The victory of the current regime, which was unsurprising for everyone, holds several messages. However, its validity and democratic facade must be taken with a pinch of salt. < Back Iranian Elections: What Messages Can Be Understood? By Jad Toufic Toutinji March 30, 2024 On March 1, Iranian voters went to polling stations as elections for the Islamic Consultative Assembly (ICA) and the Assembly of Experts (AoE) were due. In reality, with a record-low turnout rate of 41 percent, it can safely be said that barely any voters took part in the election because of several years of economic instability and violent anti-regime protests, such as the 2022 nation-wide protests following Mahsa Amini’s tragic murder. Indeed, boycotting the elections was, for many, especially in the diaspora, the only realistic form of resistance. The victory of the current regime, which was unsurprising for everyone, holds several messages. However, its validity and democratic facade must be taken with a pinch of salt. Results In both the ICA and the Assembly of Experts, the elections consolidated the regime’s grip of power in a typical political scenery which has remained unchanged since the Islamic Revolution in 1979. It came without a surprise when taking into consideration the electorate’s apathy and the high number of disqualifications by the Guardian Council of opposition candidates based on a perceived threat to the regime and the nation. In the ICA, the regime won 138 seats while 48 independents and 25 reformists only won on the opposing side. Moreover, only 11 women managed to get a seat in the ICA. As for the 88 members of the AoE, 53 of those elected were already incumbents, reflecting the little change that took place. Even for the new elected members, a majority of them are young members who also align with the regime and Khamenei. Indeed, the regime’s power remains unchallenged within the assemblies. “The Iranian people know well these elections are unrepresentative, whatever the outcome. And we do too, ” expressed U.S. Deputy Special Envoy for Iran Abram Paley on X after seeing the results. Many critics of the regime refused to recognize the elections’ results and believe that the supposed Iranian democracy is a means through which the Iranian regime legitimizes itself. Moreover, the criticism began even before the elections took place. With the record-low turnout rate, the Iranian regime had to call its people several times to cast their votes. Not only so, but even the participation rate of some provinces, like Tehran, have yet to be declared (at the current time of writing). This low turnout reflects the electorate’s apathy, the collective boycott, and the lack of alternative options. The opposition voters and the anti-regime protesters feel hopeless of any change coming as a result of an election orchestrated by the regime apparatus. Many who did not go, despite being in economic instability and critical of the ruling clerics, perceive that the time to vote can be traded off for providing living sustenance, especially that voting will not change anything in the embedded totalitarian power. Meanwhile the economic trade-off was rational for the impoverished, hopeless Iranian citizens, it was also logical for them to boycott the orchestrated elections in order to delegitimize the results which were inevitably not going to sway in their favour. Choosing not to vote was and has always been the Iranian citizen’s political statement of opposition to an oppressive theocratic rule. In addition, many oppositions and reformists called to boycott the election, or at least displayed their refusal to participate, some of whom were part of the regime such as former regime president Mohamad Khatami. Khatami’s refusal to cast a vote in the name of standing with the discontented Iranian people has sparked major debates in the country. Loyalist clerics have inevitably criticized his move, while other opposition members see that it is a maneuver to position himself as a leader for the unrepresented people as well as the reformist, to whom he belongs. The opposition criticizes him for remaining a reformist, having not declared the end of his allegiance to the Islamist ideology and religious democracy of the system. Furthermore, even the opposing and reformist voters who still believe in the potentiality of change through elections did not have candidates to vote for. In the AoE, after the Guardian Council had disqualified 366 out of 510 candidates, only 144 candidates were competing for 88 seats. In other words, some seats did not have two competing candidates, thus limiting the voters to either the regime’s candidate or a blank vote, the latter which the regime disregards as trivial. What After? Despite the unchallenged victory of the regime, the low turnout sent a clear message: a strong majority of the people, given the chance to, will unequivocally express their resistance and dissatisfaction to the ruling regime. Thus, in the upcoming years, the Islamic Republic will have to work on further consolidating their power internally to avoid any repercussions that would threaten its regional influence and internal grip. At the age of 84-years-old, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei is set to be succeeded should he die or fall incapable of maintaining his duties. Accordingly, the recently elected AoE, which is responsible to elect the supreme leader’s successor, might have to deal with this challenge in the upcoming eight years. In this context, the massive number of candidate disqualifications that took place should be seen as only an attempt by the regime to suppress opposition to the rule. It should also be perceived as Khamenei’s attempt to secure his own choice of his successor, which looks likely to be his son Mojtaba Khamenei even if no public designation has been made in fear of the successor’s assassination. Former president Hassan Rouhani, as well as other notable ministers like Ali Fallahian and Mohamad Alavi appeared on the list of disqualified candidates. Hassan Rouhani, having not been a strong hardliner to the regime and having been elected by the people, was seen as a potential candidate should a shift in power take place between hardliners and reformists. As to the ministers, both of whom served as intelligence ministers, it was a tactful move to avoid an internal revolt by the intelligence and the military after Khamenei’s death. Indeed, little by little, Khamenei is assuring that his son, or the candidate of his choice like current president Ebrahim Raisi, will succeed him as smoothly as possible. In spite of all inter-regime politics, the regime still has the task to mitigate the public outrage if it wishes to lengthen its survival, especially post-Khamenei. If Mojtaba, or any other candidate, reaches power with a strong public dissent to the regime, then it is likely that further economic collapse, as well as the weakening of aid to allied militant groups, like the Houthis and Hezbollah, will be seen. Moreso, in this context of impoverished legitimacy of the cleric and an undecided successor, is it possible that military and intelligence leaders seize power in the case of Khameini’s death to ensure the survival of the regime? Could the Iranian Supreme Leader become only a symbolic face to a military-intelligence hegemony?

In a small apartment on the outskirts of Marrakech, the close relatives of a wrongfully imprisoned man have gathered to share their story with a Swedish university student. The relatives are desperate to disseminate the circumstances of his imprisonment and hope their story will one day reach the public. < Back The Life of Mustapha Eddarja: A Wrongfully Imprisoned Man Fighting for the Independence of Western Sahara By Vanja Lerch Eriksson October 31, 2023 Mustapha Eddarja, a father of six and a strong believer in West Saharan independence, was arrested in a coffeehouse in central Marrakech late at night on January 10, 2017. He was brought to a secret location in Salé City and kept there for days, without being notified of the grounds for his arrest. During his time in Salé City, Eddarja was subjected to systematic physical torture with the purpose of forcing him to sign the police records which contained wrongful claims about his arrest. For a number of days, Eddarja refused to sign, but he had to give in after several days of electrical shocks, forced sleep deprivation and continuous beatings. After the torture, Eddarja was brought to Tangier Hospital to recover and the interrogation was therefore postponed. Instead of being brought back to Marrakech, Eddarja was kept in a prison in Tangier for months, unable to be visited by his family. The arrest warrant for Mustapha Eddarja was based on him allegedly being part of a drug smuggling operation. Eddarja has denied any connection to the drug trafficking group and his relatives support this claim. In court, Eddarja’s family complained about the lack of evidence of his connection to the crime. However, this was ignored by the judge. Evidently, Eddarja has been subject to a fabrication of accusations. Eddarja’s family and the Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders in Western Sahara (CODESA) interpret the arrest of Mustapha Eddarja as a retaliation to his support for the Gdeim Izik camp events in 2010. The Gdeim Izik protest started off peacefully but later developed into a violent confrontation when Moroccan security forces entered the camp. The camp was originally erected to protest human rights violations, discrimination and poverty inflicted by the Moroccan government on West Saharians. However, later, a part of the protesting group also claimed to be protesting against the Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara and demanded independence for the occupied territories. After the Gdeim Izik protests, Eddarja was subjected to continuous harassment by government agencies, both through physical encounters and through the constant surveillance of his movements. In addition, Eddarja’s name started to pop up in similar judicial cases to the one he was later accused and convicted of. Having his name reoccur in similar investigations provided the Moroccan Judiciary with sufficient reason to see his actions as premeditated, thereby making him eligible for a harsher punishment. This suggests that the Moroccan Judicial Police had made preparations for his arrest for several years before following through on his arrest. Eddarja was known for his support of the non-violent fight for the freedom of Western Sahara. He supported peaceful activists and protests financially as well as through moral and health support. He was deeply appreciated by his community and was regarded as a figure of high morale. According to CODESA, The Moroccan government has committed similar operations to stop supporters of this cause on numerous occasions. However, these discriminatory conditions prevailed when the persecuted individual received their sentence. After being sentenced to 10 to 15 years in prison, Eddarija was transferred numerous times between different prison facilities in northern Morocco but has now been transferred to what is seemingly his last location – the Oudaya prison in Marrakech. During their short visits, family members have learned that Eddarja is kept in a solitary cell and has been for the last two years. In Oudaya prison, Eddarja is held in the high-security wing, which is the most well-guarded one. According to his family, he suffers from the inhumane prison conditions. He is often handcuffed for no apparent reason; he is deprived of walks and outside activities and has been prohibited from seeing his family on several occasions, who have traveled 900 kilometers to visit him. A family member who was able to meet him said that he had gastro-intestinal pains, diseases connected to malnutrition and was in a poor mental state. The inhumane conditions have contributed to Eddarja’s health worsening, pushing him towards more radical means. Eddarja did, for weeks, go on a hunger strike in prison; however, this was met with indifference from the prison staff, and his health worsened even more. In 2021, Eddarja’s wife, child, and Eddaich Eddaf, a former political prisoner who has become a human rights defender for CODESA, and his partner attempted to visit Eddarja in jail. The group provided all the required documents to visit him, but only his daughter was allowed. She met him and could testify that his health had worsened even more. Unfortunately, the others were not allowed entry and made the 900-kilometer-long journey in vain. None of these circumstances align with international humanitarian law – they oppose the most basic human rights. Suppose one were to observe the framework of the 70/175. United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (the Nelson Mandela Rules) , one can distinguish that the treatment of Mustapha Eddarja does not comply with its requirements. Neither does it comply with the vital conditions proposed in the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment , which the Kingdom of Morocco ratified in 1993. The 2nd and 11th Articles of this convention specify that torture should be non-existent in the countries that have ratified it, suggesting that the Kingdom of Morocco does not fulfil these obligations. Article 15 states that any statements made during torture shall not be invoked as evidence. This is, however, evidently not complied with in the case of Mustapha Eddarja and is thereby not fulfilled. Eddarja’s family demands that his human rights should be respected and thus also states that Eddarja deserves a new trial based upon a new independent and impartial investigation. They urge international actors to intervene to bring justice to Mustapha Eddarja and force the Moroccan government to stop using fabricated accusations. Mustafa Eddarja’s family is looking forward to his release in a couple of years but still hopes that the visibility from sharing their story might give them the opportunity to meet him sooner.

Plus grand que le Royaume-Uni mais n’abritant qu’un peu plus d’un demi-million d’habitants, le Sahara occidental est un territoire peu peuplé qui a provoqué de nombreux conflits au cours du dernier demi-siècle. < Back Une Ligne Dans Le Sable: Le Nouveau Consulat Au Sahara Occidental By Colin Lim September 30, 2022 La simple mention du Sahara occidental suffit souvent à provoquer des débats historiques passionnés et des débats sur l’autodétermination et la décolonisation. Désigné par l'Organisation des Nations Unies comme un territoire non autonome, le Sahara occidental est un territoire contesté du nord-ouest de l’Afrique entouré par l’Atlantique, la Mauritanie, l’Algérie et le Maroc, ce dernier administrant la majorité du territoire. Plus grand que le Royaume-Uni mais n’abritant qu’un peu plus d’un demi-million d’habitants, c’est un territoire peu peuplé qui a provoqué de nombreux conflits au cours du dernier demi-siècle. Habité à l’origine par le peuple sahraoui, le Sahara occidental a été occupé par l’Espagne de 1884 à 1975, d’abord en tant que protectorat puis en tant que province. Dans le cadre de sa mission de décolonisation d’après-guerre, l’ONU a adopté des résolutions faisant pression sur l’Espagne franquiste, entre autres régimes coloniaux, pour qu’elle renonce à ses revendications sur les territoires coloniaux. L’Espagne a accédé à cette pression et la Marche verte, une procession soutenue par le gouvernement Marocain de 350,000 Marocains dans le territoire occupé par l’Espagne, a établi la présence du Maroc et son intention de s’affirmer dans ce domaine. La Mauritanie a renoncé à ses revendications sur le territoire peu de temps après, reconnaissant à la place la souveraineté du Front Polisario — la République Arabe Sahraouie Démocratique (RASD) autoproclamée — sur le territoire. À ce moment-là, le Maroc contrôlait déjà une partie importante du territoire et une guerre d’usure de 16 ans s’ensuivit. Le Maroc contrôle actuellement 80 % du Sahara occidental, y compris la grande majorité du littoral, et la RASD maintient son siège à Tindouf, en Algérie, en conséquence. Lorsque la République du Tchad a annoncé le 7 Septembre 2022 qu’elle prévoyait d’ouvrir un consulat à Dakhla, une ville située à 500 kilomètres au sud de la frontière marocaine reconnue par l’ONU, elle a rejoint la liste croissante des États qui reconnaissent le terrain comme territoire Marocain. Vingt pays ont actuellement des missions diplomatiques à Laâyoune et Dakhla, dont la Jordanie, Bahreïn, les Émirats Arabes Unis et la Côte d’Ivoire. Plus particulièrement—et peut-être le plus controversé — les États-Unis ont reconnu la souveraineté du Maroc sur le territoire fin 2020 en échange de la normalisation des relations du royaume avec Israël dans les accords d’Abraham. La décision du gouvernement tchadien pourrait être perçue comme une réponse à la décision du gouvernement tunisien d’accueillir Brahim Ghali, le chef de la RASD, qui a entraîné la rupture diplomatique maroco-tunisienne une semaine auparavant. Étant donné que le Tchad entretient déjà des relations diplomatiques avec le Maroc par le biais de son ambassade à Rabat, l’action essentiellement symbolique mais toujours conséquente de consacrer des ressources à un consulat dans une ville périphérique et plutôt isolée est une autre étape vers la reconnaissance internationale de la situation actuelle. La question persistante sans réponse de savoir si le peuple sahraoui recevra un jour l’autonomie au sein de l’état Marocain ou l’indépendance pure et simple, ou si le Maroc continuera à revendiquer fortement le Sahara occidental, est un autre rappel de l’impact du colonialisme des siècles passés sur le monde d’aujourd’hui.

