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When we speculate about the takeover of artificial intelligence, we envision robots and robots with human-like abilities toppling the human race. However, as humans continue to deplete their own environment without regard to the rights of others, it becomes more and more clear that the revolution of artificial intelligence is already underway. At this rate, it is not the machines that will destroy us, but rather ourselves. < Back Hey Chat! How sustainable are you? Isabella Suels for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton March 31, 2025 “What can I help with?” “Ask anything.” Suddenly, the possibilities become endless. ChatGPT has gained a cult following over the past few years. A gateway into the ever-expanding world of the internet, ChatGPT can answer anything in a matter of seconds. Yet, despite the number of opportunities opened up through artificial intelligence, there is an ugly truth in the shadows of this revolutionary tool. The corner of artificial intelligence (AI) lies in the rate at which artificial intelligence pumps out responses. Other platforms, such as Google or Bing, which merely provide search results rather than concentrated answers, cannot compare to the supersonic speed at which ChatGPT operates. Because of this, ChatGPT has brought impressive results to workplace productivity through its ability to cut down hours of work for employees. However, while it is impressive that AI can make people's lives at work easier, there is a serious danger to relying heavily on Chat GPT, and it rarely affects those who use it. The main issue at hand is that ChatGPT does not live in our little computers but rather in its home-based data centers. These data centers are responsible for quenching the insatiable appetite of power-hungry servers required by artificial intelligence models. The mother base that makes these artificial intelligence servers come to life consumes a considerable amount of energy while generating a substantial ecological footprint. For instance, a recent study conducted by researchers from the University of California, Riverside, uncovered the secret water footprint of Artificial Intelligence models. According to the study, during the production of the ChatGPT-3 and 4 models, Microsoft used approximately 700,000 litres of freshwater during GPT-3’s training in its data centres—that’s equivalent to the amount of water needed to produce 370 BMW cars or 320 Tesla vehicles. The reality of the situation is that as data centers increase, water will decrease as servers are kept in check through “ cooling towers ” which use water to cool down the hardware needed to generate responses. Water is our scarcest natural resource, with 1.1 billion people worldwide lacking access and 2.7 billion people in short supply of water for at least one month out of the year. We cannot afford to misuse water when the countries that pay the price are those that rely the least on artificial intelligence. Currently, out of the 17 countries experiencing the most water shortages, only a handful are among the leaders of artificial intelligence consumption. Unfortunately, there is a common trend where countries in the Global South are left to fit the bill of countries in the Global North. While countries such as the United States, United Kingdom, France and Germany are using artificial intelligence technology to continue expanding their academia, countries experiencing water shortages pay the ultimate price. However, countries such as India and the United Arab Emirates—two countries with immense water shortage problems—still rank in the top ten when it comes to global artificial intelligence vibrancy. Just a year ago, an article was published by the World Economic Forum detailing the role of India in the Intelligence Age. In this new age, India is rebranding itself from a “ global hub for low-cost manufacturing to a leader in high-quality production and innovation.” Stifled with fierce competition from the U.S. and China, India has to capitalize on its leapfrog potential and increase investments in the technological frontier. India has already been making strides over the last decade through strong efforts by the government to promote broad-based development in tandem with eliminating multidimensional poverty. Nonetheless, India must also ensure that it expands its technological sector without jeopardizing its people or resources. Currently, 35 million people lack access to safe drinking water despite the aforementioned government efforts. An increased usage of AI will not help this shortage. AI also strains critical minerals and rare elements, which are often mined unsustainably to power AI algorithms, therefore cutting down on India’s already limited supply . Shifting gears to the Gulf, another great giant in the Intelligence Age emerges—Saudi Arabia. Vision 2023, Saudi Arabia’s ambitious plan to transform the kingdom into a knowledge-based economy, is the country's golden ticket to widespread change. Embedded into Vision 2030 and emphasized in Saudi Arabia’s roadmap to revolution, the kingdom has been concentrating on several critical technological sectors for future growth, including AI. While AI serves as a great tool to aid the development of sustainable cities, utilizing AI is an unsustainable method of bringing these cities to life. Albeit that Saudi Arabia is looking towards a more sustainable future, using AI—which is an environmental hazard—is an unsustainable means of development; not to mention that it is contradictory to the goals the kingdom is allegedly setting out to achieve. Due to exponential population growth, booming new industries and agricultural strains, the demand for water is too much to bear. The overexploitation of water in Saudi Arabia has led to an alarming scale of depletion. Therefore, the kingdom must perform a balancing act where it can execute sustainable projects such as Vision 2030 with tools that will not strain its natural resources. This aforementioned phenomenon sheds light on the realities of artificial intelligence. On one hand, artificial intelligence is revolutionizing our world in the academic and professional spheres while simultaneously destroying our planet. According to ESCP Business School, which published a study highlighting the role of AI in workplace productivity, artificial intelligence boosts skilled workers. On one hand, workers who are well-versed in artificial intelligence models can focus on tackling strategic tasks while AI handles “preliminary research or content creation.” Data analysis tasks have also been thrown on the plate of “AI software, as advanced AI systems analyze vast datasets, uncovering insights that would be impossible to detect manually.” Although this study paints a picture of all the positive effects of implementing A.I. in the workplace, this study hones on the benefits for skilled workers, failing to mention the effects artificial intelligence can have in boosting unskilled workers. Nonetheless, people are unlikely to reduce their use of artificial intelligence, especially because the negative side effects go unnoticed by those who heavily rely on it. What emerging economies must understand is that revolution can occur in tandem with sustainability, while also discovering new avenues to sustainable development. Countries that are gunning to become emerging superpowers have a great tool in their hands, but further analysis needs to be conducted on the trade-off of AI because the consequences are beginning to manifest themselves. For instance, several cities , such as those in California, Arizona, the Netherlands, and even India, are beginning to face a greater shortage of water, which experts from the World Magazine have linked to their data centers. Unfortunately, as demand for these cutting-edge artificial intelligence platforms keeps increasing, so has the number of data centers sprouting throughout the world. Every chat comes at a troubling cost. These effects are tangible, staggering, and borderline apocalyptic. There needs to be a greater sense of accountability when using artificial intelligence tools. For academics, students, and professionals, what is a tool that helps increase our productivity and pump out emails at alarming rates is one less glass of water for a family elsewhere. As demand for these centers increases, so do the social, political and ecological risks. While artificial intelligence appears to be here to stay, there needs to be a greater push for transparency, and the companies that generate these technologies must make the development of these softwares more sustainable. With this rapid progression, providing resources to bolster academic thought overshadows the need to provide basic human resources such as water. It is hypocritical in nature that artificial intelligence is paraded as a tool to help revolutionize and improve our world when this tool has proven to be so destructive to our earth and its resources. When we speculate about the takeover of artificial intelligence, we envision robots and robots with human-like abilities toppling the human race. However, as humans continue to deplete their own environment without regard to the rights of others, it becomes more and more clear that the revolution of artificial intelligence is already underway. At this rate, it is not the machines that will destroy us, but rather ourselves. Photo source: Ecole polytechnique on Flickr

A warm welcome to the Menton Times 2022-2023! < Back A Warm Welcome From the Editor-in-Chief By Lara-Nour Walton July 26, 2022 Dear incoming Ummah, As I write this, we are scattered like confetti about the globe just anticipating our convergence. Sciences Po beckons us, and we draw nearer to her cautiously, maybe zealously, or perhaps not at all – denying, denying, denying, grasping onto summer’s last lights with a desperate grip. But alas, we must begin to heed her now, the time has come. To the rising 1A’s, it is with great pleasure that I welcome you to our idyllic town. My name is Lara-Nour Walton, and I am the editor-in-chief of The Menton Times, the campus newspaper. I joined as a timid first year, knowing that my love for journalism ran deep, but distrusting my ability to generate meaningful work. I had only briefly been a staff member of any conventional journalistic publication before. Everything was so new, and everything proved to be so wondrous. I owe my instant infatuation with this paper to the dynamic, welcoming, and worldly Menton Times community. Our team is composed of creators who cannot be described merely as staff. They are journalists who are famished for knowledge, craving to trace the political, economic, and social contours of the world around us, eager to serve their student body. We all share the unifying conviction that information should be accessible to everyone, and we put in great effort to meet this end. The paper covers campus and global news, arts and culture analysis, sports, and opinion. Moreover, the publication aims to celebrate the campus’ West Asian, North African, and Mediterranean specialization by emphasizing the region in our reporting. Our ultimate aim is to feature and disseminate the ideas of our brilliant Sciences Po Menton. Applications for the Menton Times open on August 1st, 2022 . We welcome all – the philosophers, football players, artists, computer scientists, and rookie writers among us. There is something that each one of you has to say, and we cannot wait to know what it is. In the interim, we encourage you to follow our Instagram, @thementontimes , for regular updates about the exciting plans we have in store for our newest generation of Sciences Pistes. And please peruse our all-new website for a taste of what we have to offer. Here’s to a great year ahead to all our readers and contributors - new and old. With great impatience for our imminent convergence, Lara-Nour Walton Editor-in-Chief The Menton Times 2022-2023 Chère Ummah entrante, Au moment où j'écris ces mots, nous sommes éparpillés comme des confettis autour du globe anticipant notre convergence. Sciences Po nous fait signe, et nous nous rapprochons d'elle avec précaution, peut-être avec zèle, ou peut-être pas du tout - niant de toutes nos forces, saisissant les dernières lueurs de l'été d'une poigne désespérée. Mais hélas, nous devons commencer à faire attention à elle maintenant, le moment est arrivé. Aux 1A montantes, c'est avec grand plaisir que je vous accueille dans notre ville idyllique. Je m'appelle Lara-Nour Walton et je suis la rédactrice en chef du Menton Times, le journal du campus. J'ai rejoint le Times en tant que timide étudiante en première année, sachant que mon amour pour le journalisme était profond, mais ne faisant pas confiance en ma capacité à générer un travail significatif. Je n'avais été que brièvement membre du personnel d’une publication journalistique conventionnelle auparavant. Tout était si nouveau, et tout s'est avéré si merveilleux. Je dois mon engouement immédiat pour ce journal à la communauté dynamique, accueillante et mondaine du Menton Times. Notre équipe est composée de créateurs qui ne peuvent pas être décrits uniquement comme constituant le personnel. Ce sont des journalistes affamés de savoir, avides de tracer les contours politiques, économiques et sociaux du monde qui nous entourent, désireux de servir leur corps étudiant. Nous partageons tous la conviction unificatrice que l'information doit être accessible à tous et nous nous efforçons d'atteindre cet objectif. Nous couvrons l'actualité du campus et du monde, les commentaires sur les arts et la culture, les reportages sportifs et les opinions. En outre, le journal vise à célébrer la spécialisation du campus en tout ce qui concerne l’Asie de l'Ouest, Afrique du Nord et Méditerranée en mettant l'accent sur cette région du monde dans nos reportages. Les candidatures pour le Menton Times ouvrent le 1er août 2022. Nous accueillons tout le monde - philosophes, footballeurs, artistes, informaticiens et écrivains débutants parmi nous. Chacun de vous a quelque chose à dire, et nous avons hâte de l’entendre. En attendant, nous vous encourageons à suivre notre Instagram, @thementontimes , pour des mises à jour régulières sur les projets passionnants que nous avons en réserve pour notre nouvelle génération de Sciences Pistes. Et nous vous prions de parcourir notre tout nouveau site Web pour un avant-goût de ce que nous avons à offrir. Je vous souhaite une superbe année à tous nos lecteurs et contributeurs - nouveaux et anciens. Avec grande impatience pour notre convergence imminente, Lara-Nour Walton Rédacteur en chef The Menton Times 2022-2023

