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In a democratic society we willingly submit power to governing institutions to be wielded toward the greater good, and when that isn’t the case, and other measures fail to address injustices, Fo’s tale suggests that civil disobedience may be the only route left to take. < Back Navigating Corrupt Realities: The Timelessness of Dario Fo’s ‘Accidental Death of an Anarchist’ By Maria Eirini Liodi December 31, 2023 In a world torn by conflict, poverty, and displacement; where every event is live broadcasted to us 24/7, reality seems to be a nightmarish loop. Especially with the wartime atrocities we have observed this past year, notions of fairness and justice have been prevalent topics of discussion, as has been the issue of civil disobedience in light of injustice. Is deviating from the norm and going to extreme measures to make one’s voice heard justifiable? What civil disobedience is justified in the name of fairness? While this article will not delve into these political topics directly, they do provide a basis of my discussion of theatre and the role of political plays today, with the spotlight on a recent favourite of mine, Dario Fo’s play, ‘The Accidental Death of an Anarchist.’ Recently while in Athens, I was able to see this incredible play brought to life. An amalgamation of movement, song and wit, the interpretation brought by the Greek actors, namely the protagonist Panos Vlahos, is a must watch for anyone in the area. A woeful tale woven in webs of lies, injustice and violence, the protagonist, a mad trickster, unveils the distorted reality one finds when dealing with powerful and corrupted state bodies. This lively satire unfolds a tale based on the 1969 Piazza Fontana bombing and death of anarchist Giuseppe Pinelli. In a period where Italy was struck by intense waves of social unrest, radical calls from the left for societal reform and anarchist groups mobilising to destabilise the status quo, the government was cornered in a challenging position. Pinelli was arrested for an alleged anarchist bombing, however like everything in the play, Fo sheds light on the ambiguity of the events, from the arrest, to the unfortunate, ‘accidental’ death. Pinelli’s death was labelled a suicide, an ‘accident,’ but many members of the public weren’t convinced. As all Gossip Girl fans and perhaps governments will know, even the best hidden secrets come out eventually. Well this one didn’t exactly ‘come out.’ It was just whispers of the corrupt core of the police, alleged brutal methods of interrogation and even rumours of the police planting intelligence members disguised as leftists to plant bombs to destroy their credibility and political standing. Fo illustrates this confusion through an absurd reality of a protagonist with a fast-talking, skillful eloquence and underlying revolutionary zeal. Assuming the semblance of a psychiatrist and later an investigating judge, the protagonist infiltrates the police department, seamlessly unraveling the inconsistencies of the anarchist’s case and revealing through the impeccable “appearance-versus-reality" trope the deceptive, corrupt actions of the police force. As audiences immerse themselves in the narrative, the play subtly urges contemplation on the challenging of authority and resisting oppressive systems. Amidst the protagonist's journey through the absurdity of corrupt institutions, the narrative quietly champions the notion that civil disobedience, rooted in anarchist values, can wield significant influence in the battle against societal injustice. If we were to look practically anywhere in our modern day society, we could see these ideas entrenched around us. Modern media yields growing power in dominating the narratives upon which not only our interpretations of the world are based, but society itself is based. Done in parallel with the growing tools of misinformation and misrepresentation of information, as tools of social division and exclusion of justice, Fo’s political drama serves as a cautionary tale. We ought to be critical about what we read–where was it published? When? By whom? Is there proof? If so, then what is it? And when it comes to institutions of power, be it universities, companies or governments–we ought to be critical of them too. In a democratic society we willingly submit power to governing institutions to be wielded toward the greater good, and when that isn’t the case, and other measures fail to address injustices, Fo’s tale suggests that civil disobedience may be the only route left to take. Disclaimer: This is by no means an article written to promote anarchy, just critical thinking.

La neutralité qui s’exprime dans le débat public a quelque chose de dangereux dans le sens où elle légitime des projets politiques souvent répressifs et conservateurs, dans le sens où ils ne portent aucune volonté de changement des structures de la société et entendent au contraire faire taire le débat sur un tel changement. < Back L’imposture de la neutralité en politique Lubin Parisien November 30, 2024 Alors que la Russie entamait son invasion de l’Ukraine, les pays européens ont décidé d’adopter des sanctions contre le régime de Vladimir Poutine. Au milieu de l’Europe, la Suisse apparaît bien seule et encerclée par une Union européenne qu’elle refuse de rejoindre. Le pays a pour mantra sa sacro-sainte neutralité; pourtant, le pays a rapidement endossé les sanctions contre la Russie tout en expliquant qu’« elle ne favorise aucun belligérant sur le plan militaire . » Mais même les défenseurs les plus acharnés de la ‘neutralité’ suisse comme l’UDC – un parti d’extrême-droite – semblent moins neutres qu’ils veulent le faire croire et cultivent une proximité discrète avec le Kremlin et ses idées. En outre, les fonds des oligarques russes en Suisse ne sont pas gelés ou sinon à la marge . Les discours sur la neutralité suisse ne sont sûrement pas neutres et défendent des visions très particulières de la place du pays dans le monde. L’irénisme suisse apparaît comme une imposture pour mieux s’afficher comme les défenseurs de la paix et surtout promouvoir des intérêts particuliers moins nobles. La neutralité cache toujours une vision politique qui n’a ontologiquement rien de différent de celles qui ne se dissimulent pas derrière la neutralité. Des neutralistes très partisans La neutralité a plusieurs avatars: on s’abstient, on ne dit rien, on ne fait rien. Quelles positions politiques peut-on exprimer quand on ne s’exprime pas? Se dire neutre permet de se placer en-dehors d’un débat, en-dehors d’une guerre. Néanmoins, un acteur politique comme un Etat ne peut s’extraire de l’espace politique, dans lequel il est par définition. En se mettant en-dehors d’un débat ou d’un conflit, un acteur politique choisit de se mettre dans une position particulière qui n’a rien d'évident. Derrière chaque discours de neutralité, on peut déduire l’expression d’une certaine vision qu’un acteur politique a de lui-même et de la relation qu’il entretient avec l’objet ou la conflictualité au sujet duquel il prétend être à l’écart. La guerre en Ukraine a suscité la désapprobation d’une grande partie de la communauté internationale et c’est pourquoi en février 2023 une résolution est présentée à l’Assemblée générale de l’ONU est adoptée par 141 pays. Cependant, des Etats prétendent être neutres, comme la Suisse, et parmi eux 32 Etats se sont abstenus et 13 étaient absents. Sont-ils vraiment neutres? Des grandes puissances comme l’Inde et la Chine n’en ont-elles rien à faire? Le Venezuela, proche de la Russie et exclu de l’ordre mondial promu par les Occidentaux et les démocraties latino-américaines, est-il le seul pays absent au vote du continent par pure indifférence? On peut en douter; de fait, les lignes de fractures relevées lors du vote ne sont pas le fruit du hasard, mais reprennent celles séparant la communauté internationale sur la conception d’un ordre mondial. Les observateurs ne s’y sont pas trompés, le journal Le Monde parlait au sujet de l’abstention de pays africains pour la résolution de 2022 d’une « abstention calculée » et motivée par diverses raisons, comme la progression de discours russophiles dans le continent ou la méfiance et la distance face à un ordre occidental décrié. Cet ordre est aussi contesté par la Chine ou par l’Inde, qui essaient de s’émanciper de façon différente de la seule tutelle occidentale sur le concert des nations. Bref, dans les relations internationales, le silence est bien révélateur, il indique ainsi la conception qu’on a de l’ordre mondial à défendre, par exemple avec la méconnaissance du primat du droit international dont font preuve les pays s'étant tus face à la guerre en Ukraine. La neutralité perd de son sens, elle n’a substantiellement rien de différent avec d’autres approches et rhétoriques défendant d’autres idées politiques par définition partisanes. C’est aussi le cas dans les universités concernant le conflit à Gaza et les mouvements contestataires qui s'ensuivent. Sciences Po Paris est un exemple parlant: le 4 octobre, le ministre de l’enseignement supérieur Patrick Hetzel a déclaré dans un communiqué citant Sciences Po Paris qu’il « condamne fermement ces actions [de contestation face aux évènements en cours à Gaza et au Liban], qui vont à l'encontre des principes de neutralité et de laïcité du service public de l’enseignement supérieur. » Cette neutralité s’oppose à des revendications politiques précises et en brident l’expression. La neutralité ainsi proclamée a en réalité de lourdes significations: premièrement, l’université est vue comme le lieu de débats aseptisés et non pas le lieu de contestations chocs que certains qualifient de violentes. C’est une vision que l’on peut tout à fait défendre, mais ce n’est pas neutre. Deuxièmement, le refus de condamner clairement la politique israélienne n’est pas une évidence ni une expression d’une vraie neutralité, mais plutôt un choix politique tranché et révélateur d'une certaine vision de cette politique, jugée suffisamment explicable et pas si clairement illégale au regard du droit international. Troisièmement, une telle neutralité révèle surtout un certain rapport entre l’université et le monde extérieur, l’institution n’étant pas censée interférer avec les enjeux extérieurs, mais simplement censée en rendre compte dans un format académique. Là encore, une telle vision politique est défendable et peut faire l’objet d’une argumentation sérieuse. Néanmoins, la neutralité est empiriquement une imposture cachant la réalité d’une posture tranchée qui s'oppose à d’autres paradigmes politiques. Là encore, la neutralité ne diffère pas en soi d’une position politique partisane. Pourtant, la neutralité a quelque chose de substantiellement différent – c’est une imposture à la coloration conservatrice. L’extrême-centre ou la défense d’un ordre établi La neutralité permet d’anesthésier le débat sur les choix pris par le pouvoir politique en place. Le même fait se vérifie avec les universités « neutres » vis-à-vis du conflit à Gaza: en refusant d’ouvrir clairement le débat sur les partenariats avec des universités israéliennes et avec le rejet de la création d’un groupe de travail spécial, Sciences Po Paris conforte une réalité dans le débat public français et notre politique étrangère. En effet, on constate une bienveillance injustifiée face à un Etat dont les politiques pourraient nous inviter à questionner la pertinence de la proximité actuelle entre nos deux pays. C’est là que réside le vice avec la neutralité en politique: il s’agit d’une rhétorique défendant l’ordre établi par le pouvoir politique sans s’afficher sincèrement. Cet ordre politique refuse qu’on le questionne et se dissimule derrière la Raison avec une majuscule et dans des retranchements qu’on ne peut pas attaquer sur le fond car la neutralité impliquerait l’absence de positions politiques à critiquer. C’est pour cela que les discours se réclamant de la neutralité et de ses avatars soi-disant apartisans doivent susciter notre méfiance: ils empêchent un débat sincère et explicite sur l’ordre établi et surtout sur les autres que nous pourrions établir. En outre, la neutralité en politique et son édification comme principe même de la politique a une histoire particulière liée à l’extrême-centre. L’historien Pierre Serna est l’initiateur de ce concept dont il fait remonter l’application à Napoléon Bonaparte et au Consulat. Il identifie trois éléments pour définir l’extrême-centre : « se placer au-dessus des clivages en adoptant une rhétorique de la modération, » « défendre un certain opportunisme en prenant les meilleures idées de chaque camp » et « la conquête et le maintien d’un pouvoir fort, » principe dont Pierre Sterna souligne la contradiction avec le supposé dépassement des idéologies. Le premier principe se vérifie avec la posture de l’Afrique du Sud qui justifie son abstention sur la résolution de 2023 condamnant l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la nécessaire contribution à une « conclusion constructive [de pourparlers] conduisant à la création d’une paix durable en Ukraine, » formule incluse dans un communiqué n'évoquant jamais la Russie et appelant à une position de surplomb de l’Assemblée générale. Le second principe est appliqué par des personnalités politiques voulant s’emparer du pouvoir avec une large assise, comme ce fut le cas d’Emmanuel Macron en 2017 lorsqu’il prônait le « en même temps. » Le caractère répressif d’une neutralité se parant des atours de la seule raison et de la seule responsabilité apparaît comme une évidence quand l’administrateur provisoire de Sciences Po Paris Jean Bassères prit la décision de faire appel aux forces de l’ordre pour déloger ceux qui occupaient le campus de Paris et quand il s’agissait de lancer des procédures disciplinaires contre des militants. La neutralité qui s’exprime dans le débat public a quelque chose de dangereux dans le sens où elle légitime des projets politiques souvent répressifs et conservateurs, dans le sens où ils ne portent aucune volonté de changement des structures de la société et entendent au contraire faire taire le débat sur un tel changement. La dangerosité réside aussi dans l’imposture déjà révélée précédemment. Le philosophe Alain Deneault relève ainsi que « l’extrémisme de l’extrême centre tient à son rejet de tout ce qui n’est pas lui » : la neutralité en politique est le paravent à une telle posture et est en tout cas une défense inavouée–peut-être inavouable–d’un certain ordre établi ou de certaines orientations programmatiques qui n’ont substantiellement rien d’apartisan.