Since the app’s launch in 2016, TikTok has changed the way people discover, interact with and share music. Thanks to catchy songs, viral challenges and influencer-driven content TikTok has helped upcoming artists gain popularity by changing the way music is promoted and has created new ways for songs to go viral. The algorithm of the app is designed to push content to users based on their interactions, making it possible for even the most niche tracks to achieve widespread attention. < Back Is TikTok changing the way we listen to music? Nil Celik February 28, 2025 TikTok has promptly become one of the most influential social media platforms in developing trends throughout various industries. TikTok’s impact has particularly stood out in shaping the music industry. Since the app’s launch in 2016 , TikTok has changed the way people discover, interact with and share music. Thanks to catchy songs, viral challenges and influencer-driven content TikTok has helped upcoming artists gain popularity by changing the way music is promoted and has created new ways for songs to go viral. TikTok now plays a key role in discovering music as well as being an essential tool for artists to build their careers and fan bases. One of the reasons TikTok’s impact on the music industry is so great is due to its ability to make songs go viral, often in unexpected ways. The algorithm of the app is designed to push content to users based on their interactions, making it possible for even the most niche tracks to achieve widespread attention. This has led to a new era where the Billboard charts are no longer solely determined by radio airplay or streaming numbers but are also heavily influenced by TikTok trends. In fact, many songs that gain popularity on TikTok end up topping the Billboard Hot 100, and some even become cultural phenomena. For example, the success of songs like Old Town Road by Lil Nas X exemplifies TikTok’s power in launching songs to success, demonstrating how TikTok is a platform for listening to music and an influential means for creating viral moments that can make or break a song. His 2019 hit, which initially gained attention as a viral meme on TikTok, quickly climbed the charts and dominated the Billboard Hot 100 for a record-breaking 19 weeks. Additionally, Lil Nas X won two Grammy Awards for Old Town Road (Remix) featuring Billy Ray Cyrus at the 62nd Annual Grammy Awards in 2020. What started as a joke turned into a chart-topping anthem, with millions of TikTok users participating in the song’s dance challenges. Doja Cat is another artist who got her breakthrough and success through TikTok. Her song Say So went viral thanks to a dance challenge that took over the platform created by the user Haley Sharpe. The challenge led to an overwhelming amount of TikTok content featuring her song, which in turn increased its streaming numbers on platforms like Spotify. As the song continued to gain attention, it helped create Doja Cat’s position as a mainstream artist. Her increasing popularity led to the song being nominated for Record of the Year and Best Pop Solo Performance at the 2021 Grammy Awards. It’s clearly no longer enough for an artist to release a song and hope for radio play or gradual growth. Today, TikTok has become an essential tool as a promotional strategy for an artist. The rise of independent artists on TikTok is another noteworthy development in the music industry. Before the rise of TikTok, breaking into the music scene oftentimes required signing with a major record label or gaining attention through radio and television shows. However, TikTok has reshaped the music industry, giving unsigned and independent artists the chance to be discovered by a global audience and granting them an unprecedented level of accessibility by fans and other artists. For example, Sabrina Carpenter’s song Nonsense became a viral hit after being used in various TikTok videos. Carpenter, who had been working as an actress and singer for years, saw an increase in popularity when her song went viral on the platform, allowingCarpenter to directly engage with her audience and build a new fanbase from TikTok trends.Similarly, Sabrina Carpenter’s Espresso also gained significant attention on TikTok, further showcasing how TikTok continues to integrate artists into the mainstream. The track inspired numerous dance challenges, which led to an increase in streaming numbers and visibility. Carpenter's ability to connect with her audience via the platform helped her achieve massive recognition and resulted in her winning the 2025 Grammy Award for Best Pop Solo Performance for Espresso . Furthermore, her album Short n' Sweet took home the Best Pop Vocal Album Grammy, becoming a turning point in her career. Chappell Roan, an artist relatively unknown before her viral rise, is another example of how TikTok has transformed the careers of independent musicians. Her song Pink Pony Club became viral and this newfound popularity expanded her fan base. TikTok’s focus on self-expression and individuality resonated with users, hence its popularity. Her rise to fame through TikTok has shown that the platform is not just for mainstream pop music but has opened doors for artists from various genres. TikTok provided her with a space where she could showcase her unique style and musical identity, which might have been harder to achieve in a more traditional music industry setting. The success of TikTok led to her receiving a Grammy nomination for Best New Artist in 2025 , which she won. Additionally, her 2024 album Good Luck Babe also gained recognition, with some critics praising her ability to combine emotional vulnerability and catchy pop melodies. The track Good Luck Babe inspired many TikTok users to create content, resulting in a boost in streams on platforms like Spotify and Apple Music. Her song Hot to Go was another outstanding track that gained attention on TikTok through the creation of dance challenges. Another way TikTok has influenced the music industry is through the resurgence of older songs. In recent years, TikTok has brought back songs from previous decades, allowing them to reach new audiences. For example, Dreams by Fleetwood Mac became viral on TikTok in 2020 when user Nathan Apodaca posted a video of himself skateboarding while drinking cranberry juice and lip-syncing to the song. The video went viral, and suddenly Dreams was back on the charts after 40 years since its original release. This phenomenon known as the “TikTok effect,” shows how TikTok has become a powerful means of making older music popular again and introducing it to a new generation of listeners. As TikTok continues to evolve, its influence on the music industry will only become more profound. Whether it’s through the rise of new artists, the promotion of diverse genres or the revival of old hits, TikTok has forever changed the music industry. The app is constantly transforming through the introduction of new features, trends and challenges that keep users engaged and involved. It’s clear that TikTok will play a crucial role in shaping the music world by changing the way we listen to music, discover new artists and engage with our favorite songs in the digital age. Photo credits: Anthony Quintano on Flickr

With the coming of age comes individualization and a desire to break away from conformity. As rationality develops, it becomes more comprehensible that there is no need to be ashamed of or cringe at things either you or someone around you partakes in. This, in turn, eliminates the desire to conform to societal norms. < Back Is the Mean Girl Living Inside of Us Dead? The Possible Fall of Cringing Melissa Çevikel January 31, 2025 Musical.ly archives, “6 years ago today” Snapchat memories and recollections of my adolescence by family members at reunions…looking back at times when I wasn't fully self-aware and conscious causes a sharp pain in my chest. This is also largely because I am not able to fully remember what I did and didn’t do, leaving me with the burden of having to fill the gaps with my now much more developed frontal lobe and creativity. This creativity inherently leads to the phenomenon of cringing, which, in its most literal sense, means to “shrink in fear or servility” or “to draw in or contract one's muscles involuntarily (as from cold or pain).” There exists a third definition, however, which combines both the physical jerk element and the emotional aspect of the phenomenon: “so embarrassing, awkward, etc. as to cause one to cringe”. Though there clearly is a universal understanding of what cringing means, the phenomenon is not manifested in the same way for everyone. Not only do the things that trigger this sensation change based on our interpretations of events—and, more broadly, the world— but our reactions to it may also differ, ranging from slight discomfort to mental breakdowns. As I was thinking about the concept of cringing in general, I came to realize that I had stopped cringing, or at least having such a strong reaction to things that seemed embarrassing for me or any party involved. After asking around, most people who I talked to—though it must be noted that all of them were my peers—related to my realization and similarly noted that they had embraced most “cringe-worthy” things they or those around them engaged in. I wondered: had this change occurred simultaneously with our shift in interpretations of the world around us? Our interpretations of the world, for the sake of this article at least, can be identified based on age and the environments we socialize in, including social media. Age being a defining factor in this was the first thing that came to mind. With age comes maturity, with which comes acceptance. “And it makes no difference whether they (young people) are young in years or immature in character. The defect is not a question of time. It is because their life and its various aims are guided by feeling, for to such persons their knowledge is of no use any more than it is to persons of defective self-restraint” is a quote from Aristotle's “The Nicomachean Ethics.” The key idea here is that when you are young and lack maturity, your actions are guided by feelings. Though this is not a scientifically backed argument, the fact that many things are taken much closer to the heart than they should have been when younger can’t be denied. As we grow older, we gather different experiences and meet different people, which presents us with different pathways we can take and may even potentially inspire us. This builds confidence, mainly to pursue the things we enjoy regardless of whether we get judged for it or not. Without these experiences, it's difficult for us to accept criticism, since we’re not sure whether they are or aren’t worthy of being taken into consideration. As a result, most judgments received when younger are taken literally and hurt our self-esteem. Source: Melissa Çevikel, 2025. With the coming of age comes individualization and a desire to break away from conformity. As rationality develops, it becomes more comprehensible that there is no need to be ashamed of or cringe at things either you or someone around you partakes in. This, in turn, eliminates the desire to conform to societal norms. I asked some people (who wished to remain anonymous) about their interests which they thought were cringy and were ashamed of partaking in before coming to terms with them, focusing on what changed their minds. Interviewee No.1, a long-time K-pop stan, said that even though initially people made fun of it when they found out she enjoyed the music, the pleasure and enjoyment it brought her was greater than any of the criticism she had endured. Interviewee No.2, who enjoyed watching anime and reading fan fiction—both of which she was teased for—told me that she simply gradually realized the value of storytelling they held. She said that they even pushed her to study animation at university. Others told me about how they felt insecure about certain clothing and make-up items they owned since the brands they owned had come to be labeled as cringy. They told me that they did not let this stop them from using them because, after all, they had paid for them and someone’s opinion was not a valid reason to waste their money. The people I interviewed were around the age of 20 and were all university students. When I was at the end of my senior year of high school, I had doubts about whether I would be able to find a group of friends with whom my interests aligned. Almost every university student I talked to comforted me saying that university was a very diverse environment where it was impossible not to meet people who think alike. While this turned out to be true, there was a huge difference compared to high school. As they mature, people not only start being more accepting towards themselves and those around them but also create spaces where they can share and enjoy these. These create environments where these ideas are socialized and inherently accepted by a wider community who don’t necessarily partake in these interests. In contrast, high school students don’t feel as free to share their interests mostly since these kinds of spaces aren’t available. To compare the number of things people in earlier years of high school found to be cringeworthy to people in their early 20s, I interviewed a high school junior about the things she thought to be cringy. She presented me with a long list of things that included Victoria’s Secret pajama sets, cussing, fake smiling, smiling too much, young boys and girls, people filming TikTok vlogs, people who think of themselves as nice, old people acting young, etc. This was overwhelmingly long compared to what I had heard from older interviewees. It wouldn’t be right to say that maturity is what causes university students to be more accepting than high school students and vice versa because one summer isn’t that long of a period to allow students to undergo such great change. However, being surrounded by new people and tasks does leave much less space for judgment since new worries take up that space. This might be why people eventually reduce the strength of emotions they associate with second-hand embarrassment and cringing. Source: Melissa Çevikel, 2025. Another factor, however, in why today's young adults cringe less compared to high school students can be tied to the pandemic. The quarantine was a time when social media flourished—not necessarily for the best—and everyone was suddenly very involved with sharing their interests online and trying new things. As people began to share their interests, the already existing, yet not crowded, online communities began to grow, with people who would’ve been too ashamed to partake in these interests in real life joining them. This created safe spaces—similar to those I mentioned that occurred in universities—hence why this generation of young adults was able to experience such acceptance much earlier. Lastly, it's important to think about where the line between judgment and cringing is drawn. While cringing at something is a very human response, what it triggers in turn must be reconsidered. There lies a very thin line between borderline bullying and expressing how you find something cringe, and that negativity is quite unnecessary in our day-to-day lives. As we transition into newer phases and slowly mature, we gradually come to realize that nothing truly is that deep, and that this passage prepares us for adulthood. Unfortunately, adulthood is full of tasks and errands, leaving us with little to no time to critically analyze others’ actions enough to cringe at them. Maybe in 50 years me and cringing will meet again at sunset as I watch my grandchildren film music videos for random rap songs…but for now we have parted our ways as I’ve grown up.

