Is the Poland-EU dispute just a bump along the road, a crisis that every marriage must endure? Or is it truly the end of a great love story, one that ends with heartbreak? Only time will tell. < Back Poland and the EU: A Whirlwind Romance That May End In Divorce By Barbara Kuza December 30, 2021 Years of yearning to join the European Union seem to have been long forgotten with the recent developments in Polish-EU relations, as well as judicial reforms in the country. When the United Kingdom left the European Union (EU), setting a dangerous precedent, no one thought that any country would realistically follow suit. Brexit was supposed to be the exception, an anomaly, not the beginning of some new rule. But recently the question of a “Polexit” has surfaced. While Poland has played the role of the EU’s black sheep for a few years now, most dismissed it simply as bickering — like every married couple does. However, Polexit entered Polish and European public discourse over the summer, when the European Court of Justice (ECJ) ruled that Poland’s Disciplinary Chamber (transl. Izba Dyscyplinarna) — a judicial organ that reprimands judges when they break the rule of professional ethics — should be liquidated. While the idea behind the disciplinary chamber is not necessarily a bad one in theory, it has been abused by the ruling party to open investigations into, and eventually suspend, judges who are vocal critics of the government. The promising meet-cute Like every tale of romance, this one starts years back. Poland entered the EU on May 1, 2004, after 77.45% of those voting in the referendum answered yes to the question “Do you allow the accession of the Republic of Poland to the European Union?” Television reports from the day of the referendum shows Poles cheering, whooping, jumping up and down with smiles on their faces. Joining the EU was a dream come true for the Polish nation after living under communist rule and Soviet influence for 44 years. A united Europe symbolized to many Poles a guarantee of no more wars — the Second World War and the Cold War still haunted collective memory. Opening up the market and having access to goods which used to be rarities brought by lucky cousins from abroad was another dream come true. Furthermore, free movement between countries meant some could see places that they had only heard about in stories or saw in newspapers and movies. Puppy love, the honeymoon phase, call it what you will — it seemed like life as a European nation could not get any better than becoming a part of the Union. However, things started rapidly changing when the Law and Justice party (PiS) came to power in 2015. The outgoing Sejm (lower chamber of the legislative body), led by the Civic Platform, appointed three judges for the Constitutional Tribunal before the end of its term. It was up to newly elected President Andrzej Duda to swear them in, which he ultimately decided against. When the new PiS government was formed, they unlawfully appointed three new judges who conveniently corresponded to PiS’ placement on the political spectrum. This provided the groundwork for the Sejm to pass several unconstitutional laws and, with a complicit President and Constitutional Tribunal, it was more than easy. In 2017, the Disciplinary Chamber was created and in April of 2020, the so-called “muzzle” act was passed, which envisioned disciplining judges for applying EU law in court cases, and sending inquiries to the EU Court of Justice. The issue of restricted abortion, which was precisely made possible by the judiciary reforms, further developed in March of this year. The Constitutional Tribunal ruled then, that abortion in case of fetal defects was unconstitutional after an inquiry to the Tribunal was made by far-right parliament members. A love turned sour? This summer, when the ECJ ruled that the Chamber must be liquidated, Law and Justice politicians rushed to send an inquiry to the Constitutional Tribunal about whether or not Poland should comply with the ruling. And unsurprisingly, the Tribunal ruled that Polish law is superior to EU law. At this point Poland asked itself whether it was in a toxic relationship with the EU. Am I losing my independence and sense of self? But it really was not. It was just realizing that it was not in love with its partner as it used to be. The ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal sparked a series of protests in support of the EU. Nevertheless, the state-controlled media, TVP Info, made a special effort to further polarize the conflict, headlining the dissent as “protests against the Polish constitution,” indirectly suggesting that those who do support the EU are not in fact patriots. On the 19 of October, a hearing was held in the European Parliament on the topic of violations of rule of law in Poland. Patryk Jaki, a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from the Law and Justice party, pompously quoted Jean Jacques Rousseau and whined about how the EU was against the Polish government. The Prime Minister Morawiecki, on the other hand, could not resist mentioning the name that always stirs up a myriad of controversies: Donald Tusk. Donald Tusk, in the case of the Polish-European marriage, is like that shared friend whose expected position after the divorce is unclear. Or at least that is how the government views it. He served as the Polish Prime Minister in the years 2007 to 2014 from the Civic Platform (the largest opposition party), after which he became the President of the European Council. PiS partly built its election campaigns on demonizing him — at one point the national news portrayed him having a reddish tint. So is Donald a friend? A foe? Depends who you ask. Therefore, instead of addressing the issue at hand, the rule of law (or in Poland’s case, a lack thereof), Morawiecki decided to redirect the attention onto Tusk. He pushed back against the accusations of judicial ruling being politically motivated by saying “Please show me one ruling like that. One.” Indeed, ladies and gentlemen, Poland was officially gaslighting the EU. Moreover, he pointed out that during Tusk’s rule — contrary to now — politically motivated court rulings were made. But the only reaction he was met with for this statement was scarce applause and a Polish MEP shouting “don’t lie” in the background. “But will they really get divorced?” As in most dysfunctional marriages, when things go south, one of the partners has to say “I can’t live without you, please stay” to put past quarrels aside and make amends. In this case, it seems it is the EU that wants to hold onto Poland, whereas the Polish government unfortunately does not reciprocate the feeling. But interestingly enough, the dynamic is reversed — it is more so Poland that needs the EU than the other way around. The country is heavily dependent on EU funds and is now also dealing with the Belarusian migrant crisis on the border, which it cannot face alone. “On the eastern border we are dealing not only with violence, but with a staged spectacle aimed at violating borders, bringing chaos to the European Union” Prime Minister Morawiecki said on the situation at the border in November. Maybe Poland still loves the EU after all? Or perhaps it is just scared of getting lonely… Another worrying indication is how reckless the Law and Justice politicians have become when talking about a potential Polexit. A member of parliament, Janusz Kowalski, even mentioned 2027 as the year for a Polexit referendum. Nevertheless, as of October, 88% of an Ipsos poll’s respondents (made for Gazeta Wyborcza and OKO. Press) supported Poland’s continued membership in the EU.On the other hand, the Polish nation is becoming increasingly polarized, and the government-controlled media outlets are becoming progressively more ruthless by the day. As if that was not enough, on the 18 of December 2021, the Sejm passed a law commonly dubbed Lex TVN. The law is targeted against Poland’s largest independent news broadcaster, TVN, which is owned by American company Discovery. The new bill prohibits companies from outside the European Economic Zone to have complete ownership of a Polish radio or TV station. Is the Poland-EU dispute just a bump along the road, a crisis that every marriage must endure? Or is it truly the end of a great love story, one that ends with heartbreak? Only time will tell.

The life of Liam Payne, similar to the lives of other young stars, lays bare the terrifying exposures of rising to fame at such a young age, as well as the unseen pressures that often come with success in the music industry. His death, which was reportedly influenced by substance use by the Argentinian authority, can be related to a broader pattern seen in the lives of other famous young artists who have struggled with mental health and addiction. < Back The Hidden Cost of Fame: Child Exploitation and Drug Abuse within the Music Industry Nil Çelik November 30, 2024 Liam Payne, former member of the boyband One Direction, was often seen as an idol for teens growing up in the 2010s. His life was projected as that of a successful young artist who had risen to fame and taken over the world—and the music industry—with his fellow bandmates. He was known for his bubbly and playful personality and was named “ Daddy Direction ” by fans. Yet, although he was the caretaker of the group, the music industry failed to take care of him. Liam Payne , former member of One Direction, died on October 16, 2024, after falling from a third-floor balcony at the CasaSur Palermo Hotel in Buenos Aires, Argentina. An autopsy revealed that he suffered multiple traumas and internal and external bleeding. It was stated that a high amount of drugs were found in his bloodstream when he died. The dark side of the music industry has come under scrutiny, bringing urgent attention to crucial issues of child exploitation, substance abuse and insufficient support structures for young artists. The life of Liam Payne, similar to the lives of other young stars, lays bare the terrifying exposures of rising to fame at such a young age, as well as the unseen pressures that often come with success in the music industry. His death, which was reportedly influenced by substance use by the Argentinian authority, can be related to a broader pattern seen in the lives of other famous young artists who have struggled with mental health and addiction. As cases such as this one come under public eye, the urgent need for reforms in the music industry become apparent, with growing demands for the accountability of the industry and fundamental support systems to protect young and vulnerable artists. The search for young talent in the music industry has led to long-lasting exposure of children to immense pressures and workloads, frequently in the absence of legal protection. Children in the music industry can be exposed to harsh schedules, high expectations, and increasing criticism from the public. 16-year-old Liam Payne joined One Direction through the reality show The X Factor , catapulting him to fame across the globe. The fatal story of Liam Payne, similar to other child stars like Britney Spears , Micheal Jackson , and Demi Lovato , demonstrates how young artists can be forced into adulthood and the responsibilities of it with no regard for their mental and physical well-being. Studies have highlighted that young artists in the music and entertainment industries often face similar challenges to those of adult employees, such as exploitation, but lack effective support systems and maturity to address them in a healthy manner. According to a 2019 study by Swedish digital distribution platform Record Union, an overwhelming 73% of independent musicians have dealt with stress, anxiety, and depression. In many of these cases, young stars are incapable of diverging their professional lives from personal development, resulting in identity crises and long-lasting mental health issues. The case of Britney Spears' highly publicized conservatorship battle highlighted the extent to which even internationally recognized artists can lose control over their own lives;for years, as projected in the media, Spears fought for the right to reclaim her personal and financial independence from a legal structure supposedly meant to “protect” her. Such examples have prompted various debates on whether the music industry has sufficient regulations that protect minors or, instead, enable their exploitation for profit. There is a correlation between gaining fame early on and following the route of substance abuse, with the majority of young artists looking to drugs and alcohol as a coping mechanism for overwhelming demand and stress. Liam Payne’s ongoing struggle with addiction was revealed during interviews leading up to his death. Throughout his time in One Direction, Payne was vocal about his battle with substance abuse and how the pressing demands of fame harmed his mental health. In a 2017 interview with The Mirror , Payne stated that continuous touring and lack of breaks led him to develop unhealthy coping mechanisms such as consuming alcohol and use of substances. Additionally, Payne indicated that throughout his time in the band, he was frequently under major pressure to preserve a “perfect” public image, which added to his hardships. In another interview in 2021 on the “Diary of a CEO” podcast, Payne disclosed the severity of his drinking and substance abuse problem, describing his ongoing struggles as “really, really severe.” According to the reports, Argentinian authorities stated that Payne had cocaine in his bloodstream when his fatal fall from Buenos Aires hotel balcony occurred, another notifier of the ongoing pressures he had faced within his career. Demi Lovato , another teenager who gained fame early on through Disney Channel then as a musical artist, similarly openly voiced her unhealthy coping mechanisms of using drugs and alcohol against anxiety and depression heightened by the demands of fame. Her publicized overdose in 2018 and following recovery journey further showed the destructive influence of the lack of mental health resources and shortcomings of the industry in supplying sufficient support systems for young stars. Tragic cases like Amy Winehouse indicate the fatal results of the neglect of the music industry. Winehouse struggled with alcoholism and substance abuse and received minimal professional support against her battle of addiction. In the meantime, she was exploited by her record label, management agency as well as her parents for profit. Her tragic death at 27 due to alcohol poisoning shows the story of what happens when the music industry fails to supply necessary resources for mental health and addiction. The music industry has frequently shown that the priority is to generate profit rather than ensuring the well-being of the young artists. This approach of the industry is frequently supported through contracts that bind artists into busy schedules and restrictive agreements, giving them minimal control over their careers. For example, the legal battle that Taylor Swift faced with her former record label over the right to ownership of her recordings showcased the lack of freedom artists have in the music industry, especially younger artists who may not be able to fully comprehend the substance of the contracts that they sign. The role of parents is also noteworthy when the subjects in these cases are minors and depend on their legal guardians. In such situations, parents or legal guardians often play a pivotal role in advising and making decisions on behalf of their children. However, their involvement can cause a dilemma because while some parents act in their child’s best interest, others may lack the expertise or even prioritize financial gains over long-term artistic freedom and rights. This adds another layer of complexity to the already challenging dynamics of artist management and contractual negotiations in the music industry. This case indicates how the procedure of contracts by the industry exploits the artists property rights, alongside labels who benefit excessively from their work. In 2008, Spears was subjected to conservatorship which went on for over a decade and limited her personal, financial, and professional freedoms. This situation could be seen to understand how the music industry, in times supported by legal systems, can possess control over the career and life decisions of the artist, often against their will. Although there are in fact various realities that many young artists face, the music industry lacks the will to implement meaningful reforms. Institutions like Music Support in the United Kingdom and MusiCares in the United States, supply mental health and addiction support resources, but such initiatives are frequently not well-funded and cannot provide a comprehensive process to address the broader extent of the issue. Mental health experts and advocates are calling for carrying out more efficient support systems throughout the industry, including mandatory psychological evaluations, restrictions on working hours, and the increase in accessible mental and physical health services. Additionally, artists and advocacy organizations are pushing for legal reforms to enhance protection for young artists. An example is the Coogan Law in California which was established to guarantee that a part of a child actor's earnings were to be placed aside in a trust fund. However, this law does not apply to all states and the broader scope of the music industry. Broadening laws to include young artists and implementing work-hour limitations could provide protection for minors in the industry. Reforms are crucial to prevent the exploitation of artists. The tragic death of Liam Payne highlights the dire consequences of insufficient support systems in the music industry. The current provisions for mental health and addiction are inadequate to address the immense pressures young musicians face. Many global stars have advocated for the integration of comprehensive mental health systems within the industry, aiming to make them more accessible and destigmatized. Although organizations like MusiCares offer some assistance, Payne's untimely passing underscores the urgent need for broader, systemic initiatives across all record labels and management agencies to ensure that artists receive the consistent support they desperately need.