Since the start of its European Union membership, Cyprus had sustained a reputation for unseriousness, marked by a repeated failure to solve the Cyprus problem, consistently poor rankings on environmental matters in the EU, and numerous corruption scandals. This raises the question: was this a genuinely pivotal moment, or the nail in the coffin of Cyprus’s reputation in the EU? < Back From TikToker to MEP: How Did We Get Here? Feidias Psaras Mouths were agape. With nearly one fifth of the vote, the highest share of votes secured by an independent candidate for such a post, Cyprus had elected a TikToker to be one of the six Cypriot MEPs. In a simple gray t-shirt, Fidias Panayiotou read out his victory speech from a crumpled piece of paper before the vote was fully over. ‘Today is a historic day. Not only for Cyprus, but perhaps for the entire world’, he declared. Since the start of its European Union membership, Cyprus had sustained a reputation for unseriousness, marked by a repeated failure to solve the Cyprus problem, consistently poor rankings on environmental matters in the EU, and numerous corruption scandals. This raises the question: was this a genuinely pivotal moment, or the nail in the coffin of Cyprus’s reputation in the EU? Over the course of the two months, Fidias used his social media platforms, on which he had amassed millions of followers, to spread his political message. Namely, he talked about how he didn’t have any policies to speak of, and that he was running because he believed that what mattered, and what was lacking in the current political scene, was that he truly cared about the people of Cyprus and would go to all lengths to represent them. The latter has long become a demagogic cliché; the former is much less common. A quick sift through public appearances during the lead-up drives the point home. In one of his podcast episodes, Fidias discusses the need for schooling reform, claiming that schools are prisons and that we need to diversify modes of education. The kinds of reforms he suggests, however, showcase his elementary understanding of these institutions and their resource limitation. Long-time fans, despite mostly being under the legal voting age, were fervent supporters of the political foray and were convinced of its success. To the uninitiated in matters of internet culture, the surprise came from the fact that this figure, a strange kind of ‘e-celebrity’ who was non-existent in the island’s political landscape prior to the two-month lead-up to July, was able to override decades-old party dogmatisms. To those people young enough to be on social media but not so much so as to be consistently drawn to Fidias’s content, the surprise came from a different angle. Fidias had risen to fame through a unique brand of Mr. Beast-like stuntsmanship: his videos featured him running barefoot through 21 km of snow, staying at an airport for a week and traveling across Japan by freeloading on the Shinkansen. Fidias had spent one sixth of 2022 camping outside Twitter Headquarters just to get a hug from Elon Musk. What did any of this have to do with being an MEP? With no prior training or experience in the field, and no coherent stance on domestic issues, not to mention highly technocratic ones of EU trade and regulatory policy, how was Fidias ever able to convince the people he could effectively represent them? In fact, Fidias’s shortcomings were what got him elected. Although his talent for captivating audiences and his high-outreach platforms were obvious beforehand, his lack of policies meant that he avoided being placed anywhere within the political spectrum. And during a time of erosion in the public trust toward the heretofore mainstage political party, spurred most recently by blatant corruption scandals, a growing demographic yearned for a new political formation. They were captured just as much by Feidias’s promise as by his presentation; someone who had borne out the worst public abasements on screen for the world to watch, who spoke in the simple, at times broken Cypriot dialect that so many others hid in public appearances, who wore plain t-shirts to television interviews, Fidias couldn’t even be likened to the devil you knew. He was just a guy you knew.. Far from being charismatic by the traditional standards, Fidias’s clumsiness, his passionate stuttering and his unashamed admission of something as absurd as having no policies came off as strangely endearing for a large portion of an audience that didn’t know who to trust anymore. But the slap in the face dealt to the main political parties of Cyprus was only in part a conscious statement by voters. The people who voted for Fidias because of his refusal to politically classify himself did so in part as a rejection of old party politics, but also because they found comfort in the naivete that it stemmed from. The country lacks civic engagement; in a 2020 survey, 38% of Cypriot respondents, the fourth smallest percentage, reported feeling like they were informed about Civil Society Organisations whose issues matter to them and just 11% had taken part in public consultations happening in their area, both percentages being the fourth among the 27 Member States. Moreover, 31% cited that actions of such CSOs did not impact them at all, the eighth highest in the Union. It makes sense then, for such an under-informed and disillusioned voter base to seek refuge in something they can identify with. On the other hand, Fidias’s nomination reveals a more unsettling truth about our citizens’ relationship to the EU. While Belgium and Luxembourg might hover at around a 90% voter turnout, countries like Croatia and Lithuania exhibited voter turnout in the 20s and 30s, even during an election year that has had the largest overall voter turnout in three decades. The EU is a federal system that bridges economic and legal gaps between countries, but the historic, cultural, linguistic and civic ones still remain. And to many, this superstructure that determines so much of their lives is a black box; a set of passionless institutions filled with faceless technocrats. To an extent, this is also true at the national level. It’s easier to attribute bus punctuality and cleanliness of sidewalks to good municipal organization than it is to assess the net impact of national welfare policies. Fidias’s success reveals a lot about what we need to work on moving forward. For one, it clearly illustrates the importance of modernizing strategies and channels of outreach. It reveals how political parties in Cyprus struggle to maintain trustworthiness among voters, as well as how those voters themselves are not sufficiently politically literate due to an undernourished educational and civic sector. Worryingly, it also highlights how precarious the democratic model is when it comes to EU politics. In any case, let’s hope that the Fidias phenomenon does more harm than good.

Aicha Ech Chenna, aussi appelée Mère Courage, est une emblème du féminisme au Maroc. Elle s’est malheureusement éteinte en ce 25 septembre, sans faillir à laisser à sa cause un héritage de progrès et d’avancées sans précédent. < Back Mère Teresa du Maroc, Mère Courage, Aicha Ech Chenna l'emblème du féminisme au Maroc, est morte By Layla Hammouda October 31, 2022 Aujourd’hui maman est morte. Sauf qu’aujourd’hui nous sommes le 25 septembre 2022, et ce n’est pas la mère de Meursault* qui est morte, mais celle qui est surnommée la Mère Teresa du Maroc. Aicha Ech Chenna, aussi appelée Mère Courage, est une emblème du féminisme au Maroc. Elle s’est malheureusement éteinte en ce 25 septembre, sans faillir à laisser à sa cause un héritage de progrès et d’avancées sans précédent. Aïcha a toujours eu un rapport très maternel à la cause de la femme. À ses 12 ans déjà, elle a pu entrevoir la primauté du combat feministe au Maroc à travers le courage de sa mère, qui l’a éloigné de son beau père voulant lui faire porter le voile et quitter l'école pour la couture. À 16 ans, à la suite de soucis familiaux, les rôles s'inversent et c’est à son tour de prendre en charge sa mère lorsqu’elle obtient son diplôme d’infirmière. À l'hôpital, une scène marquera Aïcha au fer rouge. Une scène provoquant le combat maternel de Aïcha, une scène qui sera la pièce angulaire de sa bataille. Une mère donnait le sein à son enfant alors qu’elle s’apprêtait à l’abandonner. L’assistante sociale lui demanda de poser son empreinte sur l’acte d’abandon; ce que la mère fit en retirant à son nourrisson son sein d’un geste coléreux et brusque. Le bébé s’écria, le lait gicla sur son visage. Aicha Ech Chenna n’en dormit pas, encore moins lorsqu’elle découvre les endroits où logeaient ces enfants abandonnés, nés hors mariage, nés dans l’illégalité malgré eux. « Leurs cris résonnent encore dans ma tête. Depuis ce jour-là, je me suis jurée de faire quelque chose » avait-elle dit dans un entretien. S’est alors dessiné un combat à double front pour la Mere Courage: (i) d’un côté la cause des mères célibataires - souvent mère malgrè elles, étant notamment victimes de viol, l’avortement étant illégal au Maroc-et (ii) de l’autre côté, la cause des enfants abandonnés- par ces mêmes mères contre leur grè. Elle commence alors par fonder l’Association Solidarité Féminine en 1985, où elle accueille des mères célibataires, leur offre des cours d’alphabétisation, les forme à divers métiers et les soutient psychologiquement. En d’autre termes, elle leur permet de mieux s'intégrer dans une société qui les marginalise de part leur situation. Aicha les aide même à formuler leur mal être, en publiant « À Hautes voix », un livre recueillant les témoignages de femmes de cette Association ainsi que ceux de leurs enfants, devenus grands. Pour son engagement infaillible et son combat honorable au service de cette noble cause, la Mère Teresa du Maroc fut decorée par le Roi Mohammed VI en 2000, puis recompensée par la Légion d’honneur française en 2013. Malgré ces distinctions, Aicha Ech Chenna s’est vu rattrapée par les résistances des mentalités au changement, telle qu’exprimées à travers la fatwa** émise contre elle suite à un passage sur la chaîne Al Jazeera où elle abordait des sujets jugés “tabous”, tels que l’inceste et les mères célibataires. Le combat de la Mère Courage est alors un combat où les espoirs furent souvent bridés, et où la persévérance fut cruciale pour voir le progrès espéré in fine se dessiner. Alors, quand le Roi Mohammed VI demande à ce que le Maroc autorise l’avortement dans les cas de viol, d’inceste, et de graves malformations du fœtus, Aicha est reconnaissante et repond « C’est une première étape! ». Aicha Ech Chenna a dédié sa vie à ce combat et telle sa mère lui a inculqué l’importance de cette bataille, Aicha, dans un élan maternel, a contribué à l’inculquer aux femmes marocaines et à leur donner les outils pour la perpétuer. Car si cette bataille est la bataille d’une vie, elle ne se gagne pas en l’espace d’une même vie. Donc lorsque j’entend Myriam Bessa, collaboratrice d’Aicha, s'inquiéter et déplorer que « Malheureusement, nous vivons sur les acquis de nos grands-mères, la jeune génération fait du militantisme sur les réseaux sociaux. Qui est la future Aïcha Ech-Chenna ? Qui osera sacrifier sa vie pour porter la voix des femmes au Maroc ? », je me tourne vers les émouvantes manifestations de début septembre suite au décès d’une jeune fille de 15 ans lors d’un avortement clandestin, et je reprend confiance: les militantes appellent à reprendre le flambeau de Mère Courage. *Meursault est le personnage principal de l' Etranger d'Albert Camus, roman qui commence par la célèbre phrase employée au début de cet article ** Arabe : consultation juridique sur un point de religion, donnant parfois lieu à condamnation

June 3, 2026 Être élève à SciencesPo quand son pays est en guerre 65% des étudiants du campus de Menton de SciencesPo sont des étudiants internationaux, dont une partie est originaire de pays du Moyen Orient touchés par des conflits ou des crises profondes. Si certains conservent l'espoir d'un retour, d'autres font état d'une « relation difficile avec le pays pour lequel il porte de l’amour mais qu’il a à la fois toujours voulu quitter », ne souhaitant plus y vivre. Ce paradoxe entre attachement et répulsion marque le quotidien de ces étudiants, partagés entre leur cursus en France et les instabilités qui touchent leur pays d'origine. Read More February 25, 2026 Why I Drag a Suitcase to Italy for Groceries Everyone loves the convenience of a quick grocery store run. I, too, once lived that life of luxury. Living a mere two-minute walk from Carrefour, I thought I had made it. I could roll out of bed, grab a pain au chocolat and be back before my coffee cooled. Read More February 25, 2026 The Art of Domestic Failure: An Anthology of Apartment Mishaps You can analyze political theory and debate international policy, but nothing in the Sciences Po curriculum prepares you for the true test of intellect and will: surviving your own apartment. I learned this the hard way, one domestic disaster at a time. Read More December 22, 2025 Menton’s Senior Citizens Won’t Bite: Go Talk to Them! Shortly after arriving in Menton this August, I got the sense that the town’s older residents are not particularly fond of Sciences Pistes. For many students, this might not come as such a shock. After Integration Week, complaints echoed through the Old Town. As one woman eloquently put it, “Sciences Po drove us crazy until 3 in the morning !” The objections vary in subtlety, from frustrated sighs and muttered grievances to water-pouring incidents on the heads of unsuspecting Le Rétro-goers. Read More September 30, 2025 How I Survive the Walk to School Without Losing my Will to Live Everyone loves to brag about how they can roll out of bed five minutes before class and still make it to class on time. (Good for you, king. May your alarm never betray you.) Meanwhile, some of us are out here having our own daily Olympic event—a 20-30 minute trek to campus. Every. Single. Day. Character-building, they say. Trauma, I reply. Read More September 30, 2025 On Becoming Mentonnais Yet, for much of my first few days, the town seemed quite impersonal to me: I felt disconnected. Because for all its beauty, I felt as if Menton always found a way to avoid intimacy. It pushed me to ask, what does it mean to be a part of this town anyways? Read More September 29, 2025 There's No Place Like Home I have always felt that way because “home”, to me, has always been a patchwork. There’s the place you were born, the one you grew up in, the countries tied to your heritage, and now a campus far away from everything you ever knew. Each one of them feels like “home,” but then again none of them quite do. They overlap and argue with each other—they coexist like siblings fighting over the bigger room. Read More September 28, 2025 Locals Versus Students: One Town, Two Communities When you search Menton on the internet, you’re greeted with pictures of lemon trees, sparkling blue water, and beautiful multi-colored buildings dotting the coast. It seems like a no-brainer when choosing your Sciences Po campus – who wouldn’t want to live in one of the most beautiful towns in the world? But as students arrived in August, they began to realize that living in Menton might not be as pleasant as it seems online. Read More September 27, 2025 A Year in Retrospect Accepting that “leaving one place does not mean that I leave my problems behind” is the biggest lesson this place has, accidentally or not, taught me. Being content where one is is a choice, although not an easy one. Life can be a lot of work, even when living on the Riviera. Read More April 30, 2025 An Ode To Menton: Notes From the Edge of France As we 2As prepare for our departure, I wonder what my biased memory will frame my time in Menton to be. Is living in the Côte D’Azur really as luxe as Instagram stories sell-it to be? This is my little reflection to remember the highs and the lows while they're still fresh in my memory. Here are ten lessons (from the 100s) from Menton Read More April 30, 2025 Cocteau’s Azur: Exploring Queerness in Menton At first glance, Menton appears to be a quaint and peaceful town on the French Riviera—a place of leisure, history, and, of course, lemons. But is Menton truly as fruity as it seems? Read More March 31, 2025 Choose Your Fighter: Dual Degree Edition Though they are both great, one has to be better, right? Is being a Lion superior to being a Golden Bear? Are the views of the Bay more attractive than the sights of the Big Apple? Read More

