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Pour préserver le pacte républicain dont la liberté est un des trois principes, il n’y a aucune difficulté à rejeter les diverses phraséologies que nous avons dénoncées. La liberté d’expression n’est pas un prétexte suffisant pour s’y opposer, au contraire, notre liberté d’expression n’est que la conséquence et l’outil du projet républicain qui va à l’encontre de tout ce que l’extrême-droite promeut. < Back Des tabous sont-ils nécessaires en politique ? Lubin Parisien October 31, 2024 Le 20 septembre, le corps de Philippine est retrouvé au bois de Boulogne. Thomas a été tué à Crépol en 2023. Lola est assassinée en 2022 dans des conditions abominables. Ces trois faits divers ont défrayé la chronique avant d’être oubliés. Ce qui a retenu l’attention d’une certaine presse et de politiques, ce n’est pas l’horreur que constitue l’assassinat d’enfants ou d’adolescents, mais un point précis du profil des accusés: des immigrés sous OQTF (obligation de quitter le territoire français). En quoi cette dernière information nous renseigne-t-elle sur la nature des affaires évoquées plus tôt? Cela ne nous éclaire en rien. En réalité, ces affaires cristallisent autre chose, une angoisse qui semble généralisée sur l’immigration. Ces discours suscitent une montée des violences de groupes ethno-nationalistes et de la violence verbale des politiques dans les médias. Au vu de la division du pays, il apparaît nécessaire de réfléchir collectivement aux bornes à imposer à la parole politique afin de préserver le vivre-ensemble. Des tabous bien présents en politique Pouvons-nous tout dire en politique? A l’évidence non: on ne peut pas nier l’existence de la Shoah—c’est la loi Gayssot de 1990. On ne peut pas inciter à la haine ni faire l’apologie du terrorisme, opérer des discriminations ou encore nier la Shoah. Contrevenir à ces lois ne fait pas qu’attirer les foudres de la justice mais aussi une vive réprobation, même si cela semble de moins en moins vrai. La négation de la Shoah est ainsi un tabou et heureusement. Robert Faurisson a de cette manière été lourdement dénoncé par Robert Badinter, qui incarnait le défenseur de la vérité historique et d’une certaine conception du pays, lors du procès qui lui a été intenté pour diffamation. Le négationnisme ou l’apologie du terrorisme font donc l’objet d’un tabou très fort. On associe souvent le terme de tabou à des pratiques moyenâgeuses et enfiévrées de mysticisme: en réalité un tabou est simplement l’interdiction dont est frappé une pratique ou un discours contrevenant aux normes ou aux valeurs communes. De fait, l’interdiction de la tenue de propos révisionnistes permet d’interdire les discours antisémites sous couvert de fausses controverses historiques. La liberté d’expression n’est pas absolue, on place au-dessus la nécessité de garantir l’effectivité de la devise républicaine pour l’ensemble de la population. Néanmoins, des discours qui excluent des parties entières de la population du pacte républicain sont tenus et semblent passer entre les mailles du filet. Le constat: des discours qui excluent Il nous faut d’abord voir comment une certaine phraséologie fracture le tissu social et l’unité du pays. C’est à partir de ce premier constat que l’on doit réfléchir à l’état actuel des débats politiques et aux éventuels rééquilibrages. Marine Le Pen déclarait le 21 novembre 2023 à Valeurs actuelles au sujet du meurtre de Thomas à Crépol qu’on « assiste à une attaque organisée, émanant d’un certain nombre de banlieues criminogènes dans lesquelles se trouvent des “milices” armées qui opèrent des razzias. » Il est nécessaire de décortiquer cette phrase pour comprendre les sous-entendus. Est criminogène ce « qui produit ou favorise la propagation du crime, des délits; qui donne naissance à la criminalité . » Pourquoi Mme Le Pen qualifie-t-elle les banlieues de criminogènes? Quelles caractéristiques ont les banlieues dans les discours du RN (Rassemblement National) de Marine Le Pen qui expliqueraient la qualité criminogène de ces banlieues? Parle-t-elle souvent des questions urbanistiques liées aux banlieues françaises? Quel critère commun réunit les banlieues des villes françaises dont elle parle dans l’ensemble de ses discours? C’est de l’immigration, en particulier une immigration extra-européenne et musulmane, dont parle couramment Marine Le Pen et ses alliés quand il s’agit de dénoncer les maux dont sont affectées les banlieues. Ainsi, analysons les « milices armées » qui auraient lancé contre Thomas à Crépol une « attaque organisée. » Il y a derrière une idée d’organisation qui permet de décrire ces mêmes banlieues assez fantomatiquement définies comme dotées de communautés propres, indépendantes et séparées: Marine Le Pen entérine là une supposée frontière entre les banlieues et le reste la France, sachant qu’elle associe aux premières une population immigrée. Nous avons là un faisceau d’indices que nous pouvons encore étoffer, et qui, accompagné de la connaissance du contexte idéologique dans lequel s’exprime Mme Le Pen, montre une volonté d’entériner la marginalisation—si ce n’est l’exclusion—de certains territoires et de certaines populations de la République. Ces discours, associant immigration et délinquance, islam et séparatisme, excluent une partie importante de la population en remettant en cause et en posant la question de leur volonté de faire nation ou de vivre en paix, et ce à cause de déterminants identitaires supposés qui leur seraient propres: l’islam et leurs origines. Faisons ensuite un second constat: ce genre de propos inquiète. Ils inquiètent notamment les immigrés, qu’ils soient français ou non, qu’ils soient sur le territoire de façon régulière ou non—avec dans ce dernier cas une grande diversité de situations, de la pure clandestinité au blocage administratif. Par exemple, le journal local L’Union a recueilli le témoignage d’Eliane , arrivée de Guinée en 2014. Son titre de séjour n’est pas renouvelé en 2023 alors qu’elle a trouvé un emploi stable, sa demande de naturalisation s’est perdue dans les oubliettes de la préfecture de la Marne: avec les législatives de 2024, « elle craint que l’étau ne se resserre par pure idéologie. [...]. “Je ne regarde pas trop la télévision parce que c’est l’heure où je rentre ou bien je m’occupe des enfants. Ils m’ont demandé si on allait devoir partir.” » Citons encore le témoignage d’Aliy (son prénom a été modifié): « L’année dernière, il [...] devait supporter un patron pro-Zemmour. “Quand son fils venait, il ne nous parlait pas, à nous les Noirs. Il ne nous regardait même pas”. » Les discours d’un parti comme le RN et de toute une galaxie d’extrême-droite ne sont pas de simples projets débatables sur la politique du pays, ce sont des discours qui remettent en question l’intégration de millions de personnes. Ces dernières n’ont plus—ou n’ont jamais eu—le sentiment d’appartenir à la même société à égalité avec le reste des habitants et citoyens. Ces discours heurtent, ils nous incitent à nous demander si notre pays est bien capable d’accepter des minorités comme les personnes racisées. A ce titre, la possibilité de porter de telles idées doit faire l’objet d’un débat clair car il s’agit de savoir quel commun nous voulons construire. La préservation d’une liberté d’expression Pour défendre la possibilité de prononcer des discours qui excluent et archipélisent la société, on invoque souvent la liberté d’expression, droit fondamental inhérent à chaque individu. L’article 11 de la Déclaration des Droits de l’Homme et du citoyen énonce: « tout citoyen peut donc parler, écrire, imprimer librement, sauf à répondre de l'abus de cette liberté dans les cas déterminés par la loi. » Tout le malice réside dans la notion d’« abus ». Remarquons cette chose sans doute banale: la liberté d’expression n’est pas absolue et sans bornes, nous l’avons déjà montré au sujet de la loi Gayssot contre la négation de la Shoah. La régulation de l’expression politique ou même de l’expression tout court quand elle a un impact politique est une vieille idée. Dans La République , Platon consacre des passages entiers à analyser des vers d’Homère afin d’expliquer pourquoi ceux-ci doivent être bannis de la cité cherchant à guérir des maux de l’injustice pour assainir les réflexions des gardiens de la cité. Il considère même que les poètes promouvant l’affadissement de l'esprit des gardiens de la cité et l’excès doivent être chassés. Platon a à peu près 2400 ans, il convient de hausser les sourcils sur ses préconisations. Néanmoins, abstraction faite du projet politique concret du philosophe, cela fait plus de 2400 ans que nous savons que les discours politiques prononcés dans la cité modèlent notre façon de penser et de percevoir. La maîtrise de la parole est un enjeu majeur identifié par Platon et par toutes les monarchies, dictatures et démocraties pour se maintenir en plus de deux millénaires. Cependant, il est vrai que la liberté, notamment celle d’expression, est souvent associée à un étrange relativisme qui consiste à dire que toutes les opinions se valent, qu’on peut tout dire. Il nous faut réfuter ces réflexions communes: tout projet politique—la République par exemple—porte un idéal absolu et non négociable. La liberté, l’égalité et la fraternité sont cet idéal en France, et nombreuses sont les interprétations possibles pour sa mise en application, c’est pourquoi il faut laisser un large pluralisme politique pour enrichir ces valeurs. Nous avons parlé des limites à la liberté d’expression, mais les contraintes à cette limitation sont les mêmes: la perpétuation de la liberté et le respect de l’égalité. Il ne faut pas de censure comme les dictatures savent en faire, il faut bien au contraire que les tabous à observer dans notre société fassent l’objet d’une réflexion collective éclairée. Si la liberté d’expression n’est pas une fin en soi, c’est un instrument indispensable. Une repolitisation de nos tabous? Aujourd’hui, après la décolonisation et les progrès permis par l’accroissement de la tolérance, il convient de ne pas utiliser des mots comme « négre » ou « bougnoul » car il s’agit désormais de termes qui renvoient à une mémoire douloureuse et à un présent qui doit toujours se défaire des griffes du fait colonial. Ces mots font l’objet de tabous tels qu’on n’ose pas les prononcer, remplacés par exemple par l’expression « n-word ». L’opprobre dont sont objets ces mots montrent que la société n’est plus encline à voir les manifestations éclatantes du racisme et de l’exclusion. Néanmoins, des discours comme celui de Marine Le Pen que nous n’avons que brièvement décortiqués sont publiés et presque normalisés. Nos tabous ne semblent pas être le fruit d’une réflexion collective aboutie. En ce sens, on peut proposer une repolitisation de nos tabous. Il ne faut pas éviter le mot « négre » car c’est inconvenant ou désagréable, mais parce que l’usage courant de ce terme perpétue des structures de domination blanche héritée de la colonisation. Il faut proscrire les discours racistes et dédaigneux de l’extrême-droite car ils vont à l’encontre de notre projet politique commun: faire nation. Ernest Renan, dans Qu’est-ce qu’une nation en 1882, écrit qu’une nation a deux facettes: « l’une est la possession en commun d’un riche legs de souvenirs; l’autre est le consentement actuel, le désir de vivre ensemble. » Lorsqu’un discours remet en cause l’appartenance ou la volonté d’appartenance d’une partie de la population, il sape méthodiquement la base de toute nation: la volonté commune de faire corps. En France, cette volonté s’incarne dans la devise républicaine. On peut céder à la grandiloquence en disant que pour défendre la nation, il faut faire taire le poison de la division. Par division, on n’entend pas les nécessaires désaccords sur les politiques à adopter, mais au contraire l’éclatement même de la nation. Et c’est bien là la conséquence des propos d’une Marine Le Pen. Le doute est instillé quant à l’inclusivité de la nation, car les immigrés, les personnes racisées, etc. se sentent et se savent exclus du pacte républicain. Pourtant, la tolérance s’accroît dans la société même si les résultats électoraux ne le marquent pas . Il faut sortir de ces situations mortifères, il faut stopper le poison avant qu’il puisse être proféré. Pour préserver le pacte républicain dont la liberté est un des trois principes, il n’y a aucune difficulté à rejeter les diverses phraséologies que nous avons dénoncées. La liberté d’expression n’est pas un prétexte suffisant pour s’y opposer, au contraire, notre liberté d’expression n’est que la conséquence et l’outil du projet républicain qui va à l’encontre de tout ce que l’extrême-droite promeut. Ces tabous doivent être investis de la force de la loi, à terme il n’y a pas à avoir de gêne à combattre structurellement les idées du RN, de Reconquête, de l’Action française et notamment la préférence nationale. La question aujourd’hui doit être de savoir comment procéder. Un fait apparaît désormais clairement: des tabous sont nécessaires en politique car ils protègent ce qui permet la politique: la volonté de vivre ensemble.