The life of Liam Payne, similar to the lives of other young stars, lays bare the terrifying exposures of rising to fame at such a young age, as well as the unseen pressures that often come with success in the music industry. His death, which was reportedly influenced by substance use by the Argentinian authority, can be related to a broader pattern seen in the lives of other famous young artists who have struggled with mental health and addiction. < Back The Hidden Cost of Fame: Child Exploitation and Drug Abuse within the Music Industry Nil Çelik November 30, 2024 Liam Payne, former member of the boyband One Direction, was often seen as an idol for teens growing up in the 2010s. His life was projected as that of a successful young artist who had risen to fame and taken over the world—and the music industry—with his fellow bandmates. He was known for his bubbly and playful personality and was named “ Daddy Direction ” by fans. Yet, although he was the caretaker of the group, the music industry failed to take care of him. Liam Payne , former member of One Direction, died on October 16, 2024, after falling from a third-floor balcony at the CasaSur Palermo Hotel in Buenos Aires, Argentina. An autopsy revealed that he suffered multiple traumas and internal and external bleeding. It was stated that a high amount of drugs were found in his bloodstream when he died. The dark side of the music industry has come under scrutiny, bringing urgent attention to crucial issues of child exploitation, substance abuse and insufficient support structures for young artists. The life of Liam Payne, similar to the lives of other young stars, lays bare the terrifying exposures of rising to fame at such a young age, as well as the unseen pressures that often come with success in the music industry. His death, which was reportedly influenced by substance use by the Argentinian authority, can be related to a broader pattern seen in the lives of other famous young artists who have struggled with mental health and addiction. As cases such as this one come under public eye, the urgent need for reforms in the music industry become apparent, with growing demands for the accountability of the industry and fundamental support systems to protect young and vulnerable artists. The search for young talent in the music industry has led to long-lasting exposure of children to immense pressures and workloads, frequently in the absence of legal protection. Children in the music industry can be exposed to harsh schedules, high expectations, and increasing criticism from the public. 16-year-old Liam Payne joined One Direction through the reality show The X Factor , catapulting him to fame across the globe. The fatal story of Liam Payne, similar to other child stars like Britney Spears , Micheal Jackson , and Demi Lovato , demonstrates how young artists can be forced into adulthood and the responsibilities of it with no regard for their mental and physical well-being. Studies have highlighted that young artists in the music and entertainment industries often face similar challenges to those of adult employees, such as exploitation, but lack effective support systems and maturity to address them in a healthy manner. According to a 2019 study by Swedish digital distribution platform Record Union, an overwhelming 73% of independent musicians have dealt with stress, anxiety, and depression. In many of these cases, young stars are incapable of diverging their professional lives from personal development, resulting in identity crises and long-lasting mental health issues. The case of Britney Spears' highly publicized conservatorship battle highlighted the extent to which even internationally recognized artists can lose control over their own lives;for years, as projected in the media, Spears fought for the right to reclaim her personal and financial independence from a legal structure supposedly meant to “protect” her. Such examples have prompted various debates on whether the music industry has sufficient regulations that protect minors or, instead, enable their exploitation for profit. There is a correlation between gaining fame early on and following the route of substance abuse, with the majority of young artists looking to drugs and alcohol as a coping mechanism for overwhelming demand and stress. Liam Payne’s ongoing struggle with addiction was revealed during interviews leading up to his death. Throughout his time in One Direction, Payne was vocal about his battle with substance abuse and how the pressing demands of fame harmed his mental health. In a 2017 interview with The Mirror , Payne stated that continuous touring and lack of breaks led him to develop unhealthy coping mechanisms such as consuming alcohol and use of substances. Additionally, Payne indicated that throughout his time in the band, he was frequently under major pressure to preserve a “perfect” public image, which added to his hardships. In another interview in 2021 on the “Diary of a CEO” podcast, Payne disclosed the severity of his drinking and substance abuse problem, describing his ongoing struggles as “really, really severe.” According to the reports, Argentinian authorities stated that Payne had cocaine in his bloodstream when his fatal fall from Buenos Aires hotel balcony occurred, another notifier of the ongoing pressures he had faced within his career. Demi Lovato , another teenager who gained fame early on through Disney Channel then as a musical artist, similarly openly voiced her unhealthy coping mechanisms of using drugs and alcohol against anxiety and depression heightened by the demands of fame. Her publicized overdose in 2018 and following recovery journey further showed the destructive influence of the lack of mental health resources and shortcomings of the industry in supplying sufficient support systems for young stars. Tragic cases like Amy Winehouse indicate the fatal results of the neglect of the music industry. Winehouse struggled with alcoholism and substance abuse and received minimal professional support against her battle of addiction. In the meantime, she was exploited by her record label, management agency as well as her parents for profit. Her tragic death at 27 due to alcohol poisoning shows the story of what happens when the music industry fails to supply necessary resources for mental health and addiction. The music industry has frequently shown that the priority is to generate profit rather than ensuring the well-being of the young artists. This approach of the industry is frequently supported through contracts that bind artists into busy schedules and restrictive agreements, giving them minimal control over their careers. For example, the legal battle that Taylor Swift faced with her former record label over the right to ownership of her recordings showcased the lack of freedom artists have in the music industry, especially younger artists who may not be able to fully comprehend the substance of the contracts that they sign. The role of parents is also noteworthy when the subjects in these cases are minors and depend on their legal guardians. In such situations, parents or legal guardians often play a pivotal role in advising and making decisions on behalf of their children. However, their involvement can cause a dilemma because while some parents act in their child’s best interest, others may lack the expertise or even prioritize financial gains over long-term artistic freedom and rights. This adds another layer of complexity to the already challenging dynamics of artist management and contractual negotiations in the music industry. This case indicates how the procedure of contracts by the industry exploits the artists property rights, alongside labels who benefit excessively from their work. In 2008, Spears was subjected to conservatorship which went on for over a decade and limited her personal, financial, and professional freedoms. This situation could be seen to understand how the music industry, in times supported by legal systems, can possess control over the career and life decisions of the artist, often against their will. Although there are in fact various realities that many young artists face, the music industry lacks the will to implement meaningful reforms. Institutions like Music Support in the United Kingdom and MusiCares in the United States, supply mental health and addiction support resources, but such initiatives are frequently not well-funded and cannot provide a comprehensive process to address the broader extent of the issue. Mental health experts and advocates are calling for carrying out more efficient support systems throughout the industry, including mandatory psychological evaluations, restrictions on working hours, and the increase in accessible mental and physical health services. Additionally, artists and advocacy organizations are pushing for legal reforms to enhance protection for young artists. An example is the Coogan Law in California which was established to guarantee that a part of a child actor's earnings were to be placed aside in a trust fund. However, this law does not apply to all states and the broader scope of the music industry. Broadening laws to include young artists and implementing work-hour limitations could provide protection for minors in the industry. Reforms are crucial to prevent the exploitation of artists. The tragic death of Liam Payne highlights the dire consequences of insufficient support systems in the music industry. The current provisions for mental health and addiction are inadequate to address the immense pressures young musicians face. Many global stars have advocated for the integration of comprehensive mental health systems within the industry, aiming to make them more accessible and destigmatized. Although organizations like MusiCares offer some assistance, Payne's untimely passing underscores the urgent need for broader, systemic initiatives across all record labels and management agencies to ensure that artists receive the consistent support they desperately need.

“I Am A Drug Lord” is a manifestation of the drug business and how it started, and most importantly, what happens to relationships at the micro and macro level in the initial stage of drug trade. < Back “I Am A Drug Lord”: A Glimpse Into International Security By Catarina Vita for Sciences Defense February 29, 2024 After an arduous goodbye from my parents and a weekend in the wonderful city of Rome, I decided to browse the local airport bookstore to distract my mind. Originally planning on going to my gate earlier, something caught my eye. An orange and black book cover lured me into the bookstore, and it read: “I Am A Drug Lord.” What enthralled me the most by this book, however, was the author: Anonymous. This book is not supposed to be scrutinized grammatically or dissected with technical, stylistic and storytelling devices. “I Am A Drug Lord” is a manifestation of the drug business and how it started, and most importantly, what happens to relationships at the micro and macro level in the initial stage of drug trade. This book starts with an intricate demographic analysis of the setting, the island of Ibiza. The author details the difficulties his parents encountered being from outside Spain but still having volunteered to fight the subsequent dictator Francisco Franco. After years of injuries, exclusion and scrutiny in Ibiza, the author presents his relationship with his uncle, who lived in the United Kingdom, and eventually took the protagonist to study in a prestigious boarding school in the country. After suffering racism and bullying, Anonymous returned to his homeland, Ibiza, to find his mother sick and his parents divorced. Shortly after, the uncle also capsized on his way back to Ibiza, killing him. Anonymous, confronting feelings of grief and anger, did not expect to be involved in a drug trafficking cartel, but the leader of the cartel argued that his uncle had an outstanding debt, and Anonymous was in charge of covering it. “I Am A Drug Lord” is not to be regarded as an informative book, or even an autobiography; due to the need to preserve the identity of certain individuals, especially with key characteristics and names, this book is too altered to be considered informative. However, the book shows unprecedented details about cartel involvement, and what flashy Netflix shows such as Narcos and Griselda (which are still amazing and worth the watch) cannot disclose due to television regulations. Evidently, Anonymous pairs the dynamic nature of being in a drug cartel to his love life and sentiments, but this adds to the reader being able to think how a previous drug lord thought, and feel like a drug lord felt. Nonetheless, a common misinterpretation of this book and other means of art inspired by drug cartels is that too much luxury is showcased, possibly convincing people to be involved in cartels. In “I Am A Drug Lord,” Anonymous definitely shared the luxuries his uncle obtained suddenly after a few months of implied drug trade. However, Anonymous also anecdotes how in each of his uncle’s luxuries, such as his race car and boat, either him or his uncle found themselves in danger. The general critique that people ingress in the drug trade business solely out of pure desire is refuted upon reading this book. Although the author describes his regret for continuing his business and committing certain actions during his time as a drug lord, he also takes time to recount his story and the part that contingency and path dependency played on his future. As his uncle left him the alleged debt, Anonymous was not aware of his participation in the drug trade due to his young age. The book also describes situations that would put his father and ill mother in danger upon threats if a certain package was not delivered or if a certain meeting was not conducted. In essence, Anonymous does not wish to blame his drug trade on himself or say that he is entirely blameless; he wishes to broaden the concept of what it is to get involved in a drug trade and emphasize the implications of this business. “I Am A Drug Lord,” with its easy digestibility and informativeness despite the necessary anonymity, can be considered a precise glimpse into international security. Besides giving specific intel on how a drug cartel functions intersected with the niche demographic of the island of Ibiza, the book also shows the complications of international relations after the drug market became one of the key movers of the economy — but describing what Anonymous talked about international relations would spoil the book too much. This book is necessary for demystifying the drug cartel business and tracing the economic and social impacts back to Ibiza and Francoist Spain, through a young boy’s perspective.

< Back A Journalist’s Reflection from Within the Brussels Bubble Maria Eirini Liodi It is no secret that the ongoing conflict in Gaza has given the European youth yet another reason to be disillusioned with the European Union—what it stands for and what it offers. One evasive speech after another and failure to address the concerns many people have been raising—whether from European leaders or EU institution officials—have been focal points in highlighting the limitations of the EU. As a supranational body with undeniable influence in contemporary politics and society, the EU’s actions and inactions can, and should, be subject to critique. This article is a reflection on the multiple aspects that make up our view of the EU, both the good and bad, through the lens of my experience as a journalist at the Youth4Regions Journalism program which took place in early October in Brussels. Attending the Youth4Regions program offered a unique opportunity to peek inside the Brussels bubble—a glimpse into the “capital” where many decisions impacting EU citizens are made. It also allowed me to observe the often-overlooked backbone of EU policies: Cohesion Policy. Upon first glance, I admit, it seemed mundane and bureaucratic; however, listening to experts from the Directorate-General for Regional and Urban Policy, including Commissioner Elisa Ferreira, revealed its significance. EU Cohesion Policy is the primary investment policy of the EU; it aims to contribute to sustainable development, economic growth, job creation and overall improved quality of life for EU citizens. It is fundamental in funding local initiatives, driving balanced growth, innovation and social progress across often overlooked and marginalized regions within the EU. The policy is crucial for bridging gaps between regions, ensuring that even those underdeveloped can share in growth and opportunity. My experience at Youth4Regions went beyond just understanding policy. It prompted me to reflect on the role of the EU itself, as an important, even essential, institution in today’s world. In the post-materialistic society many young Europeans live in, it is easy to take certain things for granted — freedom of movement across borders, economic benefits, educational opportunities, scholarships, free workshops and programs like Youth4Regions. These benefits are so interwoven with our daily lives that their value often goes unnoticed, but failing to recognize their value poses its own danger: disengagement. Political participation, particularly from young people, is critical in sustaining the very processes that create these opportunities. This is by no means a pro-EU propaganda piece, even though this program was in fact fully funded. Rather, I aim to highlight that while the EU has many faults, it plays a critical role in shaping the present and future of its citizens, and we ought to be critically engaged, to ensure that its institutions reflect our values and aspirations. Moreover, it highlighted the invaluable role of journalists in this constructive feedback loop. Journalists, the torchbearers of democracy, carry the flame of freedom of expression, illuminating political realities, and in doing so, empowering an informed citizenry. The Youth4Regions program deepened my appreciation for this role, as I sat in on two daily newsroom briefings in the European Commission Press Room, listening to journalists’ critical questions on key global issues. While it was frustrating to hear some of the Commission’s evasive responses, this delicate balancing act seems to serve the EU’s efforts to maintain harmony between its member states and their diplomatic relations. This balancing act, however, shouldn’t escape public critique. This is where a journalist's role becomes indispensable. They are key pillars in upholding the platform for public involvement by allowing citizens to be informed and therefore use their voices to push for change. By posing tough questions and cutting through evasive political discourse, journalists help keep institutions such as those of the EU accountable, and help bridge the gap between politics and the public. Beyond these reflections, I must highlight the workshops, which were a standout feature of the program. The most memorable sessions were led by Dutch journalist Wytse Vellinga, whose workshops delved into the ethics of journalism, investigative reporting, and the craft of storytelling. These sessions not only enhanced my understanding of the journalistic process but also beckoned us to consider vital ethical questions in the field. The case studies presented, followed by peer discussions, emphasized the need for integrity and accuracy, especially when reporting on complex political issues. Finally, we explored online tools, equipping us with practical skills for navigating the evolving media landscape in modern journalism. The program also offered us visits to prominent media organizations such as Euronews, providing insights into their operations and offering another opportunity to engage with professionals in the field. However, the most lasting highlight for me is the network of young journalists I met. Coming from all sorts of different backgrounds and levels of experience, the young journalists I met inspired and motivated me. These new connections showed me once again the crucial role journalists have in society, strengthening my resolve to contribute to the field with even greater responsibility. The Youth4Regions program has been an important stepping stone in my evolving journey as a young journalist, Political Sciences student and EU citizen. Previous Next