April 30, 2025 Singing through Grief – Collective Memory through Music Music has a strange sort of power; it can outlive the moments it was originally made for. You’ll Never Walk Alone has transcended Liverpool. Celtic fans sing it in Scotland, as well as Dortmund fans in Germany. It’s been sung in times of crisis—after terrorist attacks, during the pandemic and other acts of remembrance. But it will forever belong to Hillsborough first. It is sacred in the way a national anthem can become sacred, or a funeral hymn. You’ll Never Walk Alone began as a ballad of hope and then a cry for justice. Read More December 31, 2024 Seeing Red: Conservatism and Combat Sports If the right wing, as they have in the past, continue to capitalize on the sport’s inherent conservative inclinations, not only will they see victories on fight night, but on election night too. Read More October 31, 2024 Playing Switzerland: An Unfair Game The problem with playing Switzerland, playing neutral, is that it is not a fair game. Ban the state, and innocent athletes suffer. Do not ban the state, and those harmed by the state suffer instead. The sport of neutrality has no simple rules. And the question remains: how can sporting governing bodies criticize aggressor states while staying true to their values of inclusivity and togetherness through sport? Read More October 31, 2024 Restless Relocations: The Hard Breaks Between City’s and their Sports Teams 56 seasons. 21 playoff appearances. 6 American League Pennants and 4 World Series Championships: the Athletics’ storied time in Oakland came to an end late this September with a 3-2 win over the Texas Rangers, their final game in the city’s Coliseum. Read More October 31, 2024 Eternal Enemies: PSG vs Olympique de Marseille Ultras, celebrations, anthems, hatred and violence are often associated with football. Coming from a country where the derby between Olympiakos and Panathinaikos brings out some of the best ultras in the world, I came to discover what happens in my new country of residence, France. Read More March 30, 2024 Formula 1: Are the Gulf Countries “Sportswashing”? The recent increase in the number of races held in the Arabian Peninsula comes from the rise in investment from the Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia, which is currently advocating for the addition of a second race in Qiddiya. Read More January 31, 2024 2024: Year of the Bike on the Côte d’Azur As it’s a Saturday afternoon, and as I am a creature of habit, I almost automatically bundle my bike out of my apartment. Read More October 31, 2023 Focusing on the Figures: Insight into the War in Ukraine Through the Lens of Figure Skating Figure skating is an integral part of Russian culture and identity. It is the amalgamation of Russian persistence in sacrifice, the current government’s propensity to reject all things Western, and above all, the pathway to repairing the fragmented prestige of years past. Read More March 31, 2023 Qatar Bids for Manchester United Football, once dubbed the “beautiful game,” has become the epicenter of sports washing, a newly coined term that refers to ways in which countries invest in sports to promote their reputation and deflect attention from their less favorable activities. Qatar is not alone in this. Read More February 28, 2023 February Sports Recap Sports Recap — February 2023 Read More February 28, 2023 Menton à Risoul: Sciences Pistes Spend Last Week of Break at Annual BDS Ski Trip Despite a few hiccups and more than a few drunk incidents, the ski trip was a tremendous success. Sciences Pistes faced their fears on the mountain, and they are stronger for it. Going into the second semester of the year, there is undoubtedly a tighter connection between us than ever before Read More January 31, 2023 Morocco's World Cup Success Sends the World a Powerful Statement The success of the Moroccan team at the 2022 FIFA World Cup has disrupted the traditional balance of football. It has shown how the unassuming underdogs can, with the right combination of teamwork, persistence, and a steadfast, strong-willed, bald-headed coach — Walid Regragui, nicknamed “avocado head”— attain new heights. Read More January 31, 2023 Le Football, Source de Miracles Pour l'Argentine? Même les leaders politiques les plus charismatiques de l'histoire de l'Argentine n'ont pas réussi ce que l'équipe dirigée par Messi a réussi : imprégner l'âme de près de 46 millions d'Argentins de la fierté d'appartenir à la nation argentine. Read More January 31, 2023 January Sports Recap Sports Recap — January 2023 Read More December 31, 2022 Analyzing the Morality of the World Cup: Boycotts, Forced Labor and Human Rights Although the human rights violations in Qatar and its threat to the environment are alarming, it is of the utmost importance that one approaches the situation holistically. Forced labor, environmental threats and the kafala system gained attention due to World Cup boycott conversations. While the tournament has already occurred, it is paramount to not discard these issues in future discourse. Read More December 31, 2022 December Sports Recap Sports Recap – December 2022 Read More October 31, 2022 October Sports Recap Sports Recap – October 2022 Read More September 30, 2022 The 2022 Qatar World Cup Has a Dark Side The sheer joy that usually accompanies the World Cup approach has been tainted this year. Qatar, the next World Cup site, continues to raise human rights concerns. Read More April 29, 2022 Critique du Film “Le Stade” Le film, réalisé par Eric Hannezo et Matthieu Vollaire, est une magnifique plongée dans l’aventure d’une saison, au sein du vestiaire du Stade Toulousain. Read More April 29, 2022 Sports Recap: April Sports Recap – April 2022 Read More

March 31, 2026 Interview with Lenka Králová for the International Trans Day of Visibility Lenka is a trans woman, an activist, a parent, a podcaster with two shows called V Tranzu and TLK–Talkshow with Lenka Králová, a person with an incredible sense of fashion, an artist, former IT developer and a new member of the Czech Pirate Party. Read More March 15, 2026 The Question of Palestine as a Feminist Issue Palestine is often discussed as a geopolitical conflict. Yet it is fundamentally a feminist issue. Palestinian women face violence due to the genocide Israel is committing, seen through reproductive violence and healthcare deprivation. This leads Palestinian women to be disproportionately affected by different forms of violence fundamentally shaped by the occupation Read More February 20, 2026 The Art of Becoming: How Movies Help Us Grow Sometimes growth begins in places we do not expect. Not after a life changing event, or a dramatic turning point, but during a movie scene that lasts only a few seconds. A moment so small that, if you were distracted, you could miss completely. Yet for those of us, these seconds can stay with us for longer than entire conversations. They settle in quietly, becoming part of how you remember, feel, and reflect. They touch something inside you before you can understand what is happening. And those few seconds, those tiny pieces of art, can become the beginning of who you are slowly becoming. This is how movies have helped me grow, not through dramatic lessons, but through quiet moments that slowly shape who I am becoming. Read More February 15, 2026 The Iranian Judicial System: Institutionalizing Fear and Repression As mass protests continue to spread in Iran, understanding how the system of arbitrary detention is maintained is crucial in order to determine how it can be addressed. Arbitrary detention encompasses not only illegal detentions but also deprivations of liberty that, even when lawful, are disproportionate, unreasonable, or lack due process. Read More December 5, 2025 Renewal of the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. Read More November 26, 2025 What Women Learn to Endure: How Early Socialization Shapes the Structural Roots of Intimate Partner Violence On average, 24% of women within the EU face Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). In Finland this figure rises to 30% with Denmark being even higher at 32%. In the context of the Nordics, 28% and 27% of Swedish and Norwegian women experienced IPV respectively. These relatively high statistics are described as the Nordic paradox, which explores why countries that are often described as models of egalitarianism face the highest rates of IPV. Read More November 15, 2025 Syria's Invisible Wounds: When Justice Must Rebuild What Violence Destroyed During Human Rights Week, I had the opportunity to hear from Noura Ghazi, a Syrian human rights lawyer and founder of Nophotozone. Her reflections centered on the wounds that linger beneath the surface — wounds inflicted by years of arbitrary arrests, torture, and enforced disappearances. At the conference “Syria in 2025 : Justice, Memory, and the Road Ahead,” Ghazi addressed one of the most painful chapters in Syria’s recent history. She spoke about the chaotic and sudden opening of prisons controlled by the regime and the dark consequences that followed. Read More November 13, 2025 Beyond Ceasefires: Building Lasting Peace with Art From Shatila to Menton, artist Maryam Samaan turns puppets and knitting into spaces for healing and dialogue. Read More November 11, 2025 Quand le Caire faisait rêver le monde arabe, l’âge d’or du cinéma égyptien. Dans son ouvrage Arab Cinema : History and Cultural Identity (1998), Viola Shafik affirme que l’Egypte était le premier pays arabe à produire une industrie cinématographique dont la production était supérieure, en quantité, à celui des autres nations arabes. Read More April 30, 2025 The Price of Blood: Syria’s Alawites and the Cost of Power Syria’s post-Assad experiment will be judged not only by who governs, but by how it treats those on the losing side of power. Will justice be pursued through institutions, or through revenge? Will Syria embrace unity, or settle into division? These are not abstract questions. They are matters of life and death, national identity and regional balance. Read More April 30, 2025 Syria Today: Post-Assad Turmoil and Efforts to Rebuild Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. Read More April 30, 2025 The Future of Air Warfare: Sixth-Generation Aircraft & the Race for China, Europe & the U.S. Just as the early 20th century saw an arms race over battleships, today’s world is entering a new era of aerial arms competition, where superiority is not only measured by performance but also by how well systems communicate, adapt and dominate. Ultimately, the effectiveness of these next-generation systems will not be fully known until they are tested—not in simulations, but in war. Read More April 30, 2025 « Tombez amoureux de l’Europe ! » Le message d’espoir du président Enrico Letta Il y a un siècle les Français et les Allemands se battaient pour déplacer leur frontière, aujourd’hui celle-ci ne semble même pas exister quand on la croise. » raconte Letta à l’ouverture de l’interview. Il faut trouver une histoire globale européenne, et comment cette institution bénéficie à tous les citoyens. Read More April 30, 2025 Sanctions: The Key to a Longstanding, Powerful, Authoritarian Regime Sanctions do more than empty out grocery aisles and indirectly kill the innocent recipients. While the proposed intention is to combat autocratic regimes through economic means, rather than traditional uses of violence, the effect is often counterintuitive, propping up the very regimes they aim to weaken. Read More March 31, 2025 From Paradise to Perimeter Defence: What Making the Pacific a Military Playground Means for its Indigenous People It's a smart idea—if you’re the US government. Get rid of all your pesky hazardous material on an irrelevant island 6,607 miles away from the land of the free. Burn it up, blow it up, it’s all the same. Unfortunately for everyone else, the cost-benefit analysis is slightly less clear-cut. Read More March 31, 2025 Marseille, toujours une ville d’immigration? Marseille, deuxième ville de France, port phare de la Méditerranée, permet de comprendre la complexité du rapport entre la France et l’immigration. Une sorte de « je t’aime, moi non plus », d’une réécriture de la véritable histoire de l’imigration, ou encore d’un profond melting pot urbain. D’un côté, Marseille est une des villes les plus cosmopolites de France, avec une partie de la population favorable à plus d’immigration. D’un autre, un électorat de plus en plus séduit par les discours anti-immigration du Rassemblement national (RN). Read More March 31, 2025 Hey Chat! How sustainable are you? When we speculate about the takeover of artificial intelligence, we envision robots and robots with human-like abilities toppling the human race. However, as humans continue to deplete their own environment without regard to the rights of others, it becomes more and more clear that the revolution of artificial intelligence is already underway. At this rate, it is not the machines that will destroy us, but rather ourselves. Read More February 28, 2025 America First, Migrants Last: Trump’s New Southern Border Policy Trump’s new border policy isn’t as simple as just closing the border and getting “terrorists the hell out” of the United States. It encompasses a myriad of endeavors, each dealing a blow to the U.S.’ immigration program, which comprises one-fifth of the entire world’s international migrants. Read More February 28, 2025 Corps et Conscience: L’Écriture révoltée de Nawal El Saadawi La liberté implique-t-elle nécessairement la solitude? Ou bien avons-nous, malgré tout, besoin d’un témoin, d’un appui, d’une présence pour exister pleinement? Read More February 28, 2025 Le traitement des prisonniers après la guerre dans le Haut-Karabagh (2023) Dans un communiqué de presse du 17 janvier 2025, Amnesty International appelle la communauté internationale à suivre de près ce procès, pour garantir le droit de Ruben Vardanyan à un procès équitable et à une bonne administration de la justice. Reste à voir si la communauté internationale va répondre à cet appel. Read More