‘’We must experience everything. Not just the good, but degradation, horror, sadness. This makes us whole, Bella. It makes us people of substance. Not flighty, untouched children. Then we can know the world. And when we know the world, the world is ours.’’ < Back Poor Things By Francesca di Muro February 29, 2024 ‘’We must experience everything. Not just the good, but degradation, horror, sadness. This makes us whole, Bella. It makes us people of substance. Not flighty, untouched children. Then we can know the world. And when we know the world, the world is ours.’’ This is one of the quotes uttered by the protagonist of the film “Poor Things,” directed by Yorgos Lanthimos and released in cinemas in January 2024. Inspired by the homonymous novel written by Alasdair Gray, “Poor Things” can be considered a postmodern revision of Frankenstein It replaces the classic monster with Bella Baxter, a woman who committed suicide and was then brought back to life thanks to a brain transplant of the child she was carrying at the time of her death. Defined as a hilarious political allegory; a raw and self-deprecating portrait of society and its contradictions, of human desires and their most animalistic instincts; between patriarchal visions of society, female independence, and sexual awakening. “ Poor Things” is nothing more than a visual bildungsroman depicting the growth and development of a woman who navigates in a society strongly dominated by sharp moral judgments, which chases her being in a continuous process of self-determination and affirmation. What is particularly striking is how Lanthimos pushes interpersonal relationships to their extreme; boiling down individuals to their inner desires, bodies, and smells. In short, Bella Baxter represents what is a child’s vision of society and its contradictions, far from its conventions and norms. The result is a true portrait of the development of post-enlightenment philosophical thought: from the Scientific Revolution's rationalism to the emotional liberation of Romanticism, transcendentalism, Marxism, and, finally, the Absurdist acceptance of the flawed yet fulfilling lives we lead. By transcending the boundaries of conventional storytelling and delving into philosophical inquiries that challenge the audience's perception of morality, identity, and societal constructs, Lanthimos presents a compelling exploration of the nature of humanity and consciousness. Central to the philosophical underpinnings of "Poor Things" is the concept of agency and autonomy. Upon her revival, Bella navigates a world where her agency is both constrained and manipulated by the forces around her, particularly by Dr. Baxter. Her journey prompts viewers to reflect on the nature of free will and the extent to which external influences govern individuals. Through Bella's struggles and choices, Lanthimos invites audiences to ponder the complexities of human autonomy and the ethical responsibilities that come with wielding power over others. Moreover, "Poor Things" offers a trenchant critique of societal norms and structures. Lanthimos uses the absurdity of Bella's situation to satirize the conventions of Victorian society, exposing the hypocrisy and moral bankruptcy that underpin its facades. Through the characters' interactions and the absurd situations they find themselves in, the film invites viewers to question the arbitrary rules and hierarchies that govern society and consider alternative modes of existence. Furthermore, the film engages with philosophical themes of identity and selfhood. Bella's resurrection results in a fragmented sense of self, as she grapples with memories and experiences that may not entirely belong to her. This exploration of identity raises profound questions about the stability of the self and the extent to which external influences shape it. Lanthimos challenges viewers to interrogate their own sense of identity and consider the fluidity of the self in the face of external forces. In addition to its thematic richness, "Poor Things" is characterized by Lanthimos's distinct visual style and narrative approach. The film's deadpan humor and surreal imagery create an atmosphere that is both disconcerting and captivating, drawing viewers into its philosophical inquiries through unconventional means. Lanthimos's masterful direction imbues every frame with symbolic resonance, inviting audiences to decipher the deeper layers of meaning beneath the surface. And, to conclude, according to Lanthimos, we are all changeable, facing the overwhelming struggle to live under precise norms and customs. And at the same time, we are all poor things. This consciousness can break us or, on the contrary, evoke a sense of empathy for humanity, leading us to dance in an uncoordinated and childish way like Bella Baxter in a Victorian dining room. “I am a changeable feast, as are all of us.”

Most importantly, science fiction is a reaction and a warning. By depicting a dystopian world of socially-segregated mega-cities, as in the case of Metropolis, or totalitarian states with groupthink and no individuality, as illustrated in Orwell’s 1984, science fiction often presents a future we wish to avoid. < Back Metropolis: The Role of Science Fiction in Social Analysis By Lara Harmankaya October 31, 2023 “Freder: Your magnificent city, Father - and you the brain of this city - and all of us in the city's light...And where are the people, Father, whose hands built your city--? Joh Fredersen: Where they belong... Freder: In the depths...? What if one day, those in the depths rise up against you?” Fritz Lang’s Metropolis, essentially, is a tale of two cities – the “City of the Workers'' and the “Club of the Sons.” One is an underground industrialized prison, the other a capitalist utopia. They form Metropolis, characterized by its futuristic skyline, Art Deco skyscrapers, elevated highways and jam-packed roads. Such imagery is not unfamiliar to modern audiences, given its resemblance to contemporary megacities. Considered the “first great science-fiction film” by critic Roger Ebert, Metropolis is an astonishing accomplishment of special effects and German Expressionism. Its stylistic influence on the genre of science fiction is far-reaching; its deeply divided megapolis, mad scientist, human-like robot and dystopian setting have all developed into idiosyncratic tropes of science fiction that have reappeared countless times in works such as The Blade Runner, the Hunger Games, Star Wars and many more. Even its soundtrack reminds the audience of the iconic melodies orchestrated by John Williams for Star Wars. At the same time, it also follows a literary tradition established by Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein and H. G. Wells – that of a moral message entrenched in science fiction. This is precisely what makes this film relevant in my eyes, despite the almost 100 years since its first release. Its scathing social and political commentary, using the dichotomies of the great metropolis, reveals the inherent purpose of the science fiction genre in a broader context. Science fiction, as I will come to argue, contemplates and critiques the social issues that are prevalent at a specific point in history. It may construct a future rampant with technological advancements and societies foreign to our own, but at its core, it invariably revolves around humanity. The story of Metropolis follows Freder, the privileged son of the master of Metropolis, as he discovers the dark reality that goes on deep within the industrial heart of Metropolis. He has a revelation when he realizes that masses of men, under his father's instructions, toil away for hours on end and become dehumanized cogs in the machine of industrial capitalism. In contrast to them, his character is part of a world of hedonistic pleasure, emotional excesses and glittery nightlife. This clash of status, which the film emphasizes by dressing Frederer in white in contrast to the laborers’s black uniform, is reinforced by the city itself as a physical manifestation of the chasmic separation between the two classes. However, despite its overtly Marxian themes of class conflict, Metropolis does not ultimately promote a revolution of the working class. Instead, it fosters mediation; as the film progresses, Frederer commits to the working classcause and decides to take on the role of the ‘Mediator’ to bring peace to the city. One of the most memorable quotes of the movie embodies this idea, “There can be no understanding between the hand and the head unless the heart acts as mediator.” This expresses a Durkhemian view of society as an organism that can only function effectively if there is co-dependence and solidarity within the branches, a concept a Sciences Po student is all too familiar with. Therefore, by engaging in and allegorically incorporating elements of sociological discourse into their narratives, this showcases that films can encourage their audiences to relate the overarching themes to politics and to think reflexively about society and its struggles. When conceptually creating Metropolis, Lang was inspired by New York City, its role as a global center of capitalism then and now, as well as its Art Deco architecture. Yet, the similarities between Metropolis and New York City cannot simply be reduced to those of infrastructure. In our current world, cities are the most vivid representations of inequality. With slum areas and skyscrapers often located right next to each other, they continue to be home to a variety of people from different social classes and groups. They not only tend to be the most unequal places in a nation, but they can also be synecdoches of the larger inequalities within a macro society. According to an International Monetary Fund study, inequalities within cities are “expected to worsen” over the years. Similarly, the United Nations predicts that urbanization will increase to 68 percent by 2060. The dichotomous nature of Metropolis and the everlasting relevance of its message are thereby highly consequential when thinking about social problems posed within 21st-century cities across the world. Thus, although Metropolis’s vision of social structure is too binary and simplistic to accurately represent the complex and multifaceted inequalities that permeate our social order now, it is still a valuable model of elements of Marxist urban theory. Considering we are now living in a world where the disparities between the richest and the poorest are the greatest they have ever been, Metropolis’s scathing criticism of the social order and unrestrained capitalism is more relevant than ever. Analyzing Metropolis reveals a greater trend in the realm of science fiction, which is the trend of political critique. Whether it be Miyazaki’s Princess Mononoke, Neon Genesis Evangelion, Akira, or Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451, works of science fiction that posit a moral message are almost always shaped by contemporary events with socioeconomic implications. They are social commentaries that scrutinize certain ethical dilemmas. Fahrenheit 451, for instance, is concerned with the uncontrolled advent of technology and its intellectually-numbifying effect, whereas Neon Genesis Evangelion and Akira both allude to the post-Hiroshima and Nagasaki nuclear trauma embedded in the Japanese collective consciousness. This is what film critic Annette Kuhn refers to as the “cultural instrumentality” of science fiction, which she describes as the way in which “sci-fi movies relate to the social order through the mediation of ideologies'' and explore “society’s representations of itself in and for itself.” In this sense, it can be argued that science fiction holds a vital role of social analysis that renders it a fundamental part of what she calls the “collective psyche of the era”. Gene Roddenberry, the creator of Star Trek, neatly summarizes the purpose of science fiction with his own statement, "science fiction is a way of thinking, a way of logic that bypasses a lot of nonsense. It allows people to look directly at important subjects." In making a case for science fiction’s societal relevance, one might point out its relationship with social change and technological innovation. Creating fiction about science could, in fact, induce developments in the sphere of technology. Many developments in the fields of space travel, communication and transportation are said to have been motivated by science fiction. Notably, Martin Cooper – known for inventing the cell phone – credited Star Trek’s ‘communicator’ as its inspiration. This is an indication of science fiction’s endless ability to imagine. For activist Walidah Imarisha, it is a tool with which we can picture an idealized future, and the necessity of employing it lies in the fact that “we can’t build what we can’t imagine.” Science fiction can, therefore, be a source of hope for the future and the progress of humanity. Most importantly, science fiction is a reaction and a warning. By depicting a dystopian world of socially-segregated mega-cities, as in the case of Metropolis, or totalitarian states with groupthink and no individuality, as illustrated in Orwell’s 1984, science fiction often presents a future we wish to avoid. It even offers us some moral solutions, like revolution or reconciliation. Nowadays, it partakes in questioning the ethics of artificial intelligence and navigating the rapid advancements that mark our world. Science fiction’s ability to transcend popular culture and place itself in the center of moral discourse and social analysis is thus ubiquitous. Science fiction must not be fantastical and completely detached from human society. Rather, it can be deeply interwebbed in the major philosophical, sociological and economic debates. It can reflect social trends that are evolving and developing around us, while simultaneously expanding imagination and limits to contemplate what can be . It is our connection to ‘future’, hence why we must continue to heed its warnings about the calamities it may bring.

During the week of April 11-15, the Bureau des Arts (BDA) organized the Semaine des Arts to gather the Sciences Po Menton community and highlight students’ artistic abilities in a supportive and welcoming environment. < Back Semaine des Arts: Realizing Your Inner Artistic Potential By Colin Lim April 29, 2022 During the week of April 11-15, the Bureau des Arts (BDA) organized the Semaine des Arts to gather the Sciences Po Menton community and highlight students’ artistic abilities in a supportive and welcoming environment. The BDA hosted events throughout the week, collaborating with other student associations and inviting external guests. On campus, students could frequent the second-hand vintage clothing stand run by entrepreneur Giulia Castellucci, attend theater workshops led by comedian Lucas Gimello, participate in a dance workshop taught by Marie-Pierre Genovese, and learn dabke, a Levantine dance workshop guidedby 1A Riwa Hassan in collaboration with Sciences Palestine. Other festivities included a bake sale to raise funds for the Minicrit in collaboration with the Bureau des Sports (BDS), and a chant-learning session at Soundproof. The focal point of this week of celebration was the live performance in the grand amphitheater on Thursday evening — the culmination of weeks and months of preparation by dozens of students who performed with their clubs, friend groups, and artistic workshops. The building’s main entrance showcased a student art gallery that featured numerous physical mediums such as mosaics, ceramics, photographs, and Arabic calligraphy. The show in the grand amphitheater began with the music club’s energetic performance of “Runaway Baby” from Bruno Mars’ debut album, followed by “Redbone” by Childish Gambino. Vocalist and guitarist Sienna Bertamini (1A), bassist Saoirse Aherne (1A), and drummer Cameron Sterling (1A) faithfully captured the spirit of the original renditions of both songs while adding a unique flair in their interpretation. Shortly afterward, Raphaël Phanor (2A) captivated the audience with an eloquent French spoken ode to the memories he made and the people he met during his two years in Menton. He concluded his talk with a poignant reminder to the rising 2As that it will not be too long before they are in his position, reminiscing on the time they spent at Sciences Po. There were other musical performances and short theatrical pieces, and an improvised percussive jazz and maqam-inspired piece by the vocal music artistic workshop. The evening was rounded out by the oriental dance and polyphonic singing artistic workshops and a lively routine by the cheerleading team. The show was an opportunity for students to celebrate one another and discover the latent talent within their classmates. The entire week would not have been possible without the time and effort of the BDA. 2A Eliana Seroussi, the BDA president, reflected on her relationship with the arts: “Honestly, the arts mean everything to me. I couldn't imagine my life without at least a hint of creativity. It just means being free, speaking with something other than words, and connecting with people on a level you would have never expected.” She continued, “Of course, organi(zing the events) is tiring and takes up your energy and commitment, but in the end it’s all worth it, as long as it gets one person to smile and escape for a bit. That’s the beauty of art.”