The word ‘desert’ creates an image of desolation and emptiness. These spaces are not empty; there is huge potential for growth, nourishment and vibrancy. It is rather the obstacles of settler colonialism, white supremacy and segregation that stand in the way of food justice. < Back Death by Design: Food Apartheid from Nunavut to Palestine By Huda Javed for Environnementon November 30, 2023 In Nunavut, North Canada, home to the indigenous Inuit communities, 70 percent of homes face severe food insecurity in one of the richest nations in the world. A liter of milk in Nunavut costs over CΑΝ$7 and a handful of fresh vegetables costs almost CΑΝ$40. The few grocery stores scattered across the territory predominantly sell unhealthy and non-nutritious food. The remoteness of the territory requires fresh produce to be flown in due travel restrictions by boat and road. By the time fresh produce makes it to grocery store shelves, it is often expired, sold at extremely inflated prices and situated amongst multiple rows of processed foods that are considerably cheaper and higher in caloric energy. Territories like Nunavut are often referred to as ‘food deserts’ – places where access to affordable, healthy and nutritious food is restricted by social and geographical constraints. The term ‘food swamps’ is often used alongside this to describe areas where highly processed ‘junk’ foods are densely concentrated, namely in low-income urban neighborhoods with majority racialized or minority groups. While these terms certainly recognize the pressing issue of food accessibility and adequacy, they are severely ignorant and passive to the fact that these so-called ‘deserts' and ‘swamps’ are not naturally occurring phenomena, but they have emerged through a discriminatory process and deliberate government policies. Even so, the word ‘desert’ creates an image of desolation and emptiness. These spaces are not empty; there is huge potential for growth, nourishment and vibrancy. It is rather the obstacles of settler colonialism, white supremacy and segregation that stand in the way of food justice. So, food apartheid seems the appropriate term. In the U.S., the majority of farming subsidies go to white farmers. White neighborhoods have at least four times as many grocery stores as African-American neighborhoods. Housing subsidies largely go to rich, white Americans, while ‘redlining’ policies have also restricted mortgage lending to minority homebuyers, preventing those in low-income areas from moving to neighborhoods with adequate access to nutritious food. This has created the knock-on effect of ‘supermarket redlining’ as companies view wealthier neighborhoods as more profitable and safer from crime. As with the spatial segregation of minority and racialized communities in the US, the isolation of the indigenous Inuit communities in Canada is a product of forcible expulsion and land theft. The traditional food systems, environments and ancestral crop lands indigenous communities depended on, were destroyed by settlers. Consequently, native communities were forcibly relocated to isolated reservations, which are currently being impeded upon as well. Offshore oil exploration in the Arctic by major companies, endorsed by the Canadian authorities, threatens marine life. In 2008, seismic testing caused the death of up to 1,000 narwhals . Rising global temperatures due to climate change are also impacting the migration patterns of these marine animals, which the Inuit depend on for food. The Navajo Nation, spanning 17 million acres and the largest reservation in the U.S., has a total of 13 grocery stores, where the average resident has to drive three hours one-way to reach a grocery store that predominantly sells processed and non-nutritious products. The USDA’s Food Distribution Programme on Indian Reservations supplies some food to indigenous communities. However, the products tend to be highly processed and have little nutritional value. Along with the few job opportunities and the rarity of affordable fresh food in indigenous reservations, this leads many to resort to cheap, unhealthy processed foods. It does not stop there. As a result of limited access to healthy and culturally appropriate foods, health issues, in particular type 2 diabetes, are becoming increasingly prevalent in Black, Indigenous and other minority and low-income communities. On top of this, harsh discrimination and negligence within healthcare systems are a regular occurrence for these groups, and as a consequence, they experience higher fatalities and poorer overall well being . Achieving food justice and sovereignty for communities of color is more than simply living near a grocery store, but rather about having agency over their local food systems. Similarly to Black, Indigenous and minority communities in the US and Canada, Israel’s system of apartheid has wholly denied Palestinians their right to food sovereignty. Forced displacement, land expropriation, restrictions on free movement or even access to markets have led to severe food insecurity. The control of 80 percent of West Bank water reserves is one crucial way that Israel enforces food apartheid upon Palestinians. Israeli authorities, between 2012 and 2021, demolished 572 Palestinian water structures in the West Bank. These structures are often small-scale traditional rainwater cisterns and wells. The demolition of an entire water system severely impedes the ability to cultivate land and create a sustainable food system. Other discriminatory policies include requiring Palestinians, under military orders 1015 and 1039 , to be granted permission to plant certain crops like eggplants, tomatoes, and onions. Additionally, Israeli agricultural policies enforce the use of commercial seeds in an effort to erase Palestinian agricultural heritage. The traditional Jadu’i watermelon has been lost due to this. Simply foraging for Palestinian diet staples, such as zaatar, sage and akoub, is punishable by fines and three years in prison . Taxing ‘legal’ requirements and restrictions are piled one on top of the other, not only creating huge economic losses but hindering even basic subsistence agriculture within Palestinian communities. In 2020, Israel rejected 73 percent of farmer permit requests to access their farmland and tend to crops. The crops that are able to grow in spite of all this, as well as the increasingly dry and scorching summers, are often ruined by Israeli military aerial spraying of herbicides . Simultaneously, cheaper, ‘second-class,’ and harmful produce is introduced by Israel into markets across the West Bank, undermining the efforts of Palestinian farmers. In 2020, 72 percent of vegetables sold to Palestinians by Israeli producers were found to contain high levels of harmful pesticides. The Israeli destruction of up to 1 million olive trees since 1967 and the continuous vandalism and theft of harvests defines the nature of food apartheid as the deliberate effort to occupy or erase a people and their cultural heritage, regardless of environmental damage. Israel has even banned the Union of Agricultural Work Committees, which protects traditional Palestinian heirloom seeds that have the potential to increase biodiversity and minimize the environmental impacts of farming. The examples are endless. Food apartheid is one of the most instrumental ways in which the Israeli government has been slowly starving Palestinians. There is no question that this is all by design, from every policy and legal measure to the outright destruction and expropriation of land, it is as deliberate as North America’s utilization of food apartheid against racialized communities. Efforts of localized agroecological organizations among these communities are growing – farmers markets, community gardens and food sharing are autonomizing marginalized populations from their oppressors. However, complete food sovereignty, the right to affordable, fresh and culturally appropriate food for African Americans, the Inuit people, Palestinians, and marginalized communities all over the world, cannot be fully achieved without recognition of their humanity first.

My Palestinian neighbors cannot, should not, and will not accept nor live with their indigenous food being increasingly appropriated by their occupiers. And nor should we — all of us reading this article today, studying on this campus and aware of the occupation of Palestine. < Back My Home is Not Your Property: Enough with Culinary Appropriation By Angela Saab Saade September 27, 2023 If I were to show my grandmother this TikTok video explaining how to make hummus from beans, she would probably yell at me for being disrespectful and idiotic. She would be just as nauseated if I suggested she try chocolate hummus . I will therefore spare myself from such criticism and protect my grandmother from this ridiculousness. Instead, through this article, I hope to shed light on a terrifying phenomenon — the appropriation of indigenous Levantine cuisine. Hummus, My Heart Hummus is authentically prepared by blending chickpeas, lemon juice, olive oil, tahini, garlic and salt. So the only major difference in the TikTok video criticized is the replacement of chickpeas with beans. From the outside, this may be positively viewed as the evolution and adaptation of recipes. But this is not about open-mindedness and the widening of culinary horizons — it is about the abuse of indigenous cuisine. In Arabic, Hummus means chickpeas (حمّص). In other words, when you make "hummus" with beans, you are quite literally not making hummus. Rather, you are spreading a recipe inspired by my traditional cuisine, incorrectly under its name, with zero respect for its origins. But I can survive in spite of the horrendous appropriation of scrumptious food cooked and enjoyed alongside family and friends in Lebanon. I can live — though in disgust and frustration — with the fact that my cuisine is ignorantly and insensitively being insulted. On the other hand, my Palestinian brothers and sisters cannot. Their food — like many of their other indigenous cultural practices — is constantly used for colonial domination. My Palestinian neighbors cannot, should not, and will not accept nor live with their indigenous food being increasingly appropriated by their occupiers. And nor should we — all of us reading this article today, studying on this campus and aware of the occupation of Palestine. The Occupation of Palestinian Cuisine Chef Kattan recalls in a L'Orient Le Jour article that Hummus "was the very first dish appropriated by the Israelis as early as 1948." Originally, he says, "the Zionist project was marked by European-style colonialism that denied the Arabness of Palestine and its land. But when they went to eat at the homes of Palestinians who survived the Nakba — during which 580 Palestinian villages were razed to the ground — they said to themselves, 'This chickpea puree is not bad!'" Today, multiple other dishes have fallen victims of appropriation. If you walk on the streets of occupied Palestine, unlawfully recognized as the state of Israel, you will find non-Arab Jewish Israeli street vendors claiming that Levantine Arabic cuisines like falafel, baba ganoush, and Arabic salad (سلطة عربيّة), also known as rural fallahi (farmer) salad, to be their own. Kunafa Nabulsia (كنافة نابلسيّة) — quite literally in the name showcasing that the cheese is from Nablus, West Bank — is also sold disrespectfully by Pizza Hut Israel as Israeli. While it is true that recipes develop and cross temporal and spatial boundaries, there is a strict difference between the deliberate theft from another culture for the purpose of a political agenda, as opposed to the inevitable integration of populations and their cultural influences. For instance, kafta is a common dish today that has become traditional to Lebanese, Syrian and other previous subjects of the Ottoman Empire. These countries did not steal Ottoman cuisine, but rather have inevitably integrated the customs adopted under the Empire into their own. Moreover, though it is true that Middle Eastern Jews used to eat Levantine indigenous cuisines before the creation of the apartheid Israeli state, so did the Christians and Muslims of the region. Hence, all three groups have every right to claim this food as their own on a national or regional basis, but neither one has the right to appropriate it and market it as their own at the expense of the others. Unfortunately, this is precisely what Israel does today — it appropriates and brands indigenous Palestinian Levantine cuisine as Jewish/Israeli. Denied Their Own Heritage Even more worrying is the denial of Palestinians' claim to their own food. As " hummus and other dishes that Palestinians share with their Levantine neighbors [are] gradually relabeled as Israeli," Palestinians are subject to harassment when they rightfully share their own food and heritage in the West — as is evident by the experience of this Palestinian restaurant in New York . Yet, restaurants claiming to be Israeli seem to have no objections, as can be seen with the thriving Israeli restaurant in Nice , which does a great job at stealing my cuisine and advertising it as "Israeli/ Mediterranean." Not only is food being branded to deny its Arab origins, but Palestinians also face heavy impediments with regards to exporting their agricultural products. In 2021, after a roughly 40-day suspension of all exports out of Gaza, " new restrictions were then imposed , including the demand that the green stem, the sprig, be removed from every single tomato before exiting Gaza," reducing the product's "quality and shelf life." The primary purpose of this mockery was to make Palestinian exports less desirable and profitable, further damaging their economy. In August of that year, 9,000 Palestinian olive trees were illegally bulldozed , contributing to the over 800,000 that have fallen victim to Israeli occupation since the second major ethnic cleansing moment of 1967. The production of olive oil from Palestinian trees is another cultural tradition that Israel is not happy about. In 2022, Amnesty International published a 277-page report explaining the Israeli system of apartheid against Palestinian Arabs — Muslims and Christians alike, living in or outside of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), with or without an Israeli passport. Here are just some of the atrocities with regards to agriculture and farming highlighted in the report: " According to OCHA , between 1 January and 19 October 2020, many of the 42 Israeli military incursions into the Gaza Strip included bulldozing agricultural land and destroying crops." (p.182) " Since 2014, the Israeli military has aerial-sprayed herbicides over Palestinian crops alongside the fence between Gaza and Israel." (p.184) "Palestinian farmers are forced to neglect their farmland or switch to less water-intensive crops because of Israel's discriminatory policies on Palestinians' access to water in the Jordan valley." (p.190) Therefore, Israel's occupation of Palestinians includes not only the appropriation of their land, property and cuisine, but equally their fundamental right to plant, cultivate and harvest their own crops to be self-sufficient and preserve their cultural practices. And it does not end there; Israel attempts to erase all and any aspects of Palestinian identity. Tatreez — Palestinian embroidery , traditionally taught by grandmothers to their granddaughters and daughters — is the art of "an exceptional amount of patience, dedication and precision" in the creation of artisanal goods, such as the traditional Palestinian apparel, the thobe , bags, shoes, and accessories. Disdainfully, organizers of Miss Universe Israel 2021 distributed this integral aspect of Palestinian heritage across the beauty pageant contestants, who wore Palestinian thobes that they claimed as Israeli and prepared wara' aanab (ورق عنب) stuffed grape leaves, a dish of Levantine Ottoman origin. They essentially all had a party of identity theft and heritage slander at the expense of Palestinians, negatively impacted in their day-to-day life by Israeli forces. A tweet by Palestinian-American rights activist Zeina Ashrawi Hutchison expresses, "it's horrible to participate and ignore the ethnic cleansing being committed by the host of the pageant, but it's another kind of ugly to promote the apartheid regime while wearing the traditional clothes of those being ethnically cleansed. Disgraceful, shameless and honestly painful." Reclaiming Identity Palestinian journalist Alhelou asserts that "Palestinian culture and life revolve around food in every aspect, whether it is an ordinary day or a special occasion. Food and national identity are tied together." Unfortunately, the theft of Palestinian cuisine by Israel continues and amplifies by the day. Palestinian culinary appropriation is just one manifestation, product and tool of the Israeli colonial project and apartheid against Palestinians. It is also an insult to my cuisine and my people, as we have Levantine dishes in common with our regional neighbors. In Salma Serry's online library committed to historical knowledge of indigenous cuisines to modern Southwest Asia and North Africa, she emphasizes the necessity of "remembering and re-patching traditions when they are in danger of erasure," to "decolonize Palestinian food." Haya's Kitchen — defining herself as "a tribute to Palestine, Tetas, and Traditions" — does precisely that. It is our duty to support the decolonization of Palestinians from Israel-imposed and Western-backed injustice by taking the steps we can. This starts by supporting such initiatives, denouncing "Israeli salad", differentiating between "hummus" and beans, donating to our campus' SciencesPalestine, writing about the Palestinian identity, and hearing the voices of Palestinians who must be given the space to express themselves, especially here, in Europe, where they are majorly silenced. As Alhelou rightfully states, "cultural appropriation is a denial to the existence and heritage of the owners of the land — the Palestinians in their millions inside the occupied Palestinian territories, in refugee camps in some Arab countries or in the diaspora worldwide." For justice to be served, we must normalize the reclamation of Palestinian identity and defeat those who want to see it wiped off the face of the Earth.