Administration failed its student body when it refused to host the Feminist Union’s (FU) annual Integration Week Consent Talks — an event that aims to initiate conversations about consent and sex — on campus this year. < Back Not Your Cup of Tea: Sciences Po Fails its Students in Consent Education By Lara-Nour Walton September 29, 2021 Consent! It’s simple as tea. Do not force tea down someone’s throat. Do not give an unconscious person tea. And if a person declines a cup of tea, then under no circumstances should you give them tea. This almost ludicrously intuitive line of reasoning was a message of Sciences Po’s mandated gender-based and sexual violence (GBSV) training session . The ubiquitous tea video has been viewed over 150 million times across different viewing platforms and serves as the default teaching tool for exposing youth to the idea of consent. Using tea as an analogy for sex is palatable. The slogan, “consent, it’s simple as tea,” is straightforward. The video, just under three minutes, is pithy. And because of that, it is a complete and utter cop-out. The last thing we need in our discourse surrounding sex is to oversimplify the meaning of consent. Its prevailing definition almost always hinges on the “yes means yes” and “no means no” binary. It preaches, “just don’t assault people.” A French track 1A, who opted to remain anonymous, seems to have internalized this mode of thinking. “[We’re always told] that we have to respect consent, to not rape people. But I know that. I’m not a rapist.” Nicole Cushman, executive director of Answer , a national organization that provides sex education to the masses, posits that “an effective lesson on consent is not just about providing a legal definition and a script that young people need to follow.” This, however, was precisely what Sciences Po’s GBSV training did. Rather than acknowledging that unequal power dynamics, coercion, and substance abuse (according to a 2009 study published in the Journal of American College Health, 80% of university sexual assaults involve alcohol) can lead to a consensual gray area, we were offered the cute but cursory tea video. Sciences Po Menton had the opportunity to redeem itself, to provide the venue and time necessary for students to have a more in-depth conversation about consent. But administration failed its student body when it refused to host the Feminist Union’s (FU) annual Integration Week Consent Talks — an event that aims to initiate conversations about consent and sex — on campus this year. Co-president of the Feminist Union, Zélie Savinien, reached out to the school administration hoping to secure a place in the Integration Week schedule to hold the talks. “They told us that they had institutional priorities. They had seminars regarding the institutions at Sciences Po, and they didn’t have space nor time for us,” said Savinien, who eventually resorted to presenting Consent Talks in the living room of Soundproof, the campus party house. “We think that if it had taken place on campus, we’d have had many more people coming.” The value of having conversations about consent cannot be overstated, especially on a college campus where hookup culture runs rampant and where students may be experimenting with alcohol for the first time. The anonymous 1A did not feel the need to attend the Feminist Union presentation. “We already have (obligatory consent training) with Sciences Po; I don’t think it’s useful to do it many times.” However, these discussions give us the lexicon to express our personal boundaries to our partners. According to a University of Arkansas study focusing on heterosexual college students, 61% of men use body language to gauge whether a woman is consenting. Conversely, only 10% of women actually express consent through nonverbal cues. This definitional disparity can only be reconciled through dialogue and active engagement with the idea of consent. Despite not being able to host her talks on campus, Savinien was pleased with the turnout. However, she still wished that more students had shown up. “People thought they were educated enough on this issue, but I think everyone should have come.” Further investigation into why some people did not attend reveals a plethora of different experiences and opinions at Sciences Po Menton. Some decided not to go because they feared that the mention of sexual assault would be a triggering experience. “Consent Talks should have the infrastructure to be more inclusive to survivors,” said a 1A who chose not to participate. For others, a deterrent was the Feminist Union itself. “What I didn’t like is that it’s done by an association that is not neutral at all. The Feminist Union has an agenda,” said another student. These grievances help shed light on how we might better structure or frame the Consent Talks so that they do not become potentially triggering or polarizing. Under capitalism , we have been conditioned to commodify our bodies, to treat sex as something merely transactional. Perhaps if we shifted this paradigm, if we tried to understand sex as a shared experience, a conversation between two people, that consent might be an easier notion for us to grasp in all its complexity and nuance. Perhaps it would mean that we wouldn’t have to use tea analogies anymore.

< Back التعليم في تونس: بين المساواة المنشودة والواقع الجندري في الصفوف الدراسية Selma Boufaroua November 2, 2025 أثناء انتفاضة عام 2011، كانت لدينا أحلام كبيرة. حلمنا بالمساواة مع الرجال، بأن نصبح مواطنات بكامل الحقوق والواجبات، وأن نحصل على مكان حقيقي في السياسة. هكذا عبّرت نيلة الزغلامي، إحدى القياديات البارزات في الدفاع عن حقوق النساء. في ذلك الوقت، نزلت التونسيات إلى الشوارع للتنديد بالهيمنة الذكورية في المجال السياسي في تونس. لكن هذه المظاهرات لم تقتصر على المطالبة بمكان في السياسة، بل كانت تعبيرًا عن طموح أوسع: تحقيق مساواة حقيقية بين الرجال والنساء في جميع مجالات المجتمع. اليوم، يؤكد الكثيرون أن تقدمًا هامًا قد تحقق. ومع ذلك، تصرّ نيلة الزغلامي، الأمينة العامة للجمعية التونسية للنساء الديمقراطيات، على أن هذا الحلم بالمساواة لا يزال غير مكتمل. فلماذا تستمر هذه المقاومة رغم التقدّم المحرز؟ هذه التساؤلات دفعتني إلى البحث عن إجابات تتجاوز الخطابات السياسية والقوانين الرسمية. لفهم استمرارية هذه الفجوة بين الجنسين، بدا لي من الضروري العودة إلى أسس المجتمع نفسه: التعليم. فهو الذي، منذ الطفولة، يشكل تصوراتنا وطموحاتنا وفهمنا لأدوار الرجال والنساء في المجتمع. إذا كانت الرسائل التي نتلقاها منذ الصغر تحصر الفتيات في أدوار محددة مسبقًا، فكيف يمكننا أن نأمل في حدوث تغيير حقيقي في العقليات؟ قادني هذا التفكير إلى موضوعي الرئيسي: دور التعليم في استمرار أو تقليص الفجوة بين الجنسين في تونس. لتعميق تحليلي، تواصلت مع السيدة إيمان، وهي معلمة شابة في مدرسة ابتدائية في المنستير. معًا، قمنا بمراقبة فصل دراسي يضم 21 طالبًا تتراوح أعمارهم بين 10 و14 سنة (14 فتاة و7 فتيان)، في مدرسة "روضات الرستستو"، لفهم كيف تؤثر الممارسات التعليمية على تصور النوع الاجتماعي أجرى المعهد العربي لحقوق الإنسان دراسة كمية حول الرجال والمساواة بين الجنسين تهدف إلى فهم كيفية تفاعل الرجال مع المساواة بين الجنسين ومساهمتهم في تمكين المرأة. تم ذلك من خلال استبيان استهدف 1200 رجل و1200 امرأة من عينات تمثيلية للسكان التونسيين، وُزعت على 120 منطقة إحصائية تم اختيارها عشوائيًا في جميع أنحاء الجمهورية، بمعدل 80 أسرة تقريبًا في كل ولاية، مما أتاح استجواب 20 أسرة في كل منطقة. كشفت الدراسة أن نسبة الرجال والنساء البالغين الذين شاركوا في الأعمال المنزلية خلال طفولتهم (بين 13 و18 عامًا) لا تزال أعلى بكثير لدى النساء مقارنة بالرجال. فعلى سبيل المثال، %91 من النساء كنّ يقمن بتنظيف المنزل مقارنة بـ %53 فقط من الرجال، و%78 من النساء كنّ يطبخن مقابل %43 فقط من الرجال. يطرح هذا السؤال الجوهري: هل هذا التقسيم الجندري للمهام متجذر أيضًا في المناهج الدراسية والكتب المدرسية للأطفال؟ للإجابة على هذا السؤال، قمنا بدراسة كتاب مدرسي تونسي مخصص لطلاب السنة السادسة من التعليم الأساسي (ما يعادل الصف الخامس الابتدائي). هذه الدراسة، التي أنجزها معهد يوروميد رايت عام 2016، كشفت عن تمثيل مفرط للرجال في المجالات المهنية، بينما تظهر النساء في الغالب في سياقات مرتبطة بالمنزل والأسرة. وفقًا للتقرير، من بين 100 شخصية مذكورة في النصوص، هناك 79 من الرجال مقابل 31 فقط من النساء، مما يعكس هيمنة الذكور على الفضاء العام. علاوة على ذلك، من بين 32 شخصية تمارس مهنة، هناك فقط 5 نساء (%15.6)، في حين أن نسبة مشاركة النساء في القوى العاملة في تونس تصل إلى %30، أي ضعف هذا الرقم. يمكن ملاحظة ذلك أيضًا في الرسوم التوضيحية، حيث يظهر الرجال في مجموعة متنوعة من الأنشطة مثل ركوب الخيل أو العمل في مهن تتطلب القوة والشجاعة، بينما تقتصر النساء على مهن مثل الخياطة، التدريس، والرعاية الصحية أو رعاية الأطفال. هذا التفاوت بين الواقع الاجتماعي والصور المتداولة في الكتب المدرسية له تأثير مباشر على الطموحات المهنية للأطفال. للتحقق من هذه الفرضية، أجرينا استبيانًا داخل صف السيدة إيمان. ومن بين جميع الإجابات، لفتت هذه النتائج انتباهي بشكل خاص: %57.1 من الفتيات يرغبن في أن يصبحن معلمات، في حين لم يختر أيٌّ من الفتيان هذه المهنة. يتجه الفتيان غالبًا إلى مهن تقنية أو بدنية (رياضي، شرطي، مهندس). فتاة واحدة فقط أعربت عن رغبتها في أن تصبح صحفية. حتى بعد تعديل الإحصاءات وفقًا للاختلاف العددي بين الفتيان والفتيات في الفصل، تظل الخيارات المهنية مقسمة بوضوح وفقًا للجنس: تتجه الفتيات نحو المهن في القطاع التعليمي أو الخاص، بينما يفضل الفتيان المهن التقنية أو تلك ذات الطابع العام. تُظهر هذه الشهادات التأثير العميق للمعايير التعليمية والثقافية على الأطفال. في النهاية، وعلى الرغم من التقدم القانوني الذي تم إحرازه في تونس، فإن تغيير العقليات يستغرق وقتًا أطول. يلعب التعليم دورًا محوريًا في هذه العملية. ربما حان الوقت لإدخال وحدات تعليمية حول المساواة بين الجنسين في المدارس الابتدائية، أو حتى تدريب المعلمين على تفكيك الصور النمطية الجندرية في أساليبهم التربوية. Photo Source: Bruno Sanchez-Andrade , Flickr

The Harvard Sciences Po Student Summit marks a first-of-its-kind collaboration between the two student organizations — the Harvard Undergraduate Foreign Policy Initiative (HUFPI) and the Sciences Po Policy Project (SP3) Network. < Back First Harvard Sciences Po Student Summit Takes Place in Paris By Anna Hazolyshyn February 28, 2023 Not long ago, “visit Paris” appeared on my 2023 “grand to-do list,” and what better reason for a trip than the Harvard Sciences Po Student Summit? Two days before the conference, I was finally able to dig out the ticket from my spam box, book a hostel and hop on the overnight train that took me to Paris in no time (short 13 hours). The Harvard Sciences Po Student Summit marks a first-of-its-kind collaboration between two student organizations — the Harvard Undergraduate Foreign Policy Initiative (HUFPI) and the Sciences Po Policy Project (SP3) Network. As Cameron Sterling, a conference delegate from the Menton campus puts it: “Every university has those networks for people that are interested in different things, and SP3 is that for Sciences Po students (interested in diplomacy). The point (of the conference) was to connect young people with professionals to understand better different career paths and practical issues one might face in the field.” The summit took place over two days and mainly consisted of panel discussions ranging from energy and climate change to defense and security. Sterling shed light on the organization of the panel discussions: “I was working with a student from Harvard, and we moderated the combined (due to last-minute cancellations) Trade and Security panel. We also came up with a variety of career and general issue-based questions that would be of interest to the audience. It was interesting developing those based on the demographic of the panel, too, since you had younger people, older people, people from civil society, etc...” A brilliant example of the versatility of speakers would be the panel on climate change, which many students singled out as one of the most insightful and entertaining ones. Sterling herself noted: “It was really engaging, particularly because it was amazing to observe older individuals remain so active and so hopeful about the climate effort, and see them speak alongside someone like France’s youth delegate for climate.” Each panel ended with a question and answer session. A Reims student felt that “even though they did open the floor for the questions, sometimes you wanted to participate in the conversation more actively and interject when an interesting point was raised. Often you felt more like a bystander.” His remark makes sense considering that “there weren’t that many people in the audience.” The consensus is that the experience could have been elevated had the format been adjusted to encourage more direct interaction. One of our students confessed that “the conference did not live up to my expectations, [since] the big personalities we were promised did not come,” but was quick to add that “there were nonetheless nice and interesting speakers.” Another participant countered this by claiming that she “expected a high level of speakers, which we got.” She further pointed out that “it was interesting to see the differences in their approaches: while French were highly methodological, Anglo-Saxon speakers were more eloquent and linked one topic to another in surprising ways.” Nevertheless, they were all, as a student from Reims put it, “all in the same sort of liberal orthodoxy range.” Without a doubt, the students’ favorites from the summit were Nizar Yaiche, former Minister of Finance of Tunisia, and Brian Wong, a geopolitical analyst and current Ph.D. at Oxford University. Funnily enough, the two were adored for vastly different reasons. The charismatic Yaiche moved everyone with his transparency, practical advice and personal anecdotes that were precious and encouraging for the aspiring leaders in attendance. In the case of Wong, it was amusing to observe how people were sitting with their jaws agape, impressed with how well organized and delivered the lecture was. Wong’s impeccable debate-like style of framing the presentation, which discussed the link between media, technology and geopolitics, did not go unnoticed. A Menton student asserted that Wong’s speech was “very interesting and surprisingly easy to follow. How refreshing!” When asked, “What do you think attracts people to summits like this?” Sterling supposed that it is “the chance to make career connections, whether you are looking for advice, an internship or a job.” Her hypothesis was supported by responses from a few of the participants I spoke to, who admitted that “the LinkedIn potential was valuable” to them or that they “wanted to find an organization to do the civic engagement this summer with.” Many others, however, came for the content and “critical analysis” and were disappointed to find that, mostly, “it was all very general and surface-level” and that they “didn’t learn anything new.” However, as one of the members of our Menton community suggested, “maybe that wasn’t the point of this conference; you don’t always need to learn more intellectual stuff; we do enough of that already as university students.” This brings me to everyone’s favorite: the Policy Symposium, the crème de la crème of the Harvard Sciences Po Summit. This conclusive part of the conference created a unique setting to synthesize all the ideas heard over the two days to produce a unique and effective policy in response to the posed issues like how the U.S. and France could strengthen their security engagements or whether the U.S. can do more to support France in managing the energy crisis caused by the war in Ukraine? “It was very cool to come up with a policy recommendation and have a professor respond to us and critique it,” Sterling shared before continuing: “Having had a little bit of work experience, giving a brief or being able to cut things down to issue-solutions proved to be very important.” It was an excellent opportunity to reflect and engage more closely with the material and receive valuable feedback from the professionals, and to work with a group of people who share the same passion for policymaking. “This was concrete and practical,” one student says. “I (liked) the symposium the most, which was the only workshop we had, as we finally had the chance to speak and to express ourselves. Plus, I got to work with people I did not know before, those from Sciences Po and Harvard.” For many, it was the “Harvard” aspect of the conference that they were drawn to, be it because they were “considering going to Harvard later on and so wanted to discover more about it from its students” or simply because they wanted to “meet new people, Harvard [people] specifically.” A few times I have heard people say that “it is a shame that we did not have that many opportunities to interact with the students on the other side [Harvard],” due to it being an intense two-day summit. In the future, however, it would be advisable to incorporate more social or break time into a day to give the students opportunities to interact with their peers more and build closer ties between the two communities. Though we did not get to speak to the brain behind the conference — Sciences Po Menton’s own Louai Allani-Guellouz — during the conference’s closing remarks, we were promised this is not the last time Sciences Po students are collaborating with Harvard peers. We look forward to seeing what more the two student bodies have in store for us. If I were to choose the single most important thing I took away from this conference, it would be a reminder to hold on to your values, which nearly every lecturer mentioned almost religiously (so it must be important, right?). While emphasizing the importance of mentorship, the speakers were the embodiment of that ideal, dedicating their time and sharing what cannot be described as anything other than precious advice and insights into the work in the world of policymaking and international affairs. “To visit Paris” turned out to be a great success!

