by the country in the last years. Renewable Energy in Egypt Egypt has invested in a multitude of renewable energy sources. The International Trade Administration reported that the government’s strategy is to make renewable energy generate 42% of energy by 2035, with wind energy making up 14%, hydroelectricity accounting for 2% and solar energy accounting for 25% of electricity generated by renewable resources. An example of a development project putting Egypt on track to meet these goals is the Benban Solar Park, which was completed in 2019. It has 32 solar plants with four substations, holding up to 1.65-gigawatt capacity, making the Benban plant one of the largest solar power sites in the world. This development project illustrates the Egyptian government’s capability and commitment to meet its sustainable development goals. Another example of successful green energy projects in Egypt is its biogas units which convert waste into electricity. Through this Fayoum-based project, biogas is obtained from the fermentation of organic waste. These units will provide a renewable energy source for household cooking and will also be used to produce organic fertilizer to improve soil properties in the region. Cairo’s Monorail Egypt is experiencing a rapid rate of urbanization, thus, augmenting the importance of transportation. To help prevent congestion and alleviate pollution, Egypt’s National Authority for Tunnels awarded a 4.5 billion dollar contract to UK Export Finance to build, operate, and maintain a monorail system for 30 years. It is set to become the world’s longest monorail while producing zero emissions and almost no noise. This project helps reduce emissions, lessen sound pollution and provide important public infrastructure for the population of Cairo. Green Cities Kharga has been declared the first green city in Egypt. There is no industrial pollution in the city due to the absence of industrial factories. Moreover, the city depends on renewable energy sources to generate government agencies, streetlights and places of worship and to extract water from irrigation wells and homes. There are monitoring stations for air quality, water quality, and noise pollution to ensure the city complies with environmental laws and legislation. Finally, the city holds many bike lanes to encourage zero-emission transportation. There has been a plan to build 45 new cities in Egypt to accommodate its growing population. These cities will be developed in line with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development’s Green Cities Program. There is no doubt that Egypt can build new green cities when looking at the successful green transformation of Kharga. Green Bonds Egypt is the first country in the Middle East and North Africa region to issue green bonds. Green bonds are financial instruments that are used to fund new environmental projects while returning fixed income to investors. These bonds offer investors the opportunity to mitigate the climate emergency while receiving returns like those expected from traditional investments. A report by Crédit Agricole claims that there is 1.9 billion dollars in green bonds that can be used to fund green projects. 16% of these bonds are for renewable energy projects, 19% for clean transportation, 26% for water and wastewater management and 39% for pollution prevention and control. Takeaways These examples of green development projects indicate that Egypt is on track to reach its sustainable development goals in line with the goals set out by the United Nations. These projects not only contribute to ensuring environmental integrity but also help meet goals to improve the quality of life of Egyptian citizens. The economic and sustainable benefits of these development projects generate jobs, improve public infrastructure and help combat pollution, all of which contribute to the well-being of Egyptian citizens. It is essential to look back on successful development projects in Egypt to understand why the country is eligible to be the voice for other African nations during COP27.

This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. < Back Liar Liar Pants on Fire: Biden's Willow Project By Lilith Springer September 27, 2023 “No more drilling on federal lands. Period.” Those were President Biden’s exact words before the election in 2020. This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. The news is especially disappointing considering the Climate Report 2023, recently published by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Over the past eight years, scientists worldwide worked on an assessment for policymakers, including statistics and research concerning climate change and its calculated effects on the planet. The results are alarming. The report highlights that it seems highly unlikely that global warming will be kept below the critical 2 degrees Fahrenheit if emissions keep rising at the current rate, leading to irreversible damages, and putting millions of humans at risk in the near future. While the report highlighted extremely worrying statistics, it also underlined that stopping the worst-case scenarios, which will make the planet quite unlivable for a large population of the earth, is still possible if politicians take immediate action. And what does Joe Biden, probably the most senile president the United States has ever had, do about this? He takes the report, throws it in the bin and implements the Willow Project. What is Willow? The Willow Project is a multi-billion-dollar project to drill gas and oil on native lands in Alaska. Over 30 years, this project will produce 629 million barrels of oil (95 billion Liters) and 287 million metric tons of carbon dioxide. For comparison, this equals the emissions of two million cars in the same timeframe or 76 new coal-fired power plants operating in one year. It will be carried out by the corporate group Conoco Phillips. It is said to help create jobs, fight rising gas prices during soaring inflation and lead to American independence from Russia and Saudi Arabia. What are the Environmental consequences? The environmental impact of this one project is of an unimaginable scale. Scientists worldwide stress that Willow will irreversibly damage the planet and lead the climate crisis to the point of no return. Global warming will become unstoppable, ecosystems will disappear entirely, and species will become extinct at an uncontrollable speed. Building the infrastructure required for the project will harm the already highly fragile Alaskan ecosystem even before Conoco Phillips starts to drill. Moreover, the project’s carbon emissions will seriously threaten the local population’s respiratory, cardiovascular and kidney health. For example, the construction of oil wells currently being carried out in the Alaskan village of Nuiqsuit has already led to a 20% increase in respiratory diseases since the project’s beginning, putting numerous children whose schools are located right next to those wells at extreme risk for chronic illnesses, bone deformations and even cognitive malfunctions. But Willow is not only an environmental disaster. Alaska is home to countless native villages where indigenous communities whose traditional way of living will be severely disrupted by Willow’s impact on wildlife and nature reserves. Rosemary Ahtuangaruak, mayor of Nuiqsuit, states: “As oil is exported and sent around the globe, our communities in the Arctic are left to contend with the health impacts of pollution as well as the devastation that comes from dramatic changes to the land like sea ice melt, permafrost thaw, and coastal erosion.” Native communities are expected to suffer from sick fish, toxic air, disappearing grazing areas and much more. More than 70 percent of indigenous households are expected to lose at least 20 dollars due to food purchases due to this decline in substitute resources. It is unsettling that the indigenous quote, “When the last tree is cut down, the last fish eaten and the last stream poisoned, you will realize that you cannot eat money,” is now as relevant as ever. It is infuriating that the indigenous communities themselves first suffer this dystopian reality. If you ever feel like having a good laugh – or cry – I invite you to filter your search engine to show only results that have been published before 2020 and go on joebiden.com/climate-plan to read all about how sad he was that vulnerable communities are disproportionately impacted by the climate emergency and pollution and how you can trust him to become the world’s next big visionary in combating climate change. However, I take no responsibility should you impulsively throw your laptop against the wall. But what about profits? Of course, this is all worth it, right? It will boost the economy, fight inflation, and create jobs which is formidable because we love money, right? Okay, let’s talk money. Aside from the fact that Willow is only expected to start showing profits after 2035 and will thus not help with current inflation, experts state that the oil reserves will not suffice to make the United States independent from Russian oil. Also notable is that the oil found in Alaskan reserves differs significantly from Russian or Venezuelan oil and will need to be blended with Russian oil to enter domestic refineries, revealing that the United States cannot gain independence from oil simply by producing more oil. When you are already the highest oil-producing country in the world, and it is still insufficient to meet your needs, maybe it is time to look inside and reevaluate your needs and priorities. Willow is not a desperate measure to soften the economic cost of current crises as Biden makes it out to be, but a simple profit project that might not positively impact the American economy. This is partly because Conco Phillips can use a loophole in Alaska’s tax law to write off its expenses for this project against the taxes the company pays on its other oil developments in the state. So, while the average American struggles to pay their electricity bills and taxes in light of soaring inflation, oil and energy corporations like Conco Phillips barely give back a cent to the state. Infuriated yet? Conco Phillip has made record profits in the past few years, which have not benefited the American population, and those profits are diverted into wealthy private shareholders and executives. The corporation has made a higher profit in the last year alone than the local and state governments are estimated to gain from taxes on 30 years of drilling at Willow. Not even the Alaskan cities suffering the immediate effects of Willow will make large profits. Nuiqsut has received only $600,000 from drilling in the Western Arctic over the past ten years, equivalent to what Conoco Phillips earns in Alaska in a little more than two hours. It is estimated that the project will lead to 3.9 billion dollars in alleged new federal revenue. This number is a joke compared to the approximately 19.8 billion dollars Willow is expected to cost the United States climate-related damages. But it will create countless jobs for Alaskans, right? Currently, only one percent of employed Alaska North Slope residents work in the oil industry, and it is estimated that most of the new jobs will be filled by people from outside Alaska. Also, more and more studies show that young people do not want to work in the oil sector but would instead pursue a job in the sustainable energy sector. Another reason why the profits of Willow are not as great as they seem is that most of the oil extractions are intended for internal use, especially in California, Oregon, and Washington, three states where the oil demand has been plummeting where demand for green energy has been skyrocketing. According to the Federal Bureau of Land Management’s investigation, it is estimated that by 2030 the majority of cars there will be driven with renewable energy and that the need for such extreme extractions will not be as high as anticipated. Furthermore, several economists in this Federal Bureau expect global oil prices to sink by only 20 cents per barrel due to Willow, and only if it operates at peak capacity. Other economists say it is hard to determine whether Willow will influence oil and gas prices. In short: Willow represents a sad political failure to take the opportunity to move away from Russian oil by investing in green energy and not disastrous oil projects. Millions of young Americans ask themselves: how dare this hypocrite co-opt the climate narrative for his political gains and throw away his promises the next second? How dare he tell us climate action is too costly when billions are available for disastrous oil projects? How dare he look desperate children who will feel the effects of Willow long after his death in the eyes and lie to their faces? The only thing worse than boomer politicians blatantly ignoring the populations’ eager calls for immediate climate action are boomer politicians who use the youth’s anxieties and spit on them. Thus, what is worse than apathy? What is worse than politicians who openly do not care about the climate crisis? Lies. Lies are worse.

