Several nations have decided to refuse to send government officials to the 2022 Beijing Olympics in protest of human rights violations under the current Chinese regime. Are these efforts futile or worthy of further support? < Back Is the Boycott of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics an Effective Diplomatic Tool? By Luca Utterwulghe December 30, 2021 The 2022 Winter Olympic Games, set to take place in Beijing, China this coming February, has become a spotlight for diplomatic contention. The United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada have established what Time called a “diplomatic boycott,” meaning that the aforementioned countries will refuse to send government employees to the games. Nonetheless, athletes from each of these countries will be sent to Beijing. The last U.S. boycott of an Olympic Games took place amidst the Cold War, as the Games in Moscow took place during the Russian invasion of Afghanistan. This time, boycotting nations are openly criticizing the detention and human rights violations of China’s Uyghur ethnic group as well as the Chinese government’s repressive measures taken to quell the protest movements in Hong Kong. Moreover, the boycott emerged in light of the recent disappearance of Chinese tennis player Peng Shuai after she accused Zhang Gaoli (former Chinese vice premier) of sexual assault. The boycott thus reflects the mounting international concern regarding the abuse of fundamental rights under the current Chinese government. There is no clear consensus on the effectiveness of the boycott, however. French President Emmanuel Macron, for instance, has dismissed the American strategy as a politicization of the Olympics devoid of “useful effect.” Macron has instead worked with the International Olympic Committee to ensure the safety of athletes, demonstrating the divergence in the French and American approaches. In the U.S., opposition to the boycott has come largely from Republicans in government who are promoting more aggressive measures, such as withholding athletes from attending the Games. Sienna Bertamini, a first year student at the Sciences Po Menton campus who lived in Hong Kong for most of her life, suggests that, “as a form of soft power, the Olympic Boycott does very little… in terms of combating the human rights violations occurring in China.” Bertamini further notes that “China places a larger emphasis on hard power threats” and that “militaristic strategies are a greater risk to their regime,” indicating that a boycott may be little more than a performative measure. However, because strong, multilateral measures require more cooperation and consensus, the boycott may, as Bertamini states, “be the most Western countries can do without overtly shifting the global balance of power, ie. through military interventions or economic sanctions.” What does this boycott mean for the future of Chinese-American foreign relations? A New York Times article noted that “while boycotts may not change policy, they do run the risk of reprisals.” A Chinese government publication has already demanded that China initiate a retaliatory boycott against the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics. This boycott may initiate a series of tit-for-tat soft power sanctions and may well escalate as more nations determine their respective courses of action.

Même les leaders politiques les plus charismatiques de l'histoire de l'Argentine n'ont pas réussi ce que l'équipe dirigée par Messi a réussi : imprégner l'âme de près de 46 millions d'Argentins de la fierté d'appartenir à la nation argentine. < Back Le Football, Source de Miracles Pour l'Argentine? By Amalia Heide January 31, 2023 Argentine: un pays brisé, divisé entre anti-Kirchneristes, anti-Macristes, anti-libéraux, anti-caste politique, anti-IMF... en général toujours anti. Un pays plongé dans une forte crise économique, politique et sociale. Argentins : toujours insatisfaits du présent, toujours pessimistes quant à l'avenir. Aucun homme politique, aucun événement historique, aucun ennemi commun, aucune lutte sociale, aucune célébration collective n'a réussi au cours des dernières décennies à unir ce peuple, plein de ressentiment et vide d'espoir. Même le conflit sur la souveraineté des Malouines entre l'Argentine et l'Angleterre ne fait pas l'unanimité ou ne suscite pas de passion profonde parmi les citoyens. Mais en sept matches et en l'espace d'un mois, l'équipe nationale de football argentine semble avoir réalisé l'impossible. Je ne parle pas de la victoire de la Coupe du monde, mais de ses conséquences : plus de 5 millions de personnes sont sorties dans la rue pour fêter la victoire. Même les leaders politiques les plus charismatiques de l'histoire de l'Argentine n'ont pas réussi ce que l'équipe dirigée par Messi a réussi : imprégner l'âme de près de 46 millions d'Argentins de la fierté d'appartenir à la nation argentine. Pauvres, riches, hommes, femmes, citoyens de gauche, citoyens de droite célébrant et scandant en chœur le même slogan. Il a déjà été décrété que c'est la plus grande fête de l'histoire de l'Argentine. Et pour une fois, il n’y a pas un parti politique impliqué, il n'y a pas de principes idéologiques en jeu. Désormais, puisque nous avons été témoins qu'en équipe, nous pouvons atteindre nos objectifs, pouvons-nous apporter ce nouveau sentiment d'unité dans l'arène