December 20, 2025 Liquid Gold: The Story of Palestinian Olive Oil Read More November 6, 2025 Digital Resistance: How Young Palestinians Use Social Media to Preserve Memory In Palestine, memory has always been a form of resistance. Today, it lives not only in embroidery and heritage, but on digital screens across the world. Across Gaza, the West Bank, and the Palestinian towns inside Israel, a new generation is documenting life, loss, and love in "real- time" — transforming social media into a living archive of survival. Read More September 30, 2025 Points sur l’Actualité du Moyen-Orient « Le Moyen-Orient. Moyen par rapport à quoi ? Orient de quoi ? Le nom de la région est fondé sur une vision eurocentrée du monde, et cette région a été façonnée par un regard européen ». Tels sont les premiers mots figurant dans le manifeste de la géostratégie publié par Tim Marshall, spécialiste britannique des relations internationales. Prisonnier de la géographie, comme le suggère le titre de son œuvre, le Moyen-Orient l’est aussi de ses frontières tracées au gré des intérêts européens, qui l’ont enfermé dans une spirale de haines et de tensions sans fin. Read More March 31, 2025 La cause palestinienne, un nouveau souffle pour le panarabisme? Le Sommet arabe du 4 mars semblerait révéler une exception à une longue période de quasi-désengagement. Ce rassemblement pourrait-il marquer une réaffirmation de la solidarité arabe et un regain d'intérêt pour les aspirations nationales palestiniennes? Le plan adopté pourrait en effet, potentiellement, révéler un retour de la lutte des pays arabes pour la cause palestinienne. Read More January 31, 2025 Repenser l’histoire de la guerre civile libanaise L’absence de mémoire collective divise; chaque communauté se retrouve attachée à sa propre version du passé. Alors, quelle histoire raconter? Comment peut-on espérer construire un futur partagé lorsque les fractures du passé nous maintiennent encore captifs? Read More December 31, 2024 Censorship Concerns in Turkish Media The government’s control over media is seen as a way to shape public opinion in regard to their own agendas, protect their own interests and prevent opposing views from gaining popularity. Read More December 31, 2024 Loin des yeux, près du coeur: les Libanais de la diaspora face au chaos On quitte rarement le Liban, on s’en sépare, souvent contre sa volonté. Et pourtant, dans cette séparation, une étrange alchimie se crée: plus le pays sombre dans le chaos, plus il semble s’effondrer sous les poids du temps et de la guerre, et plus l’attachement et le patriotisme de ses enfants, même à l’autre bout du monde, se fait viscéral. Ce phénomène est particulièrement visible parmi les étudiants libanais en France, pour qui ce patriotisme se nourrit de la résistance face à un contexte tendu, marqué par les tensions et les conflits internes. Read More November 30, 2024 Athenian Architecture and Urban Policy: Diffuse (Dis)Organization Or A New Sense of Cohesion? Concrete, tall and monotonous, these “famous postwar apartment blocks” have for better or for worse forged Athens’ contemporary architectural identity, usually conveying a feeling of indifference or discontent to most of its residents. With their appearance dating back to the early twentieth century, their preponderance and widespread development in the following decades is intrinsically tied to the city’s historic path and the occurrence of various major events such as growing demographic pressures and the end of the military junta in 1974. Read More November 30, 2024 EU-Tunisia Deal: Migration Control at the Cost of Human Rights? The EU’s ongoing partnerships with authoritarian regimes, such as Tunisia, to control migration raises crucial concerns about the ethics and long-term efficacy of such agreements. While these arrangements may offer short-term containment, they fail to address the systemic drivers of migration, such as political repression, economic instability and environmental degradation, prevalent in many MENA countries. Read More September 30, 2024 Libya: Victim of a Double Crisis While many, particularly in the political arena, view the disaster as purely natural, experts point to human factors such as corruption, poor infrastructure maintenance and chronic conflicts that have left the country unprepared for events like Storm Daniel. This disaster highlights how human irresponsibility in two key areas—climate change and political instability—has compounded the crisis. Read More September 30, 2024 Najib Mikati, un milliardaire dans le marécage du Grand Sérail Najib Mikati incarne un Liban corrompu et à bout de souffle. Le passé et le présent du pays se sont fait avec lui, mais le futur qu’espèrent nombre de libanais ne pourra se réaliser que lorsque Najib Mikati et toute la classe politique qu’il représente seront relégués au musée. De nouveaux visages sur scène sont attendus pour la nouvelle pièce à écrire. Read More September 30, 2024 Women in Sudan Caught in Conflict When conflicts arise, the most vulnerable members of society—women and children—are impacted disproportionally. As a global society, global organizations such as the United Nations need to ensure that every person within the Sudanese community is protected and their rights are upheld during such conflicts. Read More September 30, 2024 Terrorism & Climate Change: A Collective Effort To Further Destabilize West Africa? When thinking about global warming, one rarely associates it with terrorism. Nevertheless, when looking at the aims of terrorist organizations and the potential power and influence that climate change predisposes them to have in certain regions of the world, we understand both the disparity of the situation and the urgent need for it to change. Read More April 30, 2024 L'implication du Yémen dans la guerre de Gaza : l'essor des houthis et la dynamique régionale Dans le contexte du conflit de Gaza entre Israël et le Hamas, le Yémen, déjà en proie à ses propres troubles internes, se trouve de plus en plus impliqué dans des complexités régionales, principalement orchestrées par le mouvement houthis montant. Read More April 30, 2024 Armenia: The EU As a Destination? Ever since the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia has understood that it is surrounded by dangerous neighbors. Read More March 31, 2024 Constructing a Technocratic Government in Post-War Gaza In the West Bank and Gaza, where de facto democracy has long been out of the question and the destructive implications of war continue to devastate, a technocracy may be the only viable solution to address the needs of a population in ruins. Read More March 30, 2024 L’industrie cinématographique en Arabie saoudite Entre des réformes politiques en faveur du droit des femmes tels que le droit de conduire et le droit à l'obtention d’un passeport et au voyage à l'international sans autorisation d’un parent masculin et les réformes culturelles tel que l'accès au cinéma et la production de films, le pays semble changer radicalement. Read More March 30, 2024 Iranian Elections: What Messages Can Be Understood? The victory of the current regime, which was unsurprising for everyone, holds several messages. However, its validity and democratic facade must be taken with a pinch of salt. Read More March 30, 2024 In The Lead-Up to Local Elections, Istanbul’s Kurdish Voters in Spotlight Until now, Kurdish voters have gritted their teeth and arguably voted against their best interest for the sake of democracy, and it seems that we must now imagine a world where they do not. Read More February 29, 2024 Changing Face of Foreign Correspondence as Journalist Deaths Skyrocket While news organizations grapple with industry shifts due to globalization and new technologies, journalists face more imminent danger while reporting conflict than ever. Read More

To answer this question, we must remember that when politics is the subject of art, art becomes the subject of politics. In the case of Mustang, Erguvan’s socio-political expression in the film challenges the image of a fully modernized Turkey. < Back Mustang: A Deep-Dive Into the Public Response to Art in Turkey By Selin Elif Köse October 31, 2023 “Everything changed in the blink of an eye,” says Selma gently before letting you on an emotional rollercoaster that, perhaps, leaves you with a lot to think about. Mustang , a Turkish language film directed and co-written by Deniz Gamze Ergüvan, was undoubtedly one of the most talked about films during the 2015 award season. The French-Turkish co-produced drama boasted 63 impressive nominations. It secured 43 wins, topping its success with a Label Europa Cinemas award from Cannes and a nomination for Best Foreign Language Film of the Year at the 87th Academy Awards. Despite its global recognition and success, the public reaction in Turkey was quite conflicted, sparking a significant controversy around the film's portrayal of the country. As Erguvan says, “Everywhere else, people have really embraced the film. In Turkey, the reactions were extremely diverse.” The film mainly focuses on the conservative social life in rural Anatolia and the consequent oppression against women. Erguvan does nothold back from tackling the harsh realities of her homeland as she tells a compelling story of five sisters and their experiences with arranged marriages, sexual abuse, virginity tests, and more. The critique of “honor” and “purity” in the film sheds light on the traditionally patriarchal structure of Turkish society. While some critics like Atilla Dorsay labeled the film a “masterpiece,” others, such as Ali Ercivan, thought the film was “a work designed for the Western world in the most annoying, calculated way.” The argument of the latter was a common opinion. The perception among some in Turkey is that the film was created with a Western audience in mind, potentially damaging the country's reputation on the global stage. However, this criticism is not unique to Mustang – many other Turkish artists with global recognition, such as Nobel Literature Prize winner Orhan Pamuk and Women's Prize for Fiction nominee Elif Şafak, have faced similar backlash in the past. The negative public response to Turkish artists with worldwide fame almost seems like a recurring trend. So, one might ask, what is the reason behind this peculiar pattern, and why are Turks not embracing their very own artists? To answer this question, we must remember that when politics is the subject of art, art becomes the subject of politics. In the case of Mustang , Erguvan’s socio-political expression in the film challenges the image of a fully modernized Turkey. The film offers a social and political commentary on the state of Turkish women's rights and gender equality. Moreover, it implies that these issues are still significant concerns in certain parts of the country, which can be seen as a critique of the government's policies and societal norms. This gave an opportunity for extreme right-wing parties like the Justice and Development (AK) Party to polarize society by turning the artist into a public enemy. Then-Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç expressed his disappointment with the film, stating that it “didn't accurately represent Turkish society and culture,” while also claiming that the film had “an agenda.” As a result, local authorities in Turkey reportedly faced pressure not to screen the film in their theaters. Even though the government’s response to the film may align with some people’s views, it does not fully reflect the reason behind the public reaction, demonstrating why examination of cultural authenticity is necessary. The most common criticism towards Erguvan, Pamuk, and Şafak’s work is the superficiality of their products. We must note that life in rural Anatolia is completely distinct from metropolitan cities like Istanbul and Izmir. Rural Anatolia is not only socio-economically but also culturally unique with its traditional lifestyle. This puts a huge responsibility on the artist's shoulders as they need to showcase a very nuanced reality. However, when the artist is a stranger to these customs, the artwork loses its essence. The script of Mustang , for instance, lacks an extremely significant aspect: cultural authenticity. The film shows that Erguvan is clearly aware of the underlying issues in Anatolia, but, at the same time, you can also see how she fails to execute the many layers of these problems. The lack of details leaves viewers unsatisfied with a one-dimensional story. On the contrary, Yaşar Kemal, who was nominated for a Nobel Literature Prize, has always been an embraced artist in the Turkish community despite his focus on the social injustices in rural Anatolia. Having been raised in Southern Anatolia himself, Yaşar Kemal knows the Taurus Mountains and Çukurova so well that he is able to build a story around this natural tension in his most well-known novel, Memed, My Hawk . His descriptions are subtle and nuanced, and his storytelling has the perfect balance between fiction and reality, which you cannot find in either Erguvan, Pamuk’s, or Şafak’s work. Overall, Erguvan’s Mustang provides an illustrative example for examining the public reaction to art in Turkey. We can see that an intriguing plotline and strong visuals are, of course, crucial factors for a successful movie, but insufficient on their own. Among many reasons, cultural authenticity is what makes the movie stand out. Hence, we can conclude that for a society to embrace art, the artist should come from within, deeply connected to the culture and traditions they portray in their work.

Maria Ressa and Dmitry Muratov, 2021 Nobel Peace Prize recipients, are the leaders we need to celebrate to understand the fundamental place of free speech in any and all human societies. < Back Ressa and Muratov: The Nobel Peace Prize Laureates of Whom the World is in Dire Need. By Georgia McKerracher October 30, 2021 We have all heard of the Nobel Peace Prize, whether through an influential historical actor whose name and achievements have popped up in a class, or as a term thrown around to poke fun at a friend. However, while we all know the Peace Prize itself has a long history, this year’s recipients are especially remarkable. We are in an era where freedom of expression is experiencing continuous global challenges, with a divergence between nations where individuals are thought to have too much access to free speech to preach hatred unaccountably, and others in which authoritarian leaders are incrementally increasing their overarching power to repress civil society. Maria Ressa and Dmitry Muratov are the leaders we need to celebrate to understand the fundamental place of free speech in any and all human societies. First awarded in 1901 and 137 times since, the Nobel Peace Prize is one of five pieces established by Swedish entrepreneur Alfred Nobel, bestowed upon individuals who have committed the most to “fraternity between nations… [and] the holding and promotion of peace congresses.” Nobel himself never left provision in his will for the specific peace prize, but as a chemical engineer, the prize areas of physics and chemistry were understandable choices. A committee of five members designated by the Norwegian parliament annually selects the recipient (or in this case, recipient s ), though it remains decidedly unclear why he designated a Norwegian committee to bestow the award in his name. There have been to date 28 organizations and 975 Nobel Prize laureates who have been awarded a prize, the youngest of whom was Mala Yousafzai in 2014 at the age of 17. Only two laureates have declined the prize, including Jean-Paul Sartre in allegiance with his history of revoking all honors, and Le Duc Tho for his role in negotiating the Vietnam Peace Accord with Kissinger. However, only 58 recipients have been awarded to females. In 2021, the prize was jointly awarded to Ressa and Muratov for “efforts to safeguard freedom of expression… a precondition for democracy and lasting peace.” Ressa is a Filipino-American journalist who co-founded the online political journalism company Rappler in 2012 alongside three other female journalists. She had spent almost 20 preceding years as a lead Southeast-Asia investigative correspondent for CNN. Born in 1963, Ressa was raised by a single mother due to her father’s passing when she was only one. Her mother subsequently emigrated to the United States, leaving the juvenile Ressa under the care of her father’s family. Ressa then moved to the US herself at the age of 10, to New Jersey. She attended Princeton and graduated with a degree in molecular biology, topped off with a Bachelor of Arts in theatre and dance. She is also the first ever Nobel Prize recipient from the Philippines. Ressa was announced as Time’s ‘Person of the Year’ in 2018; one of multiple journalists featured for her work combating misinformation and fake news globally. Ressa’s career, however, has not been without hardships. After being arrested in February 2019 by Filipino authorities, Ressa was found guilty in June 2020 for cyberlibel in People of the Philippines v Santos, Ressa and Rappler under contentious Anti-Cybercrime legislation criticized incessantly by human rights defense groups as undermining freedom of the press, a “shameless act of persecution by a bully government.” The judicial decision was both domestically and internationally criticized as a biased and political one due to Ressa’s incessant denouncement of Philippine President Duterte. Former US Secretary of State openly denounced the conviction as something to be “condemned by all democratic nations.” Muratov has by no means taken an easier path within his career. For decades, he has worked ceaselessly to defend freedom of speech within an increasingly restrained Russia. Born in 1961, Muratov studied Philology at Samara State University for several years, to which he attributes his love of journalism. Since as far back as 1993, Muratov has acted as a director of the independent socio-political newspaper Novaya Gazeta, acting as editor-in-chief for an incredible 24 years. Interestingly, the establishment of the organization was aided through the Nobel Prize money received by Mikhail Gorbachev in 1990. The Moscow-published tri-weekly newspaper is known in Russia for its critical investigative coverage of politics. Since 2000, seven journalists have been murdered in connection with human rights and political investigations on behalf of the newspaper. Undoubtedly, the Nobel Peace Prize committee’s statement that Ressa and Muratov have battled a “courageous fight for freedom of expression in the Philippines and Russia” is by no means an understatement. The Committee further stated that the two icons represent on a wider scale “all journalists who stand up” for democratic ideals, under global conditions in which “democracy and freedom of the press face increasingly adverse conditions.” Congratulations have poured in for the recipients, including from UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, urging a continuation of the international struggle to defend the freedom of the press and of expression and recognizing the “fundamental role” of the media in preserving democratic interests. During this global pandemic, numerous self-interested leaders have been offered an opportunity on a silver-platter to implement controls to further their own access to executive powers. Since 2016, the United Nations has published warnings of the serious threats media freedom has been facing, but there has since been a further notable increase in attacks on journalistic integrity, and even personal safety, during the pandemic. According to Freedom House, 2019 marked the 15th year of consecutive decline in global freedom. Military or police in 18 nations have physically abused outspoken journalists. At least 83 governments globally have used the pandemic as direct justification for the violation of the right to free speech, some of which have detained, attacked, prosecuted, or even killed opponents. Hence, it is clear that in the current climate, the decisions of the Nobel Committee have been more relevant than ever. Despite early criticisms of politically-motivated choices, the decision to honor Muratov and Ressa with the award has appropriately come at a time when the world requires journalistic leadership against oppressive governance more than ever.