It all started on a Thursday morning — at the crack of dawn to be exact — when around 40 Sciences Pistes walked across Menton to reach the bus that would take them to the first intercampus event in two years. < Back Menton à Reims: Sciences Pistes Converge at Intercampus Model UN Conference By Angeliki Vytogianni December 31, 2021 It all started on a Thursday morning — at the crack of dawn to be exact — when around 40 Sciences Pistes walked across Menton to reach the bus that would take them to the first intercampus event in two years. In reality, preparations for the SPMUN conference had started back in August when MEDMUN Secretariat leaders members Celeste Abourjeili, Florian Heydecker and Basile Rochet collaborated with RIMUN executives to organize and give life to this initiative. It took months of work for this event to come together, but in the end, everyone agreed that not only was it worth the work, but that it was one of the highlights of the semester. The Mentonese spirit was alive even at 5 a.m. waiting for Michel the bus driver to pick us up. Even though some of us had to walk for almost half an hour to get to the pick-up spot, and we were about to experience a 14-hour bus ride across the country, the vibes were immaculate. The bus ride had long cig breaks, numerous snack stops, and top notch music. Several pauses later, we reached frosty, cold and foggy Reims. The regal town looked intimidating and captivating from the moment we stepped off the bus. The fog, the champagne, the fancy buildings, the cathedrals… walking through the city was a different experience — a lovely change of scenery after many months in our cozy Menton. Our hosts were lovely, having filled entire living rooms with blankets and mattresses for us. They even showed us around and took us for late night kebabs, as the Mentonese were hungry (the gas station pasta boxes proved to not be very filling). The next day, everyone was dressed fancy and chic: it was time for the opening ceremony. By far outnumbering the other campuses, and making much more noise than everyone else, the Mentonese were ready to start the conference. We applauded our secretary general and our chairs; we listened to interesting points by different guest speakers on the current climate crisis and COP26. Then it was time for the most important part of the conference: the club. The ride there was long and we were late, but nevertheless we all got drunk together and had a wonderful time, with good music and lovely people. Day two of the conference was equally interesting: with everyone going to their committees, the debates officially began. From meat industry shenanigans to fishing incidents, each committee was special. The Menton campus had a very strong presence in UNEP, ECOSOC, Security Council, the Brazilian Amazon Crisis, the American Meat Industry, and much more. The conference ended with a loud bang in the form of another 14-hour bus ride, from the north to the south of France this time. We were all extremely happy, satisfied by unforgettable memories of the royal town near Champagne. We made strong impressions in each committee’s debate, and left with the winners’ champagne bottles and congratulations wishes. We got to know brilliant people from all Sciences Po campuses and invited them to our own MEDMUN conference in Menton, which will take place in April. We look forward to these experiences so much and hope to make it the best time for all staffers and participants.

The French National Assembly passed the long-awaited, controversial French immigration bill on Dec. 20, 2023. < Back French Immigration Bill: Sciences Pistes’ Perspectives By Jad Toufic Toutinji January 24, 2024 The French National Assembly passed the long-awaited, controversial French immigration bill on Dec. 20, 2023. It seems that the only thing that everyone agreed on was that something had to be done, yet disagreed on what that (something) had to be. The bill in both its early and final version split the French public as much as the French Conseil d’état (i.e., Council of the State). While, regarding Sciences Pistes, even if the left is more outspoken, the right also has their strong opinion. In its final version, the bill focuses on strengthening data collection on immigrants’ acceptance, deportation and rejection. It constitutes longer waiting time to access welfare benefits and to call for family reunification. Furthermore, the controversial law pushes for easier access to residency permits for professionals working in labor areas undergoing shortage. It also postpones the “jus soli,” which allows citizenship at birth till the age of 16. Concurrently it validates citizenship withdrawal from dual nationals who commit severe crimes towards the police. Concerning foreign students, they will have to pay a deposit at the start of their education in France to be recuperated later on. The law leaves space for several criticisms from both the left and the right. The left among the Sciences Pistes have unequivocally expressed their dissatisfaction for the bill passed. Many believe it to be a National Rally’s ploy to enact a strict immigration policy that negates fundamental rights in the name of security. “It is totally unjust to see at what point a country which has the means to help others but which does not in the name of spreading security defended by the racist extreme right,” said one respondent identifying with La France Insoumise. Another respondent, affiliated with the Place Publique, remarked with regards to fundamental rights that “Everyone, including the interior minister, knew that it (the bill) contained unconstitutional content.” On the subject of foreign students, many showed their concerns over the new required deposit. “It is a racist law aiming at criminalizing immigration and will only serve to promote access for wealthier foreign students to universities,” angrily expressed one respondent. “This law targets students in a general manner,” said another respondent who also doubts the motives behind the bill, “it looks like it benefits no one except that it satisfies political interests.” With eyes on the future, several responses reflected fear for the growing migration crisis, “if we are incapable of integrating migrants in France right now, it will be impossible to integrate future ones, especially environmental migrants.” At the same time, others show doubt in the efficiency of the law, “I firmly believe that the law’s efficiency is debatable … We must not neglect the consequences of preventing vulnerable people from access to essential services.” On the other hand, the right, even if less expressed in Sciences Po, has strong opinions on the issue. Tackling the restrictions on the aides personnalisées au logement (APL), one of the housing assistance services offered, a respondent identifying with the right described it as “a measure of full common sense,” praising that “France is not an NGO that distributes funds. The measure would help reduce the assistance culture that has been developing, urging immigrants to add to the richness of the nation.” This is a common criticism by the right as to how much government aid goes to unemployed immigrants each year, thus creating a burden on government services without fiscal returns. The right claims that this undeserved aid incentivizes immigrants to avoid working in order to continue receiving it. Meanwhile, the same respondent was skeptical of the refundable deposit put in place on foreign students, seeing that “in face of the decline of France as an attractive education spot globally, it is necessary to preserve those students who are the future ambassadors of French values in their home countries.” Not to forget is the CVEC payment which, among others, students have to contribute annually to without ever feeling its value in developing student life. In addition, this new deposit comes after the controversial significant increase in tuition fees on foreign students from 2019 in public universities. On the European scene, a strong pro-European student strongly doubts the bill, “Overall, I think this law is absolutely inadequate to solve the problem of migration in France.” When asked about his opinion on the rise of anti-migration trends in Europe, the student tackled the French situation, while noting its exact replica in other European countries, “The approbation of the new (discriminatory) law on migration in France is the outcome of a society incapable of adapting to the rapid changes of modernity. To keep the electorate ‘happy’ they vote for laws against the very own principles of the EU.” Finally, with regards to the implication of the bill on neighboring European countries, the student pointed out that it will surely worsen the living conditions of migrants on neighboring borders, especially in Ventimiglia, and that it will affect equal distribution of migrants in the EU. In conclusion, as one respondent posits: “the question posed right now is: will France stay silent at this moment?”

< Back Climate Crisis in the Horn of Africa: The Flood of the Century. By Elian Jorand December 31, 2023 The Horn of Africa is gripped by an unprecedented humanitarian crisis as torrential rains linked to the El Niño weather phenomenon wreak havoc in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia, leaving a trail of destruction and despair in their wake. The flood, labelled by some as the "flood of the century," is the aftermath of a prolonged drought that plagued the region for over three years, transforming the parched and cracked earth into an unforgiving ocean of mud. The climatic double ‘setback’ of the El Niño phenomenon and the Indian Ocean Dipole anomaly has unleashed powerful rains during the ‘ deyr ’ raining season, submerging vast areas. Reports from the three affected countries paint a bleak picture, with at least 260 lives lost and over 1 million people displaced. The logistical challenges faced by rescue and relief operations are monumental, as vital roads are cut off daily, impeding the delivery of humanitarian aid and slowing down the rescue efforts. The Chébéli River in Somalia has swallowed entire cities, transforming Beled Uen into a desolated city beneath the floodwaters. Rescue operations navigate through submerged rooftops and minarets to assist the 330,000 displaced residents now seeking refuge in improvised camps. The disaster unfolded against the backdrop of Somalia emerging from a historic drought just six months ago that had pushed the country to the brink of famine and displaced 1,170,842 people since January 2021. Somali Disaster Management Agency director, Mohamud Moalim Abdullahi, reported at least fifty lives lost in Somalia alone and 687,235 individuals forced to evacuate their homes. Roads, bridges, hospitals, and schools have suffered extensive damage, isolating thousands of people in villages and heightening the risk of diseases such as cholera and malaria. Kenya is also dealing with the overflow of the Tana River in eastern Kenya, flooding vast areas and forcing hundreds of thousands of farmers and herders to abandon their livelihoods. President William Ruto declares the situation an " extreme emergency " as the nation contends with roads vital for aid delivery being severed by rising waters. Despite efforts by Somali authorities and humanitarian partners to reach around 820,000 affected people with assistance, needs are rapidly rising as the flooding expands across the country. Mahamud Moallim emphasises the current priority of rescuing stranded families and providing immediate humanitarian relief. The devastation is described as "heartbreaking" by Nimo Hassan, Director of the Somali NGO Consortium, who underscores the urgent need for sustainable solutions and disaster preparedness for future climatic events. As the Horn of Africa contends with this unfolding crisis, millions of Somalis continue to battle hunger and malnutrition. An estimated 1.5 million children under the age of five will face acute malnutrition between August 2023 and July 2024. Humanitarians warn that current and emerging needs cannot be met without additional resources. A $2.6 billion plan to support 7.6 million people this year is so far only 42 percent funded, underscoring the urgent need for increased international assistance. This unfolding crisis comes as El Niño is expected to persist until at least April 2024, necessitating prompt and robust action from the international community to avert further catastrophe in the region. The Horn of Africa stands at a critical juncture, grappling not only with the immediate devastation caused by unprecedented floods but also the ongoing repercussions of drought and a myriad of humanitarian challenges. The global community must respond urgently to mitigate the suffering of those affected and prevent a deepening catastrophe in this vulnerable region.