politique ? J'ai des doutes à ce sujet. C'est précisément cette absence d'arrière-plan idéologique qui a permis cette union fraternelle. Le fossé politique est si profond dans notre pays que je doute fort que cela nous permette de réduire de manière durable nos conflits politiques internes, nos différences idéologiques, notre aversion mutuelle. Il est évident que le fait d'être champions du monde restera un point de référence commun, une source de joie et de réconfort, et pourra donc contribuer à désamorcer les tensions, mais de là à les éliminer, c'est une autre affaire. D’autre part, on peut se demander si ces célébrations ne montrent que le meilleur côté du peuple argentin. Ces célébrations, qui en théorie semblent très poétiques, romantiques, libératrices, ont fini par révéler en pratique notre penchant presque morbide pour le débordement, la sauvagerie et la destruction. Personnes blessées et tuées en tombant de ponts, de monuments ou de biens publics. Au lendemain de la caravane de l'équipe nationale argentine, les alentours de l'obélisque, l'emblème de Buenos Aires, étaient pitoyables. Les feux de signalisation, les panneaux indiquant le nom des rues, les stations de bus... tous détruits. Avec quel budget tout sera-t-il réparé ? Sans parler des ordures dans les rues que d'autres devront ramasser. Après tout, comme l'a dit un joueur de l'équipe nationale, ce n'est que du football. Mais espérons que le football permettra de réaliser le miracle d'une véritable unité. C'est mon seul souhait.

< Back Climate Crisis in the Horn of Africa: The Flood of the Century. By Elian Jorand December 31, 2023 The Horn of Africa is gripped by an unprecedented humanitarian crisis as torrential rains linked to the El Niño weather phenomenon wreak havoc in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia, leaving a trail of destruction and despair in their wake. The flood, labelled by some as the "flood of the century," is the aftermath of a prolonged drought that plagued the region for over three years, transforming the parched and cracked earth into an unforgiving ocean of mud. The climatic double ‘setback’ of the El Niño phenomenon and the Indian Ocean Dipole anomaly has unleashed powerful rains during the ‘ deyr ’ raining season, submerging vast areas. Reports from the three affected countries paint a bleak picture, with at least 260 lives lost and over 1 million people displaced. The logistical challenges faced by rescue and relief operations are monumental, as vital roads are cut off daily, impeding the delivery of humanitarian aid and slowing down the rescue efforts. The Chébéli River in Somalia has swallowed entire cities, transforming Beled Uen into a desolated city beneath the floodwaters. Rescue operations navigate through submerged rooftops and minarets to assist the 330,000 displaced residents now seeking refuge in improvised camps. The disaster unfolded against the backdrop of Somalia emerging from a historic drought just six months ago that had pushed the country to the brink of famine and displaced 1,170,842 people since January 2021. Somali Disaster Management Agency director, Mohamud Moalim Abdullahi, reported at least fifty lives lost in Somalia alone and 687,235 individuals forced to evacuate their homes. Roads, bridges, hospitals, and schools have suffered extensive damage, isolating thousands of people in villages and heightening the risk of diseases such as cholera and malaria. Kenya is also dealing with the overflow of the Tana River in eastern Kenya, flooding vast areas and forcing hundreds of thousands of farmers and herders to abandon their livelihoods. President William Ruto declares the situation an " extreme emergency " as the nation contends with roads vital for aid delivery being severed by rising waters. Despite efforts by Somali authorities and humanitarian partners to reach around 820,000 affected people with assistance, needs are rapidly rising as the flooding expands across the country. Mahamud Moallim emphasises the current priority of rescuing stranded families and providing immediate humanitarian relief. The devastation is described as "heartbreaking" by Nimo Hassan, Director of the Somali NGO Consortium, who underscores the urgent need for sustainable solutions and disaster preparedness for future climatic events. As the Horn of Africa contends with this unfolding crisis, millions of Somalis continue to battle hunger and malnutrition. An estimated 1.5 million children under the age of five will face acute malnutrition between August 2023 and July 2024. Humanitarians warn that current and emerging needs cannot be met without additional resources. A $2.6 billion plan to support 7.6 million people this year is so far only 42 percent funded, underscoring the urgent need for increased international assistance. This unfolding crisis comes as El Niño is expected to persist until at least April 2024, necessitating prompt and robust action from the international community to avert further catastrophe in the region. The Horn of Africa stands at a critical juncture, grappling not only with the immediate devastation caused by unprecedented floods but also the ongoing repercussions of drought and a myriad of humanitarian challenges. The global community must respond urgently to mitigate the suffering of those affected and prevent a deepening catastrophe in this vulnerable region.