October’s association events, summarized for you. < Back October Associations Recap By Celeste Abourjeili October 31, 2021 Cinementongraphe x SPRH “Capernaum” movie screening In a collaboration, Cinementongraphe and SciencesPo Refugee Help hosted a movie screening-turned-fundraiser featuring the Lebanese film “Capernaum” on Wednesday, October 10. Debate Society drunk debates In its second annual drunk debate on Saturday, October 9 the Debate Society kicked off its season discussing the topic of hookup culture in Menton. The opposing side (arguing against hookup culture) won, led by 2A Ada Baser and 1A Felipe Boitard. The society’s drunken spectators eventually ended up at Bastion, and those who lasted till the end of the night found themselves at Sablettes. Philosophical Society discussions The brand new Mentonese Philosophical Society, led by a team of six, kicked off its first year with two insightful events. On October 3, it organized a discussion on personal ethics at student house Soundproof, and on October 24, an investigation of the alt-right at student house Brothel. TASA movie screening The Thracian andAnatolian Student Association screened the mini-documentary “Coğrafya Kader” (Geography is Destiny) on Saturday, October 9 which features the wife Selahattin Demirtaş, a politician in the HDP who is currently incarcerated. Later on, the group discussed the status, treatment, and rights of Turkish Kurds. Amnesty movie screening On Sunday, October 10, Amnesty International held a screening of the movie “l’État du Texas contre Melissa” (the state of Texas vs Melissa). The movie discussed the case of Melissa Lucio, a mother charged with killing her daughter. Melissa was charged with the death penalty and is currently on death row. The movie focuses on the ambiguity of the case and the lack of a concrete story and evidence regarding the crime. The movie was chosen in remembrance of the abolishment of the death penalty in France 40 years ago and focuses on the danger of the death penalty when ones guilt is not fully sure. Environnementon Spa Night Following midterms for 1As and many 2As on Saturday, October 16, Environnementon hosted a spa night at 1A-run student house Gar Hira. Students were able to unwind with face masks and by making their own healthy and sustainable deodorant. La Fabrique Politique: Politiquerie La Fabrique Politique a organisé sa deuxième politiquerie le dimanche 17 octobre. C'était l'occasion fortuite pour échanger idées, réflexions et propositions sur un thème à la couleur chaude, “la cancel culture : une censure bénéfique?” Les participants se sont engagés dans un débat de plus d'une heure, ponctué par deux passionnants et éloquents plaidoyers. Babel Museum The Babel initiative presented the Babel museum: an event to highlight the past trips of the Babel board and researchers on Friday, October 22. The event included the Babel wall, now located in Espace Étudiant, with pictures of these different experiences. Videos showing off the immersive experience of past Babel trips alongside an off-campus MENA bake sale perfectly kicked off the Babel initiative’s cultural events. BDE Halloween Fair As one of the many Halloweekend activities, the Bureau des Élèves held a Fall Festival on the SciencesPo Menton campus on Thursday, October 28. Students were able to play games such as bean bag toss, ring toss, pin the hat on the witch, etc. and partake in activities like pumpkin painting after a few stressful weeks of midterms and projects. SSA: Homesickness The Student Support Alliance hosted an event on homesickness on Thursday, October 7 filled with cozy vibes and autumn treats. The group talked about what it means to be away from home for them, and about the parts of home that they carry with them. October Rose Run (BDS x FU x RacingClub) In a mega-collaboration, the Bureau Des Sports, Feminist Union, and Racing Club brought awareness to the battle against breast cancer on Sunday, October 3. UNICEF On Sunday, October 10, UNICEF held a yoga session on Sablettes to kick off Mental Health Week and help students unwind. The session was led by 2As Lilinaz Hakimi and Daniel Santana.

Be it ‘evil-eye themed parties,’ jam sessions on the beach or ‘Aparathons,’ Sciences Pistes have a way of keeping things interesting. Somewhere along the creation journey, with no definite date demarking it, the Sciences Po Menton wedding tradition was born. < Back The Babel Initiative's 'Big Fat Cypriot Wedding’ By Maria Eirini Liodi February 29, 2024 As the 2As well know and the 1As are surely discovering, Menton is not your conventional university location. Being one of the most charming, crown jewels of the French Riviera, both students and locals are blessed with marvelous landscapes. However, with the buzz of city life only a distant whisper, Sciences Pistes are often tasked with the generation of fun-making, as things can get a bit monotonous around here. Be it ‘evil-eye themed parties,’ jam sessions on the beach or ‘Aparathons,’ Sciences Pistes have a way of keeping things interesting. Somewhere along the creation journey, with no definite date demarking it, the Sciences Po Menton wedding tradition was born. Just like Aphrodite, the tradition emerged amidst the foamy waves, in the sea of Sciences Pistes’ imagination —or excessive boredom. Despite little knowledge as to its exact roots, the whimsical event has been an eagerly anticipated one annually since its creation, adding a touch of humor and celebration to our busy academic calendars. Exclusive, mysterious and exciting, this year’s wedding was one for the books. Two Sciences Pistes were secretly selected, following serious deliberation and thoroughly strategic matchmaking. With a host of flower girls, a priest, family, and even wedding crashers, the Ummah came together to witness one of this semester’s most thrilling, and shocking, events. With the bride and groom only invited to the event merely hours before the ceremony, the suspense was real. Who were the chosen two? Our very dear Leo was the dashing groom, and our bride… Our bride is a person that knows how to make an entrance and steal the show – Kousai. This year's 'Fake Wedding,' hosted by the Babel Initiative took on a unique twist as it embraced the vibrant spirit of a 'Big Fat Cypriot Wedding.' Sablettes was transformed into a lively scene, filled with colorful decorations, traditional Cypriot music, and the unmistakable ambiance of the Mediterranean celebratory spirit. As one of Babel’s central aims is cultural awareness and the bridging of communities in the MENA region, the wedding needed to bring as many real-life elements to the table as possible. We had traditional Cypriot music played live, a Cypriot casted as the parent of the ‘bride’ and the impeccable celebratory spirit necessary. Beyond the entertainment value, the 'Fake Wedding' serves as a testament to the opportunity for diverse cultural experiences on our campus. Such traditions can provide a platform for students to break away from the rigors of academia and embrace a sense of camaraderie while promoting acceptance and diversity within the campus community. As this year’s festivities came to a close, the 'bride' and 'groom' could be found at the post-wedding celebrations at the ‘Black Out’ party at Soundproof. As a cornerstone to the Sciences Pistes of Menton, Soundproof was the perfect location for a Saturday night, post-wedding celebration. Now, as the echoes of traditional Cypriot music fade away, and the Mediterranean breeze continues to dance with the stars, Sciences Pistes are left with more than just memories. The festivities hosted by Babel, served as a vivid reminder of the creativity and cultural richness that define our Ummah, and make our university experience so distinctive. Here's to breaking free from the monotony, embracing diversity, and crafting stories that add a touch of laughter to our academic journey. Until the next whimsical event, cheers to Sciences Pistes and the wonderful memories we weave together!

Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. < Back Why We All Need to Get Our Hands in the Soil Finn Leary for Environnementon December 31, 2024 When I put my hand up to write this article, I initially had plans to write about environmental NGOs and why so many continue to fall short in delivering meaningful change, despite bold, well-intentioned promises. Then, after witnessing the ways in which COP29 again stormed its way into the news cycle, with not much to show, I thought perhaps this was a more important conversation to have. But after an afternoon of getting my hands dirty, pulling out a few weeds in the garden following an obnoxiously boring French class, I decided perhaps this was a ripe place to focus my attention. And a bit more of a hopeful place to dwell. So yep, you guessed it! This article is going to be dedicated to the humble act of gardening. For ease of reading, I’ll be discussing three main ideas: gardening as a profoundly (often unintentional) anti-capitalist act, gardening as self-care and care for the planet, and gardening as a directed political action. PSA: This article is driven in equal parts by my desire to find a lovely human (or several) that are willing to give some love and care to the garden after I’m gone (sounds like I’m dying, I’m just heading back to Australia) but also to convince more of you of the value of gardening and growing your own food. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Profoundly Anti-Capitalist I want to start here with a little story. This past summer, at home in Tasmania, my father, an avid gardener, was blessed with a handful of tomato plants that sprouted naturally from last year’s crop. They popped up in the veggie garden and quickly announced their arrival by growing prolifically. These tomato plants were huge, spreading to cover the whole garden. Hundreds, if not thousands, of tomatoes emerged over the course of the coming months. Dad was so overwhelmed (in the best way possible) by the sheer scale of his tomato success, that he started finding new homes for the tomatoes. Boxes full were given away at the local markets. Handfuls were passed over the fence to the elderly neighbors. Their sweet juicy nectarines were handed back. This quickly evolved into passing over bottled passata and tomato relish for nectarine pie. A local restaurant heard of Dad’s surplus tomatoes, and for the rest of the summer Dad swapped boxes for a meal at the restaurant. Thankfully this extended to his sons whenever they visited. A friend of mine who has her own fermentation and preserves business took buckets full to use in her recipes. A community group in Hobart used kilos of pasta sauce and fresh tomatoes to feed the masses at their weekly gatherings. And still tomatoes went to waste. But that’s the beauty of gardening. Fruit falling to the ground never really goes to waste. Just returning to the soil, seeds aplenty, waiting for the next year to sprout again. Indeed, all of this arose from the seeds that fell to the ground the previous autumn. Just a few months earlier, in a class at university, my favorite professor had been discussing the beauty of seeds and gardening more broadly. For the last class of the semester, he brought in broad bean seeds that were gifted to him by a previous student 15 years earlier. For the past decade and a half, my lecturer had grown broad beans and given the seeds to every class member, asking each student to sow the seeds and to pass on the gesture. It is fair to assume that one handful of beans given 15 years ago had led to the planting and harvesting of hundreds of plants in backyards around Hobart and further afield. I planted mine and they are still growing in my old shared house garden. My lecturer’s point with this act was this: That the beautiful gift of life stored in the form of a seed costs nothing but can generate so much good. And that this gift is exponential. In this sense, gardening is very anti-capitalist. Produce grown in the garden (and the seeds from these plants) are a gift from nature that can be regifted to others, shared and swapped and eaten and celebrated—a liberating and life-bringing act fundamentally rooted in connection to the land and to others. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Self-Care: Nurturing Ourselves and the Planet Gardening is also fundamentally about returning to something better, something rooted in the past and oriented to the future. It’s about returning to ourselves in new ways (old ways really) and to the natural environment around us. Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. Gardening requires slowing down. It forces us to contend with the seasons, and cycles of death and decay. Gardening makes us more aware of what is happening all around us, from the critters and the pollinators to the amount of rain held in the clouds above. We live such distanced and disconnected lives from the natural world that we are inherently a part of, that simply getting in the garden can be a reclamation, a way to remind ourselves of all we are connected to and the stewardship we must return to. Gardening also fundamentally orients us toward big, important questions: What is our role within the natural world? How do we care for what sustains us? How is food grown, and who grows it? How can individuals and communities take control of their food systems? Gardening as a Political Act Gardening can take so many different forms; it can be as varied as the people who practice it and the environments in which it occurs. Gardening can be a solitary endeavor pursued in private space like a courtyard or a balcony, or it can be a deeply connected act embedded in communities and shared public space. Gardening can differ radically in scale, from a few pots of herbs and greens to bustling community gardens. There lies beauty and value in all these examples. Gardening can also be a rebellious political act that challenges the status quo, as seen in practices like guerrilla gardening and botanarchy. These forms of gardening are premised upon transforming and reclaiming neglected and poorly used public spaces into green, productive areas, often without permission, to challenge private ownership and environmental conservatism. A good friend of mine in Australia started a guerrilla garden in Meanjin (Brisbane) during Covid, turning an abandoned council-owned plot into a thriving communal space where all walks of life from the community would meet and get their hands into the soil, sharing produce and meals. Engaging in guerrilla gardening/botanarchy is an empowering act, a way to push back against systems that aren’t really serving us. With our ecological systems in crisis, political instability growing the world over, and social divisions deepening, it is hard to envision a livable future without radical scaled change—the revolutionary, system-transforming type. I want to suggest that it is too the small battles that can pave the way to new modes of living and relating to each other and the planet. The peaceful revolution of growing something in the garden (whether in your backyard, or in a poorly used public space), in my opinion, is a small but sure step forward out of this mess. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024.