Prenant tous ces éléments en compte, il est possible de voir l'extrême droite non pas comme le mal mais simplement un des symptômes d’une Europe fragmentée et dont une grande part des populations doutent aussi. < Back L’Union Européenne confrontée à elle même By Anna Halpern December 31, 2023 Qu’est-ce que l’Union Européenne? Cette question devient de plus en plus cruciale avec la montée au pouvoir de partis d'extrême droite qui ne soutiennent pas forcément l’UE et qui divisent l’Union de plus en plus. Le Brexit était un premier signal très flagrant et un “wake up call” pour l’Union Européenne, mais la question de sa viabilité et de son futur est de plus en plus pressante. Entre ceux qui prônent une centralisation et un fédéralisme Européen et ceux qui veulent sa dissolution, où va t-on? Cette question de la structure européenne est apparue après la chute de l’Union Sovietique et l'expansion sans précédent de l'Union Européenne vers l’Est avec notamment l’élargissement de 2004 à 10 pays, passant de 15 à 25 membres. Cet élargissement est un moment charnière pour l’opposition à l'Europe, car il a permis de développer la notion que l’Europe avait perdu son but/raison d’être d'après-guerre et s'était élargie à des pays ayant une histoire politique et une économie très différente. A cela s'ajoutent les crises migratoires et économiques auxquelles toute l’Europe fait face, surlignant des divisions de fond. Ces divisions sont les fondements des tiraillements que l’on peut observer aujourd’hui. Je me dois de souligner que je ne peux pas répondre à cette question, mais il faut les garder en tête en regardant la montée historique de l’extrême droite en Europe. En effet, l’année 2022 seule a vu Giorgia Meloni monter au pouvoir en Italie, le grand succès du bloc d'extrême droite en Suède ainsi qu’un score historique pour le Rassemblement National en France. Les finlandais et les néerlandais ont eux aussi témoigné une montée de l'extrême droite en 2023. Ceci a des impacts non seulement sur la politique de ces pays, notamment en Italie où le débat fait rage sur les propositions de changement de la constitution amenées par le gouvernement Meloni, mais aussi sur l’Union Européenne. En effet, l’UE apparaît de plus en plus divisée. Face à la guerre en Ukraine et à la problématique migratoire, les pays européens se divisent entre les pays gouvernés par l'extrême droite et le reste de l'Europe. Cette divergence fait aussi et surtout rage sur les sujets de la démocratie et la protection des libertés fondamentales avec l’affrontement entre l’Union Européenne et la Hongrie et la Pologne au sujet de tendances autoritaires que ces pays ont progressivement adoptées (notamment la libertée de la presse et la séparation des pouvoirs sont sous pression), culminant en une confrontation juridique. En de tels temps, des questions se posent sur la viabilité de l’UE telle qu’on la connaît. Néanmoins, il serait trop facile de blâmer l'extrême droite pour tous les maux de l'Europe. En effet, les ressentiments se sont fait sentir de toutes parts, notamment après 2008 dans les pays d’Europe de l’ouest tels que la Grande Bretagne dont la population avait le sentiment de trop cotiser et de ne pas en bénéficier autant, créant la base de l’argument pro-Brexit. D’autant plus que la tendance vers la droite n’est pas universelle dans les pays membres avec l’exemple de l’élection de Donald Tusk, du parti pro-UE, comme premier ministre en Pologne, un changement radical par rapport à la dernière administration. Prenant tous ces éléments en compte, il est possible de voir l'extrême droite non pas comme le mal mais simplement un des symptômes d’une Europe fragmentée et dont une grande part des populations doutent aussi. Ces doutes vont très certainement influencer les résultats des élections européennes de juin.

To answer this question, we must remember that when politics is the subject of art, art becomes the subject of politics. In the case of Mustang, Erguvan’s socio-political expression in the film challenges the image of a fully modernized Turkey. < Back Mustang: A Deep-Dive Into the Public Response to Art in Turkey By Selin Elif Köse October 31, 2023 “Everything changed in the blink of an eye,” says Selma gently before letting you on an emotional rollercoaster that, perhaps, leaves you with a lot to think about. Mustang , a Turkish language film directed and co-written by Deniz Gamze Ergüvan, was undoubtedly one of the most talked about films during the 2015 award season. The French-Turkish co-produced drama boasted 63 impressive nominations. It secured 43 wins, topping its success with a Label Europa Cinemas award from Cannes and a nomination for Best Foreign Language Film of the Year at the 87th Academy Awards. Despite its global recognition and success, the public reaction in Turkey was quite conflicted, sparking a significant controversy around the film's portrayal of the country. As Erguvan says, “Everywhere else, people have really embraced the film. In Turkey, the reactions were extremely diverse.” The film mainly focuses on the conservative social life in rural Anatolia and the consequent oppression against women. Erguvan does nothold back from tackling the harsh realities of her homeland as she tells a compelling story of five sisters and their experiences with arranged marriages, sexual abuse, virginity tests, and more. The critique of “honor” and “purity” in the film sheds light on the traditionally patriarchal structure of Turkish society. While some critics like Atilla Dorsay labeled the film a “masterpiece,” others, such as Ali Ercivan, thought the film was “a work designed for the Western world in the most annoying, calculated way.” The argument of the latter was a common opinion. The perception among some in Turkey is that the film was created with a Western audience in mind, potentially damaging the country's reputation on the global stage. However, this criticism is not unique to Mustang – many other Turkish artists with global recognition, such as Nobel Literature Prize winner Orhan Pamuk and Women's Prize for Fiction nominee Elif Şafak, have faced similar backlash in the past. The negative public response to Turkish artists with worldwide fame almost seems like a recurring trend. So, one might ask, what is the reason behind this peculiar pattern, and why are Turks not embracing their very own artists? To answer this question, we must remember that when politics is the subject of art, art becomes the subject of politics. In the case of Mustang , Erguvan’s socio-political expression in the film challenges the image of a fully modernized Turkey. The film offers a social and political commentary on the state of Turkish women's rights and gender equality. Moreover, it implies that these issues are still significant concerns in certain parts of the country, which can be seen as a critique of the government's policies and societal norms. This gave an opportunity for extreme right-wing parties like the Justice and Development (AK) Party to polarize society by turning the artist into a public enemy. Then-Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç expressed his disappointment with the film, stating that it “didn't accurately represent Turkish society and culture,” while also claiming that the film had “an agenda.” As a result, local authorities in Turkey reportedly faced pressure not to screen the film in their theaters. Even though the government’s response to the film may align with some people’s views, it does not fully reflect the reason behind the public reaction, demonstrating why examination of cultural authenticity is necessary. The most common criticism towards Erguvan, Pamuk, and Şafak’s work is the superficiality of their products. We must note that life in rural Anatolia is completely distinct from metropolitan cities like Istanbul and Izmir. Rural Anatolia is not only socio-economically but also culturally unique with its traditional lifestyle. This puts a huge responsibility on the artist's shoulders as they need to showcase a very nuanced reality. However, when the artist is a stranger to these customs, the artwork loses its essence. The script of Mustang , for instance, lacks an extremely significant aspect: cultural authenticity. The film shows that Erguvan is clearly aware of the underlying issues in Anatolia, but, at the same time, you can also see how she fails to execute the many layers of these problems. The lack of details leaves viewers unsatisfied with a one-dimensional story. On the contrary, Yaşar Kemal, who was nominated for a Nobel Literature Prize, has always been an embraced artist in the Turkish community despite his focus on the social injustices in rural Anatolia. Having been raised in Southern Anatolia himself, Yaşar Kemal knows the Taurus Mountains and Çukurova so well that he is able to build a story around this natural tension in his most well-known novel, Memed, My Hawk . His descriptions are subtle and nuanced, and his storytelling has the perfect balance between fiction and reality, which you cannot find in either Erguvan, Pamuk’s, or Şafak’s work. Overall, Erguvan’s Mustang provides an illustrative example for examining the public reaction to art in Turkey. We can see that an intriguing plotline and strong visuals are, of course, crucial factors for a successful movie, but insufficient on their own. Among many reasons, cultural authenticity is what makes the movie stand out. Hence, we can conclude that for a society to embrace art, the artist should come from within, deeply connected to the culture and traditions they portray in their work.

“Eats with Angela” has always revolved around the joys of food. However, I would be a hypocrite if I did not address the underbelly of this subject. < Back Eats With Angela: The Struggle to Celebrate Food By Angela Saab Saade January 31, 2023 “Eats with Angela” has always revolved around the joys of food. However, I would be a hypocrite if I did not address what is often masked regarding this subject. Kindly note that this article may be triggering for some readers; it unpacks heavy — albeit necessary — topics, namely unhealthy relationships with food and body image, diet culture, social media and mental health. Long ago, I came across an advertisement on social media that championed a weight loss diet for the purpose of “looking beautiful” and “being happy.” It was unsurprising, as similar publicities constantly surround me, whether on social media or billboards, in Lebanon or in Europe. Body shaming and the pressure to look a certain way is certainly in the air, and it is suffocating. My first instinct was to click on the ad and read through its content. Little did I know that I neither had to lose weight to look beautiful nor follow advice from a patriarchal capitalist market that makes millions of dollars at the expense of my ability to walk out of my home feeling comfortable in my own skin. Although this is only my personal experience, this scenario is not novel to the general public, especially not to the young female demographic. While wanting to lose weight or have our bodies look a particular way is not inherently negative, the means by which we choose to do so and the intentions of our doing are worth noting. Recent studies have shown that the eating disorder epidemic has been the second leading cause of deaths in the U.S. after opioid overdoses — one death every fifty-two minutes . Furthermore, according to Johns Hopkins research, 95 percent of people with eating disorders are between the ages of twelve and twenty-five. Unfortunately, the Covid-19 pandemic has exacerbated these figures and data is significantly lacking in most parts of the rest of the world. Furthermore, social media and its toxic editing tools to manipulate one's physical appearance have helped foster unrealistic beauty standards, which much of the world has fallen victim to internalizing. This outcome is facilitated by the dominance of capitalism and widespread technology. Yet, some have attempted to re-instrumentalize social media in order to counter negative trends and re-conceptualize previous norms; for instance, the body positivity movement. Nonetheless, the overwhelming number and variety of advertisements revolving around body image, amongst other standards of beauty, reaffirm the wealth-oriented use of technology and vanquish our optimistic outlook. Though, beauty standards and the normalization of body shaming differ across cultures. Specialists agree that “culture plays a significant role” in developing eating disorders, despite the precise reasons remaining unknown. For instance, in the Middle East and North Africa, little is known of eating disorders and myths are generally the dominant knowledge base; even worse, the region lacks resources for treatment. It has been stated that in the Arab World, the " thin ideal and the prevalence of obesity " have encouraged more eating disorder symptoms among the general public. Notwithstanding, the region has made recognizable progress in the provision of resources to help understand and deal with eating disorders. For instance, the Middle East Eating Disorder Association was established in 2009 to debunk societal myths and provide support for those struggling. Recoverly Ever After is another organization that is based in Beirut, Lebanon and provides clinical-based therapy and a free questionnaire to help identify whether or not you may have an eating disorder. In addition, a number of reports and articles have been published pertaining to the topic. More broadly, on social media, Instagram accounts such as those of Dana Mercer Ricci and Nuras Recovery discuss their own journeys towards defeating their eating disorders, while Djemila Roukos and Colleen Intuitive Eating Dietitian provide psychological and science-based knowledge to educate their audiences. Moreover, it is inevitable that when we go back home for the holidays, family members, friends and even strangers may comment on the way we look, especially when our physical appearance has changed. Our opportunity to catch a break may be transformed into a period of overwhelming stress, fear and anxiety. Such feedback is often offered by loved ones who do not intend to harm us. Nonetheless, the comment itself may trigger unfavorable emotions, thoughts and behaviors. In such moments, it is important to take a step back and pull yourself out of the situation in order to recall that those who judge you often feel insecure themselves and have been victims of judgment and invalidation in some way or another. Therefore, as we share the glee of eating, cooking and celebrating love through food, it is essential to remember that some may be struggling to celebrate with us. It is with this token that I hope we may be kind to one another and avoid unnecessary comments and judgments that hurt more than heal. And, if you are indeed struggling to celebrate, I hope you find the courage to reach out to someone, whether a friend, a colleague, someone you trust or a specialist, because you deserve to be nourished, to savor the art of food.