You can love them; you can hate them; you can claim that you’re above them and so much better than others for not enjoying them. But, in reality, we all have things to learn from Reality TV. The way we choose to portray our “realities” to the world, and more specifically to the West, tells a lot about the extent to which countries stand with our values. < Back The Real Eastern Question: Reality TV and Soap Operas Melissa Çevikel November 30, 2024 As a reality show fan, I often find myself questioning why I, and many others, who seemingly had nothing to do with these, were so invested in white Americans searching for love on low-production online television platforms. But, after my recent discovery of “Love is Blind Habibi,” I was able to look at reality television from a completely new perspective. “Love is Blind Habibi” is a self-proclaimed “social experiment” reality show where a total of twenty participants (ten men and ten women) communicate with each other inside “pods”—rooms with walls separating the two participants from each other—until they eventually decide to take the next step and get married. The participants have ten days in the pods to choose the person they wish to marry, and around three weeks until their marriage ceremony to split between a “honeymoon retreat” and their actual lives. Up to this point, there is nothing differentiating Love is Blind Habibi from any of its other adaptations around the world,such as Sweden, UK, Brazil and Japan. However, beyond the technical aspects of the work, there are things as simple as the mannerisms of the participants and the hosts that make the viewer feel captivated. The show presents participants—or actors—from all around the Arab world that live seemingly similar lives but each possess very different characteristics. For example, there is the character of Simo, who is a retail business owner, and can only marry a Moroccan woman, later dumps his match because he believes she can’t handle him. There is also Chafic, an entrepreneur who proudly stated in an interview, “I've been single because I was too focused on looks, but looks fade and personality stays ” yet realized that his second option from the pods was an Instagram model he once hit up. He then introduced the viewer to a stereotypical model of Middle Eastern men that is funny yet familiar to ordinary people in their day-to-day lives. While Love is Blind Habibi possesses the element of relatability that no other Love is Blind had arguably captured before, with mothers and aunties giving advice being a key point in the show progression, it also made me wonder (as someone who grew up at the prime of Turkish reality shows) if all Middle Eastern show adaptations were as successful at getting the same feeling across, or if most just felt forced and phony? One of the first very unsuccessful—and henceforth generally unknown—attempts of adaptations that came to mind was Turkey’s recent take this summer on “Love Island,” named (and directly translated to) “Aşk Adası.” At first glance, Aşk Adası may seem like just a very low-budget reality show filmed at a villa which is being framed as a luxury island gateway retreat. But upon closer inspection, the viewers can come to realize that the show is much more than that. If one can get past how bad the production truly is, the first thing any experienced Middle Eastern reality media enjoyer will notice is how oddly everyone is dressed in comparison to the location where the show is filmed, where the actors are dressed in clothes that would not be found in a piece of Turkish media especially under the censorship of RTÜK, which will be discussed later. Compared to Aşk Adası, Love is Blind Habibi has nothing to prove to the world. It lays out before the viewers eyes the naked reality of toxic masculinity, conservatism and family ties in the Middle East. Aşk Adası, on the other hand, seems like a very forced portrayal of Turks as— surely in the eyes of the producer—modern and European. Every ten minutes or so, the viewer is faced with a very forced “sexual tension” scene, which is most likely as difficult to watch for the viewer as it is to act, as the actors look very uncomfortable throughout the entire show. However, forceful over-sexualization and objectification of women in the show are not new to Western media, and the Turkish media has not shied away from this either. While these aspects are also the main catchpoints of popular U.S shows such as “Too Hot to Handle” and “Perfect Match,” the fact that they’re higher production and that they’re owning up to this reality distracts viewers from its flaws. Though Turkey’s attempt to move away from its conservative connotation is noticeable, doing this through oversexualization of women disregards the long history of women’s rights movements in the country, especially when looked in the context of the country's recent struggles on the topic. Not to mention these attempts will not prove to be successful as long as there remains a very strict inspecting body for Turkish media (RTÜK). An example of a good Turkish reality show, however, would be “Kısmetse Olur” (2015) which translates to “If it’s Fate, it will Happen.” While I’m not sure if it was because of itsmid-2010s production or the randomness of its cast selection—which ranged from American men posing as machos to women claiming to be “ivent” (a new translation of the word “event” that emerged during the peak of the profession) organizers— there was something that made this show feel excessively Turkish. It was the only reality show which, in my opinion, is qualified to label itself as a “social experiment.” It revealed to the viewers the worlds of early 2010s bachelors and bachelorettes, how they spent their days, and how relatable their simple lives were. In 2022, the show made a comeback with a modern-day adaptation titled “If it’s Fate, it will Happen: The Power of Love” (Kısmetse Olur: Aşkın Gücü), with a first season that didn’t disappoint either. The 2015 version was a reign of personal trainers and event organizers as well as aspiring fashion designers, while the 2022 version showed a range of influencers, singers and entrepreneurs (unemployed). It perfectly portrayed the new generation of bachelor Turks we saw around ourselves and maybe even personally knew, despite being painfully obviously scripted. 2017 marked a very saddening legal decision for reality show enjoyers when marriage programmes were banned in Turkey. This was a rare moment when media censorship, in fact, breeded innovation, and the world got introduced to a very colorful selection of newly produced soap operas. If the West had reality shows and nudity, the East now had one thousand-episode-long plotlines and adaptations where no LGBTQ+ got to see the light of day. Erkenci Kuş, Sen Çal Kapımı and Aşk-ı Memnu are just a few of original soap operas produced around this time. And though cliches were one of the strongest points of these works, there were also many adaptations from Western media such as Grey’s Anatomy (Doktorlar), the O.C (Medcezir), Gossip Girl (Küçük Sırlar) and Desperate Housewives (Umutsuz Ev Kadınları). These received more international attention than they did locally, but were still enjoyed by the Turkish viewers. More recently, screen adaptations of prominent Turkish literature themes from the late 19th and early 20th century novels, such as Westernization versus traditionalism, became a big hit for screenwriters. One of the most viewed Turkish TV series currently, titled “Kızılcık Şerbeti” follows the life of a young woman, Doğa, from a “modern and Western” family who, after becoming pregnant, has to get married to the father of the child, Fatih, coming from a religious and conservative background. The series follows funny and unfortunate events Doğa has to face living in a new environment and her culture shock. Despite how simple and uneventful it sounds, this is arguably the most progressive piece of media recently created in Turkey and it still seems unbelievable that it is able to air despite its scandalous and caricature-like portrayal of such topics in the country. Though these might be helpful in encouraging everyone to take a step back and realize how silly such differences are, many pieces of media aiming to achieve what Kızılcık Şerbeti has done were criticized for promoting abuse culture. Unfortunately, abuse and violence are staple plotlines in soap operas, and despite popular belief that they aid in raising awareness, they counterproductively normalize cycles of marital abuse often lived out in Turkish households. You can love them; you can hate them; you can claim that you’re above them and so much better than others for not enjoying them. But, in reality, we all have things to learn from Reality TV. The way we choose to portray our “realities” to the world, and more specifically to the West, tells a lot about the extent to which countries stand with our values. Love is Blind Habibi showed that one does not have to appeal to Eurocentric values to be enjoyed by viewers outside of Arab states. Turkish adaptations of Western soap operas, on the other hand, showed where they chose to draw the line with Westernization.

In this article, I will demonstrate how I used my P'tit Bio basket, but more importantly, we will explore — in tandem with Environnementon’s “Veganuary” initiative — the environmental impact of different diets < Back Ethical Eating Made Simple with Environnementon’s P’tit Bio Basket By Angela Saab Saade February 28, 2023 Butternut squash, carrots, tomatoes, potatoes, leeks, lettuce, endives, onions, avocado, kiwi, apples, pears, oranges and bananas — you may be thinking, “what a bland set of crops,” or, “what a phenomenal combination of delicious ingredients.” Once I read what I had written, I thought, “this could be a children’s song.” Unlike what the picture below may insinuate, the presented list is not just a bunch of fruits and vegetables in a basket. Each of these items may be transformed into a delicious meal rich in flavors, colors, vitamins and biotics, either combined with the right ingredients or prepared individually to yield positively surprising outcomes. This article will demonstrate how I used my P’tit Bio basket. More importantly, we will explore — in tandem with Environnementon’s “Veganuary” initiative — the environmental impact of different diets. The P’tit Bio Basket is Environnementon’s way of providing you with the necessary resources to facilitate your preparation of more ethical and eco-friendly plant-based meals. Sold at eight euros, while the original purchase is priced two euros more from P'tit Bio in Menton , the basket is extremely cost-efficient. The co-president of Environnementon, Esther Boulekouane, affirms the aim of this discount is “to offer the student body a cheap option to have this sound and plant-based alimentation.” Fifteen baskets are sold every two weeks. I certainly encourage you to try it out; my two roommates and I have bought it twice this semester and would have purchased it more often had we had the chance! Kindly note this is not an ad; I am not even part of the association, but I am fond of great deals, yummy food and noble mission. Perhaps the easiest and most convenient meal during this cold weather is vegetable soup. My roommates and I collectively chopped some onions, carrots, potatoes and leeks. It took us no more than ten minutes to chop them all up and place them in hot water with two vegetable broth cubes, olive oil and spices to taste. We also dropped in lentils as a protein source. Alternatively, you may choose to add tofu, chickpeas or beans. About thirty minutes later, we ate the soup alongside a baguette, which was the perfect way to end the long and tiring cold day. With the lettuce and endives, I made a delicious side salad for my baked potatoes, topped with balsamic dressing, olive oil and salt. I also ate the lettuce and avocado on toast with zaatar, a delicious Levantine dried-herb mix. As for the half butternut squash, I tried it for the first time this year. However, when I devoured what my roommates had cut up in cubes, baked in the oven with some olive oil and salt and tossed into our communal salad of baked vegetables and tofu, I instantly noticed my culinary world expanding. I can attest that I have disregarded a superb vegetable for the first nineteen years of my life — I hope you have not been missing out too. Lastly, the fruits of the basket were eaten as snacks, alone or with peanut butter (which, by the way, appears to be sold at a great deal at Menton's Asian Store!) There are countless ways you could choose to eat the fruits and vegetables from your P’tit Bio Basket. Regardless, they emit far fewer carbon emissions than animal-based products, especially meat. As a reference, the Carbon Food Calculator estimates that one kilogram of meat produced in the region of the European Union emits 24.13 kilograms of CO2 emissions. On the other hand, one kilogram of squash emits 4.1 kilograms of CO2, one kilogram of tomatoes emits 3.36 kilograms of CO2, and all other vegetables and fruits included in the P’tit Bio Basket emit under 1.3 kilograms of CO2 emissions per kilogram. Figures for the impact of daily versus weekly meat consumption and other protein sources have been presented in the images below as a general overview. To better understand the impact of your consumption, you may refer to the Harvard Foodprint Calculator , the BBC Calculator or others . Furthermore, on its Instagram page, Environnementon has shared various recipes that may ease your transition to a more sustainable lifestyle. Some other resources that may be of relevance are itsvegansis , veganiina , dr.vegan , _sunchef , fitgreenmind and thecheftomy . Pick and choose! While this article sheds light on the impact of each consumption on the ecosystem that we so vitally need to survive as a human species and as a planet, it is by no means claiming that these individual steps will solve the worldwide dilemma of the unethical, environmentally degrading animal-based industry. The need for greater initiatives is undeniable, but it does not mean we must remove all responsibility from ourselves. Indeed, as the saying goes, ignorance is bliss. Still, in this day and age, ignorance is no longer an excuse, especially being educated citizens of the world. We must all take the initiative if we have the means, individually, within our communities and global institutions. It is not a chronological process, where one starts small and ends big, but rather a combination of changes in individual lifestyle habits and entrenched communal norms. There is no point in beating yourself up if you enjoy eating meat or other animal-based products; we have been accustomed to such habits from a very young age. Rather than unrealistically attempting to cut off all animal-based food, you may try to reduce consumption instead. As Boulekouane expressed well, “It is really simple to tell someone to go vegan/vegetarian (and make them conscious of their environmental footprints), but it is way better to provide tools for the transition and to show people that being vegan is not dull, nor annoying.” I hope this article has done precisely that.