The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. < Back Association Feature: Feminist Union By Zélie Savinien September 30, 2021 The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. To do so, we organize multiple events such as the consent talks at the beginning of the year or octobre rose (Pink October.) We want everyone to feel included in this association, so if you have any questions, do not hesitate to contact us on our social medias!

Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 aims to bring about a complete political, economic and cultural transformation to the Kingdom, aspiring to diversify the economy away from oil production and towards cutting-edge innovation transforming its desert dunes into world leading digital technologies. < Back Saudi Arabia Ramps Up Defense Budget at Expense of Islamic Institutions By Lucy Lönnqvist for Sciences Defense March 30, 2024 Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 aims to bring about a complete political, economic and cultural transformation to the Kingdom, aspiring to diversify the economy away from oil production and towards cutting-edge innovation transforming its desert dunes into world leading digital technologies. As part and parcel of this strategy, two prominent Saudi fields have undergone major reformation: Islamic religious institutions and national defense establishments. Under the Vision 2030 economic diversification program, Saudi Arabia’s defense spending has grown substantially over the last decade, while the authority of Islamic institutions has taken a step back. Through this process, it seems that the celebrated Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman is taking steps towards Western notions of modernity in the liberalization efforts of Vision 2030. Saudi Arabia ranked as the fifth largest defense spender in the world in 2022 behind the United States, China, Russia, and India, and has reiterated full intentions of climbing further up these ranks. When Vision 2030 was announced, only 3% of Saudi Arabia’s procurements came from local companies, with the rest sourced from abroad, largely the US. According to the 2023 budget released by the Saudi Ministry of Finance, the Kingdom increased its military spending by 50% in 2023, to $69 billion – approximately 23% of its total budget. The significant increase in the defense budget comes as part of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 requirements to localize government spending in the defense sector. This leaves us to question – why the sudden escalation in defense spending at the same time as the Kingdom’s full-scale nation-branding scheme? At the same time, Saudi Arabia’s religious establishments have undergone major reform as the monarchy consolidates its vision for the country’s future. The Crown Prince has promised to reel back Islamic extremist presence in the country in favor of a “return to moderate Islam” open to the world and all religions. In his view, Vision 2030 aims to transform the hardline kingdom into an open society that empowers citizens and lures investors. Bin Salman stated that the religious doctrine is no longer “committed blindly” to the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, or any “certain school or scholar.” However, one must approach such statements with skepticism. While it is true that the Crown Prince has condemned Islamic extremist groups such as the Sahwa movement, a political Islam derived from the teachings of the Muslim Brotherhood, in arresting significant Sahwi uUema, he is dually centralizing his power by removing opposition groups to the Royal family who may pose a challenge to their rule. Anyone deemed to threaten Vision 2030 has been preemptively neutralized by the Crown Prince. With these actions, the regime made it clear that no dissenting voices would be tolerated. Ultimately, Bin Salman’s push for the Vision 2030 plan tostrengthen Saudi solidarity, defense power and the removal of Islamic extremist presence has come to be overshadowed by his lid on free speech, restrictions on political opposition, and the crackdown on dissent. It is argued that the increase in Saudi’s defense budget along with the Kingdom’s economic innovation acts as a forged nation-branding visage to strengthen the absolute monarchy’s image abroad. This was an effort to use ‘Vision 2030’ in the absolute monarchy’s macrodiplomatic strategy. What is emerging from the 2030 Vision plan and an increased defense budget is a Kingdom straddling the boundary between coercive strategies of the past such as surveillance and patronage, with innovations that respond aggressively to the triple threat of globalization, renewable-driven economies, and democratization. One must decide whether the changes to defense and religious fields in Saudi’s Vision 2030 plan are merely a glossy nation-branding scheme to exert greater soft power across the world or a genuine attempt to crawl up from the constraints of Wahhabism? The surface-level of Vision 2030 is evident: trade deal after trade deal boosting economic diversification, the retreat of Islamic institutions and greater localized defense spending as an upward trajectory for the Saudi dynasty. However, if further interpreted, it becomes clear that appeals to expanding government budgets on defense artillery are only riding on the support of oil revenues to maintain status and power. The country’s nation branding scheme has succeeded in its strategy, but we must not be fooled by the Crown Prince’s liberalization discourse in order to look past the state’s weak regulatory power, exploitative workforce practices and the absolute monarchy’s suppression of almost all political rights and civil liberties.

Following the Oct. 7 attack on Israel and the resulting retaliation on the people of Gaza, college campuses have become a hotspot for heated debate and resulting administrative censorship.   < Back Face Á La Censure Riposte Étudiante: Analyzing Freedom of Expression for Students in France By Jenna Ahmed for Amnesty International December 31, 2023 College campuses across the globe are grappling with the regulation of diverse opinions in an educational environment where the safety of students, the integrity of fundamental freedoms, and the reputation of the institutions are at stake. Following the Oct. 7 attack on Israel and the resulting retaliation on the people of Gaza, college campuses have become a hotspot for heated debate and resulting administrative censorship. On Nov. 16, Sciences Po Students, professors, and administrators woke up to barricades stacked against the campus's front entrance accompanied by a sign that read, "Face À La Censure Riposte Étudiante.” That morning, a collaboration of several student organizations, namely, Solidaires Étudiant-e-s, had placed dumpsters, construction borders, and other materials blocking the entrance to campus and attendance to the daily lessons. In an explanatory email to peers and administrators, the students expressed their discontent with "Sciences Po's policy of censorship against any student support for Palestine," as well as the administration's “lack of support in response to threats from the far-right, including calls for rape and murder." The students also called out the administration for "at best psychological pressure, at worst harassment" directed at students supporting Palestine. Finally, they ended with concrete demands calling for freedom of expression within the law. The blockade quickly caught the community's attention; Menton residents, French news outlets, and campus staff observed the student protests. Dozens of students stationed themselves in front of the blockade in support of the cause, and at 3 p.m. that afternoon, with directions from Campus Director Yousef Halaoua, the police came to lift the blockade. More than twenty police officers in riot gear entered the back entrance of the campus and removed the blockade from behind the students. Several students received minor injuries as the officers shoved the barriers against them. Over the next hour, the authorities physically removed 66 students and informed them they would be fined for participating in an illegal protest. In the weeks leading up to this event, the atmosphere on campus was highly contentious between students and administration, and within the student body itself. The Oct. 7 attack led students to be fiercely vocal regarding the attack, overall historical conflict, and enduring humanitarian crisis. Discontentment was sparked in the students by several actions by the Sciences Po administration at both the campus and university levels. Shortly after the attack, and in the weeks following, Sciences Po Paris released several statements of acknowledgment and solidarity for the Israeli victims and those affected in relation, notably expressing less, if any, support for Palestinian victims. However, the triggering point was when several students received emails from the administration addressing the media they were posting on their private Instagram accounts regarding Israel and Palestine. Further, during this period, local news networks and French politicians publicly targeted Menton students for their support of Palestine, accusing the campus of antisemitism and terror apologia, which left the students feeling unsupported by their campus and their community. Students were unimpressed by the administration's immediate response to this distressing situation and, ultimately, questioned the legality behind new and old restrictions in France regarding freedom of expression and protest. Does the French government have the power to limit speech, and to that point, does Sciences Po have the authority to sanction students' private accounts? The complexities of French and international law and the context in which these laws are incessantly abused by French authorities may answer these concerns. In an interview with Ph.D. student Samantha Vaur, a Law and Politics seminar teacher at Sciences Po Menton, we discussed the specifics of French freedom of expression and protest laws. Primarily, she emphasized that "international law is very relevant," stating that "France is a state party to international conventions on human rights where you can find freedom of expression — Article 19 Universal Declaration, Article 19 Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 10 of the European Convention, and Article 4 on the Elimination of Discrimination." Succinctly, France has, on an international level, committed to protecting these specified freedoms. Nevertheless, Vaur also identified the significance France has applied to the notion of Public Order, which outlines "both legal and physical guarantees of freedom, security, and peace of mind, which are necessary for individuals to live together in society." In an article on the French Council of State, author Rim-Sarah Alouane argues that France has traditionally applied an extremely narrow application of Public Order in the name of ensuring public safety. Alouane further asserts that French politicians have repeatedly attempted to bypass the rule of law to combat terrorism. France’s approach to freedom of expression through anti-terrorism rhetoric is a common trend evident since the end of the 20th century when many assert that French jurisprudence shifted from protecting expression to combating terrorism. Finding a balance between the two has been challenging; on several occasions, the European Commission on Human Rights has considered France’s sanctions "disproportionate and, therefore, unnecessary in a democratic society." On Sciences Po campuses, many students feel anti-terrorism clauses are being abused to sanction opinions that do not resonate with the university’s position. In an interview with Islam Mohamed, another Law and Politics seminar teacher, he discussed the importance of understanding how “apology of terrorism has been abused by the French government as a legal tool” long before current conflicts brought the issue to the university stage, stating that the Israel-Palestine debates on campus have only added another layer to the issue’s complexities. When asked if there is a legitimate concern of terror apologia among students and if so, what is the appropriate administrative response of college campuses, he responded that: “In general, there can be limitations to freedom of expression even outside the scope of terrorism. How we assess the legitimacy of these limitations is by assessing whether these limitations are proportionate to a particular security threat. Taking an action that limits freedom of expression that is disproportionate to a danger of the threat would be considered illegitimate by the European Union and French government.” Ultimately, although freedom of expression and protest are recognized rights, French law has been instrumental in the consistent limitations of these rights. This debate, which is seen on both national and international scales, presented itself at Sciences Po following emails to three students who posted pro-Palestinian content that was identified by Sciences Po’s legal team as apology of terrorism. This came after the controversial statement by French Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin calling for pro-Palestinian demonstrations to be banned and perpetrators to be arrested in the name of disrupting public order. Although the legality of this directive is inconclusive, it certainly constructed an atmosphere of distrust and unrest among students. Due to the debates forming around these emails, the student blockade, and several contentious meetings between students and administration, Director Yousef Halaoua held a meeting for the entire campus where he explained recent controversial administrative actions. Regarding the blockade, he explained that blocking an educational facility from running its daily functions is illegal and goes against school policy. Secondly, he cited the French penal code 421-2-5 as the motivation for emailing students. This code states: "Directly provoking acts of terrorism or publicly advocating these acts is punishable by five years' imprisonment and a fine of €75,000." The exact content of these students' posts is unknown; however, many students have questioned the legitimate authority the administration has over personal content and whether the administration was motivated by the student's political stance rather than the outlined legal limitations to freedom of expression. The continuity of this issue is made apparent by the atmosphere of distrust French authorities have created around the government's ability to protect certain rights. Amnesty International has published copious reports criticizing France's actions regarding protest and speech. In an article titled "France is not the free-speech champion it claims to be," Amnesty details how France's record on freedom of expression is incessantly bleak. The article cites the example of the European Court of Human Rights finding the convictions of 11 activists for campaigning for a boycott of Israeli products a violation of their free speech rights. Amnesty displays that the application of restrictive laws to this particular conflict is familiar. Following the Interior Minister's ban on pro-Palestinian protests, Amnesty International France's President stated that "The ban on all demonstrations in support of the Palestinians in France constitutes a serious and disproportionate attack on the right to demonstrate…A ban can only be legal if it is motivated by a specific threat and if it is demonstrated that no other less restrictive measure could guarantee public order." Again, the importance of the proportionality of a legal action to an issue of expression is apparent. In essence, despite international law protecting and outlining certain fundamental freedoms, states within international bodies exercise extensive discretion. The issue of freedom of expression and protest in France is complex and tremendously relevant when applied to a university campus with a political science focus. As previously mentioned, limitations to fundamental freedoms are legally sound; nevertheless, neither the media nor the students are ignorant of current trends directly affecting the acceptance of the expression of political opinion.