At this moment, I pinpointed the feeling that had been eating me up for the past few days: The feeling that I do not belong and would soon get exposed as a fraud who cheated the application system. < Back Feeling Like a Fraud? Imposter Syndrome Runs Rampant at Sciences Po By Sarina Soleymani September 28, 2022 Let’s dive into what now feels like the far past, the days before we first stepped foot into this building, prior to entering this town where the sun burns brightly on our heads and the beach is always in sight. Let’s take a few steps back — before the airport, trains, days of packing, and, for some, the dreadful visa process and frenzied struggle for housing. Let’s return to the days when we were all passionate, wide-eyed high-schoolers with worries and heaps of dreams — filled with stress about assignments and exams, but most of all: university applications. Each of us, no matter our origin, social class or passions, has one thing in common: the sleepless nights and coffee-fueled essays that formed our application to Sciences Po —an application that, luckily for us, was approved by admissions. Now fast-forward. You are here amid all the other once wide-eyed high-schoolers-turned university students, surrounded by fascinating individuals with varying insights and what seems to be a never-ending stream of knowledge of global events. I initially felt thrilled by the multitude of stimulating conversations I saw myself having for the next two years. Our “Myths and Stereotypes in the Mediterranean” lecture during Integration Week satisfied my anticipation. This lecture not only had two captivating and knowledgeable professors but also students from diverse backgrounds with ranging observations, who would stand up to share them with the class, creating dialogue like I never had before. However, it was not long until this excitement turned almost into a fear, which had me shaking and reciting my lines before I stood up to speak. This emotion quickly highlighted the double-sided coin of Sciences Po — the cheerfulness that accompanies these vibrant exchanges and the feeling that my opinions are neither intelligent nor worthy of expression. During the first week of classes, I only felt this feeling grow stronger. Ironically, though I started to warm up to this environment, I became increasingly insecure. One day that struck me was Sept. 5, 2022, the Rentrée Solennelle. This is the day when we dress up, take pictures with our friends, and get ready to greet Sciences Po Director Mathias Vicherat. It is also the day we suffer through the same redundant and stereotypical speeches about how we are the “best of the best” and deserve our place in this selective university. After long minutes of feeling disillusioned by Sciences Po’s ego and undeserving of receiving these compliments, it was time for the valedictorian Lilou-Ornella D’Inca’s speech. Here, we finally got a different narrative as she shared her struggles during her first semester concerning what she referred to as “imposter syndrome.” It was then that I felt myself finally exhale, relax and realize that I am not alone. At this moment, I pinpointed the feeling that had been eating me up for the past few days: The feeling that I do not belong and would soon get exposed as a fraud who cheated the application system. Knowing that all of this was simply a case of imposter syndrome, an affliction that runs deep enough in the institution to be the topic of our opening ceremony, I vowed to explore more. Firstly, I find it crucial to address the elitism of Sciences Po, the title of this institution, especially in France, and its contribution to imposter syndrome. As students of Sciences Po, we are often referred to as “l’élite de la nation,” not only by people outside this university but also by the university itself. This expression puts unrealistic expectations and pressure on the students to outperform the rest of the nation. Indeed, we have an incredible advantage being here due to the opportunities we are given, but as expressed by a friend of mine: “I don’t feel like the elite.” I started having conversations with the student body to unpack this phenomenon further. A common sentiment among Sciences Pistes is that “[they] feel like [they] don’t belong here.” This refrain was so widespread that it suggests a universal feeling of alienation. This outcome shocked me. How is it possible that in a place referred to as our “Ummah Mentonniya,” where diversity is celebrated, and inclusivity is central, many students feel as though they do not belong? Of course, each person has a unique reason for feeling imposter syndrome, but through my conversations, I found some general patterns. Firstly, students who struggle with the language of their track feel less intelligent than they are because they find it difficult to express themselves accurately. As declared by an anonymous 1A in English track, “I feel like I have to work harder than my peers.” An anonymous 1A French track brought up varying family backgrounds as a reason for imposter syndrome, stating, “we come from sometimes less rich environments.” Through further dialogue, I learned about a more personal characteristic of imposter syndrome, which stems from comparing yourself to others, primarily academically, and through this comparison, feeling insecure in your abilities. “The problem is that everyone seems so secure and confident,” said another Sciences Piste. This sentiment was corroborated by a Reims student who admitted that class discussions often seem “performative,” making it “intimidating to speak.” This finding suggests that this feeling is not Menton-exclusive but rather a global Sciences Po issue. What can we learn from this? Firstly, we are not alone, and these feelings of doubt are normal as we have entered an unfamiliar environment. Indeed it is more challenging for some than others. However, we all have some control over this feeling through our mindset. Imposter syndrome depends on self-doubt and the impression of estrangement. Therefore, the remedy combines confidence in our abilities and a supportive community, both of which are within our control. Confidence takes time, care, and work, but the first step is to recognize that we are all here to learn and expect that we do not have all the answers. As expressed in another conversation with an English track 1A, “we all have something to bring even if we aren’t sure what it is yet.” Likewise, we should not be afraid to share our thoughts as there must be something worthwhile in them; doing so is also the most effective way through which we can improve. The same student also conveyed how having a supportive community helped her overcome her self-doubt and legitimized her position at Sciences Po. I think this is what Yasmina Touaibia referred to in our welcome speech when she spoke of the “Ummah Mentonniya,” a place where Sciences Pistes learn through each other, express their worries and uplift one another. A place where one is not judged by how well they express themselves in a language they are unfamiliar with or their background. A place where it is not how much knowledge you have that matters but your passion and willingness to listen. After all, if we all feel as though we do not belong, then maybe, in our own complicated way, we all do.

On the one hand, the eleventh of November is a day during which many people in the world reflect on the horrors that ancestors had to endure during the four years of World War One, reminding us that our freedom should not be taken for granted. On the other hand, this day has also become not just an anniversary of the end of the war, but also a celebration of militarism itself, leading to debates on whether it has not evolved into a day of military glorification instead of a day for reflection. < Back When does a celebration become an indoctrination? Viktorie Voriskova November 30, 2024 Each year, on November 11th, at eleven in the morning, the world goes silent for a minute, in commemoration of the anniversary of the signing of an armistice in Compiege in the region of Picardy, France. This agreement took effect at 11:00 am, ending the war on the Western Front and, with it, the First World War. This anniversary is celebrated mainly in the United States but also France, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Nigeria, Germany, Australia and New Zealand. Every year, these countries organize parades, their citizens wear the symbolic red poppy flowers, and heads of state give speeches at war memorials. Is there a line at which it becomes too much? On the one hand, the eleventh of November is a day during which many people in the world reflect on the horrors that ancestors had to endure during the four years of World War One, reminding us that our freedom should not be taken for granted. On the other hand, this day has also become not just an anniversary of the end of the war, but also a celebration of militarism itself, leading to debates on whether it has not evolved into a day of military glorification instead of a day for reflection. The duality of this internationally celebrated and appreciated holiday highlights the thin line between reminiscing about our past and glorifying it. Therefore, while the original aim of the celebrations of the Armistice Day war peaceful reconciliation and remembrance, these days there seems to be a shift towards militarism and glorification of military action, which has sparked discussions—even controversies—around the values the Eleventh of November embodies and its role in modern society. In the years following 1919, Armistice Day ceremonies were used to promote the message that “never again” should we engage in the brutality and futility of war. At this time, the grief caused by war was raw. People felt real loss—one fourth of the population in the Western world lost at least one family member during this conflict—and the need to have a collective ceremony to mourn nationally was understandable. Over decades, this anniversary has evolved into a day of solemn reflection for those lost in all conflicts. In the early 1950s, the celebrations underwent another change in their symbolism: in 1954, in the U.S., Armistice Day was renamed Veterans Day to honor all veterans, not just those who have fought in World War One. Some advocates argue that this change diverted attention from the original peace-oriented message, leading to a rise of glorification of military intervention, meandering away from the initial intention of reflecting on the war and remembering those who have lost their lives during the conflict. One of these critics is the professor of Environmental Health from Boston University School of Public Health, H. Patricia Hynes, who claims that the renaming of Armistice Day to Veteran's Day led to the discarding of “ all public ideals of peace with all other peoples.” She goes on to add that “the rebranding of Armistice Day to Veterans Day [is] enabling militarists and war profiteers “ to celebrate and promote militarism … misrepresent war members of the military as heroes, and encourage the enlistment of cannon fodder for future war for profit.” Controversies surrounding the nature, which often tends to be rather militaristic of Remembrance Day, the official name of the Armistice holiday in the United Kingdom, have a long history too: participants in Armistice Day events have almost always worn or displayed red poppies in English-speaking territories, cornflowers in France and Belgium since the poppy became associated with the holiday because of the popularity of the poem, “ In Flanders Fields ,” written in 1915 by Canadian soldier John McCrae. However, as early as the 1930s, people began wearing the white poppy instead of the original red one to reject the perceived militarism associated with Remembrance Day. Other scholars corroborate this view on the significance of Armistice Day: Olivia Abbott, a writer for the Organisation for World Peace, wrote an article titled: “ Rethinking Remembrance Day: Unpacking Memory, Identity And War” in 2019, where she voices her opinion as follows: “Remembrance Day prevents us from moving forward. We should not forget our national history, but the rhetoric of “keep calm and carry on” and “lest we forget” focuses on the past and stops us from looking forward. […] The longer we hold onto the emphasis on remembrance, the longer we will hold back from pursuing a brighter future.” Abbott’s criticism of Britain’s approach to Remembrance Day celebrations is yet another example of the controversies that this holiday creates—it represents a controversial focus on the past and its glorification instead of a reconciliation that would help the nation in moving forward. Furthermore, there is also a very recent example of the November 11th celebrations being controversial: the pro-Palestinian protests that took place in central London. Many people think that protesting on Remembrance Day as a sign of “ disrespect ” towards the fallen. Others talk about the dangers of militarism as one of the core values of this holiday and the glorification of war that is perpetuated through the celebration of this anniversary. On November 11th last year, Clément Voule, the UN’s Special Rapporteur for the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, discouraged painting the protests as “ hate marches .” He argued that it could risk public disorder and more public disagreement on the validity of Remembrance Day. Commemorating an anniversary of the end of a war or another military action will always spark controversies because of the thin line between appreciation and glorification. There has been a major shift in the symbolism of the Eleventh of November—renaming of this holiday in America or the rise of unrest these ceremonies bring about in the present exemplify this. Despite the shift in the values and importance of this holiday, which should be reflected upon during this anniversary, the core idea that led to its establishment is still relevant: the horrors of the past cannot be forgotten. Otherwise, we run the danger of repeating them.