The value of intangible cultural heritage lies not only in the cultural event itself but also in the richness of the skills and knowledge it conveys from generation to generation. < Back For Posterity’s Sake: A Reflection on a UNESCO Parcours Civique By Samy Bennouna September 28, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? I interned at the permanent delegation of Morocco to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). My internship allowed me to understand the functioning of this UN body from an internal perspective, and I was pleasantly surprised to see how active the organization was. I had the opportunity to participate in many conferences within the headquarters of UNESCO — Fontenoy — aiming not only at protecting heritage but also at promoting cultural, scientific, and educational cooperation. I was able to participate in drafting several reports on conferences such as “Strengthening the Fight against Illicit Trafficking of Cultural Property,” the “Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission,” the “Man and Biosphere Program,” and the “Transforming Education Pre-Summit.” I also had the pleasure of meeting three other interns — including a doctoral student at Sciences Po Paris — and we learned how to divide the tasks more efficiently while collaborating in the report-writing process. We also had the opportunity to meet and exchange ideas with various other people with backgrounds and influence on the fight for humanitarian and social causes, such as Corrado Catesi, Coordinator of the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) Works of Art Unit, and Ernesto Ottone, Assistant Director General for Culture at UNESCO. Through this internship, I approached this organization from multiple perspectives, all of which have been equally enriching. It turns out that the Moroccan delegation was elected to the presidency of the Intangible Heritage Committee of UNESCO for the year 2022, a coincidence that allowed me to participate in the organization of an international symposium on the universal scope of the prehistoric heritage of Morocco in the presence of the Minister of Culture, Youth and Communication of the Kingdom, Mr. Mehdi Bensaid, as well as the Moroccan Ambassador to France, Mr. Mohamed Benchaaboun. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? The value of intangible cultural heritage lies not only in the cultural event itself but also in the richness of the skills and knowledge it conveys from generation to generation. This knowledge transfer has a certain economic and social value for all actors within a country and is equally indispensable regardless of the territory’s economic development level. To this end, I wanted to join the Permanent delegation of Morocco to UNESCO for a month-long internship headed by His Excellency Ambassador Samir Addahre. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? It took me approximately one month to find it, and I contacted the Moroccan delegation by mail to apply and send my motivation letter. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? My civic course was a month-long, and I was not paid as UNESCO is an international organization. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? Despite the short duration of the internship, I had the impression that I had been handy to the delegation because of my involvement in all sectors. Perhaps my utility was derived from the particularly hectic June schedule for the delegation this year. My only regret is not having been able to organize a training workshop on the importance of intangible heritage in schools in Morocco since it was not logistically possible to arrange. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? If I could offer one piece of advice to the 1As, it would be to optimize the small amount of time you have to do internships. Get involved in activities you are interested in while ensuring that these pastimes add value to your academic and professional projects.

< Back The French Visa Process Proves To Be Unequal for Sciences Pistes By Catarina Vita September 25, 2022 The blue of the Mediterranean peeking out of the classroom window, the strong yet nurturing smell of lemonade and kebabs, and the endless stairs unite the diverse students from Sciences Po. In the buzz of “where are you from?” and “where do you live?” since Integration Week , there is only one question left unanswered in every small talk session: “how did you get here?” On the rare occasion that this question gets explicitly asked, the usual responses range from five-hour train rides to two overnight plane trips. However, modes of transport do not adequately characterize how students really got here: bureaucracy, immigration, and, of course, visas. From Morocco to the United States, it is known that being an international student requires not only unique academic recognition and unforgettable letters of recommendation but patience and the means to navigate the bureaucracy of French immigration. Students have distinct experiences due to their origins and nationalities in the visa-clinching process. Three 1As from Australia, South Africa and Indonesia have agreed to talk anonymously about their immigration processes. When I asked the Australian student about their visa process, I heard sighs and saw an expression of distress. “Basically, I’m a Finnish citizen, so I shouldn’t have needed to get a visa in the first place. However, because my European passport has expired, I had to apply to get a visa in France.” They submitted their visa application three months before integration week, and their Australian passport was sent away with it. Yet, two weeks before they left for Menton, the visa was nowhere to be found. During these few days of disorder and stress, 300 euros were dedicated exclusively to the visa office. “I had no choice but to cancel my visa application, so I could at least retrieve back my Australian passport before I leave.” After reacquiring their passport, they crossed the world from Perth, Australia, to Paris, France, to renew their European passport. “I went through all this trouble to apply for a visa, and I couldn’t even get it at the end.” This friend and colleague, who went through the grueling Sciences Po admissions process, had an experience that highlights the notoriously unsatisfactory French immigration and bureaucratic processes. Thankfully, they are here now, but undergoing this stressful process and having 300 euros of expenses causes study-abroad-related trauma. An Indonesian English track 1A had similar horror stories during their visa quest. They forwarded me a four-page document with all the elements required to obtain a French visa. The items ranged from proof of proficiency in the French language to a CV and a motivational letter. On the first page of four, the guiding document warns, “Missing document = incomplete file = high risk of visa refusal and lengthen the visa issuance process.” One WiFi glitch while submitting the visa application or one misinterpretation of the directions in the guide would be practically synonymous with the annulment of your studies at Sciences Po. On the South African side, the immigration process was less demanding. Our interviewee, an English track 1A, described the privilege of being a South African and a Belgian citizen. “I was born in Belgium, but I’ve lived in South Africa my whole life, so my identity is enough to get to Europe at any point.” As our conversation progressed, we reflected upon how the spiraling labyrinth of becoming an international student in France is cut in half by having a European Union-approved document. Amidst my friend’s many notable reflections on this matter, one direct quote struck me the most: “That’s actually a really big problem because if I only had a South African identity, I probably wouldn’t be here right now.” My friend’s comments raised a relevant point about how privilege is not limited solely to economic resources or education. In the French visa process, certain identities are advantaged over others. Sciences Po’s Menton’s diversity imbues the city with rich stories and unprecedented experiences. Besides undergoing the sciencepiste admissions process and graduating high school with excellence — which is hard enough for a teenager — the French immigration process also needed to be confronted. For some of us, losing the battle with the visa office resulted in a denial letter; this one, not from Sciences Po, but the French government. Hopefully, raising awareness about the disparity among nationalities during the visa process will end this unequal treatment. Only then can the responses to the question “how did you get here?” merely refer to means of transportation.

How long will I continue to do what is right and feel like I am losing? When will it be my turn to be acknowledged for my sacrifices? When will people truly see the reasons behind my actions? Is it worth it to always be the "bigger person"? < Back I Only Have Two Cheeks: Is it Worth it to be the Bigger Person? By Rosie Betrosian March 30, 2024 How long will I continue to do what is right and feel like I am losing? When will it be my turn to be acknowledged for my sacrifices? When will people truly see the reasons behind my actions? Is it worth it to always be the "bigger person"? Talking to my friend on our designated FaceTime call, she expressed how draining it is to do the right things that still feel wrong. As I tried to convince her that being the bigger person is worth it, in the end, I started questioning my own beliefs. So I had to ask around – 9 Sciences Po students were prompted with this question engaging in a debate with no foreseeable end. What does it mean to be the bigger person? Being the bigger person is undeniably difficult. Its definition varies—some see it as a dedication to friendship, others as a testament to maturity, and a few as a commitment to honesty and truth. Many associate ‘the bigger person’ with traits such as setting aside their ego, knowing when to let things slide, and being willing to resolve conflicts even when they are in the right. It involves the ability to compromise to prevent situations from escalating. For some, it embodies maturity and the capacity to evaluate situations, people, and culture. Is the bigger person someone who dislikes conflict? If so, are they still the bigger person? Some believe that "the bigger person tends to isolate themselves." Suggesting that aversion to conflict is a common trait among ‘bigger people.’ They often seek to minimize disagreements, viewing them as arduous and futile. However, this raises the question of whether this behavior is driven by self-interest. Can we differentiate between those who avoid conflict for egotistical reasons and those who embody the bigger person? We can't distinguish between the two, but some participants argued that the bigger person is comfortable with conflict and expressing themselves. According to the same perspective, the bigger person would initiate a disagreement to express what is ‘right.’ However, this leads to a never-ending loop: is it justifiable to initiate conflict on the basis of right or wrong? This way of thinking is subject to a binary view of arguments, where one is right and the other wrong. In this case, isn’t it better to ‘swallow one’s truth? What if being the bigger person means allowing most things to slide... I questioned whether the bigger person is someone who will let things slide, most disagreed, viewing this behavior as passive or ineffective in achieving resolution. But how does one find the confidence to assert themselves when they feel they are right and thereby initiate conflict? The decision to engage in conflict doesn't emanate from the certainty of being right; rather, it often reflects a sense of being "stuck" in an argument, conflict, or situation. Thus, the optimal choice may be to express one's thoughts. Is being the bigger person akin to "turning the other cheek"? To "turn the other cheek" is to respond to an insult without retaliation, displaying a sense of moral and mental superiority. The adage advises individuals not to retaliate against those who have wronged them. But why adopt such a passive stance? Why welcome insults and endure pain? Participants in the discussion contested the notion that being the bigger person equates to turning the other cheek, arguing that this method generates an "identified victim." Is the bigger person the victim? “People do not always perceive the bigger person as a victim, believing that they always have the capacity to choose.” Being the bigger person can provide a sense of rectitude and moral superiority. Participants in discussions argued that the bigger person often opts for moral superiority to achieve personal satisfaction, wanting to confirm within themselves that they acted in accordance with their values. However, isn't this a trap? Often, being the bigger person becomes an assigned role within a group dynamic. So, can one escape this role once it has been assumed? Participants noted the difficulty in rejecting this role and even referred to the bigger person as being a personality trait. “It's just the way I am,” remarked one participant, also sharing that she is known as someone who avoids conflict. If being the bigger person is seen as a personality trait, how can we ensure that we do not compromise in academic and professional settings? Depending on the person, “the bigger person” changes its form. Some avoid conflict at any cost, and some initiate it to express truth. In this sense, the bigger person cannot be defined, making one ponder if this phrase is even relevant if it can be denoted with every behavior? I would like to thank everyone who participated and shared their insights. Special thanks to Sophie, Yeva, Saskia, Chaya, Isabella, Izzy, Eleana, Luna, and Manoah.

Allowing citizens abroad to vote in European elections is not just a matter of convenience; it's a recognition of the evolving nature of citizenship in an interconnected world. < Back European Parliament: A Plea for Uniformity in Electoral Regulation By Selma Kaymakci for European Society November 30, 2023 As the 2024 European Parliament election, scheduled for June 6 to 9, approaches, the institution is at a crossroads, with pressing challenges of possible radicalization and ensuing need for effective functioning. Central to overcoming these challenges is fostering high voter turnout in the upcoming elections. Amidst its commitment to democracy and increasing voter participation via communication campaigns, a persistent issue casts a shadow over the electoral process in four specific member states: Czechia, Slovakia, Malta and Ireland. These four countries, by law, do not allow their citizens to vote from abroad. Despite 23 of the 27 European Union Member States allowing remote voting as a means to enhance accessibility and civic engagement, these four countries require their citizens abroad to return home to vote, with many citizens opting not to do so. While this may seem like a minor issue, in practicality, it has wider implications. Allowing citizens abroad to vote in European elections is not just a matter of convenience; it's a recognition of the evolving nature of citizenship in an interconnected world. The voting rights in the elections to the European Parliament extend beyond national borders, impacting not just the voters’ own national legislation but shaping the very mechanisms and policies of the European Union, hence indirectly impacting the laws and legislation of other member states. EU citizens living in a different member state than their origin are also highly relevant for the outcome of the elections. The first-hand experience of cross-border mobility abroad offers a tangible expression of the abstract idea of the European Union, reflecting a nuanced understanding of the benefits and challenges of European integration. Particularly amid growing radicalization in some member states , the votes of those who live abroad are likely to push for policies reflecting ideals of the current European Union, contributing to stability. Interestingly, the four countries in question present a different case on this matter. In Malta and Ireland, citizens living outside the country do not have the ability to vote in any state elections or referendums—however, both countries have different outlooks and solutions on the matter. In Malta, all elections have resulted in subsidizing airplane tickets for eligible voters, which was also done in the 2019 European elections. While this is admirable, it calls into question the need for such barriers in the first place. The idea of citizens having to board an airplane to exercise their fundamental right to vote appears to be rather obsolete, at least, in the 21st century. In Ireland, no solution is proposed to this issue, and at the heart of the matter is a lack of political will to address this problem. However, by limiting voting rights to those within the country's borders, Ireland inadvertently sustains a system that excludes a segment of its population in both European and local elections. Czechia is a different case, where citizens can vote in parliamentary and presidential elections from abroad, but are excluded from participating in European elections, senate and local elections. Slovakia also presents a similar policy, where nationals abroad have the option of voting by mail in parliamentary elections but not in presidential and European elections. While the absence of vote from abroad in local elections can be justified via constituency fragmentation, the countries stand as one electoral district in the case of European Parliament elections. Hence, they have no reason not to facilitate elections from embassies or consulates. This exclusion of voting rights, coming from a time when interest in voting for MEPs (i.e., Member of the European Parliament) was low, presents a democratic blind spot that requires immediate attention. Solution? An alternative choice for individuals living abroad in these states is to vote for their country of residence rather than their country of origin. This, however, comes with obstacles—and the more obstacles presented to voters, the greater the chance of non-participation. It requires citizens to be aware that they can vote in their country of residence, register, map out the political arena and cast their ballots. Even when a person is willing to run through these hurdles, the conditions vary across member states as to who can vote in European elections, not ensuring that one can vote at all if they cannot travel to their country of citizenship. One thing is certain—the European Electoral Act requires revision for a set of united election rules to occur, ensuring full accessibility, equity and legitimacy of representation. The European Electoral Act currently only outlines very broad common principles and lacks a uniform electoral system across EU Member States for European elections. While changes were introduced to this act, most recently in 2022, that sought to harmonize the electoral procedure in many aspects, for these changes to come into effect a long process including a unanimous vote from the Council and majority consent from the Parliament is needed. Most recently, a debate on this act was held in June of 2023, so for the 2024 elections, the train to pass the revised version of the act has long passed. At a time when political turmoil is present and every vote can influence the outcome of the election, this can prove to be a dangerous aspect of European legislation that has not been given sufficient attention. Examining and addressing these seemingly insignificant legislative issues is crucial as the European Union navigates the complexities of modern governance to combat extremism in the European Parliament and ensure that the democratic process remains reflective of the dispersed European population, guaranteeing voting rights to every citizen.