Dans le contexte du conflit de Gaza entre Israël et le Hamas, le Yémen, déjà en proie à ses propres troubles internes, se trouve de plus en plus impliqué dans des complexités régionales, principalement orchestrées par le mouvement houthis montant. < Back L'implication du Yémen dans la guerre de Gaza : l'essor des houthis et la dynamique régionale By Elian Jorand April 30, 2024 Dans le contexte du conflit de Gaza entre Israël et le Hamas, le Yémen, déjà en proie à ses propres troubles internes, se trouve de plus en plus impliqué dans des complexités régionales, principalement orchestrées par le mouvement houthis montant. Alors que le pays navigue sur ce terrain dangereux, la grave crise humanitaire qui sévit dans le pays est un rappel saisissant du coût humain des conflits et des manœuvres géopolitiques. Le Yémen, souvent qualifié de pays le plus pauvre du monde arabe, lutte depuis longtemps contre la pauvreté systémique et la souffrance généralisée. Avec environ trois quarts de sa population plongée dans la pauvreté et la maladie faisant rage, dont une épidémie de choléra suspectée dépassant deux cent mille cas en 2020, le pays est au bord de l'effondrement. La pandémie de COVID-19 n'a fait qu'exacerber la crise, les analystes de la santé suggérant que les cas signalés sous-représentent largement l'ampleur réelle de l'impact du virus. Le blocus imposé par les forces de la coalition dirigée par l’Arabie Saoudite a infligé d'indicibles souffrances à la population yéménite, obstruant le flux de fournitures vitales et faisant grimper les prix des biens essentiels. Bien que le cessez-le-feu de 2022 ait offert un bref répit, les craintes d'une résurgence des coûts élevés sont grandes après son expiration. Le bilan de la guerre, aggravé par des causes indirectes telles que le manque de nourriture, d'eau et de services de santé, a entraîné la mort d'environ 370 000 personnes, selon le Programme des Nations unies pour le développement. Dans ce contexte de désespoir, les forces houthies et de la coalition sont accusées de commettre des crimes de guerre flagrants, notamment des attaques contre des cibles civiles en violation directe du droit international. La destruction d'un hôpital dirigé par Médecins Sans Frontières en 2015 témoigne de la nature indiscriminée de la violence qui sévit au pays. Malgré ces nombreux défis, des lueurs d'espoir ont émergé à l'horizon. Les négociations de paix soutenues par l'ONU, bien que difficiles, ont progressé de manière incrémentielle, notamment avec l' Accord de Stockholm de 2018 qui a évité une bataille catastrophique dans la ville portuaire de Hodeïda. Cependant, la mise en œuvre des dispositions de l'accord a été lente, entravée par les frictions persistantes entre les acteurs régionaux, dont l'Iran, l'Arabie saoudite et les Émirats arabes unis. Des développements récents ont insufflé un optimisme prudent dans les efforts de paix, avec des relations améliorées entre l'Arabie saoudite et l'Iran et des discussions en cours entre Riyad et les houthis offrant une lueur d'espoir. La coordination d'un cessez-le-feu national en avril 2022, facilitée par le nouveau conseil gouvernemental du Yémen, a marqué une étape significative vers la désescalade. Toutefois , l'échec à renouveler le cessez-le-feu a soulevé des questions sur les perspectives de paix durable, d'autant plus que des acteurs clés, tels que le conseil gouvernemental et le Conseil de transition du Sud (STC), restent exclus des négociations. Malheureusement, le récent conflit à Gaza a anéanti les espoirs de paix, avec l'implication des houthis, soutenus par l'Iran, exacerbant la situation précaire. Leurs actions irrationnelles ciblant le commerce maritime civil ont suscité de fortes réponses de la communauté internationale, y compris des raids aériens conjoints des États-Unis et de la Grande-Bretagne. Ces frappes, touchant 36 cibles houthies dans 13 endroits au Yémen, ont été menées en réponse aux attaques continues des houthis contre le commerce maritime international et commercial en mer Rouge. Les frappes de précision visaient à perturber et à dégrader les capacités utilisées par les houthis pour menacer le commerce mondial et la vie des marins innocents, ciblant les installations de stockage d'armes profondément enfouies, les systèmes de missiles, les lanceurs, les systèmes de défense aérienne et les radars. Les houthis, quant à eux, ont justifié leurs attaques contre le commerce maritime en mer Rouge en tant que soutien aux Palestiniens de Gaza au milieu de la campagne dévastatrice d'Israël, déclenchant des frappes de représailles et exacerbant la violence régionale impliquant des groupes soutenus par l'Iran. La situation a atteint un état critique, avec peu d'optimisme à l'horizon. Alors que le Yémen se débat avec son implication dans les conflits régionaux, l'urgence de trouver une solution durable à sa propre crise n'a jamais été aussi pressante. Ce n'est qu'avec des efforts internationaux concertés, soutenus par un dialogue diplomatique et une aide humanitaire robuste, que le Yémen pourrait espérer sortir de l'ombre de la guerre et tracer un chemin vers un avenir défini par la paix, la stabilité et la prospérité pour sa population longtemps éprouvée.