A labyrinthine net of characters emerges from the book’s pages; their vices, virtues and contradictions carry questions ranging from Epicureanism to existentialism, from normative political philosophy to Biblical hermeneutics. The distinction between main and secondary characters is often blurred in this framework. The only exception is Prince Myshkin, also known as “the Idiot.” < Back You Need To Read Dostoevsky’s “The Idiot” By Margherita Cordellini September 27, 2022 If ethics, political philosophy and hermeneutics entice you Only a limited selection of books boasts a resemblance to encyclopedias. Those authors who manage to find the hidden connections between fields that rarely go hand in hand offer original lenses through which readers can process and interpret reality. Several 19th-century Russian writers’ works belong to this group; among them, we can find Dostoevsky’s “The Idiot.” A labyrinthine net of characters emerges from the book’s pages; their vices, virtues and contradictions carry questions ranging from Epicureanism to existentialism, from normative political philosophy to Biblical hermeneutics. The distinction between main and secondary characters is often blurred in this framework. The only exception is Prince Myshkin, also known as “the Idiot.” The Prince: a man who does not belong to mankind It is hard to describe the character of Prince Myshkin without utilizing the words employed by Dostoevsky in a letter written on May 27, 1869, in which he referred to him as a “positively beautiful person.” He fully embodies the principles of compassion, altruism, empathy and honesty. After years of illness-induced exile in the idyllic Swiss alpine landscape, the Prince returns to his motherland, Russia. From the second the Prince set foot in Saint Petersburg, he unwittingly disrupts the ordinary unfolding of events, surrounding himself with disarray and grief like a plague-spreader. By guiding the reader through the extremely diverse vicissitudes, Dostoevsky convinces us that this is the only possible result that could arise from the collision between an inhumanly good person and a 19th-century society characterized by a hypocritical social hierarchy and merciless taboos. By gathering intra- and extra-text clues, philosopher Michel Terestchenko, suggests that prince Myshkin is the allegory of Christ. The Prince’s story thus shows the disastrous consequences that would occur, according to Dostoevsky, if Christ should restumble upon Earth. Terestchenko’s pessimistic statement can be analyzed through different hermeneutical levels. Firstly, from a teleological perspective, one could argue that the writer aimed to depict how human flaws are necessary for coexistence in society; that the paradoxical presence of only one human being freed by such flaws would degenerate into collective madness. However, other elements in the novel also hint at an irreverent social critique. Lebedev or modernity understood by a depraved theologian: Dostoevsky mainly confers the role of critic of modernity to the most unsuitable character: Lebedev — a drunkard who embodies the discrepancy between intellectual depth and virtue. Lebedev denounces the social consequences of the still young capitalist system by giving a modern interpretation of John’s Apocalypse, which predicts the extinction of the “sources of life.” He provocatively affirms that railways are what will bring life on Earth to its end. In the beginning, this unreasonable sentence seems to fit with the other aspects of his nonsensical personality. However, in later pages, the symbolic meaning of his thought is unpacked --- railways indicate industrial development that amplify hecticness and noise in society. With the development of transportation, human beings are constantly dissatisfied with the place in which they find themselves at any given moment. The gasping search for happiness distances people from the “only true happiness,” which would be spiritual peace and consciousness. As in Tolstoj’s “Anna Karenina,” the Epicurean understanding of happiness as the product of a complete withdrawal from society reemerges, but this time it is entrenched in the modern infiltration of capitalism (the base) that penetrates collective and individual values and habits (the superstructure). These are the capitalistic ruins that would hypothetically kill Christ upon his resurrection: schizophrenic modernity filled with spiritual taboos and greedy egoism. Forty-four years after Lebedev was written into “The Idiot,” Charles Peguy also denounced the subordination of all “spiritual powers” to a single material one: money. However, Dostoevsky crafts the eccentric drunkard’s personality to offer a metacritique that warns us to be skeptical of modernity’s enemies. In fact, despite having identified modernity’s flaws, Lebedev falls into them more than anybody else, freeing himself, thanks to self-deception, of any moral compass. The conclusion seems to be, once again, of a pessimistic nature, suggesting that immunity to the economy’s moral backlashes does not exist and that, instead, one can merely choose whether to adapt consciously or unconsciously to the status quo. Hippolyte and the cruelty of waiting “The Idiot” would sound outrageous to the ears of any past or present conservative. The first part of the book is soaked in a denunciation of the death penalty, which then lingers in later developments of the story. During Prince Myshkin’s first encounter with some members of the Russian bourgeoisie, he firmly condemns the death penalty by affirming that the executioner commits a more serious crime than the murderer. A person sentenced to death has, in fact, a double conviction: not only will she soon disappear, but she is also aware of that in advance. According to the Prince, physical pain cannot compare to the tremendous torment that the waiting and certainty of death entails. One can find this same reasoning in Franz Kafka’s novel “The Trial,” where Joseph K. is suspected of an unknown crime and awaits a trial that never takes place. Eventually he dies after having been deprived of his life for what seemed to be an eternity. In Dostoevsky’s book, the inhumane burden of the wait is embodied by Hippolyte, an 18-year-old boy in the final stage of tuberculosis. He attempts to escape his sentence by accelerating it with a gun, but he fails because of inattention or survival instinct. His desperation is not met by compassion but by disdain and mockery, which highlight the intolerant posture that Russian 19th-century society had towards public manifestations of grief. This is, however, not necessarily relegated to the context in which Dostoevsky was writing. As Elnathan John wrote in “The Africa Report” last March, the intersection of death and sorrow has little public space in the West today, silenced by the numerous taboos surrounding it. The only person who comprehends the complexity of Hyppolite’s sorrow is, of course, the Prince. The latter, by virtue of his inadequate and radical thoughts (concerning capital punishment, for example), manages to reach realms of empathy unimaginable and unwanted to the other characters. In this case, the idiot is bound to suffer inaction: even a man freed from mankind is powerless in front of an inhumane conviction imposed on a human life

Neo-Baathism finds its roots in the thought of the Syrian intellectual Michel Aflaq, who was able to inspire generations of anti-imperialist revolutionaries and radicals. < Back Arab Intellectuals that Every Sciences Piste Should Know: Taha Abdurrahman By Emilia Kohlmeyer December 31, 2022 Taha Abdurrahman is a Moroccan philosopher who was born in 1944. Most of his studies were conducted in Morocco; however, he earned his Ph.D. at Sorbonne University in Paris, focusing on the role of language in philosophy. Abdurrahman’s work centers around the hegemony of Western philosophical traditions, stressing the need for Islamic and Arab scholars to engage with their particularism. He emphasizes the need for scholarship to free itself of secularist thinking, which has created a universalist view of what constitutes modernity. Moreover, he criticizes Western philosophy’s unitary nature, which aims to standardize other philosophies and marginalize different perspectives, methodologies, and practices. He furthers that this tradition directly conflicts with academic freedom because true intellectual liberty can only flourish if there is dialogue between varying viewpoints, which is effectively prevented by Western dominance. For Abdurrahman, the tendency to seek consensus rather than highlighting particularities results in two forms of violence: “greater” and “lesser” violence. Greater violence is characterized by “physical” violence, with which the dominant position subjugates the dominated one. This violence is exercised through material support and influence, which seeks to uphold the hegemon and otherize its weaker counterpart. Greater violence also has an “epistemic” — the dominant position delegitimizes that of the dominated and removes it, almost entirely, from public discourse. “Lesser” violence occurs when the two positions compromise, as it denies the particularized a position. However, Abdurrahman also criticizes Arab and Muslim scholars for blindly adhering to Western principles within their philosophical explorations. He underlines that a major issue is that they are not asking their questions but rather seeking to answer those posed by others. Moreover, Western thought often employs reason to arrive at ethics. In contrast, Abdurrahman advocates for a strong ethical basis to reach reason, a process that he views as increasingly lost amongst Islamic philosophers. He draws this thought from his view of religion, in which statements are never separated from moral precepts. Conversely, “knowledge” has been rendered scientific in Western philosophy — philosophers have attempted to separate value from knowledge. Values are indispensable to our understanding, and rather than negating them, they should be included in the discourse and regarded as a starting point for any exploration. Abdurrahman underscores the importance of religion in creating ethics, something which is neglected by Western secularists who have attempted to develop comprehensive global systems of ethics while completely overlooking that the vast majority draw their ethics from religion. In his view, the most complete ethical system is provided by Islam and proposes a reinterpretation of the Holy Qur’an, which he believes to be humanistic above all.

According to the erroneous idea we have of philosophy as a discipline totally detached from reality and concreteness, rooted in something metaphysical transcending the tangible world,  Hegel should be considered an anti-philosopher. < Back Aufhebung: The Importance of Hegel's Philosophy in Today's World By Francesca Di Muro October 31, 2023 "I then thought that Hegel would have been very sensitive to this object which has two opposing functions: at the same time not to admit any water (repelling it) and to admit it (containing it) . He would have been delighted, I think, or amused (as on vacation), and I call the painting Hegel's Holiday." - René Magritte According to the erroneous idea we have of philosophy as a discipline totally detached from reality and concreteness, rooted in something metaphysical transcending the tangible world, Hegel should be considered an anti-philosopher. However, there is nothing more embedded in reality than philosophy, and not a more perfect philosopher than Hegel. Careful in refulging any abstract reasoning, he brilliantly highlights reality’s shades and its dynamics. This article has no intention of being a description of Hegel’s philosophy. It has, rather, the mission of showing a Hegelian perspective on our reality, who we are, our lives and our beings. Hegel’s fundamental philosophical trait is its dialectic, which configures itself firstly as a universal law of beings. Born from the refusal of rigid binary logic, it has a triadic configuration. Reality is made up of three different stages, which interact reciprocally, and are in movement and strict correlation. These movements are referred to as thesis, antithesis and synthesis. The thesis is the affirmation, while the antithesis is its negation and the synthesis is no more than the union of both thesis and antithesis; the combination of the negation of what used to be the thesis’ negation (antithesis) and its affirmation. The most important passage is the one from the antithesis to the synthesis; it is the main nucleus of the reflection that is collocated. The synthesis, which etymologically means union of two, is a combination of two paradoxes, holding together parts of the thesis and parts of the antithesis, according to the key concept we refer to as Aufhebung . This German term has no perfect correspondent in other languages, and is often translated to the English term of ‘overpassing’ or ‘to surpass’, in order to convey the idea of overcoming certain parts of the thesis and antithesis; to give birth to a synthesis as union of both. The moment of synthesis, in fact, is also described as overpassing in the sense that it isn’t merely limited to the reaffirmation of the thesis, but to its integration with the negative parts of the antithesis. This is the nucleus of the concept of Aufhebung: an ‘elimination that keeps traces of what is eliminating’, the eradication of the antithesis but the permanence of its experience. And this is where Hegel’s philosophy meets our beings, our lives and our own relations, with things, peoples and ourselves. In what sense? By keeping us aware of the importance of the ‘negative’; of the ‘positivity’ of its role. By putting in contact and enhancing the dialogue between oppositions, the antithesis makes the differences edificant, telling us that the reality is in continuous movement, with encounters to different elements of tragedy, conflict, and defeat. However, it gives energy to them, hence encapsulating their dynamism. Defeat is essential and integral to our reality, through which we acquire knowledge and experience. In other words, defeat is something through which we grow; we develop the synthesis of who we are. The negative is seen as no more than the other side of positive. Through the moment of the synthesis, we can let all of our contradictions coexist, breathe and develop. After a tormented experience, the process of synthesis allows us to regain our identity, creating a certain unity from an initial fragmentation. We, humans, comprehend beauty only after having faced its contrary painfully. And, perhaps, if we learn to see the negative this way, contradictions will find their place in and outside of ourselves, giving meaning to our sufferings and directions to our pains in a superior perspective of unity. In this sense, Magritte’s quote at the top acquires meaning, giving value to both the thesis and the antithesis in defining one’s identity and one’s perspective.