< Back Organized Crime, Migration, Prostitution: A Hidden Link or an Obvious Collaboration? By Greta Murgia November 30, 2021 When it comes to organized crime – or mafia – and migration, it is commonly known that there is a hidden yet indissoluble connection between the two. What is the extent of the link between migration and organized crime? How can the phenomenon be explained? What are the different fields affected by this phenomenon? From migration to prostitution Migration is one of the most profitable sources of gain for the mafia, since it represents a persistent and flourishing business which involves different agents and actors. Since immigration towards Europe and, more specifically, Italy is constant, the mafia is extremely present, as it is easy for parties practicing organized crime to build connections with Northern Africa’s communities, and play a major role in human trafficking. The Juju’s Ceremony – Nigeria and sex trafficking One of the most lucrative aspects of mafia’s business around immigration is prostitution. The main country from which the girls originate is Nigeria: here, major importance is given to the Juju’s ceremony, still quite unknown in Europe, but relevant when it comes to the flow of immigration related to prostitution. Between ages 12 and 17, girls living in the Edo State and the Delta State in Nigeria, and belonging to the Juju religion, go through a ceremony led by the town’s priests. The priests collaborate with the smugglers operating in the region, as well as with “ madams ” (women, who have been prostitutes themselves), and conduct the ritual to get the girls’ loyalty and full support. This all relies on the power of superstition and religion. The fear that the dead will chase and kill them – or make them crazy – if they ever try to escape from their protectors or refuse to pay a debt makes these girls prisoners of the smugglers and the madams . This is the process that pushes them, consciously or not, towards the world of European prostitution. Once under the protection of human traffickers, who promise the girls a better future and a good job in what is presented as the “promised land,” there is little chance for the girls to improve their situation or reconquer their lost freedom. Without accessing money nor savings through prostitution, the girls are in the hands of the traffickers, who take them through the exhausting and frequently deadly travel to an unknown land. During this journey, the girls have no way of going back to their hometown nor asking for help. Only once they arrive – if they arrive – to Italy or to the other European countries, they find out they have been lied to: the promised land with the numerous possibilities of success turns out not to be as promised, and the hard reality is that they find themselves alone, in an unknown and often unwelcoming country. Moreover, they have no documents nor knowledge of the language, but they have a debt to the traffickers of about 30,000 euros. They are therefore forced to work for the smugglers who paid for the trip, as well as the food and shelter they are provided with. They are aware that because of their illegal condition they can’t rely on external help and the Juju ceremony makes it unthinkable for them to denounce their protectors. Most of them end up living in buildings usually owned by criminal associations for years, without any real possibility of change. The role of SPHR and Caritas in Ventimiglia When SPRH (Sciences Po Refugee Help) goes to Ventimiglia to provide food and support, girls and women are almost never alone: they are accompanied by men who define themselves as cousins, boyfriends or husbands, and the volunteers rarely have the chance of talking to them alone. This is because the protectors know that, being alone, the girls might ask for help, and succeed in getting out of their situation. Caritas is an organization that takes care of women who are embedded in prostitution. In Ventimiglia, it offers women and their children shelter and food, and provides them with the help they need to get out of their critical situation. No men are allowed in the buildings offered to women by Caritas, and victims slowly gain confidence and find the courage and the mental strength needed to reach the practical independence to get out of their condition. The main criminal organization dealing in the immigrants’ business in Ventimiglia is called ‘Ndrangheta, as Rocco Ciarone states in the essay “Mafie del Nord.” Non-profit organizations and Law Another interesting fact is that those who are attempting to make a difference while working on the ground and truly engaging in the cause are volunteer-based non-profit organizations, and not the authorities, the State, nor the police. In fact, the system in France allows immigrant women to ask for citizenship only if they can provide proof of not having been part of the prostitution network – which is, even if true, extremely hard to provide. For this reason, some associations help women in the process by providing them with testimonies attesting that they have never seen them in a prostitutions’ environment. Such organizations are very few and hard to find, and this kind of solution cannot apply to every case and woman: this shows how flawed and desperate for change the system is when it comes to migration policies. A sense of fear and gratitude Another factor that makes it difficult for women to get out of the prostitution network is a sense of gratitude towards their guardians, even if unjustified and unneeded. The awareness that protectors represent the only option of safety, and the fact that the authority will not help them and could instead work against their situation, pushes the women to contribute to the vicious circle of submission and resignation. Organized crime and mafia – denounce or support? And what is the role played by criminal organizations, and especially by the mafia, in the field? It is hard to determine, as there are multiple ways for organized crime to profit from immigration – this ranges from prostitution, to the dealing of drugs, to forced labor – and immigrants have no reason nor incentive to denounce such organizations. If they do, they will lose the protection they are being provided with by their smugglers: on the other side, the State will not provide them with help nor support. On the contrary, it will most probably condemn and expel them from the country. In fact, these women are not only illegal immigrants, but they have also collaborated with the mafia in illegal businesses. How do we detect the presence of organized crime? Another factor that makes it difficult to detect the presence of mafia on the territory is its fluidity: especially on the border, migrants move suddenly, and people who are in one place one day, might be hundreds of kilometers away shortly afterwards, complicating the process of detecting how and where organized crime behaves. The problem does not rely on the immigrants themselves, as it is not their wish to become drug dealers or prostitutes, but it lies in the European Union and in states’ inefficient and unsuccessful handling of the immigrants’ crisis. If nations unite themselves in order to find a common and efficient solution, a lot of progress could be made, and such extreme situations would be rarer. Through cooperation, a solution could be possible.

< Back Cocteau’s Azur: Exploring Queerness in Menton Ema Nevřelová At first glance, Menton appears to be a quaint and peaceful town on the French Riviera—a place of leisure, history, and, of course, lemons. But is Menton truly as fruity as it seems? To uncover the realities of queer life in this picturesque coastal town, I conducted a brief survey among fellow Sciences Pistes. Their an swers reflected diverse and sometimes conflicting experiences. My first question centered on safety—something that is a recurring concern in Menton. Anyone who reads the Sciences Po group chat knows that it sometimes turns into a site of distressing stories recounting harassment and scary encounters with strangers. Still, the queer students who responded saw safety through different lenses. One noted, “Yes, it’s pretty quiet,” while another pointed out, “There’s a bunch of rightist guys who tend to be very homophobic. But you see allies hanging out with them, which makes me question people’s moral and ethical integrity.” This may sound familiar to anyone who has spent time in certain social circles at Sciences Po. While most students are openly supportive of the LGBTQ+ community—or part of it themselves—there are still spaces where discriminatory comments are not called out. And it’s not just about the students. Nearly a third of Menton’s population is over the age of 65, and some of those residents are not fond of Sciences Po students, in general and queer people in particular, causing a sense of alienation for some queer students beyond the campus. Despite this, most survey respondents agreed that Menton and Sciences Po provide spaces where they feel free to express themselves. Still, Menton offers little in terms of queer visibility or cultural representation. Perhaps the only formal nod to LGBTQ+ identity in the town is the Jean Cocteau Museum. Cocteau—a French poet, filmmaker, and artist—left behind a legacy shaped by Orientalism, surrealism and queerness, evident in his love letters to actor Jean Marais. In a letter from 1939, Cocteau wrote : “ My Jeannot, adore me as I adore you and console me. Press me to your heart. Help me to be a saint, to be worthy of you and of myself. I live only through you. ” But even this representation is complicated. Cocteau’s relationship with Marais, marked by a 24-year age gap, seems disproportionate in terms of power and manipulative, to say the least. Not to mention that the museum does not particularly embrace Cocteau’s sexuality. For example, on the website of the Museum Jean Marais, Cocteau’s lover, is mentioned several times in Cocteau’s biography, but the romantic relationship between the two is essentially omitted. On the contrary, it displays drawings of fetishized females turned into “mythical” creatures, making the entrance fee feel like a contribution to modern orientalism rather than to queer representation. With enough determination, one might stumble upon two paintings by British artist Francis Bacon in the Gallery of Palais de l’Europe. Like Cocteau, Bacon lived a frivolous and hazardous life, but what they both have in common is their romantic interest in younger men. My second survey question focused on dating and relationships. Responses varied: one student mentioned being in a relationship with another Sciences Po student, while another wasn’t seeking a connection. Interestingly, one respondent described the gay community on campus as “mean,” also noting that some students engaged in “outing” others—speaking publicly about someone’s sexuality without their consent. Conversations about who is or is not queer are not uncommon on campus, even though sexuality is a deeply personal matter. The environment at Sciences Po can foster an unhealthy curiosity, reinforcing a link between gendered stereotypes and sexual identity. It’s one thing to be curious or to hope for connection; it’s another to pressure people to “confess” or treat queerness as a fuel for gossip. The reality for queer Sciences Pistes becomes even more intricate as some students’ cultural background and family pressure create significant internal conflict. Some come from countries where homosexuality is criminalized or where queer people lack certain rights. Others are dealing with trauma from homophobic upbringings. Even in a relatively open environment like Sciences Po, those emotional scars can prevent students from exploring or embracing their identities. Queerness in Menton is undeniably present, even if it sometimes feels silent or silenced. While some are desperate to find even the smallest traces of representation in this fruity town, the right approach isn’t to squeeze people’s sexuality out of them. Instead, we should work toward building spaces that feel safe not only for queer individuals, but for all marginalized communities—and remain committed to calling out homophobia when we see it. Real inclusion isn’t just about visibility; it’s about cultivating empathy, respect and genuine solidarity. Ultimately, Menton’s beauty isn’t just in its scenery—it’s in the values we choose to embody and the community we create. Photo source: Ted Eytan on Flickr Previous Next

Des salles de bals étincelantes de Bridgerton à l'aesthetic Regency Core sur les réseaux sociaux, la génération Z semble obnubilée par une période qu’elle n’a jamais vécu. Comment peut-on expliquer cette fascination pour un monde vieux de deux siècles ? < Back Nostalgie historique et la génération Z: liaisons dangereuses ? Elsa Uzan November 13, 2025 Des salles de bals étincelantes de Bridgerton à l'aesthetic Regency Core sur les réseaux sociaux, la génération Z semble obnubilée par une période qu’elle n’a jamais vécu. Comment peut-on expliquer cette fascination pour un monde vieux de deux siècles ? Cet attrait pour le passé est bien plus qu’un engouement esthétique car il s’inscrit dans un phénomène plus profond, celui de la nostalgie historique. Ce concept désigne une nostalgie éprouvée de la personne interrogée vis-à-vis d’une période qu’elle n’a pas vécue voire d’une période antérieure à sa naissance. Selon Chris Marchegiani et Ian Phau, cette forme de nostalgie ne repose pas sur une expérience individuelle et directe du passé, mais plutôt sur une représentation collective de celui-ci, puisque les personnes ne l'ont pas vécue et se créent leur propre vision — parfois idéalisée — du passé. En effet, la connaissance de ces périodes provient de récits, d’images ou de discours socialement transmis, ce qui explique le caractère collectif de cette mémoire. Ainsi, le phénomène relève davantage d’une mémoire partagée, transmise voire même construite par la société moderne. Mais cette transmission du passé n’est pas passive: elle s’accompagne du phénomène plus contemporain de la « nostalgie simulée » qui en est une forme plus médiatisée. Théorisé également par les deux auteurs, il désigne la construction et la mise en scène d’un événement auquel on attribue – notamment à travers la publicité – une signification symbolique en y associant des objets censés l’incarner, alors même que la personne ne l’a pas vécu. Cette nostalgie historique 2.0 trouve un terrain d’expression privilégié dans le monde numérique. C’est ce que soulignent Huanshu Jiang Jie Yao Peiyao Cheng et Shumeng Hu, chercheurs à l’Institut de technologie de Harbin à Shenzhen, en démontrant que la génération Z se distingue par son inclination à se plonger dans des mondes virtuels qui s’explique par le fait qu’elle a grandi avec Internet et les écrans. Dans ce contexte, les interactions contemporaines entre une vision du passé et le rapport au numérique favorisent à la fois une circulation et une réappropriation des références nostalgiques. On peut ainsi observer l’expression d’une instrumentalisation du phénomène de la nostalgie historique par les entreprises comme un outil de stratégie marketing. En effet, l’étude des chercheurs à l’Institut de technologie de Harbin à Shenzhen a montré que les Générations Y, Z et alpha (nées entre 1981 et 2024) ont tendance à considérer les marques et toute forme de designs mobilisant de la nostalgie comme authentiques, crédibles et expressifs, créant une distance par rapport aux produits modernes qui sont considérés comme factices. Cependant, penser la nostalgie historique comme une stratégie marketing serait réducteur. En effet, la génération Z ne se borne pas à copier les styles anciens ou à romantiser le passé, mais elle va construire une réflexion renouvelée sur des objets d’une époque particulière, sur des événements et des symboles du passé pour développer ses outils propres d’expression personnelle entre autres par le biais des réseaux sociaux. Cela traduit de manière plus significative comment la génération Z renouvelle les interactions avec le passé dans l’optique de répondre à leurs besoins psychologiques de stabilité et d’épanouissement personnel selon les observations de Clay Routledge and Nicola Avis. Il s’agit aussi de relever les défis contemporains en s’inspirant du passé. La valeur des expériences plus lentes et manuelles du passé s’en trouvent d’autant plus valorisées que selon une étude du Human Flourishing Lab , 60% de la génération Z aux Etats-Unis aimerait revenir à une période où tout le monde n’est pas connecté, dans un monde avant l’invention des réseaux sociaux et d’Internet. Réduire ce rapport au passé à une stratégie commerciale reviendrait à nier sa dimension réflexive. La romanticisation reste en effet une caractéristique essentielle de la nostalgie historique. La création de nombreuses séries en témoigne, que ce soit sur la régence anglaise avec la série Bridgerton , ou sur la fin du XIXème siècle et le début du XXème siècle avec The Gilded Age ou Downton Abbey . Ces séries et particulièrement Bridgerton sont selon Sharmini Kumar l’illustration d’un pur fantasme d’évasion, visible notamment par les nombreux bals plus exubérants les uns que les autres. Les robes en style régence changeant à chaque évènement traduisent une vision d’âge d’or de la société anglaise. De plus, à chaque apparition de la reine Charlotte, le spectateur découvre une perruque différente, parmi lesquelles une volière ou encore une avec un étang et un cygne en mouvement. Ces facettes de la série montrent une image de prospérité et de luxe de la Régence. Toutefois, Bridgerton néglige la réalité criante de l’industrialisation et surtout par une pauvreté importante de la population urbaine qui n’est ni montrée, ni mentionnée dans la série. Par la romanticisation, le passé devient un univers séduisant et accessible où le spectateur projette ses désirs personnels d’appartenance et d'évasion. L’idée d’évasion associée à Bridgerton est renforcée par la manière dont l’inclusivité culturelle remodèle les représentations historiques et, par extension, la nostalgie historique. La série présente en effet plusieurs inexactitudes historiques, particulièrement du point de vue de la représentation de la culture indienne. La langue utilisée dans le programme est erronée et conduit à des ambiguïtés. Les termes « Didi », « Bon » et « Appa » traduisent une vision superficielle de la culture indienne car ils appartiennent à des langues et des régions différentes. Cette simplification de la diversité culturelle indienne et la confusion entre des expressions linguistiques et régionales peut être nocive. En effet, cette représentation imprègne la génération Z d’une image erronée car trop largement simplifiée, malgré le caractère divertissant du programme. Cette vision euro-centrée représente ainsi un danger dans le sens où elle peut pérenniser de telles représentations dans la société à l’échelle mondiale, vu le succès retentissant de la série. Bridgerton met en avant la diversité comme argument marketing, à travers une représentation faussement authentique. Plus récemment, de nouveaux phénomènes sont identifiés par les chercheurs, au-delà de la nostalgie « simulée ». Parmi eux, la notion de « méta-nostalgie », théorisée par Clay Routledge et Nicola Avis, désigne un intérêt des jeunes pour les expériences nostalgiques des générations antérieures qu’ils réinterprètent. C’est ainsi que naît un dialogue intergénérationnel qui s'appuie sur des repères culturels communs à ces générations. Ainsi, la nostalgie historique révèle bien plus qu’un goût esthétique de la génération Z: elle s’inscrit dans une recherche de sens et de stabilité dans un monde fragmenté. L’avenir du phénomène demeure toutefois incertain puisque la quantité considérable d’informations disponibles interroge : aurons-nous toujours le temps de penser le passé – surtout celui que l’on n’a pas vécu ? C’est peut-être là tout le paradoxe de la nostalgie historique: dans un monde saturé d’informations, elle devient l’incarnation d’une forme moderne de rébellion, de refus de la surinformation.