Najib Mikati incarne un Liban corrompu et à bout de souffle. Le passé et le présent du pays se sont fait avec lui, mais le futur qu’espèrent nombre de libanais ne pourra se réaliser que lorsque Najib Mikati et toute la classe politique qu’il représente seront relégués au musée. De nouveaux visages sur scène sont attendus pour la nouvelle pièce à écrire. < Back Najib Mikati, un milliardaire dans le marécage du Grand Sérail Lubin Parisien September 30, 2024 « Quelles seront vos priorités ? » demande le journaliste du Figaro . « Améliorer la situation économique, réduire la dette publique, défendre le pouvoir d'achat des Libanais et travailler sur les grands chantiers de réforme qui sont en souffrance », énumère le Premier ministre libanais Najib Mikati. Il pourrait faire référence aux priorités de son gouvernement depuis 2021. En réalité, ces réponses sont tirées d’un entretien accordé au Figaro en 2011, quand il est élu Premier Ministre une seconde fois. Durant une décennie, Najib Mikati est à la tête d’un gouvernement qui doit faire face aux mêmes problèmes. L’absence de progrès interroge: pourquoi rien n’a été fait? Najib Mikati, qualifié « d’éternelle roue de secours » par L’Orient - Le Jour , incarne l’immobilisme d’une classe politique versée dans les affaires et profondément inefficace, si ce n’est néfaste. Le 24 Novembre 1955, Najib Mikati voit le jour à Tripoli. Les élites de Tripoli ont pu ainsi jouer le jeu nationamiste syrien avant de rallier la politique libanaise. Dans l’ouvrage collectif Leaders et partisans au Liban , publié en 2012, Bruno Dewailly revient sur les “transformations du leadership tripolitain”. Désormais, avec le mandat français, “la dimension du négoce finit par primer et l’indépendance marque l’instauration d’un libéralisme particulier associant de nouvelles élites foncières et marchandes”. Dans ce contexte, la famille Mikati est une famille de petits notables tripolitains avec une éducation certaine, mais cela n’a rien à voir avec de grandes dynasties de Beyrouth ou de Tripoli comme les Karamé. C’est dans toute cette dynamique qu’il faut comprendre l'ascension des Mikatis. Najib Mikati est diplômé de l’université américaine de Beyrouth. Son ascension commence avec Investcom, une entreprise de télécommunication, fondée avec son frère, Taha Mikati. De 1975 à 1990, la guerre civile fait rage au Liban, les infrastructures de télécommunications tombent comme des dominos. C’est justement cela qui fait la prospérité de Investcom; l’entreprise vend en effet des téléphones satellitaires, et plus tard elle reconstruit un réseau d’infrastructures de télécommunications. Najib Mikati noue des liens privilégiés avec le régime des Assads: quelques semaines après l’accession au pouvoir de Bachar al-Assad, une filiale d’Investcom obtient des concessions pour opérer en Syrie. Mikati s’est aussi fait une place dans le capitalisme mondial, son groupe est coté dans de grandes bourses et est présent dans 10 pays, notamment en Afrique de l’Ouest. En 2006, les frères Mikatis empochent 5 milliards de dollars avec la vente d’Investcom à la compagnie sud-africaine MTN. Néanmoins, en faisant l’acquisition de 6% des actions de MTN , les Mikati ne coupent pas les ponts avec les télécoms. Leurs actifs se diversifient, que ce soit avec l'immobilier, la finance ou avec la mode (Pepe Jeans). Tout cela est regroupé dans une maison-mère, M1 Group, créée en 2007. Ils s’aventurent même dans la presse avec le lancement du site Lebanon 24 en 2011. En 2024, le magazine Forbes évalue la fortune de chacun des frères Mikati à 2,8 milliards de dollars , c’est-à-dire les plus grosses fortunes individuelles recensées par le magazine au Liban. Najib Mikati s’est fait une place dans le monde des affaires libanais et plus largement arabe; ce faisant, il acquiert une place dans un monde inextricablement lié au premier: la politique. De 1998 à 2004, il est ministre des Travaux publics et des Transports. Il officie dans les gouvernements de Rafic Hariri notamment, sans pour autant intégrer le grand parti sunnite des Hariris. La charge ministérielle l’a d’ailleurs « convaincu de la nécessité de ne pas cumuler les charges du ministère et de la députation. » Il gravit néanmoins progressivement les échelons ; il est élu député à Tripoli en 2000 tout en restant ministre. En 2005, l’ex-Premier ministre Rafic Hariri est assassiné dans des conditions troubles. Le pays est en crise, nombreux sont ceux qui dénoncent les ingérences occidentales et surtout l’occupation syrienne. Najib Mikati est alors nommé Premier ministre en avril sur fond de retrait syrien et de révolution populaire. Najib Mikati est une personnalité politique peu connue qui représente l'establishment pro-syrien mais qui a une assise financière mondiale qui le rend légitime aux yeux de la communauté internationale. Son gouvernement comporte des pro et anti-syriens, et pour l’organisation des élections, il fait appel à la communauté internationale: c’est donc un gouvernement consensuel. Il profite de son image en retrait pour apparaître comme une solution de compromis, mais le mandat que lui accorde la classe politique n’est qu’un intérim: « il accepte ce qu’il refuse aujourd’hui [en 2021]: être à la tête d’un gouvernement dont la seule mission est de superviser les élections et le retrait syrien du Liban » selon L’Orient-Le Jour dans une rétrospective de sa carrière politique. En 2011, le Liban est encore en crise . Le gouvernement de Saad Hariri chute. Le Hezbollah affirme sa supériorité militaire et reproche à M. Hariri de ne pas avoir assez fait pression sur le tribunal international sur l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri. Il est soutenu par le Hezbollah, il est parfois même présenté comme le candidat du parti chiite. Le clan Hariri, chassé du Grand Sérail, accuse M. Mikati de trahison contre sa communauté sunnite. Mikati est dès le début en position de funambule: dans un entretien avec Le Figaro en Février 2011, il déclare: « Avant de me soutenir, le Hezbollah m'a certes demandé des engagements, mais j'ai répondu que je ne pouvais pas les assurer. Je ne me suis engagé qu'à une chose envers lui: protéger la résistance. » Les trois enjeux de son gouvernement sont sa propre survie, le redressement de l’économie libanaise exsangue ainsi que d’éviter la propagation de la guerre civile syrienne au Liban. Pour s’attirer les bonnes grâces de la communauté internationale, il dégèle les fonds que le Liban devait allouer au Tribunal enquêtant sur l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri; il le présente comme une initiative personnelle pour ne pas attirer en même temps les foudres du Hezbollah qui craignait des poursuites à son encontre. Le gouvernement chute à cause des dissensions de la coalition autour de l’attitude à adopter vis-à-vis de la guerre civile syrienne : la politique d’équilibrisme de Najib Mikati n’a pas fait long feu. La question de la réforme électorale et du redécoupage des circonscriptions ont finalement raison des lambeaux de la coalition de M. Mikati. Il reste Premier ministre jusqu’en 2013, il exerce l’intérim jusqu’en 2014, jusqu’aux élections législatives repoussées par un Parlement n’ayant pas trouvé d’accord sur ses modalités. En parallèle, le Liban obtient le score peu glorieux de 30 sur l’indice de perception de la corruption en 2013: le pays occupe la 127ème place. Le Gouvernement Mikati n’a pas rétabli la confiance envers le pays et sa classe politique. Il n’a pas attiré le tonnerre sur le Liban, mais il n’a résolu aucun problème et a ainsi laissé le système politique s'encroûter. En 2021, Najib Mikati est de retour dans le Grand Sérail, siège du gouvernement libanais. Le Liban a vécu de grandes manifestations en 2019 contre l’incurie économique du pays. En 2020, l’explosion d’un silo de nitrate d’ammonium dans le port de Beyrouth fait 235 morts et défigure la capitale. Après les échecs de Saad Hariri, Hassan Diab puis Mustapha Adib, c'est Najib Mikati qui est nommé Premier ministre , avec notamment le soutien de la France. Pour rétablir la confiance des bailleurs de fonds internationaux dans le Liban, il doit trouver une solution aux problèmes d’approvisionnement en hydrocarbures et améliorer le sort des 78% de libanais sous le seuil de pauvreté. Son poste de Premier Ministre est remis en jeu début 2022, nombreux sont ceux qui considèrent son gouvernement comme démissionnaire. En juin, il reçoit le mandat du Parlement pour former un nouveau gouvernement, avec 54 voix sur 128 ; il bénéficie du soutien des partis chiites que sont le Hezbollah et Amal, mais les partis chrétiens le rejettent. Le rejet de M. Mikati par les partis chrétiens est d’autant plus vrai quand il faut élire un nouveau président. Le mandat de Michel Aoun expire le 31 octobre 2022. Les relations entre Najib Mikati et Michel Aoun sont notoirement mauvaises, ce qui pourrait être expliqué par leurs parcours opposés: M. Mikati était au gouvernement sous l’occupation syrienne alors que Michel Aoun était en exil en France après s’être opposé à l’intervention de Hafez al-Assad. Avant de quitter le palais présidentiel, Aoun envoie une lettre au Parlement où il nie toute autorité à Najib Mikati, qui avait reçu la confiance du Parlement mais qui n’avait pas encore formé son gouvernement. Il déclare dans un discours qu’en « vertu des pouvoirs que [lui] confère la Constitution, j'ai adressé ce matin une lettre à la Chambre des représentants et j'ai signé le décret de démission du gouvernement. » Néanmoins, si la Présidence n’a pas de titulaire, c’est à M. Mikati de remplir les prérogatives liées à la fonction présidentielle. Il ressort gagnant du bras de fer avec Michel Aoun. Son gouvernement est constitué, mais il est affaibli. Najib Mikati est à la tête du jeu politique libanais en cumulant les prérogatives présidentielles et primo-ministérielles, mais il ne tire pas toutes les ficelles de ce jeu politique. Il n’est que celui qui a le plus réussi à maintenir des voix autour de sa personne. Aujourd’hui, il n’y a toujours pas de Président élu. Autre souci pour M. Mikati, la révélation des bénéfices qu’il a retirés de biens mal acquis, notamment avec les Pandora Papers en 2021. Il est accusé d’avoir détourné, par l’intermédiaire de sociétés-écrans, un prêt accordé à M1 Group par la Banque du Liban— entre 2010 et 2013 alors qu’il était Premier ministre—pour acquérir un patrimoine immobilier personnel à Monaco et en Côte d’Azur. En Avril 2024, l’ONG Sherpa et le Collectif des Victimes des Pratiques Frauduleuses et Criminelles au Liban ont porté plainte en France auprès du PNF (Parquet National Financier). Ces transactions malhonnêtes se seraient faites avec la complicité de Riad Salamé, ancien directeur omnipotent de la Banque du Liban, arrêté en septembre 2024 pour corruption et détournement de fonds. Enfin, M. Mikati est aujourd’hui à la tête d’un Liban au bord de la guerre, après le 7 octobre 2023 et avec des échanges de roquettes réguliers entre le Hezbollah et l’Etat hébreu. Alors qu’Israël a frappé Beyrouth-Sud en août et que de nouvelles frappes encore plus meurtrières ont été initié le 23 septembre, le gouvernement semble dépossédé de l’exercice de la souveraineté de l’Etat libanais, État bien souvent oublié quand on parle de la possible guerre au Liban. M. Mikati est spectateur de la géopolitique régionale. Ses initiatives sont convenues et reprennent peu ou prou les mêmes idées que celles défendues par les chancelleries occidentales. Le rôle de Najib Mikati, qui a des ministres du Hezbollah dans son gouvernement, est sans doute de maintenir et de geler le jeu politique libanais pendant que le Hezbollah, l’Iran et Israël mènent un jeu autrement plus dangereux et déterminant pour l’avenir du Liban. Najib Mikati est partout et nulle part à la fois. Son évanescence lui a permis de naviguer dans toutes les ramifications du marécage politique libanais, et il a su maintenir un État libanais lors de grandes crises comme celle d’aujourd’hui. Il a surtout maintenu les iniquités décriées par la population et qui gangrènent la politique libanaise: Najib Mikati incarne un Liban corrompu et à bout de souffle. Le passé et le présent du pays se sont fait avec lui, mais le futur qu’espèrent nombre de libanais ne pourra se réaliser que lorsque Najib Mikati et toute la classe politique qu’il représente seront relégués au musée. De nouveaux visages sur scène sont attendus pour la nouvelle pièce à écrire.