In such delicate moments as those that engulf the West right now, its position is far from being unitary and clear. It hesitates to help Ukraine and to have a rigid position about the Israeli-Palestinian situation. It quarrels with itself to the highest degree and it always finds a way to take a stance too late. In this context, the West is divided as never before in recent history. < Back The Fall of the West Amer El-Ibrahim November 30, 2024 In recent times, the idea that the West is declining has repeatedly been vehiculated in media, articles and books. Such timidly apocalyptic visions have always plagued the West, especially when it finds itself in periods of crisis, be it moral or economic. Nonetheless, one can wonder: is today’s presupposed decline a real threat to our civilization, or is it just paranoia? The idea of the decline of the West was born during the Enlightenment. Rousseau was one of the first to raise concerns about civilization's debilitating effects with his idea of the “noble savage.” Later in the 19th century, thinkers such as Karl Marx and Nietzsche expanded on this idea. Nietzsche regarded European culture to be in spiritual decline, undermined by a Christian morality that, according to him, outlived its utility. Marx and Engels offer a materialistic interpretation, attributing this deterioration to the exploitative forces of capitalism, which should at one point bring the societal collapse that would be followed by socialism. In the 20th century, two other writers delved into this presumed perpetual downturn: Oswald Spengler and Arnold Toynbee. Spengler predicted the fall of Western society by comparing it to a living organism that is subject to growth, maturity, and decay. Meanwhile, Toynbee, in his book “A Study of History,” examined cycles of rise and fall across civilizations, regarding Western decline as part of a cyclical pattern of history. Both theoreticized that this fall is not temporary and curable, but an inevitable stage within a broader system. Additionally, there was a growing pessimism that took hold of post-WWII Western thought, marked by two World Wars, the Holocaust and nuclear war anxieties. Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer were key figures in establishing a culture of critique of modernity and the West, with phenomena such as mass consumer culture, technological alienation and bureaucratic rationalism being seen as dehumanizing forces. In the 1970s and 80s, a new declinism made its way onto the stage—present until now—which critiques Western industrial progress for leading to ecological destruction. All of these iterations of decline across centuries show that declinism has become a mode of Western thought, not lacking in biases. However, this declinist outlook usually displays the spiritual, cultural or economic turbulences of an epoch and not the whole West across centuries. Writers who critiqued the West were driven more by subjective perceptions than objective realities. Nonetheless, the “idea of decline” is serving as a mirror into anxieties of each era rather than an inherent decay of Western civilization. Moreover, the West’s obsession with its own deterioration seems to be a self-fulfilling prophecy, born of philosophical pessimism that blinds us to our achievements. On another note, Hegel noted 200 years ago, civilizations perish not because of external reasons, such as war, famine or economic crisis, but due to internal disputes. Enemies from the outside, regardless of their nature, cannot prevail if there does not exist a profound internal scission. Petty rivalries and endless scandals drain the spirit of a particular nation and not wars. In such delicate moments as those that engulf the West right now, its position is far from being unitary and clear. It hesitates to help Ukraine and to have a rigid position about the Israeli-Palestinian situation. It quarrels with itself to the highest degree and it always finds a way to take a stance too late. In this context, the West is divided as never before in recent history. Even though the West has far more economic power than its main opponents—Russia, Iran, China, Syria, etc—this power is useless if it is not animated by a combative spirit that fights for its values and principles. An example can be given by the US, which struggled for months on end to vote for a package of 60 billion dollars aimed mainly for the aid of Ukraine, but also for Taiwan and Israel. This postponement stemmed from the petty rivalries between the Democrats and the Republicans. Meanwhile, the EU was blocked from supporting Ukraine by Viktor Orban’s opposition, a giant blocked by an ant. Amidst this air of hesitancy, the West’s main rivals, namely, Russia, Hamas, Iran and China, seem to have no such impediments or ideological hiccups. They arm themselves, violate existing treaties, launch themselves into war economies, as seen in the case of Russia, and control their population—evident in all but especially China. The West, on the other hand, seems to be lost spiritually in its own auto-critic frenzy. Is the West really in decline, as countless others have hypothesized? Others’ belief that it is in such a state, then, does not matter. What matters is if the West itself believes it.

As a Muslim living in France, it has been difficult facing the day to day reality of an extremely charged and hostile political discourse that targets my community. This election has chosen our community as the scapegoat, and while the elites run free from their corruption scandals and the cost of living crisis slaps the most underprivileged communities hardest in the face. Here we are debating my mother’s right to wear a scarf over her head. < Back It’s a Good Day to Fight the System: Students Protest Zemmour By Ismaeel Yaqoob March 30, 2022 ‘’It’s a good day / To fight the system,’’ the famous lyrics by Shungudzo blared out as we stood together, on the Franco-Italian border, in solidarity with the everyday mistreatment of refugees in this exact place. We stood in solidarity with the women, the Muslims, the Jewish people, the disabled, and every minority that Zemmour has targeted in his bigoted campaign for presidency. Sciences Po Menton students did not disappoint, responding avidly to our call out, by in two days, mobilizing a coalition of students, local residents, trade unionists and activists from Italy through Nice. The crowd was a diverse tapestry of people from all around the world, all political colors, races, and languages coming out to reject the visit of Zemmour in Menton. There was something powerful about the moment where hundreds shouted towards the border police that formed a wall between us and Zemmour who was interviewing officers at the frontier post, “Solidarité avec les réfugiés.” We demonstrated that we were not turning a blind eye to the humanitarian crisis at this border and view justice as the right of passage for refugees. Our chants echoed through the town of Menton that day, from “Riviera Antifa,” to “On est tous contre le racisme,” to “solidarité avec les sans-papiers.” Music blared from campus anthems like “C’est la vie” to the Zemmour remix of “Ne reviens pas” to Stormzy’s “Shut Up” to “Boushret Keir.” We brought an energy that older activists told me they had never seen in Menton. They thanked us for giving them hope that the university was producing conscious students with initiative, energy, and drive. As a Muslim living in France, it has been difficult facing the day to day reality of an extremely charged and hostile political discourse that targets my community. This election has chosen our community as the scapegoat, and while the elites run free from their corruption scandals and the cost of living crisis slaps the most underprivileged communities hardest in the face. Here we are debating my mother’s right to wear a scarf over her head. The reality of Eric Zemmour’s discourse is not polemic or controversialWith his plans to force Muslims in France to change their names to something more “french-sounding,” his essentialist view on gender roles, and criticisms of so-called LGBT propaganda, it is outright fascism. Let’s not forget that he has also been convicted twice now on charges of provocation of racial hatred for his numerous discriminatory comments against Muslims. He has also sought to rewrite history, talking up part of France’s collaboration with the Nazis under Petain. This rhetoric is setting France back generations on the progress it has made at the political and legal level when it comes to discrimination and minority rights. A day before the protest we hosted a sign making session, in which students demonstrated their solidarity and disgust at the candidate’s visit with phrases such as “Zemmour rentre chez toi;” “On est tous les enfant d'immigrés;” “Solidarité avec les femmes du monde entier;” “les jeunes contre fascisme;” “LGBTQI fièrement contre Zemmour” “Plus d’amour, pas Zemmour.” The colors, creativity, and designing skills were all a perfect demonstration of the artistic flair and talent within our student body, that was truly activated in this beautiful show of solidarity with all marginalized groups. The truth is that Menton is a beautiful place, where some very ugly things happen. Menton is a town where the streets are perfect and the sun is always shining, but just a few kilometers away, a humanitarian crisis is taking place with daily police violence at the border. It is often easy to turn a blind eye to these things —that is the nature of these operations. They exist, so we do not see anything. This time our small town where the far-right typically flourishes sent a clear message that there is no place for fascists here. Eric Zemmour spends his days running a campaign that targets any and every minority that exists. We marched in solidarity with refugees, Muslims, women, Jews, the LGBT community, immigrants, people of color, and all other minorities to say that we will not let his presence be normalized. We will fight against his politics of hate. We shouted for solidarity with refugees, we shouted to condemn racism and misogyny, we shouted for our community from all around the world. We have taken up space, been loud and unapologetic in our sleepy university town, uniting locals and the international student body alike in a beautiful display of hope, peace and love that we can be very proud of.

Le refus de Netanyahu de démissionner laisserait son gouvernement extrémiste au pouvoir, prolongeant la guerre et limitant la possibilité d’une pacification post-guerre. < Back Après la guerre, quel futur pour l’Israël? By Anna Halpern January 31, 2024 La guerre entre l’Israël et le Hamas, nous en entendons tous parler. Que se soit pour le procès de l’Afrique du Sud contre l’Israël, accusé de génocide à la CIJ (Cour Internationale de Justice), pour des questions humanitaires ou sécuritaires, le gouvernement Israélien est critiqué très fortement non seulement par la communauté internationale, mais aussi par les Israéliens eux-mêmes. En effet, le pire manquement sécuritaire de l'État Hébreux depuis une génération et même depuis sa création a secoué la scène politique Israélienne. Du gouvernement dont les positions violentes se sont trouvées confortées dans leur haine de l’autre, aux pacifistes pointant du doigt les problème liés à un conflit de plus de 75 ans, aux opposants du gouvernement attaquant Netanyahu pour ses problèmes judiciaires et son incapacité à prévenir les événements du 7 octobre, cette guerre est perçue comme un tournant. La question reste la suivante à ce carrefour de l’histoire Israélienne: quelle voie va-t-elle emprunter quand la guerre sera finie? Tout d’abord, pour comprendre la situation politique Israélienne il est important de revenir sur les événements du 6 octobre 1973 et leurs impacts. En effet, on ne peut manquer de faire le parallèle avec la guerre de Kippour déclenchée exactement 50 ans et un jour avant. Les forces armées Israéliennes s’étaient retrouvées prises au dépourvu quand une coalition de pays Arabes menés par l’Egypte et la Syrie ont attaqué l'Israël le jour de Yom Kippour, le jour le plus sacré pour les juifs. Ce grave manquement sécuritaire avait à l’époque été reçu comme un choc. L'Israël, malgré sa victoire militaire, y avait perdu de son image de puissance militaire sans faille et le gouvernement avait failli en ignorant des informations qui leur avaient été transmises et en manquant cruellement de préparation face à cette attaque. L’impact de cette guerre sur la politique Israélienne ne peut être ignoré. En effet, l'Israël ayant perdu de sa confiance en son système défensif s’est engagé dans une voie de pacification avec les accords de Camp David avec l’Egypte. De plus, le désastre sécuritaire subi par l'Israël mène Golda Meir (la première ministre Israélienne) à démissionner le 11 avril 1974 et à la création de la commission Agranat créée pour enquêter sur ces manquements de la part des forces de défenses Israéliennes et de la Première Ministre. Dans le cadre de la guerre Israël-Hamas et de l’attaque du 7 octobre, il est plus que probable que l’on voit un processus similaire se produire, étant donné que non seulement l’opposition politique, mais la grande majorité de la population Israélienne exige la démission de Netanyahu (Selon un sondage mené par l'Institut démocratique israélien paru début janvier, seulement 15% des Israéliens se disent favorables au maintien du Premier Ministre au pouvoir après la guerre). Il semble donc que dans un futur post-guerre les Israéliens soient très motivés à rejeter le gouvernement Likoud en faveur probablement de Yair Lapid, le leader de l’opposition, ou de Benny Gantz. Selon la proposition de Lapid, le futur de Gaza pourrait être une administration par une coalition d’États Arabes tels que l’Arabie Saoudite et les Emirats Arabes Unis, mais incluant l’Autorité Palestinienne (AP). Néanmoins, la paix ne serait pas facile, surtout avec le maintien de sa position sur une déradicalisation nécessaire de l’AP avant sa participation. En outre, le futur reste encore très flou. Le refus de Netanyahu de démissionner laisserait son gouvernement extrémiste au pouvoir, prolongeant la guerre et limitant la possibilité d’une pacification post-guerre. D’autre part, chaque instant que la guerre se prolonge, l'Israël perd du soutien international, et il est impossible de nier que cela impactera forcément le déroulement du processus de paix.