“There’s nothing like the Arab world’s hatred of the truth.” < Back Arab Netflix: To Stream or not to Stream? By Lara-Nour Walton April 29, 2022 My cousin Zeina delighted in the sprawling array of Egyptian films before her. In years past we had shared halwa over Charlie and the Chocolate Factory, camped out in front of Black Mirror for hours, and swooned over Baz Luhrmann’s expert castings of Dicaprio. She introduced me to “Gone Girl,” “Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind,” “Inglorious Bastards.” Zeina has always loved her cinema, always reveled in good television. But, I’d never known her to be a connoisseur of Arabic programs until I visited her over this past winter break. She enthusiastically scrolled through Netflix’s seemingly never-ending queue of movies and shows from the Arab world, explaining the summary of each. I asked her why she’d never exposed me to this passion of hers, and she shrugged her shoulders: “I suppose I’ve never known how to show you.” On December 9th, Netflix launched an Arab cinema catalog comprising 58 films by 47 different filmmakers. The American streaming service titled this release “Celebrating Arab Cinema” and aimed to “explore the breadth and beauty” of the region and culture with the collection. Now, a large variety of Arab movies are accessible to anyone with a Netflix subscription, permitting Zeina to finally show me her Arabic favorites. While the “Celebrating Arab Cinema” launch was largely welcomed by the South West Asian and North African (SWANA) and international community alike, Netflix’s other Arabic initiatives have experienced cooler receptions. On January 20, the release of the first Arabic Netflix original, “Ashab Wala A’azz,” sparked mass controversy in the Arab world. A remake of the hit Italian box office hit “Perfect Strangers,” “Ashab Wala A’azz” implicates SWANA audiences in discussions about queer identity, infidelity, and premarital sex. However, many Netflix users from the region worry that the movie’s themes do not mesh with Arab society, some asserting that Western films cannot be made into SWANA adaptations due to insurmountable cultural differences. Lebanese English track 1A Angela Saab Saade repudiates this sentiment. “I don’t think it’s a matter of whether or not the Arab world is ready for this type of movie. I think it is imperative that we acknowledge that these things exist in Arab society. It is not a crime to address reality,” she said. However, Saab Saade’s perspective is purely normative. Broaching contentious subject matter in the Middle East should not be a crime, but it is certainly still condemned. According to Lebanese journalist Rabih Farran, “There’s nothing like the Arab world’s hatred of the truth.” This antipathy for candor, this cultural reluctance to recognize what happens behind closed doors, has been made all the more visible by the audience response to “Ashab Wala A’azz.” However, the public’s reaction raises questions that transcend Netflix’s scope. It reveals the heated duel between social sensitivities and artistic freedom in the Arab world — a battle that seems to have no end in sight.

< Back Taiwanese Elections: Where Are We Heading? By Lydia Ntourountou February 29, 2024 2024 is considered the election year, as at least 64 countries are meant to hold national elections over the upcoming ten months. The results of these elections will not only determine their political and economic state, but in some cases they will also fundamentally shape their approach to international relations. As the diplomatic ties between the United States and China are already causing multiple concerns on an international scale, the upcoming American presidential election could unleash disastrous repercussions. Amidst this tense climate, Taiwan (officially the Republic of China) held its presidential elections on Jan. 13 2024, and the results are worthy of analysis. A Very Brief History of Cross-Strait Relations, with the U.S. in the Middle The relations between China and Taiwan are complicated, and result from a long history marked by the first Sino-Japanese war in which Taiwan was ceded to Japan. However, Beijing’s position–claiming that Taiwan is a part of China–has remained firm since then, as Xi Jin-Ping reminded us in his New Year’s speech: “China and Taiwan will surely be reunified.” The Shanghai Communiqué (1972), issued by the US and China on the last evenings of President Richard Nixon’s diplomatic visit could be considered to have bolstered China’s permanent position. In this document, the U.S. formally acknowledged the fact that “all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China,” contrary to the modern gestures of support that the U.S. is often seen offering Taiwan. The complicated relations between Taiwan and the U.S., which in return define Cross-Strait relations, are evident in the Taiwan Relations Act (1979) which states the fact that the US does not have diplomatic relationships with the island, all while confirming military support in case of a potential Chinese invasion. Tensions between the three countries mounted in 1995, after Taiwan’s President at the time, Lee Teng-hui, visited the U.S., and China objected strongly to the U.S. decision to grant him a visa. Following this event, multiple ballistic missiles were fired in close proximity to the island, an ongoing tactic of the Chinese military. Instead of only applying political pressure, China has also tried to indirectly create vulnerability as well as dependency in the Taiwanese economy. According to Al Jazeera, in 2021 China banned the importation of pineapples produced in southern Taiwan due to pest issues. However, prior, Taiwanese pineapple farmers exported the majority of their fruits to China (an industry worth around 284$m a year), and this abrupt restriction resulted in an incredible financial loss for the farmers and the larger economy. Though a very simple example, this showcases the potential fallouts that could erupt in case China decides to limit its commercial relations with Taiwan, especially since the cross-strait trade was valued at 205$ billion in 2022, according to data collected from the Taiwanese Ministry of Finance. The Long Awaited Elections Taiwan follows the regime of a representative democratic republic, with a multi-party system, currently dominated by two major parties: the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in favor of Taiwan’s sovereignty, and the Kuomintang (KMT) which advocated for closer relations with mainland China. This constitutes another factor of conflict, considering the political situation in China is often criticized as authoritarian due to the lack of democratic procedures. Tsai Ing-wen, former President of Taiwan, shaped a political landscape characterized by the strong refusal to recognise the “1992 consensus,” and made clear that Taiwan would not recede to Chinese threats. On the Jan. 13, after her presidential term expired, elections were held and the three main candidates were as following: Lai Ching-te, previously a legislator from DPP, Hou Yu-ih from KMT who advocates discussions with Chinese Communist Party to avoid the rise of tensions, and lastly Ko Wen-je from Taiwan’s People’s Party and who, according to the Economist, has been more preoccupied with domestic issues than Cross-Strait relations. However, the Cross-Strait tensions did not prevent the voters from electing a democratic and “separatist” President Lai Ching-te, with a plurality of 40.05 percent. By choosing Lai Ching-te as their representative, the people of Taiwan confirm their support for the political “legacy” built by Tsai Ing-Wen, and which Lai Ching-te can not only preserve, but evolve according to his own political vision. The new President himself announced multiple times during his campaign that “there is no need to declare independence, because Taiwan is already an independent sovereign state.” The results of the Taiwanese elections are only one of the many factors that could aggravate the political situation in the South China Sea, and that implicate the involvement of external forces, such as the U.S. or Europe. Thus the following months will be revelatory, in a political landscape that is becoming increasingly tense, with no hopes of dialogue nor compromise.