Welcome back, fellow eaters! Last month, I promised you exciting traditional recipes that are quick, easy to make and delicious. Today, I shall fulfill my pledge. Let us celebrate Lebanese independence, acquired on Nov. 22, 1943, with two meals prepared straight from my grandma's kitchen, who, like her fellow Arab grandmothers, does not joke when it comes to food! < Back Whipping Up Lebanese Dishes Has Never Been Easier By Angela Saab Saade November 30, 2022 Welcome back, fellow eaters! Last month, I promised you exciting traditional recipes that are quick, easy to make and delicious. Today, I shall fulfill my pledge. Let us celebrate Lebanese independence, acquired on Nov. 22, 1943, with two meals prepared straight from my grandma’s kitchen, who, like her fellow Arab grandmothers, does not joke when it comes to food! Essential kitchen appliances: One medium or large pot Strainer Knife Wooden spoon Cup (for measuring purposes) Ladle (for serving purposes) “Mdardara” مدردرا Also known as mujaddara in other colloquial Arabic dialects, such as Syrian Arabic, “mdardara” has been one of my favorite meals, especially after transferring to a more vegetarian diet. “Mdardara” is a protein-dense plant-based meal that is convenient to prepare, and it involves lots of lentils, one of my favorite ingredients to cook with (after corn, obviously). Ingredients: One cup of lentils Half a cup of rice Two cups of water One big (or two medium-sized) yellow onion Two tablespoons of olive oil Salt Pepper and curcuma (optional) Recipe: Soak the rice and lentils together in water for 10-20 minutes. Meanwhile, chop your onion into cubes. Add a tablespoon of olive oil in the pot and place it on the stove over low-medium heat. Add the chopped onion cubes and occasionally stir for five to ten minutes. The goal is for the low heat to facilitate an onion-sweating process which should render them slightly translucent. Once your onion is ready, strain the rice and lentils and add them to the pot. Put another tablespoon of olive oil in the pot with the onion, rice and lentils and sprinkle some salt, pepper and cumin to taste. Stir all ingredients together, add two cups of water and bring to a boil. Once the water reaches boiling point, reduce the heat to low, and allow everything to cook slowly. Do not cover the pot or stir the ingredients! Check up on your “mdardara” every few minutes. Once the water is absorbed, give it a taste test and either add some water if the lentils and rice are not fully cooked or turn the heat off. “Mdardara” may be consumed on its own — cold or warm, and it may also be served with your choice of salad or “laban,” a fermented dairy product that I am obsessed with. Sadly, it is unavailable in the stores of Menton. For a “laban” alternative, you can use plain kefir or greek yogurt with a dash of olive oil and salt. “Rishta” رشتا Aside from meaning marriage proposals in Urdu and Hindi, “rishta” also refers to my grandma’s favorite childhood meal, which makes it very dear to my heart. I only learned about it recently over the autumn break, which was the perfect timing for me to be able to share it with you! Is that not truly heartwarming? I can certainly feel our beautiful friendship blossoming with every passing Menton Times Issue. A fellow Sciences Piste brought to my attention that “rishta” is similar to a traditional Italian dish — Pasta e lenticchie. Like its antecedent, “rishta” includes a healthy dose of lentils. Ingredients: One cup of lentils One-two cups of spaghetti (I use tagliatelle, but any kind of pasta works) Six cups of water One large (or two medium-sized) yellow onion One large (or two medium-sized) red onion Two cloves of garlic (or more or less, based on preference) Half a lemon or two to three tablespoons of lemon juice Olive oil Salt Pepper and cumin (optional) One bunch of cilantro leaves (optional) Vegetable broth (optional) Recipe Soak the lentils in water for 10-20 minutes Meanwhile, chop your onions into slices and press two cloves of garlic. Add a tablespoon of olive oil to the pot and place it on the stove over low-medium heat. Add the chopped onion cubes and occasionally stir for five to 10 minutes. Allow them to sweat and transform into slices of translucent joy. Once your onion cubes are ready, strain the lentils and add them to the pot. Add another tablespoon of olive oil, and sprinkle some salt, pepper and cumin to taste. Stir all ingredients together, add six cups of water, and keep the temperature high. You may add less water, depending on the end-result texture you want. The less water, the less soup-like the “rishta” will be. You may also add vegetable broth and cilantro leaves for additional flavor. Once the water begins to boil, bring the heat to a low so that everything slowly cooks. Once the lentils are fairly cooked, in about ten-fifteen minutes, break up about a cup or two of spaghetti and put them into the pot. Depending on personal preference and the desired lentil-pasta ratio, more or less spaghetti may be added. You might also have to add more water to cook the pasta if the lentils have already absorbed too much of it. Once the pasta is cooked, turn the heat off. Estimated Price Calculations: Aldi sells five hundred grams of raw lentils for under one and a half euros. This means that a cup of lentils, equivalent to roughly two hundred and fifty grams, costs between half and two-thirds of a euro. Slightly cheaper calculations apply to rice purchased from any of the three big stores, making our rice costs equivalent to about a quarter to half a euro. As for the pasta, the relative quantity used prices under half a euro. The onion(s), olive oil and salt should not amount to more than one and a half to two euros, making each of the aforementioned meals cost under three euros for quantities yielding two to three servings! Fellow eaters, whether my favorite meal or my grandma’s seems more tasteful to you, I hope you give at least one of them a try. It is not common to find traditional Lebanese recipes that do not require long hours of preparation, so I encourage you to seize the opportunity. If any questions or comments should arise in your Lebanese cooking journeys, do not hesitate to contact me or the Google search engine, preferably). Next month, we shall draw inspiration from holiday joy and prepare sweet treats adequate for our seasonal celebrations. Until then, eat up and sahtein !

Tunisian President Kais Saeid released a new constitution. How is it different from the 2014 Constitution and what are the political consequences? < Back The Tunisian Constitution, or Kais Saeid’s Constitution? By Luca Utterwulghe October 31, 2022 Tunisia’s 2014 constitution has been hailed as one of the Middle East and North Africa region’s most progressive. A product of the multi-stakeholder process led by the Quartet du Dialogue National during the post-uprising period, the Constitution exhibits, aside from its praised commitments to “liberal” values, a strong system of checks on power between the three branches of government. However, recent political developments are challenging the foundational principles — compromise, pluralism and multi-polarity — of this (literally) revolutionary document. Tunisian President Kais Saied’s momentous consolidation of power, beginning with his move to terminate Parliament on July 26, 2021, and subsequent decision to fire Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi, was situated in the broader context of Tunisian political dysfunctionality and economic crisis. Kousai Ghrimil, a Tunisian 1A student, expresses his support for this measure: “One of the things it does… is weakening Ennahda , which is the leading Islamist party … that party has caused a lot of destruction and a lot of issues in the country ever since the revolution.” As a manifestation of his endeavor to restructure Tunisia’s political system, Saied released a draft constitution — crafted by a small group of ‘handpicked’ architects — in late June 2021. The Saeid administration released an online consultation survey which, in theory, offered citizens a platform to share their thoughts on the document’s fundamental elements, although only 10 percent of citizens were eligible to respond. Ghrimil suggests that the constitutional formation process was legitimate because President Kais Saeid “does have the right to call for a new constitution.” A referendum on the proposed constitution was held on July 25, 2022; the state’s Independent High Authority for Elections reported that 95 percent of voters ( only 30.5 percent of the eligible population) voted “yes” for Saied’s proposed document. These numbers bring into question the extent to which the new Tunisian Constitution of 2022 was formed through a legitimate, genuine “constituent power” or whether the nation is transitioning into a “façade democracy.” How is the 2022 Constitution different from the post-revolution 2014 one? Article 101 of the 2022 Constitution gives the President the power to appoint the “Chef du Gouvernement” (Prime Minister) and “les autres membres du gouvernement” (cabinet ministers); the 2014 Constitution reserved this power for the Parliament. Moreover, Article 102 authorizes the President to dissolve the Parliament at his wish, further demonstrating the constitutional shift to a more powerful executive. In a direct effort to undermine parliamentary primacy in lawmaking, Article 68 of the 2022 Constitution grants the President the ability to propose statutes to Parliament which are granted “la priorité” (priority) over Parliamentary proposals. Additionally, Article 110 explicitly states that the President “bénéficie de l’immunité durant son mandat présidentiel” (benefits from immunity during his presidential mandate), fundamentally limiting criticism and formal checks on the executive’s power. Ghrimil has mixed sentiments on the 2022 Constitution: he supports adjustments that will place more importance on the national popular vote. Still, he struggles with the Constitution’s commitment to advance Islamic principles, for Tunisia is “a secular country and this takes us a step backward.” On the contrary, he “wish[es] that the constitution would have mentioned the Jewish minority, the Christian minority,” as this is a symbol of Tunisia’s diversity. Evidently, President Kais Saeid is spearheading a significant constitutional and political restructuring of the Tunisian system. In light of an economic crisis and growing disillusionment towards the political system, how will these changes shift the relations between the Tunisian people and the government? It will be essential to keep a close eye on the parliamentary elections in December of 2022 as they may reflect the developing political sentiment in the country.

Entre des réformes politiques en faveur du droit des femmes tels que le droit de conduire et le droit à l'obtention d’un passeport et au voyage à l'international sans autorisation d’un parent masculin et les réformes culturelles tel que l'accès au cinéma et la production de films, le pays semble changer radicalement. < Back L’industrie cinématographique en Arabie saoudite By Anna Halpern March 30, 2024 L’Arabie saoudite, sous la direction du prince héritier Mohammed ben Salmane (communément surnommé MBS), a fait beaucoup de bruit sur la scène internationale grâce à des réformes qui poussent le royaume vers une modernization soudaine. Entre des réformes politiques en faveur du droit des femmes tels que le droit de conduire et le droit à l'obtention d’un passeport et au voyage à l'international sans autorisation d’un parent masculin et les réformes culturelles tel que l'accès au cinéma et la production de films, le pays semble changer radicalement. Mais est-ce vraiment possible de convaincre le monde, en commençant par la population saoudite elle-même, de ce changement si souvent critiqué comme étant plus d'insuffisant? Pour ce qui est de convaincre la population saoudite, l’importance du changement culturel ne doit pas être sous-estimée. En effet, dans un pays qui subit encore de fortes répressions, il devient essentiel de garder la jeunesse du côté du gouvernement. Ceci est fait principalement grâce à des réformes destinées à ‘occidentaliser’ et ouvrir le pays, et ceci passe en grande partie par une nouvelle ouverture à l'audiovisuel international. Qui plus est, ce changement n’est pas sans motivation économique ; dans le cadre de sa “vision 2030” MBS a comme objectif de diversifier l’économie du royaume, et ceci semble passer par un pari sur le potentiel du pays dans l’industrie cinématographique. Ce développement semble centré sur Neom, où ils espèrent établir un hub technologique ainsi qu’un centre de l’industrie cinématographique en commençant par d'immenses studios. Ces studios ont déjà commencé à attirer des productions telles que « Desert Warrior » du réalisateur britannique Rupert Wyatt, avec des stars telles que Anthony Mackie et Ben Kingsley. D’ici 2030, le royaume espère avoir 2000 salles de cinéma et un box-office de 1 milliard de dollars, faisant de l’Arabie saoudite un lieux idéal pour investir. Cette ouverture nouvelle vient aussi de façon formelle par la création du festival « Red Sea Film Festival » . Ce festival a ouvert son édition 2023 par le film Britannique « What’s Love Got to Do With It? » , une comédie romantique multiculturelle représentant des LGBTQ+, des mariages arrangés ainsi que des couples bi-culturels; en bref ce film montre une diversité que peu auraient pensé voir sur un écran en Arabie saoudite il y a à peine 10 ans. Ces nouvelles normes se trouvent tout de même face à certains obstacles. En effet, la communauté religieuse à eu du mal à accepter cette modernisation. En 2017, le grand Mufti à déclaré juger le cinéma et les concerts « sources de dépravation » . Les critiques rejettent tout de même l’imposition de valeurs 'hollywoodiennes’ dans un pays qui reste tout de même très conservateur et où le droit est basé sur le respect de la sharia. D’autre part, l’ouverture du pays à des productions internationales risque d'être limitée par leur capacité à attirer des stars dont les positions publiques à propos du droit des femmes et des LGBTQ+ les met en opposition au régime saoudien. De plus, la communauté internationale n’a pas oublié la mort du journaliste Jamal Khashoggi, assassiné dans le consulat Saoudien à Istanbul. Son meurtre est largement imputé au prince héritier, causant une vague d’outrage. Plus largement, le traitement de l’opposition semble en dissuader plus d’un de participer à un projet en Arabie saoudite. La question se pose donc, ce changement en Arabie saoudite n’est il qu’une façon de faire passer l'autoritarisme de MBS sous une couverture de modernization et d'occidentalisation, ou souligne t-il un véritable pas en avant vers un pays plus ouvert et libre - même si ceci est encore loin d'être le cas.