To most, it seems incomprehensible how women, especially Western women who are geographically separated from countries ravaged by terrorism, could choose to leave safety to become terrorists. < Back Can Women Be More Than Just Victims of Jihadists? By Isabella Hehl Dalla Zuanna September 27, 2023 When women and terrorism are mentioned in the same sentence, usually, it is in the context of women as victims. Indeed, systematic rape, mutilation, and the fate of becoming a child bride to jihadists are often how women are impacted by such extremism. However, the role of women perpetrating terrorism is much less discussed and more confusing. To most, it seems incomprehensible how women, especially Western women who are geographically separated from countries ravaged by terrorism, could choose to leave safety to become terrorists. While the media does discuss “jihadi brides” in polarizing and infantilizing ways, the roles of terrorist organizations are not only romantic and sexual: they are involved in recruitment, propaganda and even militancy. Women can become intertwined with terrorist extremism voluntarily, leaving their homes to become part of jihadist efforts. The reasons behind their choices are often not different from men: they see the lifestyle as empowering and a way of worshiping and are drawn by alienation, marriage, belief in the cause, adventure and inequality. While some do not understand how women could join groups that actively and regularly participate in and propagate sexual violence, many female terrorists actually agree with such gendered and conservative regulations and embrace and publicize the brutality through propaganda and online recruitment. In Western countries, some women will be driven to extremism by Islamophobia, isolation and a confused sense of identity. Moreover, women will often become extremists when they believe that the whole Muslim community is being aggressively persecuted globally and feel anger about the responsiveness of the international world to their persecution. In contrast, the jihadist world offers a utopian vision of building the caliphate, becoming part of a sisterhood, a romanticized religious experience, and a solution to women's pain in the Western world. Once women become involved in a terrorist group, there are many roles they can take on. Sometimes, but less frequently, these are militant. This is rare because, in most jihadist groups, the basic ideology centers around the power of men and prefers for women to be more or less invisible from society. However, they can contribute to the militant effort in cases of emergency and when permitted by imams. For example, ISIS has increasingly allowed women to be involved in defense since 2014. The Europol report about terrorism trends occurring in the European Union showed children and women playing increasingly more operational and militant roles in terrorist acts. There have even been occurrences where a group of women only planned terrorist attacks, such as in 2016 in France, where three women were arrested for such plotting in Paris. Another trend becoming increasingly frequent is the use of women as suicide bombers. This is strategically advantageous because security forces tend to assume men are much more likely to participate in violent and dangerous acts, and thus women are less suspicious. Through clothing and even apparent pregnancy, women can avoid arousing suspicion and being flagged by the police. Moreover, the use of female suicide bombers not only allows terrorists to have more recruitment opportunities but garners even more media attention than a male suicide bomber since the participation of women seems much more unexpected and shocking. Women also often play organizational roles: as recruiters, logistical support, smugglers and messengers. As recruiters, they can radicalize young women, even girls, and encourage them to spread propaganda or actively join the jihadist effort. ISIS uses this as a key strategy: by reversing the traditional recruitment profile, women can not only effectively recruit other women but also, through shaming, garner more male support too. Women are being recognized for their crucial role in jihadists’ long-term strategy and goal in state-building. However, mostly they continue to primarily play a domestic role: cleaning, cooking, making clothes and providing medicine. This does not make their role any less impactful than that of men. On the contrary: they are necessary to build and produce the indivisible infrastructure of their jihadist group by facilitating, enabling and supporting violent extremism through the state roles. Usually, their participation is limited to “honorable roles”: being mothers and wives to the jihadists. An overwhelming amount of time, when women are associated with terrorist groups, it is because of marriage, its prospects or family ties with a male terrorist. Their own terrorist acts can often be motivated by these relationships: for example, a mother sending her jihadist son money, mothers hiding their sons from the police, or women traveling countries with their husband for his terrorist purposes. Moreover, women are disproportionately impacted by coercion and forced participation, which must be considered when determining a woman’s criminal responsibility for involvement in terrorist activities. Even though it is important to consider coercion and their familial roles, it must also be noted that women play significant roles in disseminating propaganda, recruitment and logistical organization. Girls or women who want to join or have entered terrorist organizations must be taken seriously for their dangerous role. They often deeply understand the jihadist’s ideology and are willing to participate in extremist acts to propagate those ideas. A more well-known phenomenon concerning women’s roles in such groups is controversially called the “jihadi brides,” which describes women or girls who believe they must leave their country, join a terrorist organization, and marry one of the fighters. The International Centre for the Study of Radicalization of King’s College London has reported that 4761 foreign women have joined ISIS in Iraq and Syria, almost half being from Western countries. In the last decade, a serious problem has arisen. With the collapse of ISIS, these women mostly wound up in detention centers and refugee camps by local Kurdish groups in Syria, raising questions for their countries of origin on how to deal with them. Most countries of origin refuse to repatriate their nationals, as they pose a very serious security risk. On the other hand, many were coerced, sometimes even at young ages, to join the caliphate, and did not know the extent of what was expected of them. This is controversial because some adamantly argue that these young women were essentially groomed and sexually exploited. In contrast, others cite numerous reports proving that many “jihadi brides” were aware of ISIS’ brutality. A famous example is Shamima Begum , which set a precedent for other women and countries about how a state should interact with these women's rights and obligations attached to their citizenship. In the case of Shamima Begum – a 15-year-old when she left the United Kingdom for Syria to join the ISIS, and re-emerged four years later, hoping to re-enter her homeland – the United Kingdom refused to allow her to be repatriated, and she remains in a refugee center. This is the fate for most women who were once “jihadi brides.” In conclusion, similarly to men, women are driven to join jihadist groups by violence, religious duty and isolationism, so treating all women joining ISIS as tricked, naive, or sex-driven is a complete misunderstanding. Most women joining such terrorist groups know about and are eager to participate in the horrific acts of terrorism; dubbing them “jihadi brides” is incorrect, overly simplistic, and fails to understand the mechanisms of their radicalization. Women mostly join terrorist groups through family or marriage and are statistically more likely to be coerced into doing so than men. However, women can also play important logistical and support roles and be found in militant positions. The advantages of being a woman, and thus not “suspicious” to security forces, are being increasingly exploited by these groups, as proven by the growing role of women as suicide bombers, messengers and spies. Overall, while it must be taken into consideration that some women express deep remorse and regret about their choice to join terrorist organizations, many do not, and women joining jihadist groups cannot be underestimated: just because they are women does not mean that they cannot play a crucial, and very dangerous role in terrorist efforts.

Israel has issued a new set of regulations, to be taken into effect next month, that would impose further limits on foreigners’ entry into the West Bank. < Back Israel Cracks Down on West Bank Accessibility By Ghazal Khalife September 30, 2022 Israel has issued a new set of regulations, to be taken into effect next month, that would impose further limits on foreigners’ entry into the West Bank. The restriction stirring up the most controversy is the new obligation to formally declare a romantic relationship with a Palestinian to be granted access into the area. Other seemingly arbitrary regulations, such as quotas on visas given to students and lecturers, also perplexed commentators. The original draft of this set of protocols, published by the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), stipulated that foreigners who start a serious romantic relationship with Palestinian residents of the West Bank must inform the authorities “within 30 days of the start of this relationship.” However, following criticism and condemnation from human rights activists, Palestinian legal experts and many leading figures in the international community, Israel released a revised 90-page document that omitted this clause. The revised version states that foreigners who wish to live with their spouses in the Judea and Samaria area, the biblical name for the West Bank, must apply for a visiting permit 45 days before their trip. The document also cements the ban on giving residency status to them, leaving many families under the constant stress of being denied entry and legal status. According to Part four of the revised document, “Spousal permits will be issued for a maximum term of one year each time.” Furthermore, the total period that any visitor can stay in the West Bank is 27 months (including visa extensions), after which a “cooling off” period is required. If visitors wish to re-enter the area, they must start a new application process. Not only is this process intensely bureaucratic and time-consuming, but permits are also subject to arbitrary refusals. Ultimately, the COGAT official decides whether or not the permit is approved, as seen in Clause 10: “the authorized COGAT official is the authority who decides whether to deny a foreigner entry into the Judea and Samaria area.” In addition to the public backlash against the initial draft of new protocols, Israeli human rights activists in Hamoked, Center For the Defense of the Individual, and Palestinian activists quickly denounced the protocols’ international law violations and started challenging them in court. Jessica Montell, director of Hamoked, explains that these policies are manifestations of a “belligerent occupation.” Even the American ambassador, Tom Tide, expressed his strong disappointment over the new restrictions and declared having engaged in negotiations with Israel to revise the regulations. Nonetheless, COGAT’s changes to the original rules remain largely superficial since only the contentious quotas on lecturers allowed entry and the declaration of a love-interest were removed. According to the United Nations and Palestinian legal experts, there is no solid legal basis for Israel’s past restrictions on movement or these new regulations. Israel, however, derives license to enact its restrictive policies from the Interim Peace Accords of the 1990s and “security concerns.” Furthermore, with Israel controlling most entrances to the West Bank with heavily militarized checkpoints and frequent Israeli Defense Force inspections, these regulations are likely to be reinforced strictly. The document specifies that any application for a permit needs to be accompanied by a deposit of up to 20,050 dollars that can be confiscated in the case of a breach of the permit’s conditions. These measures reaffirm the Israeli state’s insistence on following tough restrictions and consolidating years of aggressive military occupation. Perhaps the most apparent consequences of these regulations on individuals’ private lives are the tolls they take on existing family ties and the immense obstacles they create for Palestinians who want to marry people of other nationalities. The new regulations raise the question of why Israel would enforce such exhaustive measures on the partners of Palestinians. An aim could be to put pressure on Palestinian civil life and further isolate Palestinian citizens of the West Bank from the outside world. Palestinians living in the West Bank are already struggling with heavy restrictions on autonomy under a convoluted and opaque system. From long lines at checkpoints to limitations on working hours, everyday life for Palestinians in the West Bank is only getting more difficult. These new protocols also regulate business and academic activities; thus, businessmen, professors, and students are impacted. The process for obtaining a permit is often costly and time-consuming as applications need to be started at least two months in advance, and applicants must fit an extensive set of criteria and undergo detailed background checks by COGAT officials before being let into the West Bank. Restrictions on the entry of goods and skilled labor cause Palestinian businesses to struggle to expand and modernize. Bassim Khoury, CEO of Pharmacare, comments, “having to obtain a confirmation a month ahead will make it impossible for many foreign partners we have to be part of the business. The immediate effect is that we will have a harder time developing our business.” Lecturers and students must also satisfy COGAT’s list of academic credentials, age and medical insurance conditions. An especially troubling limitation for undergraduate students holding the visiting permit makes it “forbidden to seek employment in the Area.” Mariya Gabriel, head of the European Commission for research and culture, criticized these measures saying, “With Israel itself benefiting greatly from Erasmus, the Commission considers that it should facilitate and not hinder access of students to Palestinian universities.” Moreover, these restrictions do not apply to Israeli settlers, further emphasizing the apartheid policies in the occupied territories. These regulations directly serve settlers as they pose obstacles to all corners of Palestinian life and make the dream of a prosperous Palestinian state ever more elusive. Although, in reality, the prospect of a two-state solution has already been abandoned by many Palestinians who fear more evictions, fewer rights and continuing aggression. These new protocols perfectly conform to Israel’s 55-year policy toward occupied Palestinians, anchoring decades of discrimination and oppression. To understand the reasoning behind Israel’s policy in this highly contested area, it is crucial to analyze how these new regulations fit within the larger scheme of events since the Israeli occupation of the West Bank following the Six-Day War of 1967. Since then, Israel has pursued a consistent policy of sponsoring settlements and institutionalizing discrimination against Palestinians. As a result, lasting peace in the West Bank seems almost impossible. Arbitrary arrests forced evictions and bureaucratic restrictions on movement, among other manifestations of de facto annexation, make life in the West Bank turbulent. This is part of Israel’s plan to formally annex the region, a plan hindered by the COVID-19 pandemic and Donald’s Trump loss in the 2020 U.S. elections. Annexing the West Bank and finally uniting the Israeli state has been the conclusive goal for many Israeli politicians, most notably former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. This final policy will subject the area to Israeli rather than international law. Israel is heading in this direction even though it violates international conduct and may be reprimanded, especially because Joe Biden has not yet given Israel the green light. Annexation or military occupation — these words serve merely as semantics for Palestinians having to face ever-deteriorating living conditions amidst an Arab and international community that is increasingly desensitized to their suffering. A quote from one of my Palestinian friends summarizes the situation rather powerfully: “They want to prevent us from spreading our culture and practicing our identity because only then will they reach their full victory.” When observing the general trend in Israeli policy in the West Bank, the new regulations and how they infringe on Palestinians’ right to privacy and freedom of movement make it seem as though it is highly unlikely for any tangible improvements to take place even in the face of international criticism, leaving Palestinians wondering how much more they still have to withstand.