Alors que les pays occidentaux et leurs soutiens s’enferrent à nier les fondements de l’ordre international qu’ils ont proclamé du haut de leur puissance, il apparaît qu’une nouvelle impulsion risque de renverser l’inconséquence complice des pays du Nord. En effet, le ‘Sud global’ entend bien chasser les marchands du Temple. < Back Au Sud global, rien de nouveau à l’horizon Lubin Parisien December 31, 2024 La France s’est félicitée du mandat d’arrêt de la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) contre le président russe Vladimir Poutine, pourtant elle a fait grise mine quand ce fut au tour du premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu d’être recherché par la CPI. La France a critiqué l’argument de la Mongolie, qui, se basant sur l’article 98 du Statut de Rome fondateur de la CPI et dont la Mongolie est partie, a refusé d’arrêter Vladimir Poutine en visite dans le pays sous prétexte que la Russie n’est pas partie du Statut de Rome. Cependant, la France a ensuite mobilisé l’article 98 pour justifier son refus a priori de procéder à l’arrestation du premier ministre israélien car Israël n’est pas partie non plus de la CPI. Quelle différence entre MM. Netanyahu et Poutine au regard du droit international? Aucune, si ce n’est que le premier est l’allié de la France et le second son ennemi. Alors que les pays occidentaux et leurs soutiens s’enferrent à nier les fondements de l’ordre international qu’ils ont proclamé du haut de leur puissance, il apparaît qu’une nouvelle impulsion risque de renverser l’inconséquence complice des pays du Nord. En effet, le ‘Sud global’ entend bien chasser les marchands du Temple. L’expression est chic, elle est commune et elle semble depuis 15 ans avoir une utilisation constante . L’incurie de l’Occident au regard du droit international—l’Irak en 2003 et les Palestiniens peuvent témoigner des manquements des pays du Nord—n’est plus à prouver. Pour autant, est-ce un fait exclusif au Nord? La Mongolie aussi a dû mobiliser des trésors de mauvaises fois pour accueillir Vladimir Poutine : l’affirmation des Etats du Sud global ne se conjugue manifestement pas par une perspective meilleure pour un ordre international plus juste. Les bons vieux instruments de l’hypocrisie et de l’indignation sélective sont appropriés sans modération par un Sud global pourtant porteur de promesses évanescentes. 80 ans dans les marges du monde Avant même de définir le Sud global un fait révélateur s’offre à nous: le Sud se définit séparément ou contre le Nord, contre un Occident composé de pays indéniablement puissants, dominateurs et riches, en premier lieu les Etats-Unis, les Etats européens, le Canada, quelques pays d’Asie ainsi que l’Australie et la Nouvelle-Zélande. Le reste, c’est le ‘Sud.’ Quand il y a un Sud, il y a un Nord, le truisme n’est pas révolutionnaire, mais il montre bien ce qu’induit l’expression de Sud global, c’est-à-dire une partie du monde autre, différente des puissances dominantes et dominatrices occidentales. Ainsi, le Sud global se définit en premier lieu par ce qu’il n’est pas. De tous ses ancêtres, le plus fameux est le concept de « Tiers-monde » énoncé pour la première fois par Alfred Sauvy en 1952, lequel dresse le parallèle avec le Tiers-Etat de l’Ancien Régime et son état de servitude. Les pays dont parle M. Sauvy sont en effet à peine sortis de la colonisation et de la sujétion aux puissances européennes déchues. En Afrique, après 1960, les pays anciennement colonisés par la France tombent souvent dans son escarcelle par une tutelle de fait et un ‘paternalisme’ pudiquement appelé « Françafrique. » Politiquement, la manifestation la plus ‘pure’ de l’originalité de ce Tiers-monde réside dans le mouvement des non-alignés. Alors que la Guerre froide sépare le monde en deux, des Etats comme la Yougoslavie de Tito, l’Indonésie de Soekarno ou l’Egypte de Nasser sont à l’initiative de nombreuses conférences de non-alignés, à Brioni en 1956 ou à Bandung en 1955 . En somme, deux faits sont à retenir: ces Etats non-alignés sont souvent portés par des figures et des membres plus éminents et importants comme l’Inde ou l’Egypte. En outre, il y a toujours la question du leadership et des batailles pour se l’accaparer. Tout parallèle avec l’Inde ou le Brésil aujourd’hui est purement fortuit. De uxièmement, ces pays se conçoivent à l’écart du grand jeu international, et c’est sur cette base qu’ils légitiment leur positionnement et leurs tentatives d’affirmation. Mais cette posture ne doit pas cacher des dissensions et la réalité des luttes de pouvoirs internes: en effet, un Nasser s’est singulièrement rapproché de l’URSS, la conférence des non-alignés de 1966 à La Havane est tout aussi singulièrement liée à l’URSS. A côté, des pays comme la Yougoslavie s’en sont toujours tenus à une prudente neutralité depuis 1948, bien que Tito soit communiste. Ces pays sont donc bien souvent totalement imbriqués dans les querelles de pouvoirs internationales structurantes, ils ne sont pas véritablement une alternative unique et réelle à l’ordre qui se construit alors sur la terreur du feu nucléaire. Le Sud global se nourrit aussi de la bipartition que font les géographes et les géopolitologues entre les pays du Nord et les pays du Sud, qui, en réalité, provient de la définition donnée précédemment. Cette bipartition séparait les pays sur un critère de développement, sur des données comme l’IDH ou le PIB par habitant. Dans les années 1980, une telle classification avait une certaine pertinence, les pays du Nord étant riches et développés, les pays du Sud étant mal classés sur la base des mêmes critères. L'Occident a beau jeu d’apparaître comme la pointe avancée du développement alors que le Sud est là encore dans les marges. Pourtant, cette ligne, dont le manichéisme a toujours été critiqué, est largement abandonnée aujourd’hui: un dossier publié par l’institut Géoconfluences de l’ENS de Lyon affirme ainsi que de « nettes et spectaculaires recompositions géographiques de l’architecture mondiale du développement [sont] intervenues ces quatre dernières décennies. » En outre, des pays comme la Russie sont désormais intégrés au Sud avec le Sud global au titre de son opposition à l’Occident et de sa participation au BRICS, non pas en raison de critères de développement, tandis que la Chine et l’Amérique latine demeure dans le Sud avec l’Afrique et les îles océaniennes malgré des écarts bien plus vastes avec ces derniers qu’avec l’Occident. Toutes ces dénominations—Tiers-monde, non-alignés, fracture Nord-Sud—ont précédé l’appellation de Sud global. Un point commun les réunit: être dans les marges de l’ordre international établi. Mais en fonction du vocable, ces termes peuvent sous-tendre une volonté politique subversive ou plus clairement anti-occidentale: ‘Sud global’ réunit tout cela. Pourtant, la subversion, si elle est proclamée, reste relative. Tout changer pour rien changer L’ordre occidental est démodé. Ses deux poids deux mesures en Palestine et en Ukraine ont récemment confirmé sa décrédibilisation. Sa propension aux guerres sans fin notamment au Moyen-Orient l’a affaibli. Sa prétention universelle ne tient pas longtemps face à l’affirmation de nouvelles puissances. Une formule du président turc Erdogan résume bien un esprit qui court dans les chancelleries du Sud global : « le monde est plus que cinq , » une allusion aux cinq membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité et à l’absence de raisons valables à leurs privilèges en premier desquelle figure le droit de veto. Le concept de Sud global cristallise les critiques légitimes que l'on peut exprimer à l’égard de l’Occident dans le concert des nations. Mais les pays du supposé Sud global ne valent pas mieux. En discutant du Sud global, de son histoire, de ses espoirs, on en oublie un fait essentiel: une imposture fondamentale se cache dans les discours. Pour être honnête, il faut bien cadrer le propos. Il consiste à dénoncer le vernis moral dont se pare l'expression Sud global, un vernis qui se nourrit de la juste contestation de l’incurie occidentale. L’objet n’est pas de discuter de la réalité effective du concept et de sa pertinence dans la description des relations internationales— un article de Bertrand Badie dans la revue du conseil scientifique de l’ONG Attac Les possibles en 2014 résume bien la réalité géopolitique du concept. Notre objectif est plutôt de pointer du doigt les faussaires qui utilisent la dénomination de Sud global dans un discours de justification de politiques étrangères qui doivent nous inquiéter. Erdogan déclare que “le monde est plus que cinq” depuis 2016, mais il a ressorti la formule dans un communiqué du ministère des affaires étrangères en 2023 pour soutenir l'ajout de l’Inde comme membre permanent du Conseil de sécurité. Ce serait un grand changement, mais seulement superficiel, car cela ne s’attaque pas à la racine du problème: l’existence de membres privilégiés. Le but pour l’Inde et la Turquie par derrière est simplement de s’emparer de plus de pouvoirs, un objectif bien cynique et qui ne laisse entrevoir aucune voie de progrès dans le concert des nations. Dans un communiqué commun avec la Chine lors d’une rencontre à Astana en 2024, la Turquie affirme que: « en tant que grands pays en développement et membres du “Sud global,” la Chine et la Turquie [...] [s’inscrivent dans] le maintien des normes régissant les relations internationales. » La norme défendue est celle de la course à la puissance, et non pas un droit vigoureux et égalitaire entre les Etats, puisque la Turquie a approuvé de facto l’existence d’une hiérarchie des États qu’il souhaite simplement élargir. De plus, la question du leadership du Sud global présage d’une vision toujours plus prédatrice des relations internationales. Ainsi, les pays des BRICS (Brésil, Russie, Inde, Chine et Afrique du Sud, avant l’élargissement), se disputent le rôle du chef de file ou simplement pour affirmer sa propre influence, d’où l’ aide apportée par Lula pour pousser la candidature, acceptée, de l’Argentine. La rivalité entre l’Inde et la Chine qui se cristallise au Cachemir ou dans le financement chinois du port de Gwadar au Pakistan est un exemple de ces rivalités au sein de la fausse unité qu’est le Sud global. Or, pendant ce temps, certains de ces chefs de file perpétuent de vieilles techniques de domination. Le ‘piège de la dette,’ bien que souvent fantasmé, demeure révélateur des techniques employées par la Chine pour s’assurer le soutien d’Etats fragiles peu regardants sur les taux d’intérêt de la dette et la bonne gestion des finances publiques, à l’instar du Sri Lanka sous la férule du clan Rajapaksa. Il mena le pays à la faillite notamment en acceptant des contrats d’entreprises chinoises telle que le port de Hambantota, dont l’utilité reste à démontrer. Le pays, exsangue, a dû accepter la cession d’un bail de 99 ans à la Chine en 2019. Les pays puissants du Sud global semblent faire peu de cas d’une quelconque éthique vis-à-vis des autres pays du Sud lui-même. Dans la construction d’un récit autour d’un Sud global, il y a la dénonciation du double-standard des Occidentaux quant au respect du droit international, visiblement optionnel quand il s’agit de M. Netanyahu ou de Georges W. Bush sur les actes commis par l’armée américain à Abou Ghraib par exemple. L’Afrique du Sud a décidé d’y remédier en décembre 2023 au sujet de la guerre menée par Israël à Gaza, dénoncé comme un génocide auprès de la Cour internationale de justice. Certains parlaient du pays comme du “ fer de lance ” du Sud global—toujours la question du leadership de ce Sud global. On peut toutefois croire que le motif de la plainte n’est pas qu’humanitaire, cet intérêt à être le “fer de lance” semble être déterminant. En effet, l’Afrique du Sud n’a eu aucune gêne d’accueillir sur son sol en 2015 Omar al-Béchir, dictateur à l’époque du Soudan, recherché par la CPI —dont l’Afrique du Sud est membre—pour notamment des faits de génocide durant la guerre du Darfour en 2003. Il y a eu environ 300 000 morts selon Amnesty international . Le deux poids deux mesures, loin d’être le fait propre de l’Occident, est aussi utilisé par des pays du Sud global qui profite du discours favorable induit par l’expression, une rhétorique d’atmosphère rudement pratique quand il s’agit de dissimuler ses propres contradictions et hypocrisies. Le Sud global incarne à bien des égards les espoirs pour un ordre international débarrassé des impérialismes et des néo-colonialismes. Pourtant, il y a une tension fondamentale entre l’usage qui en fait et l’image positive que l’on peut avoir de ces pays avec la réalité plus inquiétante de la politique de ces pays, renversant la table pour mieux jouer au même jeu que les grandes puissances d’antan. Ces espoirs sont nécessaires, mais il est illusoire d’attendre beaucoup du Sud global en tant que fausse unité. Tant que les ambitieux, les tribuns et les leaders autoproclamés d’un quelconque monde ‘libre’ seront aux commandes, le cynisme sera le gouvernail du concert des nations. En Occident comme dans le Sud, et comme le montre les protestations mondiales contre l’inaction occidentale par rapport à la politique israélienne en Palestine, c’est aux peuples de s’emparer des questions géopolitiques, c’est à eux de rappeler la nécessité d’un ordre mondial uni pour la paix, du Nord au Sud.

Dans ce monde, “chaque geste porte le poids d’une insoutenable responsabilité”, une responsabilité dont n’a pas su faire preuve la procédure pénale actuelle qui s’est distinguée par la légèreté de son prononcé. < Back L’histoire de Sanaa ou l’insoutenable légèreté des jugements au Maroc By Layla Hammouda “ L’absence totale de fardeau fait que l’être humain devient plus léger que l’air, et qu’il s’envole, qu’il s’éloigne de la terre, de l’être terrestre, qu’il n’est plus qu'à demi réel et que ses mouvements sont aussi libres qu’insignifiants” écrit Milan Kundera dans l’Insoutenable légèreté de l’être. C’est avec cette “insoutenable légèreté” que Soumaya Naamane définit le jugement declaré ce 20 mars pour les trois hommes auteurs du viol d’une fillette de 11 ans, condamnés à des peines qui atteignent peniblement les deux ans de prison. Elle s’appelle Sanaa et est originaire du discret village marocain de Tiflet. Ces dernières semaines, le petit Tiflet a fait les gros titres, de par l'hystérie qui a entouré l’histoire de Sanaa. Mais le récit de la fillette n’a pas fait qu’indigner, il a également fait écho. Il a fait écho à Amina Filali, qui s’était suicidée après avoir été forcée à épouser son violeur qui échappa aux poursuites par le biais de ce mariage. Cette histoire fit écho au drame de Khadija violée à 16 ans, s’immolant par le feu après que ses huit agresseurs innocentés par la justice sont venus à nouveau la menacer. Le récit de Sanaa fait écho à l’insoutenable légèreté des verdicts offerts par l’appareil judiciaire marocain aux femmes qui portent sur elles d’insoutenables fardeaux. “Aussi libres qu’insignifiants” écrit Kundera. La liberté conférée aux juges par le pouvoir discrétionnaire du tribunal prend toute son insignifiance lorsque la formation décide d’accorder de conséquentes circonstances atténuantes aux trois bourreaux de Sanaa. Selon le Code Pénal marocain, la peine encourru pour un tel viol devrait se situer entre 10 et 20 ans de prison. Cependant eu égard à la legereté des qualifications employés lors du procès, on parle non pas de viol mais de “detournement de mineure” et “d’attentat à la pudeur sur mineure avec violence”, les textes de lois prennent inévitablement une allure d’insignifiance. A cela s’ajoute les précédemment évoquées circonstances atténuantes stipulant qu’au regard des “conditions sociales de chacun d'entre eux et à l'absence d'antécédents judiciaires; et parce que la peine prévue légalement est dure au regard des faits incriminés”, leur peine devrait être amoindrie. Les indicateurs montrent pourtant des avancées significatives en matière de statut des femmes au Maroc. Que ce soit la réforme du Code de la famille en 2004 ou l’inscription de l’égalité hommes femmes dans la constitution de 2011, la tendance laissait à croire que l’heure était pour les institutions marocaines d’enfin assumer leur “insoutenable responsabilité”. Mais c’est un tel traitement juridique réservé à des femmes, des filles comme Sanaa, qui font enfiler à ces avancées le vêtement de l’insignifiance. Stephanie William de Mobilising for Rights Associates, analyse justement l’origine du problème: “Il y a un réel problème de procédure pénale: le code pénal marocain laisse l’entière appréciation aux juges de faire bénéficier les coupables de circonstances atténuantes avec pour effet de réduire les peines applicables voire de ne pas les appliquer. Cela leur laisse toute latitude pour fonder leurs décisions sur des stéréotypes sexistes.” C’est alors la légèreté dont est imbibée l’articulation de ces progrès qui fait verser toute les mobilisations, plaidoiries et mouvements des femmes marocaines dans le demi reel, le théorique, et encore une fois l’insignifiance. Car on peut s’acharner à changer les textes, mais comment s’assurer de leur application dans l’esprit et la lettre ? Depuis 1 an, Sanaa est mère d’un enfant dont le père est l’un des trois accusés. Sanaa porte alors à tout jamais l’insoutenable fardeau symbolisant son drame. Un fardeau qui doit être basculé instamment du côté des bourreaux aux moyen d’une procédure pénale qui prend toute la mesure de la situation et qui applique de manière stricte les sanctions qui s’imposent. Cette justice serait alors gardienne du monde de “l'éternel retour”, celui que Kundera oppose au monde de l’insoutenable légèreté. Dans ce monde, “chaque geste porte le poids d’une insoutenable responsabilité”, une responsabilité dont n’a pas su faire preuve la procédure pénale actuelle qui s’est distinguée par la légèreté de son prononcé. Milan finit par écrire :“le plus lourd fardeau est en même temps l’image du plus intense accomplissement vital”. Ainsi, alourdir nos jugements d’une telle responsabilité, les faire basculer dans le monde de l’eternel retour au même titre que les victimes serait un signe de réel, une lueur d’espoir profondément humaine mais surtout nécessaire face aux inlassables redoublements de vie des femmes marocaines. La récente mobilisation des femmes marocaines a abouti à un recours devant la Cour d’Appel de Rabat pour l’affaire de Sanaa. Le procès aura lieu jeudi 13 avril, on ne peut qu'espérer un verdict défait de toute forme de légèreté.