Depuis quelques années, l’Arabie Saoudite se développe de manière exponentielle sous les applaudissements et les critiques. Leur projet phare du moment ? The Line. < Back Le projet controversé de l’Arabie Saoudite: The Line By Calista Cellerier October 31, 2023 Depuis quelques années, l’Arabie Saoudite se développe de manière exponentielle sous les applaudissements et les critiques. Leur projet phare du moment ? The Line. The Line s’intègre dans le cadre d’un projet de plus grande ampleur nommé NEOM. Annoncé en octobre 2017 par le prince héritier Mohammed Ben Salamane (MBS), NEOM est un projet de zone économique indépendante prévue dans le nord-ouest de l'Arabie saoudite, dont la première partie devrait être inaugurée en 2030. Les secteurs économiques ciblés englobent un large éventail d'entreprises de technologie de pointe, de recherche et de valeurs telles que l'environnement, la santé, les sports, l'alimentation, la mobilité, le tourisme, le divertissement, la culture et la mode. Pour faire court, NEOM c’est 30 fois la taille de New York City, avec un budget de 500 milliards de dollars, qui a pour but d’offrir une qualité de vie exceptionnelle en plein désert Saoudien. The Line, c’est une partie du méga projet NEOM Annoncée en janvier 2021 par MBS, The Line suscite une attention internationale toute particulière, autant pour ses promesses d'être une ville verte que pour son allure pour le moins spéciale. Comme son nom l’indique, elle serait une ville construite entièrement sur la longueur et la hauteur. De plus de 100 kilomètres de long, 500 mètres de haut et 200 mètres de largeur, The Line est un projet d’une envergure vertigineuse. Plongeons dans le projet un peu plus en profondeur MBS projette de construire une ville verte, avec des transports en commun pouvant amener les citoyens d’un bout à l'autre en moins de 20 minutes (pas besoin donc de voitures). La ville serait neutre en carbone grâce aux ressources entièrement recyclées, avec des jardins suspendus et une électricité entièrement renouvelable. Pas de rues, mais des blocs de résidences avec des restaurants, hôpitaux, écoles et une multitude d’autres services à moins de 5 minutes à pied. Le système de sécurité promet aussi des miracles: une ville sûre grâce à une présence constante de caméras de sécurité et d'intelligence artificielle. Une smart city . MBS espère attirer jusqu'à 9 millions d'habitants dans The Line, pour faire de son pays un hub mondial d’exports et d'imports, une économie en puissance: “ C’est le but principal de NEOM, [...] d’augmenter la capacité de l’Arabie Saoudite, attirer plus de citoyens et plus de gens en Arabie Saoudite. Et puisque que nous faisons cela à partir de rien, pourquoi devrions-nous imiter les villes habituelles? ” déclare MBS (The Guardian). Pour faire court, The Line c’est un projet de ville verte et sécurisée, permettant à l’Arabie Saoudite de devenir indépendante des énergies fossiles comme le pétrole, ainsi que de booster ses actifs internationaux. Sur papier, le projet semble certes ambitieux, mais aussi très prometteur en termes de respect de l'environnement et de qualité de vie. Pourtant, de nombreuses critiques fusent sur les réseaux sociaux et dans les journaux du monde entier. Pour commencer, The Line est un projet d’une centaine de kilomètres de long dans le désert. Ce simple fait suscite de nombreuses interrogations : qu’en est-il des populations locales? Il se trouve que l’endroit est occupé par une tribu bédouine, les Howeitat, vivant depuis des centaines d'années dans cette partie du désert. De nombreuses accusations sont dirigées contre le gouvernement Saoudien, incluant la déportation forcée de milliers de bédouins hors de leurs habitations. Plus inquiétant encore, selon de nombreuses sources de part et d’autre du monde, trois hommes, Shadli, Ibrahim et Ataullah al-Howeiti auraient été condamnés à mort en 2022 par le parquet antiterroriste Saoudien pour avoir refusé l'éviction. De plus, le frère de l’un des trois hommes était un militant tué en 2020 par les forces saoudiennes pour avoir posté sur Internet une vidéo s’opposant ouvertement au projet et dénonçant les actes des autorités contre la population locale. Ces événements ouvrent donc sur la question éthique du projet : construire une cité ultra moderne oui, mais à quel prix? Une autre question se pose sur le projet, quant à la vie sociale dans la ville et les lois. Le système judiciaire de l’Arabie Saoudite est basé sur la Sharia qui est un ensemble de normes et règles régissant la vie religieuse, politique, sociale et privée, parfois appelée la loi islamique. Elle est appliquée plus ou moins sévèrement dans les pays musulmans. En revanche, NEOM et par conséquent The Line, seraient gouvernées par leur propre système légal et judiciaire, différent de celui du reste du pays. On peut donc penser que les lois seront plus souples. L’attention internationale que The Line suscite pourrait permettre à MBS d'alléger certaines lois, comme l’interdiction de l’alcool ou le code vestimentaire strictes, pour attirer les étrangers à investir et s’installer. Pourtant, The Line serait pourvue de caméras de surveillance et de reconnaissance faciale permettant une surveillance étroite dans les espaces publics. Alors, à quel point la cité serait-elle un endroit libre? Ce n’est pas un secret que nombre s’interrogent sur la surveillance de masse déjà utilisée dans beaucoup de pays où les libertés individuelles sont restreintes, comme la Chine. Alors si The Line en est pourvue, il se pourrait bien que la vie ne soit pas aussi libre que MBS voudrait faire croire. Enfin, c’est la faisabilité même du projet qui est souvent remise en question. The Line est un projet gigantesque et pourtant est prévu habitable pour 2030. Alors, comment ? Sur le plan technique, tout porte à croire que ce délai pourrait être réaliste. En effet, The Line serait constituée de modules autonomes, chacun contenant tout ce dont nous avons besoin dans la vie quotidienne et assemblés les uns derrière les autres, comme des Lego, selon l'intensité de la demande. D’ailleurs, des images de drones ont confirmé que le projet était déjà en construction. Mais regardons du côté de la faisabilité écologique. Le projet de construction de The Line pourrait ne pas être aussi eco-friendly que The Line elle-même. En effet, l’Arabie Saoudite doit trouver des ressources pour la construction et alimenter le chantier en énergie. Comment acheminer des matériaux, machines, ouvriers et outils jusqu’au milieu du désert dans un royaume qui dépend presque entièrement des énergies fossiles, en respectant la neutralité carbone ? Dur à imaginer. Si MBS affirme que la faune et la flore seront préservées à 95%, il est difficile de croire qu’une ligne faite de deux écrans de verre infranchissables pourra épargner l'environnement autour. Enfin, une fois construite, faire fonctionner la ville n’est pas une maigre tâche. Eau et électricité renouvelable à travers des éoliennes, panneaux solaires et désalinisation, des déchets à recycler, tout cela pour une population de 9 millions d’habitants, et dans le désert à partir de rien. Tout porte à croire que le projet est d’une envergure peut-être un peu trop grande. Alors, The Line est un projet de ville futuriste coûtant des milliards de dollars en plein milieu du désert, qui présente de nombreux avantages. Une cité eco-friendly, une qualité de vie jamais vue avant, un niveau de sécurité impressionnant, The Line fait de nombreuses promesses au monde entier. Pourtant, la réalité n’est sûrement pas aussi étincelante que sur papier, ou sur le site officiel de NEOM. De multiples problèmes peuvent s’accumuler lors de la construction, incluant un chantier pas si écolo et des conflits entre autorités saoudiennes et populations locales. Pourtant, la ville pourrait bien être habitable dans une dizaine d’années, bloc par bloc. Si The Line s’avère être un succès, le futur de la civilisation humaine pourrait prendre un autre tournant, dans des villes ressemblant aux films de science-fiction.

The question of immorality does not pertain to the act of thrifting itself, but how the thrift environment has been redesigned to serve corporate interests at the expense of those it was initially designed to support. < Back Thrifting and the Price of Exclusion: Gentrifying Secondhand Stores in Toronto Téa Breedon April 30, 2025 In Toronto, thrift stores have recently introduced a collection of higher-end, thrift “boutiques.” These boutiques sell name-brand clothing at marked-up prices to attract a wealthier crowd and drive in profits. Value Village —a for-profit thrift enterprise popular among thrifters in Canada—has replaced its former thrift stores with thrift “boutiques,” limiting its clientele to upper-class individuals and neglecting those who formerly relied on secondhand stores for everyday essentials. The shift to luxury retail symbolizes not only the gentrification of thrift stores but also a broader trend of sidelining the economically disadvantaged in favour of company interests. With real estate prices skyrocketing in Toronto due to high mortgage rates and low property supply, coupled with the homeless population quickly growing by 25 percent between 2023 and 2025, it becomes clear that thrifting corporations are exacerbating a trend of urban inequality. Toronto is aptly fit for examining broader patterns of urban inequality, as it is exemplary of spatially visible class differences. The city has experienced a trend of growing affluence among the wealthy that juxtaposes deepening poverty and growing unaffordability felt by the lower- and working-classes, culminating in an economic landscape that disproportionately disadvantages economically marginalized groups. The gentrification of thrift stores—now evident in the shift from affordable inventory to high-end and luxury brands—is thus symbolic of this landscape, reflecting how sanctuaries of sustenance once rooted in accessibility are being reoriented toward the spending capacity of wealthier consumers. Aside from this trend of gentrification, thrift stores have also increasingly become concentrated in various regions of the city, attracting consumers with large spending capacities. This process is characterized by the strategic situation of thrift stores in middle- and upper-class neighborhoods, making them inaccessible to those who need them the most. Moreover, a majority of these stores are located in downtown Toronto, just minutes away from the city’s major tourist attractions. The top recommended Google search when inputting “Toronto thrift stores” is “Toronto thrift stores downtown,” illustrating how thrift enterprises increasingly cater to a clientele of tourists looking for vintage and secondhand stores in downtown Toronto. As such, by clustering in Toronto’s primary tourist district, these thrift stores function more as curated attractions rather than a resource for the economically disadvantaged. But what is it, besides the profit motive, that is so appealing to thrift corporations about strategically leasing buildings in upper-end and tourist-dense neighborhoods or converting former thrift stores into thrift “boutiques?” Shouldn’t they worry about losing a significant portion of their clientele by catering to a social class that is less reliant on secondhand shopping? Unfortunately, thrift enterprises are no longer alone in recognizing the value in reselling used items at an elevated price. Online resellers have capitalized on this same logic, carefully picking out name and designer brands from thrift stores to mark up for a profit. Thrift enterprises find—or, at least, found —their clientele in lower-income populations, tailoring to individuals who relied on affordable clothing as a necessity rather than a fad. Today, online resellers—found on Depop, Etsy, Vinted, and Poshmark—use reselling platforms to allure a clientele of trend-driven consumers seeking secondhand luxury items that they may not be able to find at their local thrift stores. Online resellers are therefore following the path paved by thrift enterprises, recognizing the potential in the business of reselling items at marked-up prices. By tailoring to those who can afford elevated prices, resellers generate demand for high-end pieces from thrift boutiques, contributing to a cycle that favors a curated inventory over affordability. As a result, traditional thrift stores are being converted into thrift boutiques, distancing themselves from lower-income communities not just spatially, but also through rising price points that compromise affordability. It is in this sense, then, that the shift from affordable thrift corporations to high-end boutiques is driven both by the motive of profit and that of a guaranteed clientele. The recent trend of reselling has provided thrift corporations with a reliable flow of buyers, sustaining their operations while fueling demand for boutique-style stores. Similarly, independent online resellers find their consistent clientele of buyers in trend-chasing consumers who are able to afford their elevated prices. This domino effect, triggered by thrift enterprises, thus entrenches a market dynamic that prioritizes profit and resale value over accessibility. Is all this to say that thrifting is immoral, betraying the initial ethical purpose of thrift stores? Of course not, as it remains more environmentally and financially sustainable than buying first-hand. What is immoral is how thrift stores—operating within a for-profit framework—capitalize on an increasing demand for high-end clothing by jacking up the price s of donated items and orienting their inventory toward wealthy consumers. The question of immorality does not pertain to the act of thrifting itself, but how the thrift environment has been redesigned to serve corporate interests at the expense of those it was initially designed to support. Thus, in rebranding necessity and affordability as a fad, the modern thrift landscape has s hown how the thrift industry can be morphed into a mechanism that reproduces the very inequalities it sought to confront. Photo source: Rob Durdle on Flickr