Despite technical limitations and ethical considerations, it’s hard to understate the revolutionary nature of the CRISPR system. In just over a decade, its use has proliferated to the majority of fields within the life sciences, yielding important clinical advances to tackle congenital diseases and understand viral mechanisms that target humans in order to accelerate the vaccine-making process. < Back What's CRISPR, Anyway? Feidias Psaras December 31, 2024 How it came together There was a meeting of minds in Puerto Rico in 2011. At a conference for Clustered Regularly Interspaced Short Palindromic Repeats ( CRISPR ) systems and RNA Biology held in San Juan, Emanuelle Charpentier, a young microbiology researcher at the Umeå University in Sweden, presented her findings on a new RNA-protein complex that played a role in the function of a bacterial immune system. The presentation was a wake-up call for Jennifer Doudna, who studied the specific biochemical relationships related to RNA and believed that this mechanism could have wider implications. At the time, the CRISPR molecule was considered a niche field of study rather than the widely used gene editing tool that it has become now. It concerned a specific bacterial defense response against viruses, which involved an enzyme (Cas9) that performed precise incisions in the DNA as well as an attached RNA molecule which led it to the site of interest. In other words, the system was made up of ultra-precise molecular scissors and a guide. But the problem was that the guide could not be replicated by scientists; it was impossible to modify. A year after the conference, the final piece to the puzzle of precise genome editing that spanned decades was finally put in place; working together, Doudna and Charpentier discovered the crucial customizable guide that would allow the natural process to be co-opted in lab conditions outside of the bacterial cells that fostered the conditions that allowed the process to happen naturally. The short time of eight years spanning CRISPR’s discovery and the jointly awarded Nobel prize in Chemistry is just a small indicator of its seismic impact. But as is usual regarding scientific discoveries, it is difficult to understand what the repercussions of even the biggest breakthroughs entail for the future of everyday life. So where should we start? What is genetic engineering, really? Anyone who’s taken a beginner Biology course knows that the cell is the fundamental building block of life. Our bodies are made up of tens of trillions of cells, each with a different set of internal machinery and function. Deoxyribonucleic acid, commonly known as DNA, is the molecular blueprint that exists within each cell and determines its unique functions. This is made possible by the double-helix structure of the DNA itself, which essentially comprises two long strings of molecular code that are copied, sent out into the cytoplasm and used to create all the important molecules that cells need to survive and carry out their function. The important thing to understand here is that the code of the DNA—save for mutations, viral/bacterial invasions and a few other exceptions—stays the same and is the essential determinant of its host cell’s identity. A change in even a single unit of code within the DNA could result in the complete breakdown of the cell or in an improvement of a given function. But the latter, logically enough, happens much more rarely than the former—most mutations are either neutral or detrimental. While natural selection provides a process by which the many bad mutations are filtered out while the few good ones carry themselves to the next generation, ‘bad’ and ‘good’ are relative terms. A watermelon that has an increased seed density has more chances of spreading those seeds and propagate its DNA across generations, but yields less nutritious value for us humans. Genetic engineering, then, is the purposeful manipulation of organisms’ genomes to fit our purposes. Funnily enough, we started doing it thousands of years before we had any idea about DNA; selective breeding of animals and plants to create friendly and obedient dogs out of wolves and sweet and near-seedless watermelons is a testament to that. But this method is not a very effective way to edit genomes. It’s limited to mutations that occur naturally in plants, often taking multiple breeding generations to yield reliable results, and is not precise at all; in naturally occurring mutations, stretches of DNA might be altered along with the gene of interest. What does CRISPR add? Ever since the discovery of DNA in the 20th century, scientists had been coming up with effective ways to induce targeted genome manipulations. Initially, these efforts included bombarding plants with radiation in the hopes that a useful mutation would pop up. In the 70s and 80s, more sophisticated methods developed with the discovery of specialized restriction enzymes that recognized and cut specific sections of DNA, as well co-opting bacteria such as agrobacterium to use as delivery mechanisms for genes of interest into the cell. But still, all of these mechanisms presented significant limitations: while high levels of radiation fast-tracked the process of mutation, researchers had no control over the actual changes occurring over the genetic code; restriction enzymes were fixed, and could only recognize certain sequences of a specific length ; the agrobacterium delivery system worked only in plants and inserted genes randomly in their genomes, thus potentially nullifying their function. Instead, easy manipulation of the CRISPR RNA-protein complex in laboratory settings means that the system is programmable and precise. It can perform different types of ‘incisions’ on any part of the genome depending on the manipulation. The ease and efficiency of this mechanism means that genetic engineering becomes not only incredibly quicker, but also much cheaper. Its performance-enhancing capabilities enable a higher rate of experimentation and therefore discovery. What has CRISPR achieved so far? CRISPR’s versatility opens the door to an entirely new, more hands-on generation of genetic engineering across fields. In terms of agriculture, it provides an important avenue into more efficient and precise genetic altering of plants. As mentioned before, humans have for centuries employed a rudimentary form of genetic manipulation (selective breeding) that is way too imprecise and slow. The same problem exists in different degrees with more modern methods of genetic engineering such as the introduction of new DNA via bacteria. Even though CRISPR technologies are not fully developed yet and their delivery faces difficulties, they are crucial to a more precise and effective creation of GMOs. It means that plants are more resilient to adverse conditions such as extreme temperatures and pesticides, in turn aiding crop outputs in an age of climate change and rapid populational growth. CRISPR-Cas9 also offers a more accurate method to simulate how genes are passed down and mutate across generations. From mammals to insects, the tool has been used to swap out sections of DNA with ones of interest in order to help scientists better understand how these genes behave; whether they have a tendency to replicate and what molecules, if any, they provide the blueprints for. With gene therapy, CRISPR adds an entirely new and powerful treatment method that enhances our clinical toolset. In 2014, the first instance of this was trialled in the UK to treat a patient with sickle cell anaemia. Commercially known as Casgevy, it involved the extraction of the problematic mass-producing cells responsible for the production of defective red blood cells, as well as their subsequent DNA modification before reinserting them back into patients’ bone marrow. Late in 2023, both the UK and US approved the commercial use of such drugs. A slew of other such gene therapy treatments follow; promising treatments for brain and ovarian cancer, diabetes and even AIDS. The emergence of CRISPR gene-editing in a clinical setting, however, poses serious ethical concerns. After gaining governmental permission, for example, researchers in the UK successfully modified human embryos in 2016. Even though they were later discarded, the scientific feat signifies that it is now possible to pick and choose our babies’ genomes. But should we be able to change the genetic makeup of an embryo? If so, would it only be to prevent life-threatening congenital diseases like Hypoplastic Left Heart Syndrome or less serious medical conditions such as dwarfism as well? Disability activists such as Rebecca Cokley, who views her achondroplasia less as a disease than as a part of her identity, argue that CRISPR is an existential menace to people like her. Purely cosmetic gene edits, such as those that would increase height or intelligence, are even more controversial; the concept of designer babies, previously a fit of science fiction fancy, looms as a frightening prospect that could entrench social inequalities by embedding them into our very genomes. Conclusion Despite technical limitations and ethical considerations, it’s hard to understate the revolutionary nature of the CRISPR system. In just over a decade, its use has proliferated to the majority of fields within the life sciences, yielding important clinical advances to tackle congenital diseases and understand viral mechanisms that target humans in order to accelerate the vaccine-making process. With all this, it’s important to note that the Cas9-system is only the first of many generations to come. Already, discovery of protein complexes such as Cas12 and present more precise and less error-prone mechanisms. In any case, one thing is clear: the discovery of CRISPR marks the beginning of a new age in genetic engineering.

Qatar’s movement towards a more democratic political system highlights the country as a progressive force in the region, which can help it gain assistance and recognition by important international actors such as the United States or the European Union. < Back The First Democratic Elections in Qatar- Democratic or Diplomatic? By Emilia Kohlmeyer November 29, 2021 On October 21, the Gulf emirate Qatar held its first elections for the government’s legislative body, Majlis Al Shura (commonly referred to as the Shura or Advisory Council). The monarchy has been continuously delaying its elections since 2007 — although the Qatari constitution outlined the first elections to commence as early as 2004. The Shura is composed of 30 popularly elected seats and 15 seats appointed by the Emir. It is responsible for approving the national budget as well as drafting, discussing, and voting on proposed legislation — however, with some legal restrictions. Eligible to vote are native Qatari citizens over the age of 18 — excluding a large number of naturalized citizens. While Qatar has a population of almost three million residents, only about 10% hold citizenship — and an even smaller portion is of 'native' descent. The controversial electoral law, outlined in the 2005 Nationality law, requires proof that one’s grandfather was born in Qatar. This led to backslash over the exclusion of the prominent Al Murrah tribe, sparking multiple arrests of members. Independent candidates over the age of 30 are permitted to run for an office term of four years, given that they are recognized native citizens, have no criminal convictions, exhibit good character, and are fluent in written and spoken Arabic. Political parties are banned in the emirate. Furthermore, foreign funding was strictly prohibited and a maximum budget of two million riyals, equivalent to 500.000 euros, was set for a maximum campaign of two weeks. The vote was divided in 30 electoral districts with a total of 284 candidates distributed on 30 seats. There were 28 female candidates, however none were successful. The elected candidates were largely composed of former government officials and influential businessmen. The functions of the Shura Council According to the constitution, Qatar has a democratic system which is based on the separation of powers. Furthermore, Article 76 states, “The Advisory Council assumes the Legislative Power, approves the State's public budget and exercises the function of ‘watchdog’ over the Executive Power, according to the manner stipulated in this Constitution.” The Majalis Al Shura has the power to approve the national budget and to draft, discuss, and vote on proposed legislation. In ordinary circumstances, the Cabinet would propose laws which are then passed on to the Shura Council for verification. Once the Advisory Council passes a bill by majority, it must be passed to the Emir for approval. If he rejects the bill, it must be resubmitted to the council within three months with a given explanation. However, if the Council passes the same bill again by a two-thirds majority the emir is required to pass the law. The emir, as executive power, also has the right, according to Article 70 of the constitution, to issue laws in ‘exceptional circumstances’ for a limited period of time – without consultation of the Council. However, to extend this law, the Shura Council must approve it with a two-thirds majority within 40 days of submission. Hence, constitutionally, the executive’s power is limited by the requirement to consult the Shura Council. Elections in Qatar: Progressive or Utilitarian? Qatar is one of the wealthiest states of the world, possessing the third largest natural gas reserve, which provides the state with 70% of government revenue and 60% of the GDP. This has allowed the country to provide generous benefits to its citizens, such as free healthcare, education, no taxes, and a monthly income. Therefore, while neighboring states such as Bahrain and Saudi Arabia faced political turmoil in context of the Arab Spring protests, Qatar faced essentially no opposition by its population. The Arab Opinion Index of 2019/2020 affirmed that 98% of the population believed the political situation in Qatar was either good or very good. Furthermore, the level of democracy was assessed as 7.5/10, ranking remarkably higher than other countries in the region. This can be mostly attributed to the rent the population receives, but as well due to their size. The government is known to have historically made concessions with tribal figures, which largely dominate the civilian political discourse. Qatar’s political sphere is therefore largely run under the notion of ‘no taxes, no voice.’ However, the elections can be seen as an anticipatory effort by the government to decrease the number of natural resources while the population increases. This will inevitably reduce the economic rent, and limit the government's leverage over the population. To maintain the social contract on which the monarchy relies, an increase in popular political participation reduces the responsibility of providing rent, and potentially facilitates the implementation of policies such as taxation. Furthermore, the elections can be regarded as a move to appeal to international powers. Qatar has been increasingly acting as a mediator in conflicts, such as in Middle Eastern countries during the Arab Spring, as well as negotiating with Israel on behalf of the Palestinian cause. This has conflicted with Saudi Arabia’s anticipations as the guard and mediator of the region. Its movement towards a more democratic political system highlights Qatar as a progressive force in the region, which can help it gain assistance and recognition by important international actors such as the United States or the European Union.

On that evening, when I was casually texting my relative as we discussed Lebanon’s situation, he sent me a photo that my Tweet was shared on TV < Back Never Give Up on Your Voice: My Tweet Went Viral in Lebanon By Riwa Hassan November 30, 2021 Expressing my voice in Lebanon, a country that has been collapsing Nothing uncommon, just some videos of militias terrorizing the country with their legal and illegal arms. Over the years, this has become a norm for me and for everyone who lives in Lebanon, one of the most politically complex and divided countries in the MENA region. For decades now, our citizens have stood by political warlords and religious extremist figures, which has weakened Lebanese unity and allowed for corruption to infiltrate almost all governmental and non-governmental organizations. Today, with the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the economic crisis, the Beirut explosion, and the overall socio-political situation compounded, people can no longer afford their basic necessities. On October 14, 2021, although the scene was not very different from today, the backstory was in fact more threatening, as it seemed that the country was on the verge of a civil war. Hezbollah and Amal Movement, known as the duo-Shiite, protested against the judge for the Beirut explosion investigation, Tarek Al Bitar, and accused him of being biassed after he involved some of their leaders in the investigation. As the protestors approached Ain El Remmaneh, where the residing majority are Christians who follow the Lebanese Forces Party, the clash, which soon became a bloodshed, began. This Tayouneh-Ain El Remmeneh bloodshed was called a “mini-civil war” as it also started in the same area where the Lebanese Civil War began in 1975. During that same time, I was in French class, trying to process all the news and the videos while texting my loved ones to make sure they were safe. The whole clash was not as disappointing to me as the youth supporters of these political parties, whose dreams and daily lives have been destroyed over the past two years. The protest, which was clearly not peaceful, was defended by Hezbollah and Amal supporters, as they backed it up with their right to protest and express themselves freely. They only recognize such human rights when it is in their interest. This sentiment was expressed in a Tweet I shared, which compared Hezbollah and Amal’s reactions in protests against a judge doing his job to the protests which demanded justice, equality and basic life necessities. In the former, they clearly supported the protests, but in the latter, their reaction was opposing and full of violence. As I normally do, I wrote a Tweet, “Remember when they called us ‘ate3een tor2at’ and ‘ze3ran’ and accused us of threatening civil peace when we were protesting for our basic rights #العدالة أقوى_من_ترهيبكم #الطيونه .” ‘Ate3een tor2at’ and ‘ze3ran’ can be translated to bandits or crooks. The hashtag under which I shared my Tweet is translated to “justice is stronger than your terrorism.” Suddenly, my Tweet was trending, and while some were threatening and cursing me, others showed their full support. On that evening, when I was casually texting my relative as we discussed the whole situation, he sent me a photo that my Tweet was shared on TV, on Lebanon Broadcasting Corporation International (LBCI). I received a lot of messages that encouraged me to continue voicing my opinion. At the same time, I got messages to be careful, and warnings that being bold about my stance is not safe. Later this year, on November 22, Lebanese Independence Day, while I was supposed to be studying for my finals, I could not help but think of how our lives have flipped upside down during the past two years, and reflect on what independence I was supposed to celebrate. I poured the words from my heart onto a post on Instagram. In almost an hour, my post was shared on numerous Instagram stories, especially within the Sciences Po community. For that, I cannot explain how safe it felt to be living in such a supportive community. I cannot thank you enough but I am forever grateful for your effort to help share my voice. I am writing this article on the plane on my way back to Lebanon and I have never felt this afraid yet excited at the same time. I know that I have only been away for around three months, but the situation in the country is changing very fast and, sadly, for the worse. On the bright side, this is the first time I have seen this amount of people going back to Lebanon, which explains how much love all the Lebanese diaspora hold for this country despite all the traumas and losses it has caused them. Sharing my stance and explaining the situation in Lebanon means a lot to me, and I will always express my opinion regardless of the consequences. Freedom of expression might only be found in our constitution, on paper, but we have the duty to share our concerns and turn it to action. The latter is one step forward towards change which Lebanon is in dire need for.