Rap seems to attract the worst of both worlds, awfully behaving artists and their near-blind cult following. The most despicable behavior can be forgiven so long as the musician continues to produce good music. Hip-hop fans have ease separating the rap from the rapper it seems, but this can set a dangerous precedent for the future. < Back Separating the Rap from the Rapper Pracheth Sanka February 28, 2025 Certified Lover Boy, or Certified Pedophile? This was the question fans of the rapper Drake had to ask themselves last summer. American rapper Kendrick Lamar popularly uttered these words during his and Drake’s widely publicized feud in early 2024. Lamar levied heavy accusations against the worldwide superstar , insinuating that Drake, or at least that members of his entourage, are sexual predators. While his claims are not yet fully verified , there remains select evidence to back up Lamar’s claims, like when Drake kissed an underage fan at one of his concerts, even after confirming that she was just seventeen. Still, even after these claims surfaced and being embarrassingly outrapped by Lamar, Drake’s superfans remain loyal to him. As an admirer of hip-hop, watching the “beef” from an outside perspective was a glorious experience. The clever wordplay and production of a song like “ Meet the Grahams ” satisfied the musician in me, and Drake’s humor on “ Family Matters ” made me audibly laugh, as he wittily struck back at Lamar’s assertion that his racial ambiguity precluded him from using a certain racial slur, the n-word. But the rivalry also highlighted a troubling pattern in the rap community: the blind adoration for the superstars. Drake, despite the alarming allegations and real-life instances of pedophilia, remained the year’s top-performing rapper and is arguably as popular as ever. If you look at his subreddit and all over Instagram reels, you can find avowed enthusiasts jumping to defend his honor and legacy as one of hip-hop’s “Greatest of All Times.” Even Lamar is not immune to this phenomenon; en route to his Grammy near-sweep and Super Bowl headline , accusations of his domestic abuse emerged from the Drake feud. This cult-like following, the unconcerned attachment to our favorite artists, is a worrying trend, one that has grown over the years in the hip-hop sphere. Formerly known as Kanye West, Ye’s narcissistic and arrogant behavior at the 2009 MTV Video Music Awards was cause for concern, yet his fans remained more or less supportive of his music at that point. Now, nearly sixteen years later, some of those same fans keep him in high regard despite his anti-Semitic and, to put it very, very mildly, politically incorrect turn. It seems astounding that even with his—and other rappers—persistently deplorable behavior, they can maintain large followings and even grow in popularity. These instances of course take us back to the age-old question, can we separate the rap from the rapper? Part of the issue lies within rap’s inherent relatability. While most may not connect with the sometimes grandiose and braggadocious rhymes, hip-hop’s roots are in the stories of inner-city neighborhoods, often giving a voice to the voiceless youth and marginalized who listened to it. As the genre evolved, so did its subject matter. Rappers began to speak about their mental health struggles and personal battles, something that struck a chord with many avid rap fans globally. Take XXXTentacion, who before his untimely death in 2018, released songs that talked about suicide, depression and heartbreak. Some of his hit songs, written when he was just in his late teens, include “ Everybody Dies in Their Nightmares ” and by far most popular “ Sad! ”, both of which talk about the rapper’s fight with suicidal ideation. His youth, relatability and talent propelled him into mainstream stardom, where he gained cult status and where he now remains one of the most listened-to artists even seven years after his death. But this popularity stands in contradiction to his often deplorable behavior. He was an admitted abuser who physically assaulted his pregnant girlfriend and he reportedly stabbed nine people. His connection to his fans and other musicians, as well as his early passing, seems to have given XXXTentacion’s legacy a shroud of innocence, hiding the dark past that mars it. Many other rappers can play on this relatability factor to conceal their misdeeds. The aforementioned Ye does this exceptionally well. While his current musical output is fraught with the use of artificial intelligence and controversial lyrics , his music of old gave listeners an insight into his upbringing, bridging themes of class, love and faith. His production prowess also lends to his status as another one of hip-hop’s greatest. This greatness has in many ways overshadowed his rampant anti-Semitic, pro-Nazi and racist behavior. Many fans still lay in wait, hoping his new projects will be a return to his prior merit, especially after their disappointment with his last two endeavors, Vultures 1 and Vultures 2. While some have jumped ship, his cult status maintains many of his faithful who seem to willingly ignore his peculiar behavior. But sometimes, it has little to do with the rapper’s perceived greatness or approachable lyrics. It's just that the artist has made good music and the perceived injustice is not deemed to be bad enough. Travis Scott is a prime example of this phenomenon. Known for his spacey and production-heavy songs, he is a hit-maker who regularly performs in front of sold-out crowds. One of these sold-out performances, the 2021 Astroworld Festival, turned out to be a dark stain on his record, as the overcrowded swarm of concertgoers began to collapse , leading to the deaths of ten people and the injuries of many more. While the incident was not entirely his fault, the rapper caught criticism for continuing to perform despite the visible conditions of the crowd and for his later response to the tragedy. Since the incident, Scott has released a best-selling record and embarked on the accompanying best-selling tour, indicating that his irresponsible and erratic behavior surrounding the Astroworld tragedy was just a small blip in his rap career. Clearly, even the loss of life does not deter the most ardent of rap fans. Rap seems to attract the worst of both worlds, awfully behaving artists and their near-blind cult following. The most despicable behavior can be forgiven so long as the musician continues to produce good music. Hip-hop fans have ease separating the rap from the rapper it seems, but this can set a dangerous precedent for the future. It’s already been seen with the recent arrest of artist A$AP Rocky, who is going to trial over allegedly firing a gun at a friend. Facing 24 years in prison, I’ve seen many fans proclaim dissatisfaction with having to wait that long for a new album of his, rather than voice distaste for his assault charge. Whether those comments are said in jest or not, this tacit acceptance of shameful behavior can enable even worse actions from some of our favorite stars. This endemic issue will inevitably grow larger as the genre continues to rise in popularity, and fans will have to ultimately decide whether they will stick to choosing the rap, or have the courage to ditch the rapper. Photo credits: Super 45 | Música Independiente at Flickr

About two weeks ago, blissful and ignorant, I decided to research the upcoming Lemon Festival. Immediately, I found a stream of articles announcing the revolutionary involvement of non-fungible tokens (NFT) in this Mentonese tradition. After a couple more searches, I found myself on the official page for the sale of John Lemon NFTs; it was horrifying. < Back The NFT-fication of La Fête du Citron Spells Environmental Disaster By Saoirse Aherne February 28, 2023 As February approaches, those familiar with Menton wait in anticipation for the event of the year, a UNESCO recognized expression of Intangible Cultural Heritage, a citrus celebration like no other: La Fête du Citron. Since 1934, the Lemon Festival has drawn in visitors from far and wide. In typical fashion, this absurd carnival began as a cash grab. Back when Menton was a popular winter getaway for the European bourgeois, a group of local hotel owners decided to host a Menton carnival to entertain their wealthy clients. This first Menton parade in 1875 was a great success, but it was not until 1929 that the humble lemon got involved. That year, an exhibition of citrus fruits and flowers was showcased as part of the festivities. By 1928 the Menton area was the biggest lemon producer on the European continent, even acquiring the nickname “Rocher du citron.” Quickly, the lemon became the star of Menton’s annual parade and in 1934 the city officially named the event “La Fête du Citron.” Today, the Menton lemon proudly claims protection of geographical indication (PGI) — official recognition at the European level of its unique properties. Menton’s micro-climate makes it the perfect place to grow this golden fruit, which is said to be larger and less bitter than the standard. Currently, there are 15,000 trees which produce lemons that meet the PGI requirements, though this number is swelling with the help of the Association for the Promotion of Menton’s Lemons (self-explanatory organization, very specific mission). Presently, the lemon festival hosts 240,000 spectators each year, with 100 percent of tickets selling out in 2021. The event uses 140 tons of citrus fruit to adorn floats, decorations and gardens. Best of all, a charming character by the name of John Lemon has become emblematic of the event. But this year, for Menton’s 89th Fête du Citron, our favorite yellow mascot has had quite the digital facelift. Menton 3.0 - NFTs, Holograms, and Crypto: Oh my! About two weeks ago, blissful and ignorant, I decided to research the upcoming Lemon Festival. Immediately, I found a stream of articles announcing the revolutionary involvement of non-fungible tokens (NFT) in this Mentonese tradition. After a couple more searches, I found myself on the official page for the sale of John Lemon NFTs; it was horrifying. Unsure whether to laugh or cry, I scrolled through page after page of John Lemon NFTs; chunky yellow ovoids wearing stupid little top hats, ugly goatees pasted on their non-existent chins, strumming poorly rendered electric guitars. It was sick. The entire collection includes 5,000 designs — so far 18 have been purchased. The standard John Lemon NFTs are priced at 0.02 Ethereum coin, the equivalent of 30 euros. If you have even less self-respect and taste, however, you can purchase rare animated (moving) versions for 60 euros. Rock-Opera John Lemon will also perform every evening on the facade of the Palais de l’Europe in the form of a hologram. According to Nice Matin, this will mark the first NFT concert in the world. It will also apparently “enrich the intangible heritage of the city of Menton.” I'll just leave that there. Why? How? Why? This scheme is the brainchild of Mayor Yves Juhel and Stephanie Jacquot, second assistant to the mayor and deputy of events. Ms. Jacquot seems to be especially invested in the project, and reasonably so; on the Menton municipal council website, the description of her projects reads “city of tomorrow” and “digital.” According to Jacquot, incorporating modern technologies into the Fête du Citron will demonstrate that Menton is dynamic and innovative. A bold rejection of the image Menton has long cultivated as a quaint Riviera town frozen in history, Jacquot wants to revolutionize this “sleeping beauty,” as she puts it. The enthusiasm for NFTs is perhaps inspired by a project recently carried out by another Riviera town, the city of Cannes. In June of 2022, Cannes sold at auction 10 “digitized versions” of real locations within its jurisdiction. The event brought in 330,000 euros and marked the first sale of real estate through NFTs. According to Arnaud Oliveux, the auctioneer of the digital property, this opens the door to a future where buyers and investors can truly “live in the metaverse.” Whatever Jacquot and Juhel’s motivations, the duo were not alone in the mission to digitize Menton. The 5,000 rock-opera John Lemons were designed by a street artist from Nice who goes by the name Faben. The artist, whose real name is Benjamin Fabris, has recently engaged in a number of NFT-related projects and believes his work will “take the mascot of the Lemon Festival into the metaverse.” The other actor responsible for this dystopian saga is MyHologram, a company founded by Vanessa Rigaud. MyHologram has worked on a number of collaborations with museums, and has notably already collaborated with Faben to release a line of NFTs in September of 2022. For the Lemon Festival, MyHologram has worked closely with Faben, creating digital sculptures of his designs. MyHologram is also responsible for marketing the NFTs, however, they remain the city's property until sold. According to Yves Juhel, this is just the beginning. When speaking to Nice Matin, the Mayor promised many more NFT-related projects to come, declaring, "We already have ideas for next year... We will reveal the theme of the next edition at the end of it." https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hiZEfnCVzr0 “We must not be afraid of NFT’s” announced Stephanie Jacquot to the Nice Times. Controversy! Beyond aesthetic sin, this project is also an “ecological disaster,” according to a representative from the Menton-based group Stand up for the Planet. In a rant posted to Facebook, this association proclaimed that “A single NFT represents a journey of about 800 km by car,” which is equivalent to 200 kilograms of carbon dioxide. The environmental impact of NFTs is mainly due to the large amounts of electricity required to facilitate Blockchain, the technology through which NFT transaction and ownership is recorded. However, identifying the exact carbon footprint of an NFT is quite difficult as each time an NFT is produced or sold, another carbon cost is endured. Digiconomist estimates that one Ethereum transaction demands 33.4 kilograms of CO2, though an NFT can undergo infinite transactions over its lifetime. Artist and programmer Memo Akten calculates that an NFT transaction produces 14 times more emissions than mailing a piece of artwork. With regards to the John Lemon collection, I have high doubts that all 5,000 will sell. Nonetheless, the carbon footprint of their creation — or “minting” as it's called — was significant in and of itself. If adding one NFT to the blockchain uses about 83 kilograms of CO2, as many cryptoblogs have informed me is the case, then this collection is already responsible for 415,000 kilograms of carbon emissions. That is the equivalent of flying from London to New York about 421 times . The looming threat of climate change has been more evident than ever over the past year, especially in the Cote d’Azur. Droughts across the region during the summer stunted the local lemon crop, and many citrus farmers will thus not be able to claim official Menton lemon status for their fruit. In the coming years, rising sea levels will pose significant challenges to this coastal town as increasingly heavy storms will bring about landslides. The city itself recognizes the need for environmental action, having recently pledged to transition Menton into a “Green city.” In light of this, the creation of John Lemon NFTs is not only unnecessary and laughable, but it is also a sign of the city’s hollow commitment to environmental action. La Fete du Citron is already wasteful by many metrics. The festival consumes a sizable chunk of the city budget on displays and decorations, purchasing thousands of fruits which are often destined to rot rather than be eaten. At a time when such events should be reimagined in a more sustainable fashion to preserve both tradition and the environment, it is disappointing to see the city of Menton do quite the opposite.