Vivant le monde méditerranéen tous les jours, à travers nos travaux, nos lectures et nos expériences personnelles sur la riviera française, il serait bien temps pour nous de le goûter aussi. < Back Le Régime Méditerranéen: La Clé Pour Une Approche Plus Équilibrée À Notre Existence? Margarita Kopsia September 30, 2024 Entre readings , examens et deadlines de toutes sortes, la vie courante des science pistes mentonnais, soucieux de mieux comprendre le monde méditerannéen et moyen-oriental, peut parfois s’apparenter à un flot continu d’aventures et de responsabilités. Si c’est précisément au sein de cette expérience singulière du temps où réside toute la beauté de la vie mentonnaise, force est de constater qu’une approche plus équilibrée de notre quotidien nous serait fort bénéfique et ne ferait qu’embellir ce ravissant trajet. Vivant le monde méditerranéen tous les jours, à travers nos travaux, nos lectures et nos expériences personnelles sur la riviera française, il serait bien temps pour nous de le goûter aussi. Intéressons-nous aux modes d’alimentation qui sont propres à la Méditerranée et surtout à la manière dont ces principes ont pris forme dans l’espace et dans le temps, reflétant les valeurs et les idéaux véritablement méditerranéens. Qu’est-ce qui fait du régime ou de la diète méditerranéens un mode d’alimentation et d’existence qui mérite d'en parler, si ce n’est d’éventuellement en emprunter certains aspects? Capables de nous inciter à adopter une posture plus harmonieuse vis-à-vis de nos études et de notre quotidien, ces derniers sèment la voie pour une réflexion que nous nous devons à nous-mêmes: comment pouvons-nous tirer profit des ressources dont il est possible de bénéficier ici à Menton, ville qui ouvre sur le bassin méditerannéen et qui est caractérisée par un climat qui lui est propre? Mais, avant d’attaquer tous ces différents points et avant de tenter de discerner ce lien subtil qui peut exister entre ces deux modes de consommation, entre consommation alimentaire et consommation de la vie, il faut s’efforcer de comprendre ce que signifie réellement la notion de « régime méditerranéen » : qu’est-ce qui fait la spécificité et l’intérêt de la diète méditerranéenne? La diète méditerranéenne: une approche singulière à la tradition, à l’histoire et à la culture S’il s’avère que les concepts de régime méditerranéen ou de diète méditerranéenne ne furent eux-mêmes inventés que dans les années 1960 et 1970, ces derniers puisent leurs origines dans des habitudes et des traditions qui remontent bien plus loin dans le temps. Ainsi, parler de régime méditerannéen ou de diète méditerranéenne semble être une affaire relativement contemporaine, ne datant que de quelques décennies, c’est pourquoi il faudrait plutôt s’intéresser à l’histoire et aux principes de l' alimentation méditerranéenne, qui nécessite de changer entièrement d’échelle pour parler en fonction de siècles, voire de millénaires. Entre ses débuts, ses nombreuses redécouvertes et évolutions jusqu’à sa théorisation et sa conceptualisation, l’alimentation méditerranéenne rassemble en elle et à travers le long chemin qu’elle a parcouru la grande majorité des éléments qui caractérisent aujourd’hui ce qui est plus largement désigné comme la « culture » et le mode de vie méditerranéens, dans une optique visant à dépasser les différences entre pays et cherchant précisément à en faire des entités comparables, voire similaires, sur certains points. Ainsi, il n’est possible de parler du régime et de l’alimentation méditerranéens sans faire allusion au rôle déterminant des acteurs qui ont cherché à en acquérir une meilleure connaissance et qui ont examiné leur efficacité, de sorte à avoir éventuellement engendré leur adoption par des populations de plus en plus nombreuses et différentes. Ancel Keys, surnommé « Mister huile d’olive » et « pionnier de la recherche nutritionnelle moderne » selon les auteurs de l’article Histoire de l’alimentation méditerranéenne , participa alors de manière décisive à la redécouverte de l’alimentation méditerranéenne et à « l’invention » du régime méditerannéen. Le terme qui fut alors employé pour caractériser ce mode d’alimentation fut la « Mediterranean Diet », la notion de « régime » ( diet ) étant ici comprise en fonction de ces racines étymologiques pour se référer directement à un ensemble d’habitudes bien ancrées dans les mœurs et dans le temps, conformément à l’origine grecque du mot diaita signifiant « way of life ». Cela nous incite alors à détourner notre attention d’une vision erronée du régime méditerrannén qui serait associée à l’idée de la restriction alimentaire, pour insister directement sur ce qui fait son cœur et sa force, c’est-à-dire le fait qu’il ne soit en fin de compte que le partage de certains motifs répétitifs bien précis, promœuvant la santé et le bien-être général, résistant aux frontières géographiques et incarnant les valeurs du dialogue et de la convivialité. En effet, le régime méditerannéen pourrait et devrait être compris à la lumière du « climat », des « festivals » et des « célébrations » à travers lesquels il se manifeste et qui permettent aux valeurs de la « transmission intergénérationnelle et interculturelle » de prendre forme. Il n’est également possible de traiter de la diète ou du régime méditerranéens dans leur ensemble sans commenter les résultats de la Seven Countries Study , c’est-à-dire l’enquête menée par A. Keys depuis 1957 sur sept pays différents (les États-Unis, l’Italie, la Grèce, la Finlande, les pays qui à l’époque constituaient la Yougoslavie, les Pays-Bas et le Japon), qui s’était fixée pour objectif d’établir une corrélation entre la santé cardiovasculaire, la résistance aux maladies et le mode de vie et d’alimentation. Nous pouvons en effet supposer que cette étude, ayant mis en évidence l’importance de consommer des céréales complètes, des fruits et légumes en abondance et à limiter la consommation de produits transformés et ceux riches en graisses et en sucres, a eu une certaine incidence sur la composition des différents modèles de nutrition qui lui ont succédé, tels que la fameuse pyramide alimentaire qui est elle-même censée refléter un équilibre nutritionnel quasi-parfait. C’est en 2013 que la « diète méditerranéenne » fut inscrite sur la Liste représentative du patrimoine culturel immatériel de l’humanité de l’UNESCO et qu’elle est officiellement définie comme « un ensemble de savoir-faire, de connaissances, de rituels, de symboliques et de traditions qui concernent les cultures, les récoltes, la cueillette, la pêche, l’élevage, la conservation, la transformation, la cuisson et, tout particulièrement, la façon de partager la table et de consommer les aliments. », selon le site officiel de l’UNESCO pour le patrimoine culturel immatériel . Ce n’est pas un hasard: vous l’aurez compris, la diète méditerranéenne constitue bien le reflet d’une approche singulière à la tradition, à l’histoire et à la culture, qui mérite d’être protégée et célébrée. De ce fait, nous lisons qu’ « elle joue un rôle important dans les espaces culturels, les fêtes et les célébrations en rassemblant des populations de tous âges, classes et conditions. » Un regard de plus près sur le lien fondamental entre équilibre et nutrition Mis à part tous ces attributs exceptionnels du régime méditerannéen, « présenté comme un bouclier contre la “westernisation” de l’alimentation, et comme un outil majeur de prévention » , il faudrait également comprendre qu’un tel rapport à la nourriture, marqué par le respect et la qualité, peut avoir des répercussions directes sur notre bien-être général. Ainsi, il est tout à fait possible de tisser des liens entre cette approche alternative à la nourriture et différentes philosophies de vie, telles que celles issues de la Grèce antique. Cette dernière constitue d’ailleurs le berceau de l’alimentation méditerranéenne, sachant que « le style alimentaire méditerranéen s’est très vite cristallisé autour de la triade fondamentale du pain, de l’olivier et de la vigne. » Ainsi, l’éthique épicurienne, qui peut être résumée comme la sagesse qui « consiste à vivre au présent [...] et à atteindre le bonheur en recherchant à satisfaire les désirs naturels et nécessaires [...] de façon à éprouver les plaisirs stables que procure une vie saine , » semble être tout à fait adaptée à un style de vie et d’alimentation qui cherche à concilier le plaisir de bien vivre avec celui de bien manger, d’autant plus que la richesse des goûts et des couleurs qui caractérisent la diète méditerranéenne figure parmi ses plus grandes forces. Mener une vie saine et équilibrée passe aussi par un rapport plus harmonieux à notre environnement: nous constatons alors que de plus en plus d’études n’hésitent pas à faire allusion aux bienfaits environnementaux de la diète méditerranéenne, en expliquant en quoi il est possible de voir dans ce mode de production et de consommation de la nourriture des pratiques prometteuses et plus durables. En effet, l’alimentation méditerranéenne est censée privilégier la production locale, dans le respect de la terre et des ressources qu’elle a à offrir. Ainsi, mener une vie plus équilibrée, c’est aussi assumer une plus grande responsabilité dans notre rôle dans la crise climatique et écologique actuelle, en revisitant des pratiques qui rappellent l’importance de bien produire et de bien consommer. D’ailleurs, c’est dans l’article « Underrated aspects of a true Mediterranean diet: understanding traditional features for worldwide application of a “ Planeterranean ” diet » que ce régime devient un régime « planétaire », en promouvant « une approche respectueuse de l’environnement, contrôlée et inspirée par des procédures plus anciennes et traditionnelles [...]. ». S’il semble qu’aujourd’hui nous soyons de plus en plus réduits en consommateurs cherchant à maximiser leur plaisir individuel et à en tirer profit, essayons du moins à en devenir une meilleure sorte. Engageons-nous en faveur d’idées et de pratiques qui nous permettent d’être plus respectueux envers nous-mêmes, envers les autres et envers l’environnement. Atteignons un meilleur équilibre tant dans nos assiettes que dans nos vies.