Des salles de bals étincelantes de Bridgerton à l'aesthetic Regency Core sur les réseaux sociaux, la génération Z semble obnubilée par une période qu’elle n’a jamais vécu. Comment peut-on expliquer cette fascination pour un monde vieux de deux siècles ? < Back Nostalgie historique et la génération Z: liaisons dangereuses ? Elsa Uzan November 13, 2025 Des salles de bals étincelantes de Bridgerton à l'aesthetic Regency Core sur les réseaux sociaux, la génération Z semble obnubilée par une période qu’elle n’a jamais vécu. Comment peut-on expliquer cette fascination pour un monde vieux de deux siècles ? Cet attrait pour le passé est bien plus qu’un engouement esthétique car il s’inscrit dans un phénomène plus profond, celui de la nostalgie historique. Ce concept désigne une nostalgie éprouvée de la personne interrogée vis-à-vis d’une période qu’elle n’a pas vécue voire d’une période antérieure à sa naissance. Selon Chris Marchegiani et Ian Phau, cette forme de nostalgie ne repose pas sur une expérience individuelle et directe du passé, mais plutôt sur une représentation collective de celui-ci, puisque les personnes ne l'ont pas vécue et se créent leur propre vision — parfois idéalisée — du passé. En effet, la connaissance de ces périodes provient de récits, d’images ou de discours socialement transmis, ce qui explique le caractère collectif de cette mémoire. Ainsi, le phénomène relève davantage d’une mémoire partagée, transmise voire même construite par la société moderne. Mais cette transmission du passé n’est pas passive: elle s’accompagne du phénomène plus contemporain de la « nostalgie simulée » qui en est une forme plus médiatisée. Théorisé également par les deux auteurs, il désigne la construction et la mise en scène d’un événement auquel on attribue – notamment à travers la publicité – une signification symbolique en y associant des objets censés l’incarner, alors même que la personne ne l’a pas vécu. Cette nostalgie historique 2.0 trouve un terrain d’expression privilégié dans le monde numérique. C’est ce que soulignent Huanshu Jiang Jie Yao Peiyao Cheng et Shumeng Hu, chercheurs à l’Institut de technologie de Harbin à Shenzhen, en démontrant que la génération Z se distingue par son inclination à se plonger dans des mondes virtuels qui s’explique par le fait qu’elle a grandi avec Internet et les écrans. Dans ce contexte, les interactions contemporaines entre une vision du passé et le rapport au numérique favorisent à la fois une circulation et une réappropriation des références nostalgiques. On peut ainsi observer l’expression d’une instrumentalisation du phénomène de la nostalgie historique par les entreprises comme un outil de stratégie marketing. En effet, l’étude des chercheurs à l’Institut de technologie de Harbin à Shenzhen a montré que les Générations Y, Z et alpha (nées entre 1981 et 2024) ont tendance à considérer les marques et toute forme de designs mobilisant de la nostalgie comme authentiques, crédibles et expressifs, créant une distance par rapport aux produits modernes qui sont considérés comme factices. Cependant, penser la nostalgie historique comme une stratégie marketing serait réducteur. En effet, la génération Z ne se borne pas à copier les styles anciens ou à romantiser le passé, mais elle va construire une réflexion renouvelée sur des objets d’une époque particulière, sur des événements et des symboles du passé pour développer ses outils propres d’expression personnelle entre autres par le biais des réseaux sociaux. Cela traduit de manière plus significative comment la génération Z renouvelle les interactions avec le passé dans l’optique de répondre à leurs besoins psychologiques de stabilité et d’épanouissement personnel selon les observations de Clay Routledge and Nicola Avis. Il s’agit aussi de relever les défis contemporains en s’inspirant du passé. La valeur des expériences plus lentes et manuelles du passé s’en trouvent d’autant plus valorisées que selon une étude du Human Flourishing Lab , 60% de la génération Z aux Etats-Unis aimerait revenir à une période où tout le monde n’est pas connecté, dans un monde avant l’invention des réseaux sociaux et d’Internet. Réduire ce rapport au passé à une stratégie commerciale reviendrait à nier sa dimension réflexive. La romanticisation reste en effet une caractéristique essentielle de la nostalgie historique. La création de nombreuses séries en témoigne, que ce soit sur la régence anglaise avec la série Bridgerton , ou sur la fin du XIXème siècle et le début du XXème siècle avec The Gilded Age ou Downton Abbey . Ces séries et particulièrement Bridgerton sont selon Sharmini Kumar l’illustration d’un pur fantasme d’évasion, visible notamment par les nombreux bals plus exubérants les uns que les autres. Les robes en style régence changeant à chaque évènement traduisent une vision d’âge d’or de la société anglaise. De plus, à chaque apparition de la reine Charlotte, le spectateur découvre une perruque différente, parmi lesquelles une volière ou encore une avec un étang et un cygne en mouvement. Ces facettes de la série montrent une image de prospérité et de luxe de la Régence. Toutefois, Bridgerton néglige la réalité criante de l’industrialisation et surtout par une pauvreté importante de la population urbaine qui n’est ni montrée, ni mentionnée dans la série. Par la romanticisation, le passé devient un univers séduisant et accessible où le spectateur projette ses désirs personnels d’appartenance et d'évasion. L’idée d’évasion associée à Bridgerton est renforcée par la manière dont l’inclusivité culturelle remodèle les représentations historiques et, par extension, la nostalgie historique. La série présente en effet plusieurs inexactitudes historiques, particulièrement du point de vue de la représentation de la culture indienne. La langue utilisée dans le programme est erronée et conduit à des ambiguïtés. Les termes « Didi », « Bon » et « Appa » traduisent une vision superficielle de la culture indienne car ils appartiennent à des langues et des régions différentes. Cette simplification de la diversité culturelle indienne et la confusion entre des expressions linguistiques et régionales peut être nocive. En effet, cette représentation imprègne la génération Z d’une image erronée car trop largement simplifiée, malgré le caractère divertissant du programme. Cette vision euro-centrée représente ainsi un danger dans le sens où elle peut pérenniser de telles représentations dans la société à l’échelle mondiale, vu le succès retentissant de la série. Bridgerton met en avant la diversité comme argument marketing, à travers une représentation faussement authentique. Plus récemment, de nouveaux phénomènes sont identifiés par les chercheurs, au-delà de la nostalgie « simulée ». Parmi eux, la notion de « méta-nostalgie », théorisée par Clay Routledge et Nicola Avis, désigne un intérêt des jeunes pour les expériences nostalgiques des générations antérieures qu’ils réinterprètent. C’est ainsi que naît un dialogue intergénérationnel qui s'appuie sur des repères culturels communs à ces générations. Ainsi, la nostalgie historique révèle bien plus qu’un goût esthétique de la génération Z: elle s’inscrit dans une recherche de sens et de stabilité dans un monde fragmenté. L’avenir du phénomène demeure toutefois incertain puisque la quantité considérable d’informations disponibles interroge : aurons-nous toujours le temps de penser le passé – surtout celui que l’on n’a pas vécu ? C’est peut-être là tout le paradoxe de la nostalgie historique: dans un monde saturé d’informations, elle devient l’incarnation d’une forme moderne de rébellion, de refus de la surinformation.

The life of Liam Payne, similar to the lives of other young stars, lays bare the terrifying exposures of rising to fame at such a young age, as well as the unseen pressures that often come with success in the music industry. His death, which was reportedly influenced by substance use by the Argentinian authority, can be related to a broader pattern seen in the lives of other famous young artists who have struggled with mental health and addiction. < Back The Hidden Cost of Fame: Child Exploitation and Drug Abuse within the Music Industry Nil Çelik November 30, 2024 Liam Payne, former member of the boyband One Direction, was often seen as an idol for teens growing up in the 2010s. His life was projected as that of a successful young artist who had risen to fame and taken over the world—and the music industry—with his fellow bandmates. He was known for his bubbly and playful personality and was named “ Daddy Direction ” by fans. Yet, although he was the caretaker of the group, the music industry failed to take care of him. Liam Payne , former member of One Direction, died on October 16, 2024, after falling from a third-floor balcony at the CasaSur Palermo Hotel in Buenos Aires, Argentina. An autopsy revealed that he suffered multiple traumas and internal and external bleeding. It was stated that a high amount of drugs were found in his bloodstream when he died. The dark side of the music industry has come under scrutiny, bringing urgent attention to crucial issues of child exploitation, substance abuse and insufficient support structures for young artists. The life of Liam Payne, similar to the lives of other young stars, lays bare the terrifying exposures of rising to fame at such a young age, as well as the unseen pressures that often come with success in the music industry. His death, which was reportedly influenced by substance use by the Argentinian authority, can be related to a broader pattern seen in the lives of other famous young artists who have struggled with mental health and addiction. As cases such as this one come under public eye, the urgent need for reforms in the music industry become apparent, with growing demands for the accountability of the industry and fundamental support systems to protect young and vulnerable artists. The search for young talent in the music industry has led to long-lasting exposure of children to immense pressures and workloads, frequently in the absence of legal protection. Children in the music industry can be exposed to harsh schedules, high expectations, and increasing criticism from the public. 16-year-old Liam Payne joined One Direction through the reality show The X Factor , catapulting him to fame across the globe. The fatal story of Liam Payne, similar to other child stars like Britney Spears , Micheal Jackson , and Demi Lovato , demonstrates how young artists can be forced into adulthood and the responsibilities of it with no regard for their mental and physical well-being. Studies have highlighted that young artists in the music and entertainment industries often face similar challenges to those of adult employees, such as exploitation, but lack effective support systems and maturity to address them in a healthy manner. According to a 2019 study by Swedish digital distribution platform Record Union, an overwhelming 73% of independent musicians have dealt with stress, anxiety, and depression. In many of these cases, young stars are incapable of diverging their professional lives from personal development, resulting in identity crises and long-lasting mental health issues. The case of Britney Spears' highly publicized conservatorship battle highlighted the extent to which even internationally recognized artists can lose control over their own lives;for years, as projected in the media, Spears fought for the right to reclaim her personal and financial independence from a legal structure supposedly meant to “protect” her. Such examples have prompted various debates on whether the music industry has sufficient regulations that protect minors or, instead, enable their exploitation for profit. There is a correlation between gaining fame early on and following the route of substance abuse, with the majority of young artists looking to drugs and alcohol as a coping mechanism for overwhelming demand and stress. Liam Payne’s ongoing struggle with addiction was revealed during interviews leading up to his death. Throughout his time in One Direction, Payne was vocal about his battle with substance abuse and how the pressing demands of fame harmed his mental health. In a 2017 interview with The Mirror , Payne stated that continuous touring and lack of breaks led him to develop unhealthy coping mechanisms such as consuming alcohol and use of substances. Additionally, Payne indicated that throughout his time in the band, he was frequently under major pressure to preserve a “perfect” public image, which added to his hardships. In another interview in 2021 on the “Diary of a CEO” podcast, Payne disclosed the severity of his drinking and substance abuse problem, describing his ongoing struggles as “really, really severe.” According to the reports, Argentinian authorities stated that Payne had cocaine in his bloodstream when his fatal fall from Buenos Aires hotel balcony occurred, another notifier of the ongoing pressures he had faced within his career. Demi Lovato , another teenager who gained fame early on through Disney Channel then as a musical artist, similarly openly voiced her unhealthy coping mechanisms of using drugs and alcohol against anxiety and depression heightened by the demands of fame. Her publicized overdose in 2018 and following recovery journey further showed the destructive influence of the lack of mental health resources and shortcomings of the industry in supplying sufficient support systems for young stars. Tragic cases like Amy Winehouse indicate the fatal results of the neglect of the music industry. Winehouse struggled with alcoholism and substance abuse and received minimal professional support against her battle of addiction. In the meantime, she was exploited by her record label, management agency as well as her parents for profit. Her tragic death at 27 due to alcohol poisoning shows the story of what happens when the music industry fails to supply necessary resources for mental health and addiction. The music industry has frequently shown that the priority is to generate profit rather than ensuring the well-being of the young artists. This approach of the industry is frequently supported through contracts that bind artists into busy schedules and restrictive agreements, giving them minimal control over their careers. For example, the legal battle that Taylor Swift faced with her former record label over the right to ownership of her recordings showcased the lack of freedom artists have in the music industry, especially younger artists who may not be able to fully comprehend the substance of the contracts that they sign. The role of parents is also noteworthy when the subjects in these cases are minors and depend on their legal guardians. In such situations, parents or legal guardians often play a pivotal role in advising and making decisions on behalf of their children. However, their involvement can cause a dilemma because while some parents act in their child’s best interest, others may lack the expertise or even prioritize financial gains over long-term artistic freedom and rights. This adds another layer of complexity to the already challenging dynamics of artist management and contractual negotiations in the music industry. This case indicates how the procedure of contracts by the industry exploits the artists property rights, alongside labels who benefit excessively from their work. In 2008, Spears was subjected to conservatorship which went on for over a decade and limited her personal, financial, and professional freedoms. This situation could be seen to understand how the music industry, in times supported by legal systems, can possess control over the career and life decisions of the artist, often against their will. Although there are in fact various realities that many young artists face, the music industry lacks the will to implement meaningful reforms. Institutions like Music Support in the United Kingdom and MusiCares in the United States, supply mental health and addiction support resources, but such initiatives are frequently not well-funded and cannot provide a comprehensive process to address the broader extent of the issue. Mental health experts and advocates are calling for carrying out more efficient support systems throughout the industry, including mandatory psychological evaluations, restrictions on working hours, and the increase in accessible mental and physical health services. Additionally, artists and advocacy organizations are pushing for legal reforms to enhance protection for young artists. An example is the Coogan Law in California which was established to guarantee that a part of a child actor's earnings were to be placed aside in a trust fund. However, this law does not apply to all states and the broader scope of the music industry. Broadening laws to include young artists and implementing work-hour limitations could provide protection for minors in the industry. Reforms are crucial to prevent the exploitation of artists. The tragic death of Liam Payne highlights the dire consequences of insufficient support systems in the music industry. The current provisions for mental health and addiction are inadequate to address the immense pressures young musicians face. Many global stars have advocated for the integration of comprehensive mental health systems within the industry, aiming to make them more accessible and destigmatized. Although organizations like MusiCares offer some assistance, Payne's untimely passing underscores the urgent need for broader, systemic initiatives across all record labels and management agencies to ensure that artists receive the consistent support they desperately need.