Situated in a quaint bay amongst sun-kissed houses, Sciences Po Menton is truly a peculiar place to spend two of the most impactful years of our lives. Many of us come here, leaving behind the safety of a familiar environment, to confront both the pleasure and pain of newfound liberty. < Back Reflections on Mentonese Life With Former Student, Professor Ismail Hamoumi By Emilia Kohlmeyer April 29, 2022 Another year at Sciences Po Menton is ending. 2As are passing onto their next journey and 1As are taking on the responsibility of preserving the Mentonese student culture. The legacy of Soundproof, the campus party house, is being transferred to a new enthusiastic quadruplet, and many events, such as the collective chant-writing session, represent a modicum of traditions which are transmitted over generations of Sciences Pistes. Reflecting upon the months since I moved to Menton, I grasped the profound impact our small French Riviera town had on me. I would have never pictured the extent to which this student community would be able to shape us when I first arrived. Situated in a quaint bay amongst sun-kissed houses, Sciences Po Menton is truly a peculiar place to spend two of the most impactful years of our lives. Many of us come here, leaving behind the safety of a familiar environment, to confront both the pleasure and pain of newfound liberty. I was fortunate enough to discuss this strange Mentonese journey into adulthood with one of our very own alumni. Former-student-turned-1A-sociology-professor, Ismail Hamoumi has completed the full circle of the Menton experience and was kind enough to sit down with me to offer his reflections on the student life of his day. The Menton experience could be described as both incredibly intense and influential — a microcosm of around 300 students from all over the world, sharing the same buildings, streets, and social spaces. This has an enormous impact on social relations. Privacy is much more limited, as perfectly exemplified by a 2A warning me not to gossip on Rue Longue in my first week here. Indeed, not much of anything remains private in Menton, as it is routine to run into a minimum of three other students each time you leave your home. Hamoumi emphasized the profound effect this leaves on our process of identity construction. Leaving home as inquisitive and malleable adolescents provides us with the liberty to experiment with new identities – ones that could potentially deviate from our familiar culture. Everything new we experience challenges our perception of self. This is compounded by our numerous daily social interactions with a highly international community. Students leave Menton with a more stable sense of self, remarked Hamoumi. Our identities are only reinforced by the diversity of people and thoughts that can be found on our Menton campus. But not everything has remained consistent. Menton has also witnessed some changes in the six years since Professor Hamoumi graduated. The student body has increased by a third. Many more associations now contribute to the blooming social scene and, to my suprise , even the vivacious nightlife, a pillar of the Menton culture, is a fairly new phenomenon previously limited to Le Retro. In Professor Hamoumi’s era, social life was mostly confined to the outdoors, a few larger apartments, or nights in Monaco on which a memorable part of the night invariably included 3 a.m. bus rides along serpentine roads, causing some alcohol and dizziness induced “incidents.” Conversely, many of the festivities of the last year took place in apartments. An iconic party spot in contemporary Menton is Soundproof — the student residence where wild nights sometimes start, but always end. Professor Hamoumi cited a similar apartment from his time in Menton. But it is yet to be confirmed whether it was in the same building as Soundproof, or if they were just on the same street. However, there remain a few notable constants besides the integral role of the ummah and a lingering separation between the English and French track. It seems that the Mercedes Benz of the owner of the New Asian Store is a product of the sponsorship of generations of Sciences Pistes’ late-night alcohol purchases. The culinary scene of Menton has also not been subject to much change, including the traditional takeout pizza from Volcano or dinners at Marrakech and Al Vecchio Forno. An honorable mention should also be awarded to our very own Michael Jackson, whose effervescent presence is an integral part of Mentonese life and spirit. It is clear that much in Menton seems to remain and accompany hundreds of Sciences Pistes well after their departure. As a rising 2A, it is clearer to me now how much responsibility weighs on us to preserve the community we have created and the traditions that mark our student life. Every generation of students has contributed a little piece of the ummah and once we leave a piece of our life will remain, kept alive by new eager students experiencing their own growth into adulthood and profoundly shaping their own identity.

Sur l’air solennel de la Marseillaise et le dépôt traditionnel de gerbes sur la Place de France à la Case Rocher, le 27 février 2024 marque l'installation d’un nouveau préfet à Mayotte, François-Xavier Bieuville. < Back Le droit du sol sur une île en crise: Retours sur l'actualité de Mayotte By Salomé Greffier March 30, 2024 Sur l’air solennel de la Marseillaise et le dépôt traditionnel de gerbes sur la Place de France à la Case Rocher, le 27 février 2024 marque l'installation d’un nouveau préfet à Mayotte, François-Xavier Bieuville. Pour la ministre déléguée chargée des Outre-mer, Marie Guévenoux, cette nomination vise à renouer le dialogue, rompu avec le précédent préfet, entre les autorités publiques et le collectif citoyen “Forces vives”, afin de “garantir l’ordre public et rétablir durablement la paix civile dans le département” . Trouver des solutions durables pour ce territoire traversé par des crises à répétition en termes de sécurité, d’immigration clandestine, d’accès aux biens de premières nécessités, de pauvreté,... devrait être au cœur du programme de l’ancien juriste ayant exercé dans des territoires ultramarins. En effet, alors que le 101 ème département français fait face à des barrages routiers depuis un mois de la part des “Forces vives”, l’enjeu du pouvoir central semble devoir se concentrer sur le rétablissement du dialogue et la prise en considération des revendications mahoriennes. La société civile qui proteste aujourd’hui, accuse l’Etat français d’abandon et condamne le climat d’insécurité palpable sur l’île, ainsi que l’immigration illégale. Concernant l’insécurité, l’INSEE relate en novembre 2021 que 48% des habitants de Mayotte se sentent en insécurité, principalement dans leurs quartiers, soit cinq à six fois plus que les habitants de l’Hexagone. Un sentiment confirmé par une délinquance d’appropriation élevée dans la région, puisqu’environ un ménage sur cinq a été victime d’au moins un cambriolage ou d’un vol sans effraction. Les logements et biens matériels motorisés (voitures, bus) s’avèrent être les principales cibles des délinquants. Des épisodes plus violents entraînant l’usage d’armes blanches (couteaux, machettes) ont également été répertoriés dans les écoles et les transports publics notamment. Ces agressions sont, le plus souvent, l’oeuvre de jeunes mahoriens organisés en bandes rivales mais demeurent associées au problème de l’immigration illégale. En effet, l’île de Mayotte, située au cœur de l’archipel des Comores, compte 55% d’étrangers dans sa population. Cette proportion s’explique par l’arrivée massive de comoriens (95% des étrangers) dans le département. La principale motivation de cette migration reste avant tout économique dans la mesure où Mayotte constitue le territoire le plus riche et doté d’infrastructures de services publics plus accessibles que dans le reste de l’archipel. Ces déplacements de population marquent également le 101 ème département français d’un taux de natalité s’élevant à 4,7 enfants par femme en 2022, soit 10 730 bébés de mères domiciliées sur l’île la même année. Surnommée ‘la maternité’ de la France, Mayotte et ses services publics, avec en première ligne la maternité de Mamoudzou, peinent à faire face à cette explosion démographique. La majorité des nouveau-nés sont issus de parents comoriens souhaitant obtenir pour leurs enfants la nationalité française en invoquant le droit du sol. Une pratique dénoncée par le gouvernement actuel ayant déjà initié l’opération Wuambushu en avril dernier afin d’expulser les migrants illégaux amassés dans des bidonvilles dans l’objectif de faire barrage à la crise migratoire. L’exécutif a choisi de répondre par la force et la destruction à une situation migratoire jugée intolérable et incompatible avec le développement de Mayotte. Or, l’ethnologue Sophie Blanchy rappelle d’une part que les liens entre comoriens et mahorais demeurent étroits en termes de culture, de langue, de religion; la seule distinction les caractérisant se trouvant dans la possession de la nationalité française ou non. D’autre part, la chercheuse avance que, dans cet espace insulaire doté de peu de ressources, la migration a toujours été une nécessité. D'autant plus que le transfert d’argent acquis par le déplacement des individus permet d’alimenter l’économie du département. Ainsi, l’argument nourrit par les discours de la métropole quant au fait que la migration à Mayotte ne serait motivée que par l’obtention de papiers administratifs reste à nuancer. L’article reviendra prochainement sur ce point. Dans l’immédiat, il semble nécessaire de se tourner vers la récente proposition du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Outre-Mer, Gérald Darmanin, pour couper “ littéralement l’attractivité qu’il peut y avoir dans l’archipel mahorais ”. Soutenu par Emmanuel Macron, le ministre souhaite assurément endiguer le phénomène migratoire en annonçant le 11 février dernier vouloir réformer les articles relatifs au droit du sol de la Constitution. Ce droit inscrit dans l’article 21-7 du code civil stipule que les personnes nées en France de deux parents étrangers peuvent obtenir la nationalité à l’âge de 18 ans si elles résident en France depuis une période continue ou discontinue d’au moins cinq ans depuis l’âge de 11 ans. De plus, l’enfant peut dans ce cadre obtenir la nationalité avant sa majorité sur demande de ses parents entre 13 et 16 ans ou sur demande personnelle entre 16 et 18 ans, sous conditions de durée de résidence en France. Ce droit du sol dit “simple” se complète d’un double droit du sol avançant que toute personne née en France ayant au moins un parent français peut obtenir la nationalité dès sa naissance. Dans le cas de Mayotte, c’est le droit du sol simple qui semble être visé par les mesures proposées par Gérald Darmanin. Dès lors, invoquer une mesure d’exception pour Mayotte contournerait le principe d’indivisibilité inscrit dans l’article premier de la norme suprême. En 2018 déjà, Emmanuel Macron s’était trouvé à l’initiative de la Loi Collomb réduisant les possibilités d’obtention de la nationalité française par le droit du sol. En effet, ce texte impose qu’à la date de la naissance d’un enfant né à Mayotte, l’un de ses parents au moins réside en France de manière régulière, sous couvert d’un titre de séjour, et de manière ininterrompue depuis plus de trois mois. Or, les observations montrent qu’en 2022, si seulement 800 mineurs ont obtenu la nationalité contre 2800 en 2018, les problèmes migratoires et tensions internes n’ont pas décru. Par conséquent, la proposition du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Outre-mer apparaît inutile voire dangereuse selon les partis de l’opposition. A droite, alors que le Rassemblement National se réjouit de cette mesure, Marion Maréchal Le Pen craint un “appel d’air” migratoire qui pourrait atteindre l’Hexagone. La chef de fil du parti d’extrême droite Reconquête, critique en outre la fin du visa territorialisé qui permettait de limiter la circulation des personnes étrangères en situation irrégulière au seul département de Mayotte. Sur les bancs de la gauche, Manuel Valls, anciennement affilié au Parti socialiste, défend que “ cette réforme repose sur le fantasme que le droit du sol est responsable du chaos à Mayotte [... ]on ouvre un boîte de Pandore qui me paraît extrêmement dangereuse dans notre débat national ”. En effet, toucher au droit du sol remet en cause des piliers fondamentaux de la République française tels que son caractère indivisible et social. Cette mesure marque davantage encore l’inefficacité de l’Etat français à mettre en œuvre des actions concrètes pour pallier la pauvreté qui divise les îles de la Lune. Alors que l’eau est coupée presque trois jours par semaine, que son prix est assez exorbitant pour que les mahorais en consomment via des systèmes d’approvisionnement vétustes et porteurs de bactéries telles que l’E.coli, le gouvernement s’attache à poser la responsabilité de cette situation sur les étrangers. Certes, la pression démographique implique une prise en charge complexe des services publics sur l’île, mais elle n’est pas la seule coupable d’une crise structurelle plongeant 77% des habitants sous le seuil de pauvreté. Emmanuel Macron se veut rassurant en affirmant que la réforme constitutionnelle annoncée ne fera pas le jeu de l’extrême droite tout en soutenant qu’il reste “ très profondément attaché à ce droit pour la France ”. Par ces paroles, le gouvernement évite finalement une fois encore de résoudre les problèmes par des solutions et place Mayotte en périphérie de ses préoccupations nationales.

Je ne vous apprendrai donc rien en vous disant que notre université, et le campus de Menton en particulier, souffre d’une image pour le moins ternie par des accusations d’antisemitisme et autres propos diffamatoires circulant dans les médias. Mais les questions qui demeurent sont : pourquoi en sommes nous arrivés là, et comment est-ce que cela nous impacte concrètement ? < Back La perception médiatique de Sciences Po Menton By Anonymous April 30, 2024 Si vous lisez ceci, vous êtes probablement élèves de Sciences Po. Je ne vous apprendrai donc rien en vous disant que notre université, et le campus de Menton en particulier, souffre d’une image pour le moins ternie par des accusations d’antisemitisme et autres propos diffamatoires circulant dans les médias. Mais les questions qui demeurent sont : pourquoi en sommes nous arrivés là, et comment est-ce que cela nous impacte concrètement ? Depuis le 7 octobre, Sciences Po a été au centre de l’attention pour les positions prises par ses élèves en relation au conflit en cours. Mais le campus de Menton en a souffert doublement. En tant que campus ‘Méditerranée Moyen Orient’ il est le plus directement affecté car ce conflit touche à notre zone géographique de prédilection, mais aussi car il touche certains de nos camarades de près. Pourtant, la discussion a été difficile et la gestion compliquée. En effet, notre campus a souffert d'attaques par des élus locaux d’extrême droite visant directement certains étudiants en postant des vidéos de leurs visages dans un but de diffamation du campus. Ils les ont ainsi mis au centre d’une attention qui n'était pas voulue et haineuse. De plus, les médias ont abondamment répété que notre campus était “antisemite”, associant tout une communauté étudiante aux actes certes répréhensibles mais non représentatifs d’une petite minorité, et vidant de son sens cette notion si grave et complexe. Il est donc impossible de ne pas être choqué de la durée durant laquelle ces propos ont pu circuler en ligne, endommageant gravement l’image de notre campus. On pourrait peut être penser que la réputation du campus, et de Sciences Po plus largement, s’en remettra probablement; après tout, les classements QS ne semblent pas en tenir compte, Sciences Po arrive 2 ème en politique, et c’est peut être tout ce qui compte… Néanmoins, cette attention médiatique est grave, car elle attise les divisions et fragilise notre confiance dans la capacité de notre institution à nous protéger. Souffrant d’une gouvernance instable, nous nous sommes donc retrouvés démunis. Qui plus est, les propos ont été plus d’une fois démentis par des élèves de manière très ouverte, mais étrangement cela ne semble pas autant attirer les médias. En ce qui concerne les impacts directs de ces accusations, notre campus en souffre déjà. En effet, le président de MEDMUN, l’une des cinq associations permanentes du campus, a évoqué la difficulté à inviter certains diplomates ou à nouer des partenariats avec certaines marques qui ne voudraient pas que cette image leur soit associée. Pour lui, il est d’autant plus difficile de se défendre contre de telles positions tant que Sciences Po ne fait pas de “contre attaque”, car sans un démenti officiel nous n'avons que peu d’arguments. Néanmoins, il est important de reconnaître l'existence dans notre campus de postures antisémites. Comme la conférence du 24 avril nous l’a rappelé, les élèves juifs de notre campus en ont souffert. Les témoignages l’ont montré, nous ne sommes pas toujours très à l’aise. Il est aussi important de se rendre compte que l’antisemitisme est souvent mal compris. En effet, ce que certains voient comme anodin ne l’est pas toujours pour ceux à qui ça s'adresse systématiquement. Et oui les ‘blagues’ stéréotypes toujours justifiées a ce titre sont dures à vivre, et oui être convoqué sur la conversation a propos du conflit en Israël/Palestine sans toujours être à l'aise pour donner notre perspective est un problème. Je dois l’admettre, durant le mois d’octobre et même depuis, certains jours ce malaise m’a envahie. Mais je refuse de laisser ces angoisses définir notre campus et mon expérience. Ce n’est pas en stigmatisant tout le campus que ce sera résolu. En effet, la reprise de la vraie souffrance de certains élèves à des fins politiques rend le dialogue d’autant plus difficile. La diffamation venant des médias pousse à des réactions antagonistes de certains qui empêchent la discussion modérée et honnête. Il est donc évident que la diffamation à l’encontre de notre campus affecte tout à la fois des individus, le fonctionnement d’associations et la capacité d’organiser des événements en son sein. Le manque de réponse face à ces attaques médiatiques et leurs reprises politiques nous laisse nous questionner sur l’avenir du campus.