< Back Yves Juhel Elected Mayor of Menton By Saoirse Aherne & Cameron Sterling March 31, 2022 Introduction On February 6, 2022, Yves Juhel was re-elected mayor of Menton after a four month period of political turmoil. The office had previously been held by Jean-Claude Guibal, who had governed for 32 years, or six terms, with tenure spanning from 1989 to 2021. In late October, the office was vacated by Guibal, who died of a heart attack at age 80. Juhel, then the second-deputy mayor, was elected to succeed Guibal by the 35-seat municipal council on November 9, 2021. His candidature defeated Sandra Paire, then first-deputy mayor, by one vote. Juhel’s victory is considered controversial; one of his votes came from the Rassemblement National, a party labeled as extreme by many. Further, Paire, as the second-deputy, considered herself to be the natural successor to Guibal. Following her defeat, she led a string of resignations from the municipal council, leaving it nearly one-third vacant. This was a calculated move, forcing the municipality to hold another election in the next three months under article L2122-8 of the General Code of Local Authorities. According to Fanny, a 36-year-old shopkeeper, there was chaos after the election. The town was divided over who to support, with many conflicting views expressed on social media. Round One: A Strong Showing of Conservative Loyalty After rushing to build lists by the January 13 deadline, Menton saw five competing factions: Collectif Citoyen Menton Autrement, Réconcilions Menton, Menton Avec Vous, Unis pour Menton, and Menton pour Tous. Historically, Menton has been a strong base for conservative French politics, notably the party Les Republicains (LR). During this cycle, two lists — Collectif Citoyen Menton Autrement and Réconcilions Menton — ran outside of that label. Collectif Citoyen Menton Autrement, led by Marjorie Jouen, is a nonpartisan list seeking greater transparency in local governance. Réconcilions Menton, representing le Groupe Régional d’Europe Écologie, was headed by Stéphanie Loisy. Neither list made it past the first round of elections on January 31. The second round of elections saw competition between the three conservative lists: Yves Juhel’s Menton pour Tous, Anthony Malvault’s Menton Avec Vous, and Sandra Paire’s Unis pour Menton. In the end, Juhel’s list won with 43.11% (4,722) of the votes cast. He was closely followed by Paire, who won 40.24% (4,408). Malvault received the remaining 16.65% (1,824). Though the right wing saw a strong showing, it is important to note that turnout was relatively low, hanging at 50% of the voting population. Important Issues in the Election The 2022 municipal elections in Menton centered around three issues: youth life, urban planning, and security. Many citizens have expressed concerns about the economic difficulties that young people face in Menton. As mentioned by Frederic, a 41-year-old fisherman, the youth encounter a lack of affordable housing opportunities, need more aid in finding jobs, and more activities. On this issue, Mayor Juhel has several plans. In an interview with the Menton Times, he said that he is committed to “preserving Menton” while creating more housing. He is also planning on making Menton a more active town by developing nautical sports, opening a nightclub, authorizing places to stay open later at night, and further developing Bastion. He also plans on creating a committee to focus on youth life in Menton and a job service to centralize employment opportunities for young people. With this, Juhel also hopes to revive tourism in Menton and attract younger populations. On the issue of urban planning, many have expressed issues with traffic in town. Arlette, a retired 75-year-old, complained about traffic and parking, specifically the danger of speeding motorcycles. Juhel also has plans for this, hoping to expand the use of electric bicycles and charging stations. There is also the issue of security. Many, such as Arlette, complained that the police do very little and that there is a general security issue in France. Juhel agreed, naming the issue first when asked about problems in Menton. However, his platform on this issue is very vague with few concrete plans. Guib-oligarchy: The Role of the Guibal Clan in City Hall Jean-Claude Guibal, the late mayor, had a 30-year career in office characterized by corruption and scandal. Throughout his tenure, Guibal systematically spread his clan throughout important regional positions, with, according to Issey Bavarian, (Co-President) of Comprende la Mafia,“a family member in nearly every pertinent political body.” Guibal himself took part in this practice, heading the “communauté d'agglomération de la Riviera française” for 20 years. In addition, his wife, Colette Giudicelli, was Senator LP of the Alpes-Maritimes from 2008 until her death in 2020. She was also appointed deputy mayor by her husband in 1989, staying in the role for twenty years. Guibal’s daughter in law, Celine Giudicelli, remains the director general of the SPL ports of Menton. Guibal’s time as mayor saw the eruption of numerous scandals. A 2016 complaint filed by the anti-corruption association, Anticor, accused Guibal of using public funds to purchase 20,810 euros worth of cigars between 2006 and 2009. This case was dropped such that it was “insufficiently characterized” according to the Nice prosecutor. Anticor has filed other complaints pertaining to issues such as the award of fraudulent contracts and favoritism. However, the validity of these claims is questionable. Though Anticor claims to be a “bipartisan” group, it is represented by the leader of the opposition Parti Socialiste (PS) in the Menton City council. Furthermore, in July of 2021, the townhall, the headquarters of the local public office company, the ports of Menton, and the home of Celine Giudicelli were searched by local authorities. These searches were part of a larger investigation led by the Nice public prosecutor’s office over allegations of “influence-peddling, corruption, illegal taking of interests, and misappropriation of public funds,” with regards to the ports in Menton. The Guibal clan is not the only actor that has been accused of corruption. In November of 2021, Olivier Bettati, former mayoral opposition candidate, was arrested along with 35 others in connection to a network of organized crime operating throughout the Cote d’Azur. The operation aimed to bring down Aurelio Garcia, dubbed the “Godfather” of the Cote d’Azur by Nice Matin, for his connection with criminal association, racketeering, extortion, running gambling circles, and influence peddling. Also, as reported by Nice Matin, police accumulated hundreds of hours of evidence via microphones which were planted in bars and apartments across the region. These tapes revealed a number of racketeering projects, involving construction companies, along with intentions to “take over Menton: on its port, its private beaches, and its public market.” Olivier Bettati found himself implicated in this investigation due to a member of his “Menton Demain” list: Carole Bacoue. Bacoue is the girlfriend of Jean-Laurent Comparetto, the lieutenant of Aurelio Garcia. In spite of this, he was released from prison after five nights and sources close to the investigation claim that the Menton aspect of the case is largely unfounded. Same Story, New Actors? Though many hoped that a new mayor in November of 2021 would mark a new era of Mentonese politics free from corruption and scandal, this has not proven to be the case. After Juhel’s initial election in November, Menton saw an onslaught of corruption allegations. Juhel claimed to have witnessed two trucks removing 600 kg of documents from town hall to be burned. He also called for an audit on the town hall computer, which allegedly resulted in the discovery of an illegal email monitoring system. Both of these accusations are now under investigation by the Nice Prosecutor. However, after Juhel’s allegation of document theft, Sandra Paire noted, “Nothing has disappeared since all the files are computerized.” Paire has filed a complaint “for defamatory remarks in response to Juhel’s accusations.” In December of 2021, the investigation into missing documents from the Mairie progressed as three relatives of Guibal were taken into custody. Going into the January election, tensions mounted. On January 27, an anonymous citizen attempted to have Anthony Malvault’s late registration canceled, accusing him of lying about his motivation for moving to Menton. Malvault registered his list after the deadline of December 24, in accordance with Article L30 of the Electoral Code which asserts that those domiciled in another municipality for professional reasons may register after the deadline. However, Malvault moved to Menton on December 31 and established his scooter company on January 5. He presented this evidence at a public hearing and was acquitted of all charges on January 28. Following the first round of the election, Stephanie Loisy, the candidate for Europe Écologie les Verts, criticized irregularities, claiming to have noticed that “two ballot boxes were not sealed before the end of the vote and that an assessor was refused access to the polling station at 8:02 a.m.” There were also two fires on January 30, election day. The parents of Sandra Paire reported a fire in the courtyard outside their ground floor apartment. Paire’s mother, Georgette, speculated that the fire was intentional, however, authorities maintain it was an accident. Hours later, the Roquebrune-Cap-Martin home of Anthony Malvault’s parents also caught fire. Though Malvault’s parents, residing on the lower floor, were unaffected, one of Malvault’s business studios was lost. The candidate stated “I really hope this is all accidental. But no lead is ruled out. It came an hour after the election results fell… And with the legal case for which I was summoned, this address — where one of my companies is domiciled — has circulated a lot.” What is next for Menton? This month’s municipal elections mark the first time that Menton has had a new mayor in over 30 years. Running on a platform of youth engagement and civic revival, Juhel’s tenure in office may bring desperately needed changes to the town. However, most of city hall’s staff are holdovers from the Guibal administration, calling into question the town’s ability to escape its patterns of corruption and scandal.

While restaurant food and your roommates' ready-to-eat options all seem like acceptable means to satiate your hunger, an array of more efficient, cheap and satisfying options will save you from unnecessary tensions with your roommates and a possibly drained credit card. I hope to help you prepare balanced meals that will fuel you for your long study sessions while simultaneously not exhausting the limited amount of time on your hands. < Back Eats with Angela: Speedy October By Angela Saab Saade October 31, 2022 October is a transitional month for most of us; the weather is as unstable as Katy Perry's ex, the tourists of Menton are departing, freeing up our lonely town's streets, and mid-semester stress factors, such as midterm exams, vacations plans, third-year abroad decisions and parcours civique preparations are constantly lurking in the back of our minds. Overwhelmed with these important matters, we may find ourselves betraying our kitchens by avoiding the hectic task of food preparation. While restaurant food and your roommates' ready-to-eat options all seem like acceptable means to satiate your hunger, an array of more efficient, cheap and satisfying options will save you from unnecessary tensions with your roommates and a possibly drained credit card. Research shows a strong relationship between stress and nutrition. Mindful balanced eating “provides the extra energy needed to cope with stressful events.” Other findings posit that short-term stress actually reduces appetite. The disparity in the literature indicates that there is no single truth that generalizes the effect of stress on individuals. What is certain however, is that comfort food — as its name implies — is meant to yield comfort in anxious times, for example, eating a pack of chocolate for breakfast (guilty as charged). Nonetheless, I hope to help you prepare balanced meals that will fuel you for your long study sessions while simultaneously not exhausting the limited amount of time on your hands. The Veggie Roast The veggie roast includes three simple tasks: Place the vegetables of your choice onto a baking sheet (cut if necessary or preferred). Some usable vegetables include zucchini, tomato, broccoli, brussels sprouts, carrot, pepper, beetroot, potato, sweet potato, onion, butternut squash, corn, and cauliflower. You can use fresh vegetables, frozen or canned; whatever suits you! Place the vegetables into a preheated oven and set the oven temperature and your timer based on your vegetables of choice. Drizzle some olive oil, sprinkle lots of sea salt and enjoy! For a more flavorful and fulfilling serving, I recommend preparing eggs, tofu or your choice of meat to go with your mix, and, for a wiser use of your time, do so while your veggie mix is cooking. My recipe involves fresh tomatoes (not cut or peeled) and fresh cut-in-half zucchinis and carrots, alongside some frozen bell peppers and broccoli. I grease the baking tray, throw in my veggies, and add frozen filet fish on that same tray, since the vegetables and protein source I have chosen conveniently require a similar cooking time. Speedy Bowls Aside from being time-efficient, as its name implies, making this delicious dish only requires two components: a bowl and a microwave. Microwaves have repeatedly come to my rescue for quick breakfasts prior to eight am classes and effortless late-night snacks. However, for those of you without a microwave, do not fret! The oven is just as efficient as an appliance; the main difference is that ovens need to be preheated. Find below three basic items with which you may craft delicious, quick and balanced meals! Oatmeal Vitamin-rich and mineral-dense, oats are a great source of fiber which may be cooked by different means and with various ingredients to fulfill savory or sweet cravings. Plus, they are incredibly cheap! Simply throw some oats in a bowl and pour in water or your choice of milk. If desired, add chopped fruit, honey, peanut butter, seeds, nuts, coconut flakes, candy (I would recommend crushing Oreos, M&M's or sweet biscuits) or whatever else may sound appealing to you. Place the bowl into a microwave and determine the heating time as per the appropriate consistency. I enjoy adding yogurt for a cold twist to my warm oatmeal. Oatmeal serves as a great snack too! Sweet potato Sweet potatoes are rich in vitamins, minerals and fiber. Poke holes in your sweet potato and place it in your microwave for a few minutes, et voilá! You can melt cheese on the potato, add cold or cooked vegetables and chickpeas into the equation.Top with spices and a dressing of your choice for a delightful and filling meal. My sophisticated roommate expertly embellishes her sweet potatoes with marinated tofu, chopped tomatoes and a fried egg. Unfortunately, I am far too lazy for this haute-cuisine and opt to put minimal effort into my sweet potato creations. But, if your ambitions surpass mine, I support you in your gastronomical escapades. Corn Corn is a canned gem — it may be consumed with olive oil and salt, cream and sugar, or cinnamon and lemon juice. It may also enrich your meals with more flavor and color. It is perfect for tasty corn soup too. Some items I bet you do not know exist that are advantageous in autumn Packaged Soup As repulsive as that may sound, packaged soup is cheap, quick and quite flavorful in comparison to what its name may signal. You just pour the soup in a bowl and cook in the microwave or on a stove for a few minutes and enjoy! Purée I do not know how you feel about mashed potatoes, but I adore them. Warm and savory, mashed potatoes will work wonders if you give them the chance. Unfortunately, however, cutting, peeling and mashing the potatoes is not a good use of your time. For that reason, I often head to the store and purchase eight packs of powdered mashed purée (each pack makes one to two servings) for approximately three euros. Whenever I have no time on my hands, I empty a pack into a bowl, add milk or water, microwave the bowl for a few minutes, drizzle some oil and sprinkle some salt. Complemented by boiled eggs, beans or vegetables, this platter tastes heavenly. Last tip While creating quick meals is ideal for stressful days, it is also worth considering cooking one “proper” meal and storing it for the longer term. This could be as simple as making a pot of pasta or rice and storing it for future consumption. In fact, if you are seeking shortcuts, you can find portioned bags of rice or couscous that simply need to be dropped into boiling water for consumption. For example, a meal that takes under ten minutes to prepare is the combination of couscous, lentils, and a side salad. I apologize in advance for my North African counterparts, however I prepare couscous by just placing the couscous in boiling water and covering them for five minutes. Meanwhile, rinse some canned lentils, chop up an apple and parsley. Add all ingredients on the plate and add the dressing of your choice. I added olive oil and salt on the couscous and lentils and opted for balsamic vinegar for the side salad. If speedy and cost-effective recipes are your jam, stay tuned for next month’s edition of Eats with Angela. Traditional Lebanese recipes that require under 10 minutes preparation await you.