< Back Students Blockade Campus in Protest of Free Speech Limitations By Lara Harmankaya December 31, 2023 On Thursday, Nov. 16, Sciences Po students united behind the cause of protecting free speech and blockaded the Menton campus. From 8 a.m. to 3 p.m., they barricaded the entry with determination in protest of “Sciences Po's policy of censorship against any student support for Palestine,” as voiced in the email sent out by Solidaires the day of the blockade. Their persistence was forced to come to a conclusion with the arrival of police forces who physically dragged students away from the gates. This momentous day, for many, was the culmination of tensions in a growingly-hostile campus atmosphere following the events of Oct. 7. Now, more than a month later, it is important to look back on this event and evaluate whether real change has been effectuated since. Have students’ and the administration’s attitudes improved? What do Science Po students think about the event in hindsight? To understand the extent to which things have changed since, we must identify the causes that induced the blockade in the first place. For the students I have spoken to (whose identities will not be disclosed throughout the rest of this article to ensure their safety) the primary impetus for participation was a feeling of concern that there was an active curtailment of expression by the administration. One student described this as a prevention of “any opinion, or any input related to Palestine especially, but also about the situation in general.” There were undeniable clashes of opinion that prevailed among the polarized student body, but what elevated such contentions was the apparent bias of the school’s administration when determining which acts of expression constitute as acceptable. This was evinced by the fact that the activities of the student club, Palestine: Understanding the Struggle (Sciences UTS), were largely restricted. Similarly, the administration’s interference in some students’ private social media accounts was interpreted by many as an act of censorship. For one student, the problem was the “threatening” way in which this was done, not the actual act itself. This, compounded by “the total lack of support by the administration “in response to threats” received by some students online, contributed to the very “atmosphere of denunciation” that prompted the blockade. The invitation to participate that was sent out at 7:15 a.m. through email that morning, therefore, was the final push for a row of dominoes that were already shaking by tremors deep underneath. The Palestinian cause is embraced by many students on our campus. Therefore, creating the impression that holding this opinion is not supported by the campus intensified the impression of censorship. One student, who had not read the email before arriving on campus that morning, describes this sentiment when explaining why she participated in the blockade: “seeing the Palestinian flag hanging from the railing and a sign saying ‘ceasefire now’ was really all that I needed to sit down with the others.” The course of events that took place during and immediately after the blockade presented the students sitting in front of the campus gates with many frustrations and hopes. From the refusal to broadcast the meetings that were taking place by student representatives and the administration, to the arrival of the police, a general feeling of disappointment with the responses of the administration was felt by many students. Students conceded that it is understandable that the administration wished to reopen the campus without having to cancel all of the planned lectures for the day. However, they could have searched for an alternative means to reach a resolution. One described the presence of the police as “unnecessary”; “We were just a bunch of students sitting and calling for our right of free speech – it was almost laughable when we saw the police arrive in full riot gear with shields and batons.” Many, therefore, were of the opinion that there should have been a “formal apology from the administration regarding their attitudes and actions,” especially for the treatment of the students by the police because there was “a bit of violence there.” There is a consensus among the students I spoke to that the blockade was effective. In the most obvious terms, the disruption it caused succeeded in turning the spotlight on the pressing issue. With French news outlets and Mentonese locals now also conscious of the students’ protest and demands, they could no longer be ignored. “It made the administration realize, not just what were we asking for, but the general sentiment – which was a very a frustrated one.” Given the isolation and the small size of the Menton campus, one student argued, other means of protest, such as a campus walk-out, simply would not have been as “publicly seen.” Since then, students I have spoken to argue that things have changed for the better, at least to some extent. They pointed out that there is now greater “sensitivity” from the administration regarding the issue and an “awareness that we want to talk about it and have it discussed on campus.” The recent holding of two conferences centered around Palestine and the Israel-Hamas war, for many students, was therefore a manifestation of a promising beginning of a more constructive academic environment. The relations between the administration and students seem to have also improved, particularly “regarding student safety” according to one student. This should continue to remain as a priority to avoid politically-charged conflicts within the Sciences Po community. Moreover, efforts by students to arrive at a point of mediation have been enacted since; more students are now acknowledging the importance of not posting or saying disrespectful statements that can easily be construed as inappropriate or offensive. Like the students themselves, the administration is also showing signs of a greater willingness to become involved in constructive discussions. This “shift in tone” is more in line with the expectations of students who came to this institution with the hope of engaging with diverging variants of political thought and opinion. Although declaring that the tensions that were prevalent in the pre-blockade environment have dissipated would be going too far, it can be stated that the very need for recognition and reconciliation that brought about the blockade is now finally being responded to. Whether real policy changes will be implemented is more ambiguous, and the work to attain true freedom of speech has not yet been finalized, but at least it has left the ground. We have the blockaders to thank for that. The key takeaway from this consequential moment in the history of the Menton campus is that Science Po students, after all, are resolute in their commitments to free speech. This is precisely why they are the students of this institution.

< Back Why I Drag a Suitcase to Italy for Groceries Shirley Marie Victorio Everyone loves the convenience of a quick grocery store run. I, too, once lived that life of luxury. Living a mere two-minute walk from Carrefour, I thought I had made it. I could roll out of bed, grab a pain au chocolat and be back before my coffee cooled. Then, I saw my receipt. After discovering the stark price differentials between my local French aisles and the Lidl in Ventimiglia, I officially converted. I am now a loyal Italian commuter, and I’ve made peace with the fact that buying oat milk now consumes two hours of my life. The Math (Why I Choose Suffering) My conversion to Lidl wasn’t spiritual; rather, it was mathematical. In Menton, buying oat milk is an act of financial recklessness, with prices hovering north of €2. In Ventimiglia? That liquid gold is a cool €1.59. Then, there is the protein situation. A salmon fillet at Carrefour will set you back €6 to €7, leaving you weeping into your wallet. In Italy, that same fillet is yours for just €4.99. The real victory is in what you actually bring back. You cannot find Guanciale at the local Carrefour—it simply doesn’t exist. In Italy? It is €2.19. Throw in 99-cent Mortadella and suddenly, dragging a suitcase across international borders feels less like a chore and more like a high-yield investment strategy. Where’d All the Time Go? When I say that this journey takes hours, my friends back in Singapore assume I am stuck on a regional train for half the day. I’m not. The train ride itself is a breezy 14 minutes. But it’s all the small steps added together that make this take hours. Once you step off of the train in Ventimiglia, it is a 19-minute trek to get to Lidl. Walking through the streets of Italy, you are fueled only by the promise of cheap pasta and the knowledge that every step is saving you 50 cents. After the return trip comes the final battle: dragging the haul up the hill to my apartment in Menton. The trek is a time investment, but the receipt speaks for itself. The 25kg Beast I don’t use a backpack. I don’t use a tote bag. Instead, I use a full-sized, hard-shell 100-liter suitcase. You may look silly rolling a massive suitcase onto the train for a pack of pasta, but when you are hauling a month’s worth of groceries, you will feel incredibly smug while everyone is struggling with ripping plastic bags. My friends may laugh, but they are the ones losing circulation in their fingers while carrying plastic bags. The suitcase is the only vessel capable of handling the volume of my operation. However, the real price I pay for these savings is the sheer, unadulterated noise. The plastic wheels rumble over the uneven pavement with the subtlety of a tank battalion, creating a tectonic shudder that announces my arrival from three streets away. But the greatest test of character comes at the end of the journey, when I have to drag that fully loaded, 25kg box of lead up the hill to my apartment. It builds character. Or trauma. I haven’t decided which one yet. The List is Law The most dangerous part of the trip isn't the travel — it's the store itself. Lidl is designed to destroy your focus and waste your time. So, you have to make a list. This is a non-negotiable. If you walk into that Lidl without a strict plan, you will be shopping for an hour. You will enter a fugue state. You will stand in the pasta aisle, debating the merits of five different types of pesto until your vision blurs. You will be seduced by the bakery section, which smells like butter and bad decisions and convince yourself that you need three different types of focaccia for the journey home. You don’t need all that focaccia. Write down what you need, get in, execute the plan and get out before you lose your focus and, more importantly, miss your train home. The Verdict Let’s be honest: commuting to another country just to buy groceries is objectively absurd. Normal people don't need a passport and a suitcase to buy milk. But normal people are also paying €7 for salmon, so I’ll take the trade-off. It’s a trek, a workout and occasionally a public embarrassment, but for that €2.19 guanciale? I’d walk twice as far. Photo Source: Shirley Marie Victorio Previous Next