Following the Oct. 8  offensive by the Israeli military in Gaza, over 20,000 Palestinians in Gaza have been killed, including a large percentage of women and children. However, the cost of war has gone beyond the considerable death toll; there have been catastrophic environmental damages, leaving us to question whether this conflict warrants the legal label of ‘ecocide.’ < Back Gazan ‘Ecocide’ Accelerates Amidst Israel-Hamas War By Lucy Lönnqvist and Alexandra Iliopoulou for Sciences Defense January 31, 2024 Following the Oct. 8 offensive by the Israeli military in Gaza, over 20,000 Palestinians in Gaza have been killed, including a large percentage of women and children. However, the cost of war has gone beyond the considerable death toll; there have been catastrophic environmental damages, leaving us to question whether this conflict warrants the legal label of ‘ecocide.’ The Independent Expert Panel for the Legal Definition of Ecocide (IEP) defines ecocide to be ‘unlawful or wanton acts committed with knowledge that there is a substantial likelihood of severe and either widespread or long-term damage to the environment being caused by those acts.’ The term ‘ecocide’ has attracted much media attention since Oct. 7 and prolonged geopolitical tensions to this day; however, it can be said that today’s attack on Gaza is not the introduction of ecocide in the region, but the extension of a pre-existing one. Warfare has continued off and on in the Gaza strip since the Arab-Israeli War of 1948, and continued with the Six-Day War, subsequent Intifadas, the Gaza-Israel conflict in 2014, right up to Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7 and Israeli retaliation. Taken cumulatively, the destruction of biodiversity and mass extinction of species caused by the release of bombings and white phosphorous choking the atmosphere with toxic fumes overtime has been labeled an ‘ environmental apartheid’ ; dispossessing Palestinians of their land, water and natural resources inflicted by the ecological damage of warfare. It is clear that the visible ecocide in the Gaza strip today was not only precipitated by the heightened 2023 attacks, but rooted in Israel’s historical colonial practices in the occupied Palestinian territory. In order for Israel to establish its colonial settlements, it began by bulldozing mass areas of Palestinian land, uprooting thousands of trees to build infrastructure on previously prized nature reserves. This tactic is used to deprive Palestinians not only of territory but any hope for economic opportunity, with approximately 80,000 to 100,000 Palestinian families relying on olive farming as their primary source of income. According to the Palestine Trade Center, or PalTrade, the olive sector is worth between $160 million and $191 million in a good year. The consequences of Israel’s destruction of Palestinian native land are therefore twofold: eradicating Palestinians from their territory through the expansion of illegal settlements, subsequently invoking severe habitat fragmentation, land degradation and soil erosion. In Aug. 2012, the United Nations predicted that Gaza would not be livable by 2020, demonstrating how Israel’s imposition of colonial settlements degrade the environmental health and habitability of the land, in addition to the repercussions of active warfare. Since the Israeli military response of Oct. 8, damages have spanned from mass destruction of infrastructure, the homes of half a million people being damaged or destroyed, to the internal displacement of almost 2 million people. Moreover, the environmental destruction, including water pollution and the consequences as a result of the deployment of white phosphorus, pose additional challenges for victims of the war. Israel’s limited allowance of water, fuel, and electricity into Gaza as a warfare tactic has led to sewage and water treatment facility disruption. As a result, “more than 130,000 cubic meters of untreated sewage” have entered the Mediterranean Sea daily, bringing acute environmental implications. The bombing of water treatment facilities has resulted in decreased availability of fresh drinking water for Gazans and strained aquifers, leading to Gazans having to drink large amounts of salty water. Experts predict that it will take years to successfully clear pollution from the soil, water, and air. The lack of water available is predicted to accelerate the spread of disease, noting the accumulation of corpses, causing unnecessary deaths from treatable diseases . The Israeli military has also utilized white phosphorus , an incendiary weapon, in its offensive, which, when considering that it is being used in some of the most densely populated areas of the world, acts as a violation of international law. While white phosphorus itself is restricted in warfare by international law, it is strictly prohibited in civilian areas, which Israel has used it in in both Lebanon and Gaza. Despite the various health implications of coming in direct contact with white phosphorus, when entering water sources, it can severely impact the potability of the drinking water that Gazans have access to. Moreover, the animals that ingest this water, primarily fish, also become toxic to consume. The agricultural ramifications of white phosphorus contamination pose a threat to livestock and severely alter the fertility of farmland, which can pollute soil for decades . These damages have largely been excused by Israel’s claims of self defense and pursuit to eliminate Hamas, a terrorist organization whose attacks on Oct. 7 resulted in the deaths of an estimated 1,200 people . However, a recent development in the international response to the Israeli military campaign in Gaza is South Africa’s submission , calling for proceedings to begin against Israel in the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The report details Israeli public officials’ expressed genocidal intent in their motivations for attack, and emphasizes the excessive civilian casualties that have occurred in the war. Additionally to the denunciation of civilian deaths, calls from the public to categorize Israel's military offensive as ecocide have also surfaced. The impacts of climate change have indicated the Middle East as one of the most vulnerable regions in the world, and the environmental damages occurring in Gaza can end up having adverse effects on the entire region (Israel included). Critics have raised attention to the longer term impacts that the bombing in Gaza will have, such as accelerating the effects of climate change and polluting the Mediterranean. A recent piece from The Guardian stated that the initial reports of carbon emissions in the 60 day period following the war amount to the equivalent of burning over 150,000 tons of coal, a greater carbon footprint than the annual emissions of 20 climate vulnerable nations. The emissions, which are attributed to emissions from combat and directly assisting combat, such as fueling aircraft, also largely originate from American cargo deliveries of military equipment to Israel. In turn, this highlights the sensitive position of all parties involved, as the impacts of their actions will emphasize their role in the region in the long-term. How, then, can these stakeholders be held accountable? There is a proposal submitted into the International Criminal Court to add ecocide as a crime, waiting to be endorsed by two thirds of the signatories of the Rome Statute. As it stands, ecocide is not considered an international crime despite being a transgression of national law in several countries including France, Georgia, Armenia, Ukraine, Belarus and Vietnam. This is largely due to the fact that representatives have a hard time constituting environmental destruction as a ‘crime against humanity.’ However, given the rise of rights-based climate litigation characterizing recent international case law before the ICJ, hope for criminalizing environmental warfare is well within reach. The geopolitical climate in Gaza is drawing attention to the long-term damage towards wildlife, ecosystems, and industry, raising questions as to whether the charge of ecocide should be included in international courts. For some, South Africa’s submission against Israel before the ICJ will not only bring justice to the civilian casualties and victims of wartime atrocities, but inspire nation states to endorse the ICC ecocide proposal, outlawing future damage to our natural world and our lives on it.

The Ummah is not fulfilled without the campus cheer team. Beyond [being] a sport, the Um-Miauu fosters an immaculate spirit rendering cheer sessions the highlight of my Menton quotidian.” < Back ‘The Highlight of my Menton Quotidian’: Reflections from the Campus Cheer Team By Lilou d'Inca April 30, 2022 Picture the cliché, Netflix-series archetype of the cheerleader: she is shaking a pair of pom-poms with an artificial smile incessantly stamped on her lips; her pretty face conceals nothing but a frivolous, flighty personality; and the “sport” she practices is little more than a light-hearted introduction to the “real” games in sports tournaments. If you have not yet witnessed our unmissable Christmas show and BDE performance, the Sciences Po Menton cheerleaders are as far as possible from such a typecast. Yes, our cheerleaders are indeed incredibly smiley and ebullient — in the gym, on the stage, and even in their daily lives — but not because they are shallow; rather, because they are proud to boast the skills, lively character, and decidedly united spirit of their team. And, no, their bonds have not just been forged (or ruptured) by the permanent scars they share — from a stunting practice that dramatically ended with stitches for 1A Angeliki Vytogianni to the countless nose bleeds and bruises resulting from a few failed pyramids and backflips. The so-called “Um-Miauu” has also reinforced itself over the past eight months thanks to the unyielding dedication of its captains, 2As Frida Hellen and Nikola Avramović, whose vibrant, bubbly personalities have fostered the team’s intrinsic dedication and energy. Avramović affirmed, “the [most apt] word to describe the cheer team this year is motivation. I know it’s quite common to say, but we really have a team which is consistently up for anything and everything. Very often, I have found myself super energized after training, no matter how shattered I could have been before it, simply because of the energy our cheerleaders bring.” Hellen agreed that the team is “an energetic and resilient group [that] shows support for each other and pushes through the many challenges we have faced together this year as a team.” Such enthusiasm is not only shown by the captains, but by all cheerleaders. 1A Lise Thorsén said, “The Ummah is not fulfilled without the campus cheer team. Beyond [being] a sport, the Um-Miauu fosters an immaculate spirit rendering cheer sessions the highlight of my Menton quotidian.” Cheerleading is indeed an integral part of its athletes’ routine since training is organized twice a week in the College Vento gymnasium and by the sea at Bastion — yes, even on the most piercingly windy nights. With such frequent sessions, a significant obstacle for the team has become, according to Avramović, “ensuring that everyone could make time in their busy schedules to attend practice. Many elements of cheer require the group to function as one, which is both marvelous for a motivated team, but also a huge drawback if even one member of the team is missing.” Hellen added that, “practicing and teaching each other stunting skills and dance routines for minicrit” requires all athletes to be present at practice, hence why “the biggest challenge has been to find a way to make the time demand feasible with everyone’s crowded schedule, as well as the lack adequate training facilities in such a small town.” Speaking of facilities, Hellen and Avramović had to display utmost perseverance and creativity to complement the team’s drive and maintain the team’s professional appearance. “After Minicrit [was] canceled for two years, Nikola and I started almost from scratch with no equipment and little experience,” said Hellen. “We faced material and consequently institutional challenges, to say the least,” added Avramović. Due to poor financing and the overlap between the Sciences Po optional sports courses, the captains relied on their Um-miauu’s original initiatives to subsidize the purchase of pom-poms. As 1A Felipe Boitard — the team’s darling gossip boy — explained, “the cheer team turned to the students on campus and organized a fundraising auction, where members of the cheerleading team would auction out a date experience with them. Dates varied from making pizza with Viola to going on a scooter adventure to Italy with Greta. The night was filled with high-intensity auction battles between friends and potential love interests to get a date with a cheerleader! With the help of all the students who showed up in support of the lovely cheerleaders, the team made much more than was expected and was thus able to buy the supply for the pom-poms. As much as it did not get the official support of the campus, cheerleading is what brings life to the campus with their energy and enthusiasm, succeeding in gaining the support of the students on campus and funding their road to Minicrit!” Cheerleading will play a central role in the upcoming intercampus competition in Nancy alongside other sports including football, volleyball, thèque, and more. The Menton cheerleading team is thrilled to perform the fruit of its effort and resilience in an eight-minute upbeat, acrobatic choreography. In Hellen’s words, “the [personal evolution] of each member with regards to their dancing, gymnastics, and stunting skills, as well as the solidarity and hype among the athletes, continues to blow my mind, and I am beyond excited to show everyone the product of our hard work at the end of May.” Avramović said, “However cliché it sounds, it was thanks to the cheer team’s enthusiasm that we felt confident to fight for what the team needed. I am certain this has left our team much more tightly bound than ever, and really drives us to carry the Menton spirit at minicrit!” As per Thorsén’s words, Menton cheer is “not only a perfect creative outlet outside academia, but it has also most definitely equipped me with motivation and cheerfulness —” values which she looks forward to displaying in Nancy. Thus, allow yourself to be transported by the cheer team’s entrancing dance battles and hypnotizing canon movements. But, above all, remember to appreciate the unified and enriching fusion of cultures, personalities, and backgrounds that will emerge from our dances, from the unique and friendly community that is Sciences Po Menton cheerleading team!