At the start of the 1920s, although hard to imagine today, the Riviera was practically deserted during the summer months. Hotels and restaurants catering to the European elite would close shop after spring, as their wealthy patrons would leave for colder climates. The Murphys were the first to convince hotels in Antibes to stay open during the summer months, as a way to host their American friends. Thus beginning the transformation of the Riviera into the summer destination it is today. < Back Americans on the Riviera Kerem Demir Karahan September 28, 2025 The French Riviera may seem far too beautiful to inspire the Valley of Ashes , yet Scott Fitzgerald’s timeless classic “The Great Gatsby” was partially written here. Another one of his books, “Tender is the Night” is set in the French Riviera, around Cannes, telling a story far more dramatic than the feuds between modern movie stars who convene there every year. With the conclusion of American isolationism thanks to the American intervention in the First World War, members of the American gentry began to resettle in the Old World, especially Southern France. Brilliant mansions began to appear across the French Riviera, coupled with wonderful gardens, rivalling the splendor of British villas, such as Eilenroc in Antibes, dotting the shore from Cannes to Menton. The forerunners of American migration to the Riviera were Gerald and Sara Murphy. Their home in Antibes, Villa America , hosted parties and was the centerpiece of a social circle composed of not only Americans such as Ernest Hemingway, and Zelda and Scott Fitzgerald, but also European artists like Jean Cocteau and Pablo Picasso. They embodied what was the “Jazz Age” in the United States, importing the Charleston for the French “Années folles.” At the start of the 1920s, although hard to imagine today, the Riviera was practically deserted during the summer months. Hotels and restaurants catering to the European elite would close shop after spring, as their wealthy patrons would leave for colder climates. The Murphys were the first to convince hotels in Antibes to stay open during the summer months, as a way to host their American friends. Thus beginning the transformation of the Riviera into the summer destination it is today. With that, the “Lost Generation” , the group of authors who became adults during the First World War, found themselves a home on the French Riviera. Ernest Hemingway, the Fitzgeralds and John Dos Passos, among others, all took refuge on the Riviera from their personal woes that they hoped to leave behind in the States. Still, it is hard to say that the Riviera was without its share of the signature decadence of the Jazz Age . Fitzgerald does not shy away from showing the echoes of that decadence on the Riviera by telling the story of the lavish lives of his two main characters, based on the Murphys, in “Tender is the Night . ” On the other hand, Hemingway takes a contrasting approach, exhibiting the Lost Generation as more resilient than decadent in his book “The Sun Also Rises , ” telling stories of his Parisienne days. This convening of great minds in such a small region helped build relationships between flag-bearers of American literature and European art. They vacationed, ate, partied, and drank together for many years, influencing one another. Gerald Murphy’s time with Picasso even led Murphy to pick up painting as a pastime. The lives of the Murphys provided ample material for Fitzgerald and Hemingway when reflecting on their own experiences in France. Fitzgerald’s “Tender is the Night ” acknowledges the Murphys’ inspiration, beginning with the dedication “To Gerald and Sara, to many fêtes.” The American experiment on the Riviera was cut short in 1929, when the Great Depression hit stock markets across the world. At the same time, the secondborn child of the Murphys’ was diagnosed with tuberculosis, which proved to be the end of the Murphys’ time in the Riviera. They would then go to Switzerland and then back to the States. The Villa America, whose poolside sunbeds inspired Picasso, Fitzgerald, Cocteau, Hemingway and many more, would fall into disrepair during those years until its purchase by a Russian oligarch. The Riviera’s influence on American literature and art is hard to exaggerate. Both Hemingway and Fitzgerald, two of the most consequential writers of the 20th century, wrote arguably their most impressive works while at the Riviera. However, Americans were not the only ones savoring the Riviera. France’s vanguard of the avant-garde, Jean Cocteau, called Menton his home. Likewise, Pablo Picasso continued spending his summers on the Riviera long after the Murphys left. However, the allure of the Riviera didn’t end with the departure of Villa America ’s patrons. In 1960, perhaps the most influential author of the civil rights movement in the United States, James Baldwin, followed in the footsteps of the great writers before him and came to the Riviera to escape the social woes at home. Baldwin, like the Lost Generation, was on the lookout for a breath of fresh air. However, whereas the Lost Generation enjoyed the riches of life on the Riviera, Baldwin was there on a mission to continue his advocacy. Disillusioned by the way colored people were treated in the States, Baldwin found a much needed base in the Riviera where he could continue focusing on his commentary on American society. His time in France and the Riviera brought American social problems to the public's attention across Europe, and also helped him see America from an outsiders' lens. The Riviera is now more characterized by its famed and rich residents rather than the famed writers and painters it has inspired. Grace Kelly’s highly publicized marriage to the Prince of Monaco, Rainier the Third, brought the Riviera to the public consciousness across the world, identifying it with luxury. Similarly, Sean Connery, the first and most iconic of all James Bond characters, took up residence in the Riviera, purchasing a Belle Époque villa in Nice. Parties whose luxury would put Jay Gatsby to shame are held every summer in St. Tropez, showcasing how vacationing and residing on the Riviera turned into a status symbol. Still, the streets of Menton and the wider Riviera are filled with tiny ateliers with wonders inside, inspiring those who are willing to take on the challenge to match the beauty of the world around them. With its cosmopolitan SciencesPistes, vibrant BDA, and a breathtaking view of the Old City, perhaps 11 Place Saint Julien today embodies the spirit of Villa America: brave, unapologetic, and dangerously creative. Photo Source: Unknown Author, Wikimedia Commons

Confronted by a tirade of questions expressing concerns about inflation,, rising energy costs and economic recession, Liz Truss chose to deflect by focusing her attention on the Labour opposition’s inability to elect a leader that “is not male or from north London.” Setting aside the observation that statements such as these are symptomatic of the conservative cabinet’s disease, preventing its elected members from answering the questions posed to our government, Liz Truss’ comment does raise questions about equality in a political party which generally claims to stand for progressive ideals < Back Are problems with female leadership unique to Britain’s Left? By Leo Gerza October 31, 2022 Ensuing the crowning of Liz Truss as victor of the summer palaver that was the contentious Conservative Party leadership election, many in Britain and abroad had the opportunity last month to watch the new prime minister jousting in her first Prime Ministers Questions. Confronted by a tirade of questions expressing concerns about inflation,, rising energy costs and economic recession, Liz Truss chose to deflect by focusing her attention onthe Labour opposition’s inability to elect a leader that “is not male or from north London.” Setting aside the observation that statements such as these are symptomatic of the conservative cabinet’s disease, preventing its elected members from answering the questions posed to our government, Liz Truss’ comment does raise questions about equality in a political party which generally claims to stand for progressive ideals. The fact is that all three of Britain's female prime ministers have been leaders of the Conservative Party. On the other hand, Labour has only ever had three female leaders during periods of opposition, all of which were in an “acting” capacity, thus temporary by design. Yet, the Conservative Party looks towards its elected female leaders with great reverence, especially Margaret Thatcher, who has become idolized by the Thatcherites, swooning over the glory days of the “Iron Lady.” How is it that the party of progress lags behind the party of right-wing beliefs and politicians stolen from a museum display when it comes to electing women? This phenomenon is difficult to dissect but seems to be guided by deep-rooted and outdated misogynistic political beliefs. The leading theory suggests that this phenomenon is not solely a problem in the UK. In fact, across G7 countries, “widespread distrust in women at the top” has been a core barrier, according to the Reykjavik Index, which outlines that in almost all western countries, men are perceived as more capable leaders than women. This ultimately suggests that, in a democratic system which still suffers from institutional sexist ideas, men are more likely to be elected into positions of power because there is a greater belief in their competence to perform as a leader. I think Boris Johnson and Donald Trump exemplify this truism. The study also hints towards a rising tide of misogyny in recent years against female leaders. They have always faced more vicious scrutiny, yet the outpour of criticism in reaction to a video of the Finish Prime Minister partying demonstrates that double standards remain a core-rotting pillar in politics. Increasingly concerning is that the same Reykjavik Index, outlining the general bias towards men, also found that 18 to 34-year-olds have a “less progressive attitude to gender and leadership.” Could this signal a warning that we may be diverging from decades of progress on gender equality? I would argue that attitudes perpetuated on social media sites, such as Tik Tok, are both a manifestation of this statistic and a source of its existence. The hyper-macho content and misogynistic comedy featured on the app combine to convince impressionable youth that men are the apex of society and that women are an evolutionary tool for man’s benefit. This is to say that these issues are not exclusive to the Labour party, they are global. In fact, Labour can claim to have had significant impacts on the fight for equality by introducing the Equal Pay Act of 1970 and the Equality Act of 2010. Perhaps more significantly, Labour also introduced all-women shortlists to select half the candidates running in the 1997 United Kingdom general election. The affirmative action taken by Sir Tony Blair saw a record 101 female members of Parliament elected to the House of Commons. However, more needs to be done so that rather than mitigating inequality our political parties can be actively promoting it. As for Liz Truss’ comments, perhaps she can be credited with raising important questions about equality in politics, but it should not distract from the dismal omnishambles her prime ministerial career has been so far.

MEDMUN’s President and Vice-President, Inès Jabri and Maria Azadian, respectively, have been unequivocally toiling away to put together a schedule and a plan so that you, dear Sciences Pistes, can get excited about the newest SPMUN and MEDMUN conferences of 2022 and 2023. < Back New Year and New Plans for the Mediterranean Model United Nations: What Should We Expect? By Georgia McKerracher September 30, 2022 Well, it’s becoming more than clear that the summer break is officially over. Despite the straggling remains of tourist crowds traipsing through the streets of Menton, ice creams in hand, Menton’s Sciences Pistes are starting to smell the beginnings of a new academic year. Readings are already stacking up, various looming assessment deadlines are being discernibly placed in calendars, and the once-toasty temperature feels as though it may be beginning to drop at Sablettes. However, with the onset of this fresh new year, Menton’s student organizations are beginning to get their acts together. The Mediterranean Model United Nations is no exception — not only have interviews been conducted, but the board is coordinating two major events to be hosted in Menton this year. MEDMUN’s President and Vice-President, Inès Jabri and Maria Azadian, respectively, have been unequivocally toiling away to put together a schedule and a plan so that you, dear Sciences Pistes, can get excited about the newest SPMUN and MEDMUN conferences of 2022 and 2023. Now, ‘what is the difference between these two conferences?’ you may well be asking yourself. Fortunately, Jabri and Azadian took the time to let us all in on this information. SPMUN is a conference that “caters to people with interests in all regions of the world,” Azadian states. It offers an opportunity for all Sciences Pistes with passions “from the Americas to East Asia” to come together and get to know one another. A pivotal part of this conference will be drawing inspiration from our fellow students’ passion, learning from one another’s experiences, and considering what it means to be a globally-engaged citizen in an ever-changing socio-political environment. The theme for this year’s SPMUN on the Menton campus is “Reconstruction and Redirection: Imagining a Post-Crisis World.” Intrigued by the decisions behind the choice of such a compelling theme, I quizzed Azadian about some of the thought processes that underpinned the MEDMUN board’s final choice. “We had many discussions about the theme for this year’s conference,” she said, “[and] we noticed that the discussion often centers around the ‘why’ and the ‘how’ of conflicts today.” While deliberation about the current crises — the crippling consequences of climate change and the ongoing public health crises, to name a couple — were all taken into consideration, Jabri and Azadian considered how these everyday topics and questions “miss a part of the bigger picture.” “With the geopolitical, economic, environmental, political, social and judicial thematics,” Jabri says, “participants will get a multifaceted perspective of today’s global issues.” Instead, people need to think more openly of the disturbingly daunting question that humanity should be asking itself now: “how can we rebuild (our) world?” Under the umbrella of such a moving theme, SPMUN will bring together Sciences Pistes from all six of the Menton Campus’ neighbors — a unique opportunity for the Mentonese to get to know some of their otherwise distanced peers (and in some cases, rekindle a few close connections to other students from across campuses originally made in Reims last year). Moreover, for the first time in its history, the SPMUN conference will be trilingual — with committees discussing global issues in English and French and now in Spanish. MEDMUN also focuses on the Middle Eastern and Northern African regions, allowing for dialogue with delegates who either come specifically for the conference’s unique regional focus or who simply enjoy the opportunity to meet a few new faces and enhance their understanding of diverse worldviews and opinions. Jabri eagerly states that MEDMUN expects over 400 students from all over the globe to arrive in Menton, allowing for the “accomplishment of a year of teamwork,” which she reflects will “make our little city shine.” Regardless of some key differences in the content explored by the conferences, both will undoubtedly offer their participants a diverse number of unique and exhilarating opportunities. As Azadian puts it, “each conference, at the end of the day, creates its community of people passionate about debate and diplomacy.” Jabri further elaborates, saying that “having two MUN conferences on the Menton campus is an incredible opportunity” for all students to benefit from “not only… the intellectual aspect of these experiences, debating topical subjects in different committees,” but also to “share their culture, knowledge and advice.” Despite its poeticism, Jabri’s firm belief that “diversity and multiculturalism become the backbone of these events” rings true for all participants. Heads of Crisis, David Ederberg and Riwa Hassan, are also cooking up a storm. Ederberg emphasized his excitement at seeing “students from all campuses… use their different backgrounds and perspectives” to come to meaningful and insightful conclusions in their respective “captivating crisis” committees. Both conferences will offer Sciences Pistes some of the most fantastic opportunities to meet new and exciting people from France and the world. Menton’s upcoming MUNs create incredible opportunities to “learn about international relations,” and “expand network[s] and lifelong friendships,” according to Azadian However, aside from the cerebral rewards of conference participation, “debating with a stunning view of the Mediterranean right outside your window is not such a bad thing either!” Jabri correctly puts it when she states, “Get ready for the first intercampus event of the year, located on the beautiful Riviera, where you will have the opportunity to debate, create memories [and] share your experience!” SPMUN will be held in Menton from the 11th to 13th of November, 2022, and MEDMUN will be held from the 31st of March to 2nd of April, 2023.