Almost five years ago, United States President Donald Trump signed the National Defense Authorization Act enshrining the United States Space Force into law. < Back Reaching for the Stars: Exploring Astropolitics in the New Space Race By Alexandra Iliopoulou April 30, 2024 Almost five years ago, United States President Donald Trump signed the National Defense Authorization Act enshrining the United States Space Force into law. The Space Force , an armed service focused on developing a competitive edge in space, will ensure national security from the “ultimate high ground,” according to Trump. Little did Trump know, this decision would condemn him to an onslaught of criticism: the show Space Force , a satire of the sixth branch of the United States armed forces, was released on Netflix a year later. Despite the mounting criticism, government agencies and corporations were paying close attention, legitimately considering “ space as a warfighting domain .” The term “space race” is one that has historically referred to the politically driven standoff that took place between the United States and the USSR during the Cold War. This battle for ideological influence ushered in the creation of satellite technology, human space travel, and multi-planetary exploration. However, in recent years, a new space race has emerged, dominated by non-state actors seeking to expand economic opportunity through resource extraction and attempts of extraterrestrial colonization. Extraterrestrial colonization refers to the settlement of celestial bodies and has been the subject of discussion for lunar expeditions and Elon Musk’s ambitions to render Mars inhabitable. Tim Marshall, author of The Power of Geography: Ten Maps that Reveal the Future of our World , declares that future geopolitical disputes are no longer limited to terrestrial boundaries and resources. Already, a new wave of innovation has found a foothold in space: agendas including moon colonization, strategies for meteorite space mining, and security innovations like Lockheed Martin’s Space Fence are already in place. Naturally, the expanded presence of state actors and corporations in outer space has also raised the issue of space governance. Everett Dolman, a political theorist and space strategist, conceived the idea of “ astropolitik ” to navigate space governance. In his book , Dolman describes astropolitik as the realist approach to space policy and conquest, where space becomes the center of the global hegemonic struggle. His conceptual framework divides space into zones, highlighting near-Earth space, or low Earth orbit, as the most critical domain to ensure national security. In recent years, near-Earth space has been the primary focus of space politics, as states have entertained ideas of extraterrestrial exploration but largely directed their commercial space efforts on a low Earth orbit economy (LEO economy). The LEO economy describes the commercial activity that is related to low Earth orbit, the space within 2,000 km of the Earth’s surface. The International Space Station is the primary spacecraft stationed in low Earth orbit, but the expansion of the LEO will include production and trade including a rising number of actors in the sectors of commercial space travel, telecommunications and satellite deployment. While the weaponization of outer space for political dominance began in the first space race, numerous instances during and after the Cold War have emphasized space as a setting for power politics. The Reagan Administration introduced the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) in 1983, dubbed the “Star Wars” program. Cold War tensions were still a prominent concern at this point, as the objective of the program was to combat the threat of nuclear attack by the Soviet Union in the waning years of the Cold War. While the SDI represents a case of space militarization, the International Space Station (ISS) has been a nexus of international collaboration for fifteen nations since its conception in the 1990s. Russia plays a significant role in the ISS, and its participation in the ISS signified improved relations between the United States and the Russian Federation at the end of the 20th century. Even today, international cooperation remains a relevant characteristic of outer space exploration, albeit in a more exclusive manner. Since 2020, a group of 36 nations, including the United States, the United Arab Emirates, and Japan, have signed the Artemis Accords , a set of nonbinding agreements governing lunar expeditions and resource extraction on the moon. Marshall likens the successful feat of moon colonization, the international effort to establish sovereign colonies on the moon, to the historical influence of maritime powers. This crucial aspect provides an explanation for why the Artemis Accords notably lack the participation of China and Russia. Instead, the two superpowers plan to build a joint research station on the moon in the coming years, offering an alternative approach to lunar exploration, further exacerbating the power struggle materializing in the race for moon resources . Excluding state actors and space agencies, Silicon Valley entrepreneurs such as Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos are also actively shaping the environment of the new space race, characterized as the “ Billionaire Space Race.” Bezos entered the commercial space craze with the founding of his company Blue Origin in 2001, which is now contracting for the Pentagon alongside defense companies like Lockheed Martin. Musk, chief executive officer of Tesla and X, started SpaceX as a way to revolutionize the aerospace industry by reducing waste with reusable rockets . However, in its 22-year lifespan, Musk’s SpaceX has not only accomplished the unprecedented feat of recycling rocket components and launching Teslas into space; it has also been altering the landscape of internet connectivity through SpaceX’s satellite network, Starlink. The satellite system, which is present in over 40 countries , consists of 5,600 active satellites in low Earth orbit, accounting for more than 50% of the Earth’s active satellites. Taking Starlink’s expansive reach into account, Bezos’ Blue Origin seems to be playing a game of catch-up with Musk’s established network. Starlink is a prime example of the increasing authority that non-state actors have amassed globally, where tech stakeholders have found themselves altering outcomes of armed conflict. Musk found himself at the center of a military escalation when he received a request from Ukrainian authorities to activate satellites in an offensive against Russian ships in Crimea. Since before the full-scale war in Ukraine began, antagonism in the celestial sphere has led to renewed tensions reminiscent of the Cold War. Sources suggest that Russia is developing a nuclear space weapon that would target satellites, signaling potentially catastrophic consequences for Starlink. While Biden assured the American public that this weapon does not present a current threat to their personal safety, Russia’s progress in developing a satellite-targeted space weapon remains largely unknown. Either way, such a weapon would remain a last resort for Russia, as it would pose a mutual danger to their own satellites among the foreign spacecraft. Ultimately, the power distribution in global politics has undoubtedly been altered with the venture into astropolitics. Peaceful governance, while possible, will require a de-escalation of weapons development and a more consolidated space policy. Overall, the new space race will be characterized by the manner in which a multitude of actors confront the challenge of creating an all-inclusive legal framework for space governance while also balancing an increasingly multipolar political landscape in the coming decades.

< Back Choose Your Fighter: Dual Degree Edition Pracheth Sanka “Are you in a dual?” are words any Sciences Piste is sure to encounter, filling the air during Integration Week activities or while at any inter-campus interaction. They are, of course, referring to one of the staples of Sciences Po’s undergraduate course: the dual degree programs. Partnered with nine of the most prestigious universities in the world, both secondary school applicants and second-year students can try their hand at admission into these rigorous courses of study. The dual degrees entail spending two years at a Sciences Po campus and continuing for two more at a partner university, concluding undergraduate studies with the conferring of two Bachelor’s degrees. Often, that question, especially at the English-speaking campuses, is followed by “Which one? Columbia or Berkeley?” as if they are the only two options. But it seems in many ways that they are. Columbia is by far the biggest dual degree cohort represented at Sciences Po, in large part due to being the oldest of the nine. Berkeley has large name recognition among students and has a strong presence at Reims, Menton, and Le Havre. Both are powerhouses at Sciences Po and for good reason. Columbia’s Ivy League status makes it a coveted place for students to break into politics and finance, and its strong Core Curriculum is both a complement and supplement to Sciences Po’s interdisciplinary focus on the humanities. Likewise, Berkeley is the flagship of the University of California system, and its prestigious undergraduate program is a prime location for those looking to work in the American West, where it sends more aspiring workers to Silicon Valley than any other school in the nation. If you can bear the cost (not speaking to you, in-state Californians), both duals offer an amazing educational experience that top students around the world long f or. Though they are both great, one has to be better, right? Is being a Lion superior to being a Golden Bear? Are the views of the Bay more attractive than the sights of the Big Apple? Let’s start with the important stuff: the lifestyle. Berkeley, with a thousand-acre campus situated in sunny Northern California, can satisfy those who wish to get the best out of the typical American university experience. With over 30,000 enrolled in one of the nation’s top public universities, the calm life of the college town still has much to offer, with Pac-12 athletics and strong student traditions that are sure to excite anyone. If you get bored of the college-town life, San Franciso is less than an hour away by train, making it a popular weekend destination for students. While Columbia is not necessarily known for its school spirit, the 10,000- strong undergraduate population lives in New York, having the world’s most important city as its extended campus. When finding any break during their busy studies, students can explore each and every corner of Manhattan by way of the Metro or perhaps by cutting through Central Park. But be careful! While the streets of Menton may have prepared you, you don’t want to end up as one of the crime alerts that crowd LionMail! It’s not like Berkeley is much better—with crime considerations of its own—but either way, you should be fine, as no criminal could compare to the gun-wielding guys of Rue Longue. Academics—while undoubtedly always a secondary factor in searching for higher education—can still be somewhat important when it comes to your choice of dual. Though in some lists, Berkeley edges out Columbia in terms of institutional ranking, both schools stay firmly in the upper echelon of global academics. Columbia has had a strong top-ten presence in U.S. academic rankings for years, and Berkeley’s position has been growing fast compared to its elite private school competition. Relatively, Berkeley has strength in STEM-based subjects, while Columbia holds the upper hand in most humanities and social sciences. Both schools hold top-ten programs in economics and political science, two of the majors of choice for many dual degrees. In any case, you won’t go wrong, and academic fit rather than ranking will be more important. Do you favor Berkeley’s large campus size and typically larger class sizes? Or would you rather fit into Columbia’s liberal arts framework, with a strong focus on the humanities and where three-fourths of your classes may be smaller than 25 students? For some Science Pistes, their choices were easy decisions, and for others, weighing the two options of application took much deliberation. Pedro Meerbaum, a second-year student who applied through the third-year process, was captivated by the program during his first year at Sciences Po. “I had many people in my close circle who were in the dual so I inevitably looked into it, and the details and structure of the course aligned with my personal and professional goals,” he says. These goals, as he further explained, were not as present in just a Bachelor’s at Sciences Po, prompting him to apply when he got the chance. Meerbaum also appreciates Columbia’s smaller feel and support systems, saying “Columbia might be better prepared to take on students, us being at GS means that we have a whole administrative body that is dedicated to accommodating us properly.” GS refers to the School of General Studies, the undergraduate college that dual degrees are a part of during their time at Columbia. It hosts a range of students, from professional dancers and actors to military veterans, and even those who took gap years or deviated from the traditional four-year pathway; this diversity was another draw for Meerbaum. While he does appreciate Berkeley as an institution, he says, “The dual people are thrown into a huge student body, and I doubt there is the same support system as in Columbia or even the same amount of dual degree people in the same situation.” His plans to major in Comparative Literature on a pathway to the Graduate School of Journalism further attracted him, both of which Columbia excels at due to their strong humanities focus. For 1A Mia Rivas, applying to the dual program with Berkeley was a difficult choice, but she ultimately believed it would expand her horizons while also granting her an American degree. She also reaps the benefits of being an in-state California student, meaning she pays much less tuition than had she been an international or out-of-state applicant. Berkeley, as part of the University of California system, is a public school, meaning that it is operated and partly funded by the state. Since her family already pays the state taxes, the school subsidizes tuition for her and other California residents. Out-of-state students are typically not entitled to these benefits and pay much higher tuition fees, akin to Columbia’s steep private school tuition. While Rivas admits Columbia’s prestige was tempting, she believes that Berkeley was an overall better fit. “There’s obviously a certain vibe associated with Berkeley, and I do like it, but I was more drawn to the opportunity of finding groups with my vibe, one [group] I like ‘cause how could you not at such a big school?” For Rivas, the vast number of people draws her in, but so does the vast choice of majors. With Sciences Po’s clear lack of science-based courses, Berkeley’s program in cognitive science was a deciding factor for her. While I, as an American citizen, regret not applying to the Berkeley program in addition to Columbia, I firmly believe that the latter is a stronger choice, especially for international students, and I feel I made the right decision. While it is no Harvard, Columbia definitely has more European recognition, and its established support system and vast dual-degree alumni network make it more appealing. For internationals, these benefits seem to outweigh the cost, especially if you are paying the same price for Berkeley for less added value. But part of me feels like I am missing out on the typical American experience that Columbia so clearly lacks, and Berkeley’s stronger science program allows for more academic freedom during your two years there. Though I am inclined to Columbia, Berkeley still stands as a strong option, especially if you feel it is a better personal fit. In whichever path you choose, you will join the elite few who have had the opportunity to meaningfully study at two well-renowned universities for your undergraduate studies, and no choice can be the wrong one. Photo source: Menton Times designed Previous Next

Beirut, known as the “Paris of the Middle East” in the 1950s, and arguably the region’s financial hub, is slowly relapsing into its war-torn state. After hearing of yesterday’s events, I felt as if someone had stabbed me in the heart — the country’s collapse has never seemed so clear and obvious. < Back A Beacon of Light for a Country in the Dark: Lebanon’s Untiring Resilience By Maria Kouteili October 30, 2021 October 14, 4:38 pm. My phone does not cease to ring: photo flash, gunfire, smoke, chaos. The photos on my device are the same ones you would find in a history textbook about the civil war; the same militias that terrorized my mother and my aunts, are now terrorizing my friends and my cousins. Today’s attack is just another example of a crumbling nation; what was supposed to be a demonstration in Beirut calling for the removal of a judge who led a probe into the deadly August 2020 port blast quickly became a blood-bath. Thursday’s attack falls within a context of national crisis on all scales: Lebanese citizens have been in the dark since 2019 and are gradually being stripped of all human dignity. The needs of the Lebanese people have been ignored, brushed off and frankly stepped on. I remember going to the pharmacy with my grand-father, a diabetic with heart failure, I remember him having to beg the pharmacist (who was a close friend) for his prescrip-tion. My grandmother, who lives in Central Beirut, wakes up in the dark every morning. Lebanon is in the dark. These are not isolated examples, every single Lebanese citizen has seen his or her way of living crumble. To quote the World Bank, this is “one of the worst financial crises in centuries.” Beirut, known as the “Paris of the Middle East” in the 1950s, and arguably the region’s financial hub, is slowly relapsing into its war-torn state. After hearing of yesterday’s events, I felt as if someone had stabbed me in the heart — the country’s collapse has never seemed so clear and obvious. However, it also made me think of how special the country is. Lebanon is undeniably a crossroad of civilizations; to quote an Oxford article on the matter “Modern-day Lebanon is like a mosaic, characterized by a diversity of cultures, traditions, and religions. Because of its location at the crossroads of Asia, Europe, and Africa, Lebanon has been shaped by many civilizations throughout its long history.” The streets of downtown Beirut tell the story of Lebanon’s history themselves: you will pass domed mosques and steeply churches on your right, French cafes and Arab “Souks” on your left. Lebanon is also the home of arak, an alcoholic beverage made from raisins and aniseed and many other delicacies enjoyed worldwide. This example of cultural heritage is particularly interesting as it first appeared in the 12th century from the Arab invention of alembic distillation and later spread to the Balkans and eventually Indonesia and Malaysia. Similar to Lebanon, arak is a cultural mosaic and an emblem of Arab-Islamic history. And just like arak, Lebanon has a heritage almost as old and as diverse as Arab civilizations and an incontestable influence on a global scale. Generally speaking, the country’s geographical location at a crossroad between Arab and Asian civilizations has made it a cosmopolitan power. As most Lebanese proudly state: “Lebanon is small in size but huge in its influence.” Finally, let this article be a celebration of Lebanese culture rather than another cry of despair: let us remember the joys of Lebanese mezze, kahwa, and Fairuz!

Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 aims to bring about a complete political, economic and cultural transformation to the Kingdom, aspiring to diversify the economy away from oil production and towards cutting-edge innovation transforming its desert dunes into world leading digital technologies. < Back Saudi Arabia Ramps Up Defense Budget at Expense of Islamic Institutions By Lucy Lönnqvist for Sciences Defense March 30, 2024 Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 aims to bring about a complete political, economic and cultural transformation to the Kingdom, aspiring to diversify the economy away from oil production and towards cutting-edge innovation transforming its desert dunes into world leading digital technologies. As part and parcel of this strategy, two prominent Saudi fields have undergone major reformation: Islamic religious institutions and national defense establishments. Under the Vision 2030 economic diversification program, Saudi Arabia’s defense spending has grown substantially over the last decade, while the authority of Islamic institutions has taken a step back. Through this process, it seems that the celebrated Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman is taking steps towards Western notions of modernity in the liberalization efforts of Vision 2030. Saudi Arabia ranked as the fifth largest defense spender in the world in 2022 behind the United States, China, Russia, and India, and has reiterated full intentions of climbing further up these ranks. When Vision 2030 was announced, only 3% of Saudi Arabia’s procurements came from local companies, with the rest sourced from abroad, largely the US. According to the 2023 budget released by the Saudi Ministry of Finance, the Kingdom increased its military spending by 50% in 2023, to $69 billion – approximately 23% of its total budget. The significant increase in the defense budget comes as part of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 requirements to localize government spending in the defense sector. This leaves us to question – why the sudden escalation in defense spending at the same time as the Kingdom’s full-scale nation-branding scheme? At the same time, Saudi Arabia’s religious establishments have undergone major reform as the monarchy consolidates its vision for the country’s future. The Crown Prince has promised to reel back Islamic extremist presence in the country in favor of a “return to moderate Islam” open to the world and all religions. In his view, Vision 2030 aims to transform the hardline kingdom into an open society that empowers citizens and lures investors. Bin Salman stated that the religious doctrine is no longer “committed blindly” to the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, or any “certain school or scholar.” However, one must approach such statements with skepticism. While it is true that the Crown Prince has condemned Islamic extremist groups such as the Sahwa movement, a political Islam derived from the teachings of the Muslim Brotherhood, in arresting significant Sahwi uUema, he is dually centralizing his power by removing opposition groups to the Royal family who may pose a challenge to their rule. Anyone deemed to threaten Vision 2030 has been preemptively neutralized by the Crown Prince. With these actions, the regime made it clear that no dissenting voices would be tolerated. Ultimately, Bin Salman’s push for the Vision 2030 plan tostrengthen Saudi solidarity, defense power and the removal of Islamic extremist presence has come to be overshadowed by his lid on free speech, restrictions on political opposition, and the crackdown on dissent. It is argued that the increase in Saudi’s defense budget along with the Kingdom’s economic innovation acts as a forged nation-branding visage to strengthen the absolute monarchy’s image abroad. This was an effort to use ‘Vision 2030’ in the absolute monarchy’s macrodiplomatic strategy. What is emerging from the 2030 Vision plan and an increased defense budget is a Kingdom straddling the boundary between coercive strategies of the past such as surveillance and patronage, with innovations that respond aggressively to the triple threat of globalization, renewable-driven economies, and democratization. One must decide whether the changes to defense and religious fields in Saudi’s Vision 2030 plan are merely a glossy nation-branding scheme to exert greater soft power across the world or a genuine attempt to crawl up from the constraints of Wahhabism? The surface-level of Vision 2030 is evident: trade deal after trade deal boosting economic diversification, the retreat of Islamic institutions and greater localized defense spending as an upward trajectory for the Saudi dynasty. However, if further interpreted, it becomes clear that appeals to expanding government budgets on defense artillery are only riding on the support of oil revenues to maintain status and power. The country’s nation branding scheme has succeeded in its strategy, but we must not be fooled by the Crown Prince’s liberalization discourse in order to look past the state’s weak regulatory power, exploitative workforce practices and the absolute monarchy’s suppression of almost all political rights and civil liberties.

< Back A Facebook Reckoning: Revelations from Frances Haugen’s Senate Testimony By Saoirse Aherne November 30, 2021 Former Facebook employee Frances Haugen left the company in May of 2021. She subsequently handed over thousands of pages of incriminating internal documents which she had collected during her time at Facebook to The Wall Street Journal. On September 13 of 2021, the Journal rolled out “The Facebook Files:” a collection of 11 major articles detailing the contents of Haugen’s leak. On October 5, Haugen testified before a United States Senate committee on commerce, science, and transportation, and asserted that Facebook harms children, sows division and undermines democracy in pursuit of “astronomical profits.” Who is Frances Haugen Haugen is a 37-year-old computer science and Harvard Business School graduate. She has worked for Google and Pinterest, and co-founded the dating app Hinge. Haugen began working for Facebook as a product manager in 2019, just three years after the Cambridge Analytica scandal when Facebook allowed the British consulting firm to collect data from millions of users without their consent for use in political campaigns. In light of Facebook’s reputation at the time, Haugen reportedly aspired to change the company from the inside. After two years at Facebook, Haugen felt her goal to rectify the ethical issues in the company was going nowhere. She came to realize that Facebook was aware of the harm of its products and was intentionally concealing this knowledge from users and investors. Haugen began to collect evidence of this through Facebook’s internal social network: Workplace. Employees share product research and discuss company strategy on this platform, thus making confidential information available to all company members. As Haugen encountered documents detailing unethical conduct, she took pictures of them and compiled a collection of evidence which exposed the role of Facebook products in aggravating a number of social and political issues across the globe. Haugen released the documents with the hope that they might increase public pressure for Facebook to change. She underlined that Facebook cares more about profits than public safety in an interview with 60 Minutes in spite of its claim that it does not “build services to make money.” Haugen has filed a whistleblower complaint with the United States Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). If the agency attempts to take civil action against Facebook, Haugen could receive between 10 and 30 percent of any fines Facebook is forced to pay. What did the documents contain? Over a dozen news organizations have reviewed the redacted versions of the documents and identified a number of key takeaways. As reported by CNN, the documents show that Facebook was fundamentally unprepared to deal with the January 6 “Stop the Steal” insurrection movement. This contradicts Facebook’s Chief Operating Officer Sheryl Sandberg, who stated that the company “took down QAnon, Proud Boys, Stop the Steal, anything that was talking about possible violence” in the weeks before the attack on the U.S. capital. In fact, the documents reveal that, leading up to the insurrection, almost all of the fastest growing groups on Facebook were related to the Stop the Steal movement. One of the leaked documents contains a picture of a table labelled “US2020 Levers, previously rolled back,” referring to the guard rails on misinformation and harmful content that Facebook removed before the 2020 presidential election. It is unclear from public statements why Facebook rolled back these measures, and Haugen asserted that the measures were only reimplemented after the insurrection flared up. The Washington Post commented on internal documents surrounding body image, teen mental health and appearance-based social comparison on Instagram, a social media network owned by Facebook. One document found that “social comparison is worse on Instagram,” and that “social comparison journeys mimic the grief cycle.” In response to this, the document said that the company must “engage at each step of the social comparison journey by creating targeted product interventions.” The documents noted that “mental health outcomes related to [social comparison] can be severe,” acknowledging the role of Instagram in prompting or exacerbating eating disorders, body dysmorphia, body dissatisfaction, depression and loneliness. Another document blatantly stated, “we make body image issues worse for one in three teen girls.” The Atlantic reported on another shocking revelation from the documents. In 2019, a BBC report found that a broad human trafficking network for domestic workers was facilitated by Facebook and Instagram, aided by algorithmically boosted hashtags. The internal documents released by Haugen make clear that this issue was known to Facebook before the BBC inquiry, and that the company only took action when Apple threatened to pull Instagram and Facebook from the App Store. According to the Atlantic report, the documents show that Facebook has the most harmful impact in vulnerable and unstable areas of the world. Facebook is aware that its products “facilitate hate speech in the Middle East, cartels in Mexico, ethnic cleansing in Ethiopia, extremist anti-Muslim rhetoric in India and sex trafficking in Dubai.” In an internal report from March 2021, Facebook admitted, “we frequently observe highly coordinated intentional activity… by problematic actors:” that is, “particularly prevalent… in At-Risk Countries and Contexts,” yet it stated that “current mitigation strategies are not enough.” An internal Facebook report from the winter of 2020 found that only 6 percent of Arabic-language hate content on Instagram was detected by Facebook’s systems. According to the documents, only 13 percent of Facebook’s misinformation-moderation staff hours were devoted to non-U.S. countries in spite of the fact that more than 90 percent of Facebook’s users do not reside in the United States. Despite at least 160 languages being spoken on the platform, Facebook has created AI-detection systems for only a fraction of those languages. Speaking to the Observer about her decision to come forward as a whistleblower, Haugen said, “I did what I thought was necessary to save the lives of people, especially in the global South, who I think are being endangered by Facebook’s prioritization of profits over people.” The Senate Hearing On October 5, Haugen testified to a United States Senate committee. Haugen emphasized that Facebook knows that its algorithm is harmful to users. She stated that Facebook's advertising-based business model needs people to stay on its platform for as long as possible, and the company exploits negative emotion to accomplish this. Lawmakers at the hearing were particularly concerned with the impact of Instagram on children. Subcommittee Chair Richard Blumenthal said, “Facebook exploited teens using powerful algorithms that amplified their insecurities.” Haugen also spoke to the structural issues faced by the company, stating that, “Facebook is stuck in a cycle where it struggles to hire. That causes it to understaff projects, which causes scandals, which then makes it harder to hire.” During her time at Facebook, Haugen “worked on the counter-espionage team, and at any given time… could only handle a third of the cases,” due to lack of manpower. Haugen does not believe Facebook should be broken up, but instead encourages more stringent regulation of the platform. Chair Blumenthal is discussing the proposal to allow private citizens to sue Facebook and other social media companies for harm caused by their algorithms. Currently, a law known as Section 230 immunizes social media companies from being sued over what users post, however Blumenthal is interested in “curtailing that legal shield and immunity so as to give victims… some recourse.” Other legislative responses currently being considered include a national privacy law and stronger safeguards for children online. Lawmakers insist that Haugen’s leak of internal documents and Senate testimony have motivated Capitol Hill to take action against Facebook. In response to the Senate hearing, Facebook spokesman Andy Stone said, “we continue to make significant improvements to tackle misinformation and harmful content.” Stone also questioned Haugen’s credibility on matters pertaining teen mental health, stating that “Frances Haugen did not work on child safety or Instagram, or research these issues, and has no direct knowledge of the topic from her work at Facebook.” However, Samidh Chakrabati, the former leader of the Civic Integrity Political Misinformation team at Facebook, said on Twitter, “there are countless other integrity professionals with experience on the issues raised today… who similarly agree with the substantive points shared at the hearing.” Going Forward This leak may inspire other whistleblowers to come forward. According to Haugen’s legal team, inquiries from other potential whistleblowers have been raised, and another SEC complaint was filed in October. The damning evidence brought to light by Frances Haugen has ignited a push to regulate Facebook and other social media giants. Haugen herself has expressed a desire to “start a youth movement,” to restore power among a portion of the population whose lives to date have been unquantifiably influenced by social media. Hopefully, this most recent leak will be enough to actualize Haugen’s desire for large-scale change.

The new Netflix special “Mo” is one of the first American television shows to portray a Palestinian-American refugee as the protagonist. Its debut season will make you cry tears of joy, but its profundity may also provoke some tears of empathy as the main character, Mo, and his family navigate the American immigration system. < Back Chocolate Hummus and Dogs with Passports: A Review of Netflix’s Mo By Lilith Springer October 31, 2022 “Us Palestinians, we carry on.” Yusra’s eyes sparkle and in her tears, Mo can see the trauma that his mother has lived through since she fled Palestine and, later, Kuwait. But he also sees defiance and resilience. He sees endless love for her family and their homeland. Her tears are burning her cheeks, hot like the pride that ignites in her heart when she talks about their identity. "It is who we are ." The new Netflix special “Mo” is one of the first American television shows to portray a Palestinian-American refugee as the protagonist. Its debut season will make you cry tears of joy, but its profundity may also provoke some tears of empathy as the main character, Mo, and his family navigate the American immigration system. “Mo” is a semi-autobiographical dramedy, which may sound like a paradox. The show includes countless punchlines while also treating topics such as asylum, torture, PTSD, war, drug abuse and discrimination, all with taste and authenticity. Mo loves his family. He loves his country, his religion and his hummus. His family was displaced from Palestine to Kuwait, where Mo was born, and was later forced to flee to America during the Gulf War. They have been waiting for a hearing to receive asylum in the United States for 20 years. The show follows Mo in his efforts to sustain his family through small, illegal jobs whenever someone is willing to employ him despite not having a work permit, which is unobtainable for foreigners without permanent resident status in the United States. Besides brilliantly sarcastic and hilarious dialogues, “Mo” features inner struggles of belonging, frustration and the feeling of frailty. “Whenever something emotional happens, we’re going to sit in it and we’re going to embrace it and we’re going to go through it. It’s very important to have those moments and let it breathe,” explains Mo Amer, creator and executive producer who plays the protagonist. “I love Jesus, I believe in Jesus, Jesus was Palestinian.” “Mo” highlights the role of religion in the quest for belonging, something that many of the 400,000 to 450,000 Palestinians displaced during the exodus from Kuwait during the Gulf War struggle with. The characters seek reassurance in God, may it be at home, in a Christian church or at the mosque. “I get grazed by a bullet and I am addicted to lean. It’s a joke.” A study carried out by the University Michigan School of Health among Arab refugees and immigrants highlights that Arab Americans reported high levels of depression and anxiety symptoms. Another British study confirms these findings, finding that up to 50% of the Palestinian refugees questioned struggle with mental health, an observation confirmed by the UNRWA. “Mo” pays long overdue attention to this circumstance, going into the complexity of addiction and its relation to stress and mental health. “No, not Palestine, Texas. Palestine. You know, the land of milk and honey?” There are multiple references to the conflict, but “Mo” refrains from bringing up these political elements in a patronizing way that might alienate the audience. Rather, the sarcastic comments on the occupation, belonging and daily discrimination are conveyed in the form of jokes or witty dialogues that make you think just the right amount. The short show took a vital step towards a more authentic representation of Palestinians on Netflix and is definitely worth the watch.