It's a smart idea—if you’re the US government. Get rid of all your pesky hazardous material on an irrelevant island 6,607 miles away from the land of the free. Burn it up, blow it up, it’s all the same. Unfortunately for everyone else, the cost-benefit analysis is slightly less clear-cut.  < Back From Paradise to Perimeter Defence: What Making the Pacific a Military Playground Means for its Indigenous People Lucy Tucker for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton March 31, 2025 French Polynesia: pristine beaches; international diving playground; tūrangawaewae to indigenous Polynesian communities; nuclear wasteland. Not that the last one is advertised on tourist brochures. 743 miles from Tahiti lies the Mururoa Atoll, a place where white sand beaches, palm trees, and ocean air are permeated with radioactive strontium-90, cesium-137 and plutonium. Between 1966 and 1996, France conducted 193 nuclear tests in Moruroa and the Fangataufa atolls in French Polynesia. These tests, often conducted in secret and without the consent of local populations, had devastating consequences for the environment and public health. The nuclear explosions released massive amounts of radiation, contaminating land, water and air. As a result, many Polynesians suffered from increased rates of cancer, birth defects, and other radiation-related illnesses. The French government long denied the health and environmental risks associated with the tests, dismissing concerns raised by indigenous leaders and activists. However, in recent years, declassified documents have confirmed that the French state knowingly exposed local populations to dangerous radiation levels. The French government has since offered limited compensation through the Morin Law , but many victims struggle through a process that is slow, bureaucratic and inefficient. As contaminated soil and water persist, many displaced communities are still prevented from returning to their ancestral lands. Militarisation of the Pacific is not, however, simply a scrawled annotation on one page of a dusty Cold War textbook. As geopolitical tensions rise in the Pacific, the region’s Indigenous communities find themselves at the centre of a growing human rights crisis. The expansion of military bases and security agreements by the United States, China, and Australia is displacing indigenous populations, eroding land rights and threatening the environment. While discussions on Pacific security often focus on great power competition, the voices of Pacific Islanders—particularly those affected by militarization—are often sidelined. Monoaeka Flores is indigenous to the territory of Guam, part of generations of family members ranching land on the U.S. territory. The island is the site of several major U.S. naval and air bases, with the U.S. Government owning more land than Guam’s local government after its seizure of the territory post-WWII. She is a member of the group “ Pritehi Litekyan: Save Ritidian ”, which consists of activists from the Chamoru community —the people who have called Guam home for 3500 years. Next to Monoaeka’s family land is the site where the US proposes to burn or detonate up to 3500 pounds of hazardous waste and leftover munitions each year—a plan which Pritehi Litekyan is taking the US military to court over. It's a smart idea—if you’re the US government. Get rid of all your pesky hazardous material on an irrelevant island 6,607 miles away from the land of the free. Burn it up, blow it up, it’s all the same. Unfortunately for everyone else, the cost-benefit analysis is slightly less clear-cut. The displacement of indigenous communities from their ancestral lands is one of the most pressing consequences of militarization in the Pacific. In Hawaii and Northern Australia, governments have expanded military facilities without adequate consultation with local populations. The constructions of Marine Corps Base Camp Blaz in Guam and Lombrum Naval Base in Papua New Guinea are just more examples of how land is repurposed for military use, often at the expense of Indigenous landowners. Local activists argue that these projects undermine their sovereignty, leaving them with little say over the fate of their land. The expansion of military activities in the Pacific has also resulted in significant environmental damage. One of the most alarming incidents was the Red Hill fuel spill (2021-2022) in Hawaii, where thousands of gallons of jet fuel contaminated local drinking water, leading to severe health consequences for Native Hawaiian families. Similarly, large-scale military exercises in Pōhakuloa Training Area and Makua Valley caused lasting environmental damage, affecting biodiversity and sacred sites. As history has shown with nuclear testing and fuel spills, military activities in the Pacific often leave long-lasting scars on the environment. If military expansion continues unchecked, rising pollution, ecosystem degradation and further contamination of water sources are likely outcomes. It is crucial for the global community to recognize the long-term implications of Pacific militarization. The voices of Indigenous peoples must be amplified in international discussions on security and development, ensuring that they have the power to shape policies that affect their lands and futures. Australia, for its part, has expanded military training programs and partnerships with Pacific nations, using indigenous lands for security purposes. In Northern Australia, Aboriginal landowners have raised concerns over the government’s prioritization of military interests over indigenous sovereignty. Meanwhile, Australia’s involvement in Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu reflects its broader efforts to counter China’s influence, often without considering the social and environmental consequences for local populations. The continued militarization of the Pacific carries significant risks, not only for Indigenous communities but for the stability of the region as a whole. As tensions rise between global powers, the Pacific could become a battleground for geopolitical conflicts, increasing the likelihood of military confrontations. Nations such as the United States, China, and Australia are increasing heavy investments in military infrastructure, which raises concerns that Pacific nations will be pressured into strategic alliances that do not serve their interests. Furthermore, as foreign powers expand their military presence, indigenous sovereignty is likely to be further undermined. The historical pattern of land dispossession, environmental destruction, and disregard for Indigenous rights suggests that future expansions will exacerbate existing injustices. The construction of new bases, the deployment of additional troops and increased military exercises could all lead to further displacement of Indigenous peoples and irreparable harm to their cultures and traditions. While the Pacific has become a hotspot for global military competition, its indigenous populations continue to suffer the consequences. If regional and global actors truly respect the Pacific Islands, they must prioritize Indigenous voices and rights over military ambitions. They should be empowered to determine their own security and development paths, free from external coercion. International institutions, human rights organisations and climate activists must work together to highlight the injustices caused by militarization and push for a demilitarised, sovereign and environmentally protected Pacific. Is it not finally the time to stop forcing indigenous communities to choose between foreign powers and instead respect their autonomy to decide their own futures? Photo source: Australian Institute of International Affairs

A week bustling with business meetings, rigorous research and cultural enrichment. < Back Inside the Babel Initiative – From Menton to Cyprus (and Back!) By Maria Eirini Liodi March 30, 2024 Babel Initiative makes The Menton Times headlines once more, featuring an even more fascinating story than last month – Babel’s Cyprus Trip 2024! A week bustling with business meetings, rigorous research and cultural enrichment. Before diving into that, I will provide a brief introduction for those who do not already know. Babel Initiative is a student-led initiative at Sciences Po Paris, Campus de Menton, founded in 2007 and evolving impressively to this day. It is the only recognized student organization offering funded research opportunities in countries in the Mediterranean and Middle East region . It aims to make academic research accessible, as a means of breaking down stereotypes and building bridges of cultural awareness and understanding – something of utmost importance for students pursuing political science degrees specializing in this region. This level of accessibility is deeply ingrained in Babel’s values, however, planning and organizing a fully-funded research trip is by no means an easy feat. Starting in May of last year, Anna Russin was elected as president of the Babel Initiative, alongside Ioanna Christodoulides as vice president. Part of the transition marked the beginning of the research focus on Cyprus, having previously focused on Jordan the year prior. The election of board members and heads, under the poles of research, finance, logistics and culture, ensued, with the completion of the team with the researchers being selected in November. The five teams selected are researching on the topics of ‘Public Intolerance Towards Migrants’, ‘LGBTQ+ Collaboration in the Buffer Zone’, ‘The Lebanese Community in Cyprus’, ‘Globalization of Higher Education’ and ‘Cypriot Sign Language’. Following months of demanding planning, coordinating and orchestrating by the Babel team, we embarked upon our trip last month, aboard with 14 Board Members, 15 Researchers and 20 ‘Shadows’ (non-researching Sciences Po Menton students, who attend the trip on individual costs). Our first day was marked by an expansion of awareness of the Cypriot social and political environment. We began with a tour of Old Nicosia – both the Southern Republic of Cyprus areas, as well as the northern territories under occupation by Turkey. In seeking to make this trip holistic and immersive, our guided tour led by two representatives of the Association of Historical Dialogue and Research, allowed our members insight into the core of Nicosia within the Venetian walls; an opportunity to explore the landscape within the only divided capital in the world. Following that, the team was able to discuss with multiple NGOs, including Home 4 Cooperation, Cyprus Peace and Dialogue Centre and Cyprus Inno at The Base” all of which brought different perspectives of the socio-political landscape of Cyprus. On the second day of the trip, the Board and researchers were able to meet with the President of the Republic of Cyprus, Nikos Christodoulides, where they were able to get important insight on the historical context shaping Cyprus’ social, political and economic landscape, as well as ask questions relating to their research topics. In the following days, there were additional visits, including meetings with the French Ambassador to Cyprus, Salina Grenet-Catalano, officials from the U.S. Embassy in Nicosia, a discussion with Board Members of Invest Cyprus, and a meeting with Total Energies. All of these meetings enabled the Babel team to develop a deeper understanding of various aspects of Cypriot culture. It is important to note that during this week, all five teams had their individual set of packed schedules, filled with meetings with important stakeholders, academics and NGOs relevant to their field of inquiry. Outside the demanding schedule of the week, the Babel team was able to provide holistic cultural experiences to its members, with ample suggestions for the best locations to visit, organized hikes, museum-tours and bus-rides in multiple cities across the island. If one thing is certain, it is that the one week trip was one rich in acquisition of knowledge and unique experiences. On a personal note, and reflecting the views of many of my colleagues, Babel Initiative, is an extraordinary organization. I’m grateful for this incredible team of dedicated and capable young minds that were able to come together and create something remarkable. What’s even better, there’s more to come! Back in Menton, the researchers are hard at work utilising their on-ground research to produce their academic papers. This year the research teams were able to attend various workshops organized by the Research Pole, aiming to guide the researchers along the process, both providing context of on-ground research considerations, as well as shining light on the writing process for academic papers. Furthermore, the Board was able to secure Research Mentors for each of the teams, which have been working closely with the researchers since December and until today, providing guidance and support in their research and writing. The end result? Holistic papers that are reflective and destigmatize issues within the Cypriot society. We eagerly await the release of our five teams research papers very soon, as well as the hosting of our Colloquium! Those are expected to be released in mid-April, after which Babel will proudly host its Colloquium on April 20. This grand event aims to wrap-up a year of rigorous effort, collaboration and creation. We aim to have a host of academics and professionals at the Colloquium – more on this soon! Stay tuned for Babel updates!