For us, Sciences Pistes, there are endless options, often just a click away on a lazy Monday morning, when the teacher is particularly uninteresting. The flight tickets are cheap, flying is fast and time is limited. We, Sciences Pistes, are respectful, interested in different cultures and exploring the hidden gems—not just the touristy areas. < Back Trends In Tourism: Solo Travelling and Slow Tourism Ema Nevřelová March 31, 2025 Are you trying to get through the crowded streets of Menton during Fête du Citron? Or are you lying on your sofa watching Tanya McQuoid, played by Jennifer Coolidge, enjoy her peppermint tea in The White Lotus ? I’m sorry to inform you that you are one of them–a tourist. For most of us, tourism has become a regular part of our lives, and not traveling during break makes some of us twitch. Unsurprisingly, flying is cheaper, orientation in new places is more accessible, and life is always shinier in undiscovered places. And because summer is swiftly approaching, I shall lead through some of the do’s and don’ts of tourism. I recently came across an article from the BBC with a striking title: Cover up or pay a fine, Portugal's Albufeira warns . However, Albufeira is not the only destination battling mass tourism. Cities like Barcelona or Venice have also employed measures to prevent tourists from overcrowding and, in some cases, even destroying the cultural sights. Coming from Prague, which has almost eight times more tourists visiting each year than its inhabitants, I understand the frustrations. It is not just about the crowds on Charles Bridge , it is about the locals choosing to avoid certain parts of the city and losing touch with its culture, history and with one another. Not to mention, prices have skyrocketed even outside of the city center. After one gets over the initial shock of a €4 cappuccino; there comes a worst nightmare of all—tourists discovering the local hidden gems. From a personal experience, there is no worse feeling than coming back to your favorite local business, realizing an influencer featured it in their reel, and you’re no longer able to sit and enjoy your overpriced beverage. However, there is another side. For us, Sciences Pistes, there are endless options, often just a click away on a lazy Monday morning, when the teacher is particularly uninteresting. The flight tickets are cheap, flying is fast and time is limited. At some point, most people will Google how to get affordable flight tickets, setting price alerts and always look for free Fridays, as it is the most inexpensive day to travel by plane. Of course, we are not like “the other tourists.” We, Sciences Pistes, are respectful, interested in different cultures and exploring the hidden gems—not just the touristy areas. In the years since the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a shift in the way people think about tourism. It is no longer about “seeing it all” (preferably in one day and for the price of a cappuccino in Prague). On the contrary, the emerging trend—sustainable or slow tourism—pushes those who participate in it to rethink their relationship to traveling. Sustainable or slow tourism can be defined as “the development of a region’s tourism industry in such a way that it does not damage or deplete the resources that make the region attractive to tourists.” For those who are traveling, it means being more conscious about the transportation they use to get to their destination as well as choosing accommodations that are committed to reducing their emissions or learning about the local culture, respecting it and taking the proper time to explore it and immerse in it. This trend is all the more important in the face of climate change, as global tourism emissions have reached 8.8 % of total greenhouse gas emissions in the pre-pandemic year 2019. While the tourism industry has not fully recovered to its pre-pandemic levels in 2023, the UN Tourism 2024 Edition of International Tourism Highlights has suggested : “a full recovery of international arrivals in 2024, following a 96% recovery in the first seven months of 2024.” The European Union, in its attempt to fight the climate crisis, supports the trend of slow tourism. For example, they offer students a free 7-day train pass to travel Europe under the initiative of DiscoverEU . It is proposed for 18-year-olds who live in one of the EU member states or countries that are part of the Erasmus+ program, such as Turkey, Norway, etc. The next round of applications opens on April 2 and will close on April 16. The program provides young people with a great opportunity to be environmentally mindful while seeing the beauties this continent has to offer. Two years ago, I signed up and embarked on my first solo trip from Prague to Madrid. As I was roaming the quaint streets of Munich, Zurich, Geneva and Barcelona—my three stops—I realized that I had just discovered my new favorite way of traveling, even though I, figuratively speaking, was not alone. Solo traveling has been on the rise, especially for women. What most women face, at least to some extent, regardless of their wealth, is the lack of safety in many public spaces. So, traveling alone is a great step towards reclaiming women’s agency despite the dangers that not all men embody, and is an important booster of self-confidence. Yet it does not mean that women can suddenly go outside at night and not feel unsafe just because they are in another country. One of the mantras of solo female travelers with a small budget is finding information on the safety of the place they will be staying. Sometimes the research takes hours, from finding a good location for the hostel—not too crowded but not too remote—to making a list of all the quarters and places to avoid. Sadly, even that is often not a guarantee that once women arrive, they will not be facing any potential or immediate danger. On all my solo trips, I have also shared the location with my loved ones and did not go out after 10 p.m. unless I met someone trustworthy enough to go with me. That is just a fraction of what women face when they decide to travel alone. While the statistics on deaths of solo female travelers do not exist, and the dangers at times feel omnipresent, there is hope. My recent trip from Rome to Menton on a night train restored my faith in humanity, at least momentarily. As I boarded the train with all the anxious what-ifs, I saw a young man sleeping on my seat. At first, I was consumed by fear and thought of all the ways I could potentially fend him off. But after a couple of minutes of casual conversation, it turned out that despite my limited French and his restricted English, we found a common ground. I learned a lot about the Congo and he willingly listened to old Czech songs. Nonetheless, I realize not all women have good experiences with men during their travels. Solo traveling can be intimidating, and there are a lot of factors women still have to take into consideration, but personally, I still find it worth it. However, solo traveling and sustainable tourism are not the only trends predicted to rise in 2025. Booking.com , an accommodation website, predicted that there will be a rise in “noctourism,” nocturnal tourism, which is traveling to experience the beauty of the night starry sky. According to the data gathered by Booking.com , around 60% of people in the survey conducted for the website answered that they were considering visiting a location with lower light pollution. As more and more people live in the cities, the chance of seeing the sky full of stars is close to none. While some are left suffocating from the air pollution in the cities, others, in their search for “raw” experiences, paradoxically do not shy away from polluting even more. Booking.com also predicts more “self-discovery” trips, emphasizing “men-only wellness retreats.” Surely, many women would like to see more men taking care of their mental health. The question is whether they will choose a path to more vulnerability or a trip supporting misogynistic stereotypes our society cannot stop perpetuating. The first step before setting out on a journey like in Eat Pray Love style is to be mindful of the impact of our actions and dismantle the unrealistic ideas we have about traveling. As in anything in life, perfection is unattainable, but the steps to becoming a slow and/or solo tourist are not unreachable. I found balance in combining airplanes, trains and walking; learning a few sentences in the local language before visiting and reading about the culture and heritage. And when you find yourself queuing in Prague’s city center during the summer, try the part called Holešovice instead. I cannot tell you my hidden gem, but the city has a lot to offer regardless. Photo source: Roberto Trombetta on Flickr

Many young Tunisians, 1A Amira Zargouni notes, are “filled with disillusionment due to the long, arduous process of democratic transition” and have not experienced the direct rewards of democratic gains during the post-revolution period that their parents or grandparents did. < Back Tunisia: A Nation Relying on the Fundamental Power of Youth Trust By Luca Utterwulghe September 29, 2021 As students of the Middle East and North Africa region, we are quick to recall that Tunisia was the only relative success story of the “Arab Spring,” a string of popular revolutions beginning in 2010 which engulfed the region. Tunisian exceptionalism was due to a myriad of factors: the mobilizing role of social media, the diverse and widespread nature of the protest movement, the strategic dialogue initiated by Tunisian civil society, and the absence of military repression of protests, as was the case in Bahrain and other Arab Spring states. Western spectators often extol Tunisia as the pillar of democracy in the MENA region, praising its relatively secular political institutions and “liberal” constitution , which includes a mandate to actively support child development, commitments to “social justice” and regional equality, articles outlining gender equality, and orders to protect the environment. Why, then, have mass crowds continued to flood Avenue Habib Bourguiba and city centers from Bizerte to Gafsa, shouting chants reminiscent of the initial calls for the removal of dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali? Protestors called for the suspension of Parliament, economic reform, strategic action on the COVID-19 crisis, and an end to police brutality. Tunisian President Kais Saied terminated Parliament and removed Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi on July 26, 2021, a decision rooted in entrenched political divides which have plagued the government. Many question whether Saied’s decision to suspend Parliament for thirty days indicated the rise of a new authoritarianism or a proper course of action in the face of national political and economic crisis. Saied has since extended the suspension, raising further questions about the legitimacy of his temporary consolidation of power. Compounding the gravity of these issues is the emergence of political figures like Abir Moussi , leader of the Al-Dustur al-Hurr party and a Ben Ali regime nostalgic. Moussi’s disruptive actions in parliamentary procedures and the unbridled anger of her opponents have led to embarrassing (physical) clashes in Parliament. Many, however, take for granted the fact that (most) Tunisian citizens have the right to express their grievances without having to fear the state’s security apparatus to the extent that they did pre-revolution. Tunisia remains in the difficult and transitionary space of fairly well-protected political liberties and unstable economic conditions, forcing many young and bright Tunisians to flee the country ( youth unemployment was 35% in 2019). How can Tunisia move forward in this drawn-out process of democratization where the value of political freedom is drowned out by pleas for economic reform, among other things? What do young people need in order to trust the future of their country? I have consulted young Tunisians to lend some insight into these necessary questions: Amira Zargouni, a Tunisian first year student in the French Track of the Sciences Po Menton campus responds to the above questions with a call for structural reform in various domains of Tunisian society. Zargouni stresses that “in order to understand their needs [young Tunisians], it is important to [paint] a portrait” of them. Many young Tunisians, Zargouni notes, are “filled with disillusionment due to the long, arduous process of democratic transition” and have not experienced the direct rewards of democratic gains during the post-revolution period that their parents or grandparents did. Zargouni describes the reality of young Tunisians as navigating and protesting a complex web of “endless loopholes” in political life. The underlying issue Zargouni pinpoints is corruption, an issue that “remains intact and that contaminates every other branch, field, [and] future prospect” in the Tunisian political and economic spheres. While Tunisian political institutions are generally well-functioning, Zargouni emphasizes that Tunisia has still not established a constitutional council or supreme court of the land. There exists no “fair and efficient judiciary to act strongly against any form of corruption.” Zargouni alludes to the removal of the head of INLUCC, “the government committee fighting corruption,” as a crucial indicator of low public trust in government. In a more economic sense, Zargouni states the importance of “reshaping the economic model, [making it] more inclusive, more equitable, and coherent with the global value chain.” Evidently, there are a range of approaches one can take in examining what young Tunisians need to move forward confidently, trustingly, and prosperously. It is clear that Tunisian youth are extremely capable of reforming their communities ( Hayfa Sdiri is an excellent example of how young minds can affect change). Decision-makers are tasked with the fundamental duty of protecting and nurturing this wealth of human capital. Failing to do so will only lead to further political strife and deadlock.

On Oct. 5, following a meeting in its Vienna headquarters, the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) announced that its member countries would be cutting oil production by 2%, or 2 million barrels a day, taking effect in November. What are the implications of this move? < Back A Day Before Winter, OPEC Cuts Oil Production by Two Million Barrels By Leo Gerza November 30, 2022 On Oct. 5t, following a meeting in its Vienna headquarters, the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) announced that its member countries would be cutting oil production by two percent, or two million barrels a day, taking effect in November. The announcement was made against the backdrop of rising energy costs and a looming global recession. Indeed, it is global economic uncertainty that the organization claims underpins its decision to cut oil production, citing its desire to balance supply in the face of decreasing demand as its core motivation. Founded in 1960, the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries sought to counter the United States’ hegemony over oil production and now controls 40% of production and 80% of the world’s reserves, vesting the cartel with immense pricing power. The organization has not shied away from exercising its dominance. Older generations are haunted by the devastating effects the cartel’s oil embargo had on the price of oil and the U.S. economy in the 1970s. Its recent actions have again highlighted its pricing power, as oil prices surged from $76.71 per barrel to $92.64 in response to its announcement that it would cut production. At first glance, the decision seems motivated by the desire to steer prices back toward the highs they experienced earlier this year. The price of oil hit a peak of $122 in June; however, since then, it has steadily fallen to below $90. The announcement was designed, in part, to counter falling prices and benefit the revenues received from oil exports. Other factors are contributing to the volatility of global oil prices. Supply shocks lingering from the COVID-19 pandemic — which saw oil prices briefly slip into the negatives — mean that global supply cannot keep up with demand rapidly returning to pre-pandemic levels due to the robust expansionary fiscal policy wielded by western leaders as an answer to the pandemic. Equally, many countries, especially those in Europe, that have chosen to halt buying oil from Russia in response to Putin’s invasion of Ukraine are facing unprecedented supply challenges as they seek alternatives to their long-lasting reliance on Russian gas imports. According to National Public Radio, some pressure from Russia may have invigorated the decision-making process, as “they effectively came and asked OPEC to cut production by a million barrels a day.” Such observations further suggest the protagonist role that the war in Ukraine is playing in the emerging resource crisis. This, especially, has influenced calls from some governments for Volodymyr Zelensky to enter negotiations with Putin to de-escalate the conflict. Beyond the immediate price increase of oil, the impacts of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries’ decision will perpetuate a common trend in the past year. Energy firms drilling for and selling oil will see profits rise even higher as they continue to reap record profits. British Petroleum (BP) announced $8.2 billion in profit at the end of October, its second highest on record. At the same time, households face even higher costs just as winter begins setting in, with the prospect of energy rationing not out of the question in many European countries.