Secularism is a valid outlook and a reality for many 21st century states; however, we often fail to consider the fact that states in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia can have a different perspective on this separation, with different traditions and political systems. This creates the question of what is and what should be the role of religion in the world of politics. < Back Religion and Politics: Always at War By Angeliki Vytogianni October 30, 2021 The topic of religion is always a hot one, fueling debates and conversations both in politics and in individuals’ behavior. For many with European and North American influences, the answer is easy: religion should be 100 percent separate, never involved in domestic politics or international relations. Secularism is a valid outlook and a reality for many 21st century states; however, we often fail to consider the fact that states in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia can have a different perspective on this separation, with different traditions and political systems. This creates the question of what is and what should be the role of religion in the world of politics. Religious extremism and fanaticism around the world have sparked many tragedies throughout the centuries. From the Crusades in the 11th to 13th century, to European wars on religion in the 16th to 18th centuries, to the Indo-Pakistani wars, to the Israeli-Pakistani conflict, to the Sudanese conflict, to Bush’s “war on terror,” religion is a common denominator in almost every conflict, the dividing factor, an urge to extremism and the development of paramilitary groups. We have seen the extent to which terrorist organizations like the Islamic State (ISIS) and Al Qaeda will go in order to fulfill their religious/political aims. We have seen the number of countries divided not because of nationalities, but because of religion, or religious branches, denominations, movements. We’ve seen the damage done by religion-related hostilities. So why are we not abolishing religion completely? Why not ban its involvement in foreign and domestic politics? Separate the Church from the State, should we not? For a historian studying these events, religion seems like the absolute worst subject to include in policy drafting, as it has made the people, the land, and the army suffer in every case it was involved. However, this view is rather ignorant for countries that have religion at the heart of their organization and their identity. Until the era of imperialism, most parts of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia organized themselves into groups according to religion. Religion was the most significant part of their identity and culture. To this day, it plays a much bigger role than the West understands. After the Second World War, the decolonization period brought several changes to most former colonies and/or occupied territories of the Great Powers. To avoid and contain uprisings or conflicts that developed, artificial borders and states were created. A prime example of the West’s treachery and imperialism, the areas were divided according to such preferences rather than the will of the people. Especially because of the Cold War and conflict occurring primarily through proxy, areas of great geopolitical importance such as the Middle East, Africa and Asia (Yemen, Afghanistan, Vietnam, Myanmar in particular) became the tennis courts for a match that never truly mattered to them. In most cases, the borders do not even come close to the pre-existing divisions between ethnic, cultural, and religious distinctions in the area. The political and humanitarian crises, civil wars, and uprisings the world faces today are results of those deep-run divisions. Many conflicts have arisen due to religion-fueled hatred that spiked when distinct groups were forced to co-exist within specific borders. Those who drew the lines between the artificially created states failed to consider the pre-existing conditions in the region and placed power interests above the locals’ right to self-determination. Many groups place religion at the core of their identity and culture, so it is inevitable that it should play a role in politics and international relations. We cannot ban or prohibit something so fundamentally important for these people, nor should we really try to. There is a way to meet in the middle and respect the traditions in every part of the world. It is the only way to hold effective negotiations and resolve the apparent issues. The first papal visit in Iraq, back in March, gives a hint of hope, pushing tolerance, understanding, and inclusion of different cultures. A historic moment for the Christian and Muslim communities, Pope Francis’ visit to the former Islamic State occupied territories should not be a symbol of Christian saviors healing the land and the people, but rather an act of co-operation, a step towards mending the conflict. 2021 also brought the re-establishment of Taliban rule in Afghanistan. An oppressive, authoritarian regime that uses its own interpretation of religious beliefs to persecute women, erase their accomplishments, and forbid their existence. How does the world deal with these violations of rights and freedoms in the name of religion? And how does one find the balance between preventing this oppression of the people but also practicing religious tolerance? Since offensive and aggressive behavior occurs both in the name of religion and in the name of secularization, it is imperative that we work on such issues collectively, and not solely through a Western point view. Only by listening to the people and the countries involved can we reach a point where politics, religion, and different forms of self-determination can peacefully coexist.

Prenant tous ces éléments en compte, il est possible de voir l'extrême droite non pas comme le mal mais simplement un des symptômes d’une Europe fragmentée et dont une grande part des populations doutent aussi. < Back L’Union Européenne confrontée à elle même By Anna Halpern December 31, 2023 Qu’est-ce que l’Union Européenne? Cette question devient de plus en plus cruciale avec la montée au pouvoir de partis d'extrême droite qui ne soutiennent pas forcément l’UE et qui divisent l’Union de plus en plus. Le Brexit était un premier signal très flagrant et un “wake up call” pour l’Union Européenne, mais la question de sa viabilité et de son futur est de plus en plus pressante. Entre ceux qui prônent une centralisation et un fédéralisme Européen et ceux qui veulent sa dissolution, où va t-on? Cette question de la structure européenne est apparue après la chute de l’Union Sovietique et l'expansion sans précédent de l'Union Européenne vers l’Est avec notamment l’élargissement de 2004 à 10 pays, passant de 15 à 25 membres. Cet élargissement est un moment charnière pour l’opposition à l'Europe, car il a permis de développer la notion que l’Europe avait perdu son but/raison d’être d'après-guerre et s'était élargie à des pays ayant une histoire politique et une économie très différente. A cela s'ajoutent les crises migratoires et économiques auxquelles toute l’Europe fait face, surlignant des divisions de fond. Ces divisions sont les fondements des tiraillements que l’on peut observer aujourd’hui. Je me dois de souligner que je ne peux pas répondre à cette question, mais il faut les garder en tête en regardant la montée historique de l’extrême droite en Europe. En effet, l’année 2022 seule a vu Giorgia Meloni monter au pouvoir en Italie, le grand succès du bloc d'extrême droite en Suède ainsi qu’un score historique pour le Rassemblement National en France. Les finlandais et les néerlandais ont eux aussi témoigné une montée de l'extrême droite en 2023. Ceci a des impacts non seulement sur la politique de ces pays, notamment en Italie où le débat fait rage sur les propositions de changement de la constitution amenées par le gouvernement Meloni, mais aussi sur l’Union Européenne. En effet, l’UE apparaît de plus en plus divisée. Face à la guerre en Ukraine et à la problématique migratoire, les pays européens se divisent entre les pays gouvernés par l'extrême droite et le reste de l'Europe. Cette divergence fait aussi et surtout rage sur les sujets de la démocratie et la protection des libertés fondamentales avec l’affrontement entre l’Union Européenne et la Hongrie et la Pologne au sujet de tendances autoritaires que ces pays ont progressivement adoptées (notamment la libertée de la presse et la séparation des pouvoirs sont sous pression), culminant en une confrontation juridique. En de tels temps, des questions se posent sur la viabilité de l’UE telle qu’on la connaît. Néanmoins, il serait trop facile de blâmer l'extrême droite pour tous les maux de l'Europe. En effet, les ressentiments se sont fait sentir de toutes parts, notamment après 2008 dans les pays d’Europe de l’ouest tels que la Grande Bretagne dont la population avait le sentiment de trop cotiser et de ne pas en bénéficier autant, créant la base de l’argument pro-Brexit. D’autant plus que la tendance vers la droite n’est pas universelle dans les pays membres avec l’exemple de l’élection de Donald Tusk, du parti pro-UE, comme premier ministre en Pologne, un changement radical par rapport à la dernière administration. Prenant tous ces éléments en compte, il est possible de voir l'extrême droite non pas comme le mal mais simplement un des symptômes d’une Europe fragmentée et dont une grande part des populations doutent aussi. Ces doutes vont très certainement influencer les résultats des élections européennes de juin.

In the second half of September, thousands of people were living in a temporary and improvised camp situated under a bridge that connects Del Rio, Texas, and Ciudad Acuña, Mexico. Now, the encampment has been completely cleared. Out of 15,000 of the displaced, the majority were Haitian migrants. < Back The Never-Ending Haitian Migrant Crisis By Margherita Cordellini October 30, 2021 In the second half of September, thousands of people were living in a temporary and improvised camp situated under a bridge that connects Del Rio, Texas, and Ciudad Acuña, Mexico. Now, the encampment has been completely cleared. Out of 15,000 of the displaced, the majority were Haitian migrants. This disproportionate number is not an accident: the surge of Haitians in the United States was derived from intertwining historical, political and morphological factors. According to the 2020 Human Development Index (HDI), Haiti ranks 170 out of 189 countries, making it the poorest country of the Latin America/Caribbean region. The main historical cause is traced back to the country’s colonial past. From 1492 until the beginning of the XIX century, Haiti was a French colony whose soil has been intensively exploited to cultivate coffee and sugar. As a result, today, large parts of the soil are completely infertile. Moreover, the island’s independence, declared in 1804, entailed significantly high monetary costs, which corresponded to the amount of money requested by France to grant the diplomatic status of a newborn independent country. Since then, the state has been characterized by permanent political instability and, consequently, military foreign intervention. The last major intervention occurred from 2004 to 2017 and was a UN peacekeeping mission, called the United Nations Stabilisation Mission in Haiti. The consequence of the 13 years long occupation was devastating: a cholera epidemic caused by the poisoning of the Artibonite river ascribed to an American base killed almost 10,000 inhabitants. The country’s morphological conformation also contributed to worsening living standards. For instance, Haiti was subject to two ruinous earthquakes in January 2010 and in August 2021, and to Hurricane Matthew in 2016. Lastly, the July 2021 murder of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse plunged the country into political turmoil. Political instability fosters its social equivalent, which, already characterized by the widespread presence of criminal gangs, is now dominated by a dichotomy of popular opinions concerning political succession. Natural disasters, political uncertainty and a population mostly under the national poverty line of USD 2.41 per day are the main factors that piled up to generate huge migration waves. Furthermore, the United States’ influence on the country has been ubiquitous in the last century, such that Haiti is often defined as an American protectorate. Therefore, the migratory phenomenon is not ascribed to the events of 2021 alone: according to the US Census of 2019, Florida was inhabited by 356,358 Haitians, 1.66 percent of its population. Hence, Haitian migrants are not a novelty for the US government, which in May 2021 had, in fact, announced a new Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designation for 150,000 Haitians living temporarily in the United States. Nonetheless, Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro N. Mayorkas stated at the end of September that this pronouncement has been misinterpreted. For instance, its immediate consequence was a massive wave of Haitians spilling over into the United States, confident that the Biden administration would have welcomed them. This was not the case. In September, nearly 30,000migrants undertook a perilous and strenuous journey, starting from disparate departure points. More than half of them shared a common ground: being Haitian nationals. However, a meaningful number had been living in various Latin American countries, such as Panama, Chile, and Brazil, and some of them were not even familiar with their motherland. They all eventually amassed in Del Rio, building a temporary encampment under a bridge. After some days of hesitation, US authorities took the drastic decision to clear the encampment, by first apprehending and then repatriating its inhabitants. On the 19th of September, the first three flights landed in Port-au Prince, the Haitian capital, and the rhythm of repatriates have progressively intensified. Unlike what was promised, these operations did not run smoothly. For instance, once deported to the island, Haitian migrants denounced, along with the excessive use of violence, the indecent and inadequate conditions of the detainee centers, and, above all, the widespread abuse of deception. Various directly involved witnesses reported having been told that they would have been relocated in less crowded detention camps in Florida. Instead, the next thing they saw was Port-au Prince’s airport. Moreover, none of the returnees underwent interviews or formal identifications. As a result, Nicodeme Vyles, a 45-year-old man who had been living in Panama since 2003 found himself in Haiti, a country in which he had no home, no bank account, and no family. The events of this September must be placed into a broader framework. Thanks to empirical data, it has emerged that every presidential administration since the 1970s has treated Haitians differently than other migrant groups, holding them longer in detention and rejecting their asylum claims. A not negligible precedent is the Guantanamo case of the 1990s, which saw 12,000 Haitian migrants detained indefinitely in the famous prison. In the last month, images of the US Border Patrol on horseback, using the reins as whips while chasing migrants in Del Rio, shocked the global West. However, the main reason was often not compassion, but genuine surprise: the popular expectations towards the Biden administration concerning immigration policies were different. For instance, the president’s promise of discontinuity with the Trumpian past seems to be jeopardized by the incorrect and unfair procedures of repatriation, and by the lack of altruism towards a heavily burdened country that is not able to welcome 15,000 migrants.