The Menton Times is Sciences Po Menton’s student-run newspaper. While we publish weekly issues in the spirit of journalism, our focus is less on breaking news and more on original perspectives, sharp commentary, and unique topics. From deep-dives into MENA politics to niche cultural pieces, film critiques, city reviews, and campus reflections, our content reflects the variety of the writers behind it. We’re simply a group of students who care about words, ideas, and crafting meaningful, personal pieces. Whether you want to write regularly, contribute occasionally, or help shape the editorial vision of the newspaper, there’s a place for you in our team. This year we aim to expand our reach—through a digital mailing list, broader contributor base, and more Menton-centered content than ever. So, if you’ve got something to say—-or have just been waiting for an excuse to write it—the Menton Times is ready to hear it! Founded in 2021, the publication is entirely undergraduate-led. The Menton Times offers a wide scope of quality content and has opportunities for students with interests ranging from reporting, editing, design, photography, website development, and more. The Menton Times est le journal étudiant de Sciences Po Menton. Bien que nous publiions des numéros hebdomadaires dans un esprit journalistique, notre objectif n’est pas tant l’actualité brûlante que les perspectives originales, les commentaires incisifs et les sujets uniques. Des analyses approfondies sur la politique du Moyen-Orient et de l’Afrique du Nord aux articles culturels de niche, critiques de films, chroniques urbaines ou réflexions sur la vie du campus, notre contenu reflète la diversité des voix qui le composent. Nous sommes simplement un groupe d’étudiants passionnés par les mots, les idées, et la création de textes personnels et percutants. Que vous souhaitiez écrire régulièrement, contribuer de temps à autre ou participer à l’élaboration de la ligne éditoriale du journal, vous avez toute votre place dans notre équipe. Cette année, nous souhaitons élargir notre portée — grâce à une newsletter numérique, une base de contributeurs plus large et un contenu encore plus centré sur Menton. Alors, si vous avez quelque chose à dire — ou si vous attendiez justement une excuse pour l’écrire — The Menton Times est prêt à vous lire ! Fondée en 2021, la publication est entièrement dirigée par des étudiants de premier cycle. The Menton Times propose une large gamme de contenus de qualité et offre des opportunités aux étudiants intéressés par le journalisme, la rédaction, la correction, le design, la photographie, le développement web, et bien plus encore. Managing Board 2025/26 Rebecca Canton Editor in Chief & Head of Website Design Rebecca is a second year student, majoring in Politics & Government with a concentration in law. Her interests lie in international law and modern history, and she particularly likes writing cultural pieces. At the Menton Times, Rebecca is the proud Editor in Chief and also head of Website Design. Pracheth Sanka Managing Editor Pracheth is a Politics and Government major on the dual degree with Columbia. He is interested in foreign policy, law and U.S. politics, while enjoying writing about sports and culture as well. He is happy to be this years Managing Editor and looks forward to expanding the scope of the publication. Stanimir Stoyanov English Copy Chief Stanimir is a Politics and Government major and eager to be a Copy Chief at Menton Times this year. Mainly engaged with diplomacy, migration and economics, he is excited to work together with incoming talents passionate about journalism. Melissa Çevikel English Copy Chief Melissa is a second year Political Humanities major. She is interested in sociology and Middle Eastern history, with her pieces mostly focusing on pop- culture and entertainment. Lubin Parisien French Copy Chief Lubin est dans la majeure PolGov. Prêt à débusquer la politique partout où elle se cache, il ne mord pas ses mots contre le fascisme et ses sbires, bien qu’il vive parmi eux en Côte d’Azur. Sinon, il divague dans le monde des idées et fait des commentaires grinçants sur les articles en français du Menton Times avant la parution. Ema Nevřelová Head of Photography Ema is a PolGov major with a sharp eye for activism. When she's not behind the lens or in lectures, you'll find her either deep in the latest from The Guardian or researching Creative Commons photos. Viktorie Voriskova Head of Marketing Viktorie is in her second year of her bachelor’s studies at Sciences Po Menton, majoring in Economics and Society. She has been writing stories and articles since high school, and in her free time, she enjoys reading, preferably with an iced Americano in hand.

As more French social media users engaged in the MeToo trend and shared their stories, controversy followed — with even some women in the French entertainment industry condemning the movement. < Back Harvey Weinstein and French MeToo Movement By Peyton Dashiell January 31, 2023 Following weeks of heavy and emotional testimony from over 40 defendants, American film mogul Harvey Weinstein was convicted of one count of rape and two counts of sexual assault in the case that spearheaded the 2017 MeToo movement. Weinstein’s accusers, including actresses Gwyneth Paltrow, Selma Hayek and Rose McGowan, have alleged that Weinstein used his power and connections in the entertainment industry over several decades to rape and coerce women into sex. If his victims chose to pursue justice, they were met with threats of an industry blacklist and a ruined career. While the phrase “MeToo” was coined in 2007 by activist Tarana Burke, the current MeToo movement began in 2017, when actress Alyssa Milano asked women who had been sexually assaulted to spread the phrase on social media to illustrate the gravity and frequency of the issue. The movement led to millions of social media users sharing their stories of rape and sexual assault, several high profile terminations of alleged abusers in business, entertainment and politics, and a reignited cultural and legal conversation surrounding sexual assault, consent and coercion. Legally, the movement led to a ban on non-disclosure agreements in several states — Weinstein’s assistant could not speak out for decades due to a hush contract. In Congress, Representative Jackie Speier introduced the Member and Employee Training and Oversight on Congress Act (METOO Act) to change the way the federal government handles sexual harassment and assault reports. MeToo quickly spread globally through social media, and in France, Twitter users began to use the hashtags MoiAussi, NousToutes, and Balancetonporc. The former two are an equivalent to the English MeToo, and the latter a controversial call for women to publicly name their abusers. As more French social media users engaged in the movement and shared their stories, controversy followed — with even some women in the French entertainment industry condemning the movement. In the newspaper Le Monde, 100 women led by actress Catherine Deneuve signed an open letter denouncing MeToo, characterizing it as a puritan American export with no relevance to the French tradition. While French social media users continued to share their stories, the movement failed to gain significant momentum for several years. However, MeToo was propelled in France in 2019 after public accusations were made by actors Adele Hanael and Valentine Monnier against director Roman Polanski and several others. For the first time since the advent of the French movement, significant professional consequences were brought against an industry professional accused of rape. Polanski’s new film, “An Officer and A Spy,” halted promotion, and the ARP director’s guild began the process of suspending Polanski. This year, the Cesar Awards, scheduled for February 24 in Paris, will ban any actors or film industry workers who have committed sexual violence out of respect for the victims. But what explains the relatively delayed spread of MeToo in France compared to the United States? And has the movement been effective in either country? Many attribute the cold reception of MeToo in France to a culture that often separates personal transgressions from professional life. An anonymous 2A theorized that this variance comes from differing attitudes in France towards gender roles – “in France, it’s often expected for a man to pursue a woman until the woman directly objects, and it is considered less inappropriate to make advances even in contexts like the workplace.” While the relative outrage in the United States over MeToo may lead one to think that the movement experienced wide success, many abusers still hold high status.Men like Harvey Weinstein, Bill Cosby and R Kelly have been almost universally denounced for their crimes. Yet, confessed rapists like, most-followed Instagram user globally Cristiano Ronaldo have enjoyed new heights of fame and shirked responsibility for sexual assault offenses that they explicitly admit to. Weinstein’s conviction and sentencing may be a watershed moment in a new era of accountability, but there is still much work to be done to remove abusers from positions of power and success.

< Back Turning Red or Blue? The Impact of the Presidential Debate on Undecided Voters Viktorie Voriskova September 30, 2024 Two candidates. Red and Blue. Ninety minutes that could have decided the direction the whole world will be heading in for the next four years… What were the consequences? On Sept. 10, at 9 p.m. EDT, the presidential debate between the Republican candidate Donald Trump and the Democratic candidate Kamala Harris took place on ABC News . As the debate approached, high anxiety and nervous anticipation flooded America. It was the first time presidential candidates met in a debate setting after the debacle that the world witnessed on June 24—the debate between the previous Democratic candidate, current American President Joe Biden, who withdrew from the race on July 2, and Donald Trump. Ever since the fiasco of the June debate, which was one of the main reasons that President Joe Biden decided to drop out of the race for the next presidential term, all eyes have been on Kamala Harris, the current vice president of the United States. Before the debate, Harris had appeared publicly during her numerous rallies and solo interviews, which she has given over the last few weeks. However, the general electorate still felt they needed to get to know the Democratic nominee more. A New York Times/Siena College poll stated that 28% of likely voters and 31% of registered voters expressed this sentiment. These numbers were glaringly high compared to how the electorate felt about the Republican candidate—only nine percent of the people questioned claimed that they needed to get to know Trump better. This statistic was of special importance, especially in regards to the so-called “swing states” —states in the United States of America that don't always “turn Red” or “turn Blue.” Among these “swing states” almost all sources listed the following: Arizona, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Georgia, and Nevada , possibly also Florida, which has been won two times by each party in the most recent four elections, always by a margin no bigger than two percent . It is very often the case, as can be seen from both the 2016 and the 2020 Presidential elections, that these few states may impact the final result of the presidential race. It was Arizona, Georgia, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin that all “turned blue,” which gave Biden the necessary electoral college votes to win the election. This gains even more significance with how tight the election currently seems to be: in a poll conducted by the Pew Research Centre during the days before the debate, about an equal percentage (49% of registered voters) claimed they would vote for Trump while an identical share would vote for Harris. Both candidates had a chance to present themselves, as well as their prospective policies, and show to the not-yet-decided voters that they were the right choice for them. Did they manage that? Right after the debate, Harris gained a five percent point lead among registered voters, just above the four-point advantage she had over Trump in an Aug. 21-28 Reuters/Ipsos poll . Another announcement, made within the first day after the debate, claimed that Vice-President Harris' campaign had raised $47 million in the 24 hours . Furthermore, there is clear evidence that confidence in Trump's victory is faltering within the stock market.hares of Trump’s company that owns the social media platform “Truth Social” slumped by 14% as betting odds of a win for Harris grew after the debate. Additionally, Trump Media & Technology (of which Trump owns more than 50%) slumped by 60% ever since mid-July, when Kamala Harris replaced Joe Biden as the Democratic candidate. Another slump was in TMTG's market value—it had jumped as much as $9.2 billion as expectations of a Trump victory rose early in the presidential race, mostly after he crossed the delegate threshold necessary to win the nomination, which is 1,215 votes . However, after Sept. 10, the stock has slumped 76% compared to its peak in March. Therefore, after the debate, there has been a clear shift of support towards Harris and, as shown by the major stock slums, a loss of trust in a possible Trump victory. However, how does all of this affect swing states and the electorate? In other words, did this debate have any real impact on the not-yet-decided voters? Before delving into analyses, a couple of facts about the electorate need to be established for the real power of the “swing-states” to be made clear. It is important to acknowledge that Trump's base of support is solid and has a strong core in Texas, Alaska, Louisiana, Arkansas, and other states that “turn Red” in (almost) every election. This all means that Trump has a solid base of electoral college votes that he is almost certainly going to get from Texas. This will likely be the consequential 40, which is the overall biggest number of votess. However, Democrats also have their strongholds, especially on both the West and the East Coast, with New York, New Jersey, California, Oregon and Washington almost always voting Democratic at least in the last 4 elections and bringing in a significant number of electoral college votes on their own. Therefore, both candidates are confident about a large amount of electoral votes and are now fighting over the not-even-third of the electoral votes that are left. Now, onto the analysis of the debate. Harris balanced several more liberal stances with more conservative ones, which is a staple of her strategy: attempting to present herself as a candidate that represents the values of a wide range of people. Harris continued to reinforce the argument, which she has been repeating for the last four weeks of the campaign, that Donald Trump is not a person that can be trusted on any major issue, be it abortion, the war in Ukraine, the Israel-Hamas war or any other polarizing problem. She also made a strong statement about arms ownership, saying that she “is a gun owner ”, which is controversial for many Americans. However, it goes to show that she has certain conservative values that could help her lure in undecided voters who are more on the right side of the political spectrum. Furthermore, right after the debate, Harris flew over to North Carolina, a state that has voted Republican in three out of the last four elections, where she amassed over 10,000 Democratic supporters . This is a part of the Democratic strategy of entertaining rallies “on a wide map, ” which, as her administration team admits, is costly. Nevertheless, it allows Harris to try and lure electoral votes even from counties that have predominantly voted “Red” in the last four years, as North Carolina did. On the other hand, Trump has mainly stuck to the narrative of connecting Harris with the Biden administration, talking about inflation and blaming it, as well as the slow job-opportunity growth, on the Democrats and her. Furthermore, he also took a strong stance on international politics—reinforcing the refusal to be a part of NATO if other member states don't spend the demanded two percent of their GDP on defense. Additionally, Trump’s advisers see one of the most efficient electoral paths to the White House in holding onto North Carolina while winning back Pennsylvania and Georgia, battleground states won by President Biden in 2020. This shows that the Republican strategy is much more focused compared to the Democratic one. This allows Trump to take a more specific stance towards his potential voters, which is exactly what he did during the presidential debate—demonizing Democrats, spreading lies about their policies and convincing the audience that the only path to economic growth and stability is voting red. So, how big can the impact of the debate on the undecided voters be? Charu Chanana, global market strategist at the investment platform Saxo, claims that "The U.S. Presidential debate achieved its goal by providing a decisive edge to one of the candidates in what has been an exceptionally close race.” On the other hand, Michelle Goldberg, a columnist in the New York Times stated, “I fundamentally don’t believe that people whose minds aren’t made up in this election are waiting to hear a certain policy position. If you’re making up your mind between voting for Kamala Harris and voting for Donald Trump, you are somebody who probably doesn’t care a lot about politics or pay a lot of attention to politics.” In short, we can say the debate was successful in drawing support for Harris and a speed bump for the Trump campaign. However, these statistics still say very little about the real number of people that this event has convinced to vote one way or another. Trump and Harris have very contrasting opinions and stances on controversial issues, making it clear for many people who of the two to vote for, or rather who to definitely not vote for. Therefore, it is difficult to say if a single debate was enough to convince the undecided voters if they have not decided yet, after several long months of campaigns. However, its overall impact is difficult to tell and we will have to wait until Nov. 5 to see if the debate, campaigning and interactivity have been fruitful for either candidate.