Eastern Europe is often viewed as an exotic, mystical land by those who have neither lived there nor visited the region. < Back The Phenomenon of the Slavic Girl Winter By Nadia Taylor Sol for European Society January 31, 2024 Eastern Europe is often viewed as an exotic, mystical land by those who have neither lived there nor visited the region. The ideas of the brutalist buildings, post-communist memorials and cold, sometimes rude people, seem to be the standard perception people have in their minds when any European country behind the former Iron Curtain is mentioned. While these stereotypes might already ignite some uncomfortable conversations and can easily make any Eastern European start a quick historical-cultural crash course explaining the differences between our countries, I now would rather focus on the often-overlooked harms and dangers of one particular issue: the fetishization of Eastern European women and the standardized image created of them. While Eastern Europe is an extremely diverse region with a vast range of cultural and physical differences between the population, the media fails to do it justice by highlighting Soviet heritage and painting them solely as a political mass of blonde and blue eyed people. This indifference towards distinguishing one nation from another serves as perfect soil for creating the image of the typical Eastern European woman. The idea of a tall, blonde, timid housewife with the perfect beauty of a Barbie-doll, mixed with the image of a fur-wearing gold digger has been circulating in the media for decades. More importantly it is currently experiencing its renaissance thanks to freshly popularized TikTok and Instagram trends. Looking at the videos of people glamorizing the so-called “Slavic girl winter” and decreasing the multiple cultures the ethnicity encompasses to the modern mob-wife aesthetic, with fur coats, hats and expensive jewelry, made me consider how harmful this portrayal is. Especially since the whole stereotype comes from historic roots that are based on the fact that most people, especially women, could not afford to look the way the trend tells us they do. The aesthetic of the trend is the image of women who were either born or married into families and relationships with men that have either gained their wealth through living off the general public or engaging in crime. Just before explaining the problems with the trends, I shall state that there is no problem with people finding the women of the region beautiful or complimenting them for their efforts to look “perfect.” The negatives become more visible when we understand the traumatic past that has led to the creation of this image and the dangerous future these often backhanded compliments hold. The phenomenon itself can be closely linked to the fall of the Soviet Union and the socioeconomic shifts the post-Soviet states and the countries of the Soviet bloc have experienced. The 90s brought poverty and, especially for women, a drastic change in people’s status within the society. During the Soviet years, every adult was obliged by the law to work, meaning women were not tied to their husbands or male guardians to provide for themselves and their families. The collapse of the Union brought both unemployment and an influx of Western, more conventional beauty and patriarchal media, collaboratively resulting in women creating a new approach to wealth and survival. The idea that women have to be beautiful to be appealing to strong and successful men, who were often their only chance to get over the poverty line, became a widespread concept in society. The approach created an ever-lasting and strong duality between the expectations posed towards women and men. While men should be strong, wealthy and successful to be able to provide for their wives, women have to be easy on the eyes and should be ready to serve their men in any way they can. The international image of the Slavic and Eastern European sex workers can also be closely tied to the above-mentioned logic. When the Soviet Union fell, people tried to leave to the West in a hope of starting a new life. We do not have to look much further to understand the unfortunate turnout of events many women had to go through to be able to support themselves in a new, foreign society far from home. With no other way out of poverty many turned to sex work and the jump in the number of Eastern European women in the industry created a new, fetishized image in the minds of many. Women from the region are now viewed as either parts of the sex work industry or overly attainable in exchange for a high-value life and money. And thus, the image of the expensive-looking gold digger was created. An image that we still struggle to distance ourselves from. These stereotypes, while clearly holding an ugly mirror towards the reality of the history of the post-communist Eastern bloc pose dangers in the modern day as well. First, they discredit any attempt by regional feminist movements or just women in general to make people focus on anything but their appearance. One of the greatest examples of this is how online communities reacted to images of Ukrainian women fighting for their country. While some did praise them for their strength and bravery, and made an effort to educate themselves about the ongoing invasion, others decided to stick to the fetishization of Ukrainian women – particularly unacceptable during times of war, when violence against women is used to assert power – compounding the harassment women have to experience both in the virtual and real spheres of their lives. The second most prominent result of these widespread stereotypes is the high number of women from the region becoming victims of human trafficking. It is not unusual for people coming from lower income households to strive to leave their hometowns or countries in the hopes of a better future. While doing so they often fall victim to targeted advertisements, focused on women with certain physical traits. Both the online distributed easy to access work or study opportunities and the seemingly helpful people at the airports can pose grave dangers, as they can end up being linked to organized human trafficking with a special focus on women from the region. The already existing stereotypes and the sometimes-re-emerging fascination with the imagined submissive nature of Eastern European women, a good example of which can be the leaked messages of Andrew Tate and his claims on preferring women from the region, escalate the growth of the market and make women even more vulnerable to the dangers of human trafficking. Currently, the trend of the Slavic girl winter, when not used by members of the ethnicity to regain control over certain elements of their own culture, does nothing more than accelerate an already existing prejudice against Slavic and Eastern European women. It pokes holes into the efforts of reducing discrimination and elevating them to a higher level in the public eye than gold diggers and submissive housewives. As with every other fetishized ethnicity, instead of playing into the general stereotype, the public should rather educate themselves about the diverse and captivating histories and cultures of the region, make efforts to celebrate those representatives of the Eastern European women who deserve the most praise and be aware of the harm generalization brings about.

في اليوم العالمي للمرأة، كشعيرة من شعائر "الإنسانية،" يجب علينا، نحن ماكثي العالم الغربي، أن ننعى بؤس المرأة العربية. ولكن الحقيقة هي أن المرأة العربية، في طبعها، ثورية عنيدة. < Back خاطرة في اليوم العالمي للمرأة Anonymous March 31, 2025 في اليوم العالمي للمرأة، كشعيرة من شعائر "الإنسانية،" يجب علينا، نحن ماكثي العالم الغربي، أن ننعى بؤس المرأة العربية. ولكن الحقيقة هي أن المرأة العربية، في طبعها، ثورية عنيدة. فأن تولد عربيًا أمر في غاية العناد، ولكن أن تولدي امرأة عربية يعني أن يلين أمامك صلب العناد نفسه. فأنتِ لستِ فقط في صراعٍ وجوديّ مع عالمٍ ظالمٍ يستبيح دماء شعبكِ، ويودّ لو يجعل من بلادكِ ريفييرا يستجمّ فيها فوق أضرحة أطفالكِ، ولكنكِ أيضًا في صراعٍ مع نفسكِ ومجتمعكِ؛ فأنباء اضطهادكِ تتصدر عناوين الصحف في الغرب، ناعتةً الرجل العربي بالرجعية وغير ذلك من صفاتٍ قبيحة؛ كل كي يزعزع جنودُ "الإنسانية" وجدانَ الرجل الغربي المتحضر، لعلّ وعسى أن يلبّي نداء التحضّر ويجلب لكِ الحرية المحتومة. وأنتِ، أنتِ يا أيتها المرأة العربية، مركز كلّ ذلك. ولكن الحقيقة هي أن المرأة العربية، في طبعها، ثورية عنيدة. كانت جدّتي منذ صغر سنها مناضلةً، استطاعت أن تربي جيلًا كاملًا في بيتٍ صغيرٍ لا يكاد يتسع لنفسه، لكنّها جعلت منه صرحًا عظيمًا واسعًا رحبًا بإقامتها فيه . كانت أُميّة حُرمت من التعليم، ولكن، على الرغم من ذلك، كانت تفوقنا جميعًا علمًا. فيا للعجب! أما عمّاتي، فكنّ فلاحاتٍ في قريةٍ من قرى الأردن، ومثل جدّتي، كان مقطنهنّ متواضعَ الحال، لكنهنّ كنّ إمبراطوراتٍ في عالم الفلاحة، يحرثن الأرض، ويحلبن البقر، ويرعين الدجاج، ويأكلن من عمل أيديهنّ، بل إنّ القرية بأكملها كانت تأكل من عمل أيديهنّ. ولا سيما أمي كذلك، قيادية حازمة، فكل كلمة تصدر منها في البيت أو خارجه بمثابة أمر نهائي لا محال منه. فإذا نطقت أمي، سكت القانون. وعلى الرغم من أن هذه الصفات بدت سائدةً فينا بالوراثة، إلا أنني لا زلت امرأة في مطلع شبابي، أحاول بعسر أن أستمد ثوريتي من النساء اللواتي نشأت على أيديهن؛ فلا بد بالطبع أن يعكر صفو تلك المحاولات الكلام الفارغ الذي يُتطلب مني أن أصغي إليه يوميًا في محاضراتي الزنانة. ففعلًا، إن ما تنشره الصحف في ذم الرجل العربي ورثاء المرأة العربية له روّاد في الغرب يتابعونه ويطّلعون عليه، وها أنا، التي كنت أعتقد أنني مركز هذا الحوار، أجلس في خلفية الصف، نائيةً نأي الكواكب عن الشمس عن المركز. فإيميليا (أو أدخل اسم أي فتاة أعجمية) أصبحت أكثر درايةً بمصلحة المرأة العربية، وها هي ذا منفعلة، يحتدّ صوتها وهي تستنكر فعلة الرجل العربي الشنيعة في حق امرأته. يا للهول! إنها لا تستطيع أن ترتدي ما تشاء من ماركات، ولا أن تدارك موضات لباس إيميليا ورفيقاتها! ولن نبرح من المحاضرة حتى تقنعنا إيميليا أن هذا هو كل ما في الأمر يا سيدي، ولا يوجد أي بعد آخر للوطن العربي تراه سوى ذلك. وأنا في الخلف أخاف أن أئنّ أي أنين، حتى لا تهيج إيميليا وتدعو إلى التحرك العسكري الفضائي لإنقاذي من أيدي سجّاني! لكن أيا ليت صمتي لخطابها رادعًا، فهي لا يعنيها حقًا كل ما يمسني من سوء، فيشغلها السوء طالما يطولني من على يد الرجل العربي وليس الغربي، وذلك لأن مذهبها الفكري ليس سوى امتدادا لحيلة استعمارية قديمة؛ استنادًا لتحاليل الكاتبة المصرية ليلى أحمد، فإن فكرة اضطهاد الرجال في المجتمعات المستعمَرة للنساء لا تعني المستعمر إلا بغرض توظيفها أداة في الخطاب الاستعماري تُستخدم "لإضفاء شرعية أخلاقية على مشروع تقويض ثقافات الشعوب المستعمَرة أو القضاء عليها." فهل تدري إيميليا أن جدتي وعماتي كنّ كلهنّ ضحايا حرب الإملاق نتيجة سياسات العالم الغربي الرأسمالي المحتل، قبل أن يكنّ ضحايا الرجل العربي؟ هل ذكرت الصحف المستشرفة التي تتابعها أن الرّجل العربي نفسه ضحيّة للعالم الغربي الرّأسمالي المحتل؟ وذلك كما وضّحت عالمة الأنثروبولوجيا الفلسطينية ليلة أبو لغد في كتابها هل تحتاج المرأة المسلمة إلى الإنقاذ؟ إن "اختزال المرأة المسلمة في صورة نمطية يُبعدنا عن الإشكالية الأعمق، وهي أن سياساتنا وأفعالنا في الغرب تساهم في خلق الظروف القاسية التي يعيشها آخرون في أماكن بعيدة. في النهاية، إن خطاب "إنقاذ" النساء المسلمات يتيح لنا التهرب من التعقيدات المتشابكة التي نشارك جميعًا في تشكيلها، ويكرّس استقطابًا يضع النسوية في صف الغرب وحده." لا أخاطبكم اليوم إنكارًا لما تمرّ به المرأة العربية من ظروف خطيرة وتعيسة، ولكنّي ضقت ذرعًا بالدموع المصطنعة التي يذرفها الغرب ادعاءً منه الاهتمام بتلك الظروف، وهو أول من صنعها. فبعد فصل دراسي كامل لي في جامعة غربية، أحطتُ علمًا بأنني لستُ جوهر الحوار. أصبحت على علمٍ بأنني أنا وسائر النساء العربيات لسنا سوى مضافًا إليه في نثر الكلام، وجزءًا من مسرحية الغرب المتحضر. فصفّقوا، كلٌّ كان له دور وأدّاه! ودوري أنا: أن أُجلب للصف كالصنم الذي لا يفقه شيئًا، ليطمئن زملائي أنه بوجودي استطاعوا أن يحطّموا الجدار الثالث، فأقحموني بكل سخاءٍ في نقاشهم الذي من المفترض أنني أنا "مركزه." وها هي مسرحيتهم العبثية قد أُخرجت بمباركة وجودي بينهم، ورفعت الأقلام، وجفت الصحف، وانقضى حلّ كلّ مشاكل الشرق الأوسط لا يزيد ولا ينقص عن دروس جوفاء تُردَّد عن المساواة الجندرية، كأنَّ العدلَ يولدُ من صدى كلمات الغرب، لا من صرخات أهل الأرض . بدأت أشعر أن الحرية التي أطمح لها أنا، وتطمح لها زميلاتي، ليست الحرية ذاتها. فلم تعد الحرية في عيني أن أرتدي بنطالًا أو قميصًا أو أي قطعة قماش زائفة. أدركتُ أن الحرية هي أن ترميك طائرات الغرب الوحشية بقنابل من سجّيل، تنخر عليك واحدة تلو الأخرى من السماء، لتُوئدك بعد ذلك تحت الأنقاض، ثم تعودي أنتِ وبقوة، تتوعدين بإنجاب المزيد والمزيد لتجديد العهد عليهم، حتى يجنّ جنون العدو، الذي لا يزال يحاول -عبثًا- أن يطمسكِ أنتِ ونسلكِ عن الوجود. ويبقى السؤال: هل إذا كسونا أجسادنا بلباس الغرب سيعصمنا لباسهم من جحيم قنابلهم؟ ومن ثمّ بلغوني، هل بين حريتي وحريتكم أية صلة؟ أوجه رسالتي في يوم المرأة إلى الأم، أو الأخت، أو البنت، أو الإنسانة التي فقدت حياتها، أو حياة من تحب، في غزة، في حلب، في بغداد، في بيروت، والتي تكافح في سبيل العيش الكريم في الأردن أو أي مكانٍ آخر. أضع كفي بكفكِ وأقول: تحيّة لكِ، فأنتِ الحريّة، وأنت الإنسانيّة، وأنتِ العروبة، وأنتِ الثّورة والعناد—وذلك حقّ، ولا شيء يعلو على الحقّ. Photo source: Alisdare Hickson on Flickr