Joy is evident everywhere. It is woven into the fabric of the robust youth culture. It is painted into the murals that decorate almost every street. It mingles with the smoke in the jam packed shisha bar. < Back Amman Travel Review: What I Lost in Egypt, I Found in Jordan Lara-Nour Walton March 30, 2022 I spent my early childhood draped on couches in Heliopolis, spitting sunflower seed shells into ashtrays, curling up with cousins under the glow of Pixar movies. My fingers were perpetually sticky with mango. I sat on everybody’s lap, kissed everybody’s cheek. I slept in intergenerational apartments – blood relations on each story. I once knew Cairo by heart. I traced its corners, memorized its streets from balconies and car windows. But my great grandmother’s death marked a definitive shift in the Egypt that I had grown up with. Her passing preceded several more uprooting family losses. Without our Cairo-based matriarch, remaining relatives began to leave downtown for satellite cities. With the ascendance of Al-Sisi, bridges and highways diced up the metropolis, defacing its once recognizable figure. My relations scattered. Cairo lost all its unity, diminished to a blur of billboards and bustle, on my way from the airport to Sheikh Zayed. I wondered if the Egypt of my girlhood was gone forever. But, what I lost in Egypt, I found in Jordan. Jordan does not look like Egypt. Amman, the capital, is a sprawling city– boxy, and entirely limestone according to the Kingdom’s strict building code. Amman is uniform and retains very little of Cairo’s chaos. Jordan does not sound like Egypt. Shamy Arabic is sweeter– less guttural than its Egyptian counterpart. Fewer car horns are heard in the streets. The muezzin is more inconspicuous. Jordan does not smell like Egypt. The molokhia is spiced differently, the pollution hangs lighter in the air. But the sense of community, family, liveliness, that had vanished from my Egypt, it lives on in Jordan. When I landed in Amman this spring break, I was brimming with anticipation. My conception of the SWANA region was limited to my childhood experiences. I wondered how Jordan would stack up. My excitement was timidly matched by my traveling companion/tour guide, English Track 1A, Sami Omaish. Much like me, Omaish grew up between the Middle East and states. His Jordanian family magnanimously agreed to open their home to us for the vacation. Omaish’s palpable nervousness in Queen Alia Airport was familiar to me. Every time I return to Egypt, I too have airport crises– panicking about whether I will spontaneously lose the ability to interact with my relatives or, worse, forget how many bises are required for standard greetings (two). I suspected that his anxiety, just like mine always is, would soon be quelled by the open arms of family. When we arrived at the Omaish household, my hunch was confirmed. We were welcomed with guffaws, embraces, and a piping hot lunch in the dining room. Omaish’s grandparents are the epitome of Arab elders. His grandfather, Sami Omaish Sr., bellows on the phone and is acquainted with everyone in the neighborhood. His grandmother dotes on every guest and knits her eyebrows when there isn’t enough khobs on the table. His family was the veritable backbone of our trip: uncle Ziad organized our transportation from Petra, to Wadi Rum, to the Dead Sea; great aunt Samira, a downstairs neighbor to Omaish’s grandparents, gave me and English Track 1A Basak Üstün a bed to sleep in; cousin Laith led us to one of the best meals of the trip, Jordanian mezze – hummus, falafel, pita bread, pickled carrots, and baked cheese. Amman felt like a homecoming to me – the bevy of children, the animated conversation, the unwavering warmth – was reminiscent of my early years in Egypt. But there was an unknown face of SWANA, one that I never witnessed in Egypt, that I delighted in during my stay in Jordan. The youth scene in Amman is positively effervescent. Although spending bountiful time with young adults in Cairo, I never truly strayed from the sphere of domesticity. But, in the capital’s trendy locales, I experienced SWANA for the first time without familial restraint. It was in the Jabal Amman and Weibdeh neighborhoods where I was exposed to a cafe culture rivaling both Paris’ and Vienna’s. Rumi Cafe operates to a soundtrack of English and Arabic. They do cafe favorites with an Arab twist – saffron hot chocolates and cardamom cakes grace the tables of patrons. Down the street, Wild Jordan offers an array of coffees and smoothies that would make Starbucks quake in its boots. Snacks like apple pie and lentil soup were fan favorites among my travel partners. And if the menu was not enticing enough, the windows offer panoramic views of the Amman – the ancient citadel in direct eyeshot. But, Books@Cafe was my favorite establishment. Although boasting the title of “the Middle East’s first ever internet cafe”, it had the most unreliable wifi of all the ones we visited. This, however, could be overlooked. Books@Cafe is the type of business that, I believe, should be in every SWANA city. On the ground floor, local art is sold, creating a vibrant market for young Jordanian artists. Stacked up against kaleidoscopic wallpaper are shelves upon shelves of books in both Arabic and English. Stooped over laptops and books are school age people – the 50% off student discount presenting reason enough to frequent the coffee house. A hub for the Jordanian artistic, literary, and youth scenes, Books@Cafe also doubles as a haven for Amman’s queer community. This cafe represents joy. It is accessible and tolerant – a space where people of all backgrounds are encouraged to create, to learn, to share some delicious food and drink. And joy is not only relegated to Books@Cafe. It is evident everywhere. It is woven into the fabric of the robust youth culture. It is painted into the murals that decorate almost every street. It mingles with the smoke in the jam packed shisha bar. Jordan is the renewal of my Cairene glory days, but it is also unlike anywhere else I’ve been before.

The Oscars, once regarded as the highest award form of artistic recognition, have increasingly been subject to scrutiny over their selection process, inclusivity and cultural relevance. While the ceremony continues to attract global attention for viewers tuning in from all over the globe, one cannot help but ask: is the Academy truly honoring the best in cinema, or is it simply reinforcing the industry’s biases and political inclinations? < Back A Review of the Oscars Nil Celik March 31, 2025 “No one mourns the wicked” is the opening number of Wicked , the Broadway musical that made its highly anticipated transition to film this year. Wicked was all people talked about , especially after wondering why Ariana Grande and Cynthia Erivo were crying constantly in interviews. The movie, intended to highlight society’s tendency to make a villain out of those who challenge norms, feels especially relevant when assessing the 2025 Academy Awards. The Oscars, once regarded as the highest award form of artistic recognition, have increasingly been subject to scrutiny over their selection process, inclusivity and cultural relevance. While the ceremony continues to attract global attention for viewers tuning in from all over the globe, one cannot help but ask: is the Academy truly honoring the best in cinema, or is it simply reinforcing the industry’s biases and political inclinations? The 97th Academy Awards , held on March 2, 2025, at the Dolby Theatre in Los Angeles, was an event that aimed to celebrate a year of outstanding filmmaking. However, it was also a night filled with predictable victories, controversial choices and moments that highlighted both the strengths and weaknesses of Hollywood today. While independent cinema was seen as a winner in several major categories, particularly with Anora , the awards ceremony also revealed the ongoing tensions between artistic merit and the industry’s tendency to prioritize narratives that align with its current political and cultural discourse. However , after the news that $18 million dollars was spent on “Anora’s” Oscar campaign, marketing and distribution, surpassing the initial budget of $6 million dollars the film was produced with, left viewers divided on whether actual filmmaking wins you the Oscar or if you can just pay your way into winning an award? Hosting the Oscars has become an increasingly difficult task since many hosts tend to face backlash for out of pocket jokes or their inability to engage the audience in more than one way. This year, Conan O’Brien was selected by the Academy to host. Conan’s opening monologue at the 97th Academy Awards addressed the ongoing controversy surrounding Emilia Pérez star Karla Sofía Gascón's past offensive tweets. He stated that the film Anora used the F-word 479 times, "three more than the record set by Karla Sofía Gascón's publicist." O'Brien further joked, advising Gascón that if she planned to tweet about the Oscars, she should remember his name as Jimmy Kimmel, referencing the former Oscars host who had a particularly hard time hosting. A win for independent filmmaking? One of the night's most significant moments was when Anora , an independent film directed by Sean Baker, won the Best Picture category. With a relatively modest budget compared to films within the same category, Anora was an example of powerful storytelling, masterful cinematography and the power of character-driven narratives. In an industry dominated by high-budget studio films, the victory of Anora was a refreshing acknowledgment of artistic integrity over commercial appeal. The Best Actor category has historically been one of the most important categories on the night. Adrien Brody won his second Oscar for his performance in The Brutalist , marking a career-defining comeback after years of relatively low-profile roles. His portrayal of an architect navigating the complexities of post-war trauma was emotionally moving and led the person to reflect, reaffirming his status as one of the most talented actors of his generation. However, the competition in this category was notably weaker than in previous years. While competing nominees delivered strong performances, neither achieved the level of critical or public consensus needed to challenge the dominance of Brody. This raises the question: was Brody’s win truly the result of the best performance, or was it partially influenced by the Academy’s tendency to favor narratives of personal and professional redemption, as seen before in the case of Mickey Rourke’s Oscar loss to Sean Penn in 2009 ? One of the night’s most touching wins was Mikey Madison’s victory in the Best Actress category for Anora. At just 25 years old, Madison delivered a performance that was subtle yet profoundly moving. This indicated her ability to convey complex emotions without the need for theatrical extravagance, showing the subtle side of Hollywood acting. Her win was a rare moment where critical acclaim and audience sentiment aligned. This showed her place in the acting industry as a rising star. However, it also demonstrated a broader shift in acting recognition. The Academy is increasingly rewarding performances that prioritize realism and vulnerability over grand, dramatic gestures. Once bold, Hollywood acting shifting towards a more subtle style had never been seen before. While this shift is admirable, it raises the question of whether high-intensity performances, which have traditionally been favored in this category, are now being overlooked in favor of a more minimalist acting style. The documentary No Other Land received the Best Documentary Feature award, marking a significant moment in Oscar history. The film, co-directed by Palestinian activist and journalist Basel Adra and Israeli journalist Yuval Abraham, showed the ongoing struggles Palestinians face in the occupied West Bank, particularly focusing on the village of Masafer Yatta and the challenges they face due to home demolitions and forced displacements by Israeli settlers. In their acceptance speeches, both directors delivered important messages that resonated deeply with the audience. Basel Adra began by expressing his hopes for his newborn daughter, stating that: "About two months ago, I became a father, and my hope to my daughter is that she will not have to live the same life I am living now, always fearing violence, home demolitions, and displacement that my community is living and facing every day." He further emphasized the film's reflection on the constant difficulties faced by Palestinians, calling on the global community to take decisive action to stop the ongoing injustices and the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people. His message was powerful since the ongoing struggle of the Palestinians was disregarded by most of the people sitting in that audience, who chose to stay silent. Abraham indicated the collaborative nature of the film, emphasizing the power that is derived from joint Palestinian and Israeli efforts, stating: "We made this film, Palestinians and Israelis, we see each other." He underscored the differences in their lives, noting that while he has freedom under civilian law, Adra lives under strict military rule. Yuval Abraham called for a political solution based on equality, respecting the rights of both peoples. He also criticized U.S. foreign policy for blocking progress toward peace, asking a powerful question to stress how their futures are tied together. He asked, "Can't you see that we are intertwined? That my people can be truly safe if Basel's people are truly free and safe?" Their speeches showed the personal impact of the conflict and called on the world to recognize and act on the struggles of Palestinians. One of the most controversial moments was the recognition of Emilia Pérez . It is a film that mixed crime, gender identity and musical elements in a way that left audiences divided. While it earned multiple nominations, many questioned whether its wins were based on artistic merit or Hollywood’s growing focus on social and political messaging. The Mexican community voiced strong criticism, arguing that the film misrepresented their culture and reinforced harmful stereotypes rather than offering an authentic portrayal. The Best Supporting Actress win for Zoë Saldaña was also met with backlash, with many feeling her performance, while good, was not the strongest in the category. Adding to the awkwardness, one of the film’s winners broke into a strange, off-key song during the acceptance speech, confusing the audience and turning the moment into a viral moment. Furthermore, Conan O’Brien’s jokes about Karla Sofía Gascón’s past offensive tweets further highlighted the tensions surrounding the film, showing a contrast between the so-called "message" that was trying to be delivered. The 97th Academy Awards were filled with victories, controversy and loss that identified the complex nature of filmmaking. While the victory of Anora paved the way for independent filmmaking, the controversy involving Emilia Pérez indicated concerns regarding authenticity and the true nature of inclusivity. In the end, we were left with an important question: Are the awards truly about great filmmaking, or do outside influences shape the winners? Photo source: Adarshy Upadhy, Flickr