Sports Recap — February 2023 < Back February Sports Recap By Hugo Lagergren February 28, 2023 Football Manchester City has been charged with 115 breaches of financial regulations by the Premier League. The charges mark the end of a four-year investigation conducted by Premier League officials into the club’s financial dealings from 2008 to 2020. The breaches can be split into three categories. The main issue raised by the Premier League relates to the financial irregularities of Man City’s business dealings. Secondly, the Premier League requires clubs to be transparent and honest about their financial activities, which they say has not been the case with City. And lastly, the Premier League has accused City of not cooperating fully with the investigation. Two years ago, similar charges were brought forth by the Union of European Football Associations against Man City. However, after being reviewed by the Court of Arbitration for Sport, the charges were thrown out. According to the Times’ chief sports writer, Martyn Ziegler, City will not be able to appeal the charges this time. The Premier League has not issued sanctions at the time of writing. Possible sanctions include fines, possible points deduction or exclusion from the League. Brazilian footballer Vinicius Jr. said that not enough is being done to combat racism in Spanish football and Spain more generally. Vinicius tweeted, “Let’s start to punish those people, or we’ll go back to how it was before,” following an incident that saw Brazilian basketball player Yago Dos Santos being subjected to racist abuse during a EuroCup game. Borussia Dortmund player Sébastien Haller scored his first league goal since his return three weeks ago from chemotherapy. Haller was diagnosed with testicular cancer in August of last year. Since then, Haller has continued to raise awareness in the football community for the fight against cancer. The date of his goal coincidentally fell on International World Cancer Day – an occasion which Dortmund marked by slightly altering their center circle to represent a tumor. L’Olympique de Marseille managed to knock out bitter rivals Paris St-Germain (PSG) in the last 16 of the Coupe de France. PSG’s poor form in the previous few matches has seen them drop points several times. This has put pressure on the manager, Christophe Galtier, to deliver silverware in an increasingly tricky season for the Parisian side. Rugby After a narrow victory against Italy, Six Nations favorites France continued their shaky start to the tournament by losing to a well-oiled Irish team, who looked organized and structured compared to their French opponent, which struggled to escape their own 22 at times. On the other hand, the number one ranked Irish team has moved to the top of the table with comfortable victories over France and Wales. Scotland has continued their impressive run of form, with victories over England and Wales, to move to second in the Six Nations behind Ireland. A big test for Gatland’s men will be in two weeks when Scotland travels to the Stade de France to face a wounded French side. Handball Denmark beat France in an exhilarating final to claim a historic third successive International Handball Federation World Handball Championship. After the Danish victory, operators of the Oresund Bridge, which connects Sweden and Denmark, lit the bridge in red and white to honor Denmark’s achievement. For co-host Sweden, the tournament ended in disappointment as they lost 39-36 to Spain in the bronze medal game. Basketball Lebron James became the National Basketball Association’s all-time top points scorer with 38,387 points as the Lakers fell to the Oklahoma City Thunder. He surpasses Kareem Abdul-Jabbar’s point total — a record he has held since 1984. American Football The Kansas City Chiefs defeated the Philadelphia Eagles 38-35 to win their second Super Bowl in the last four years. For the second time, Patrick Mahomes, the quarterback for the Chiefs, was awarded the National Football League Most Valuable Player Award. Olympics Earlier this month, the International Olympics Committee (IOC) issued a statement saying that it would allow Russian and Belorussian athletes to compete at the 2024 Paris Olympic Games, on the condition that no anthems or flags from the two countries are displayed. This has sparked outrage from politicians and fans alike. President Zelenskyy commented that the decision from the IOC highlighted that “terror is somewhat acceptable”.

The sheer joy that usually accompanies the World Cup approach has been tainted this year. Qatar, the next World Cup site, continues to raise human rights concerns. < Back The 2022 Qatar World Cup Has a Dark Side By Arian Akrami September 30, 2022 The sheer joy that usually accompanies the World Cup approach has been tainted this year. Qatar, the next World Cup site, continues to raise human rights concerns. Evidence of labor exploitation and poor working conditions in unbearable heat has led to accusations of modern slavery. These tensions have been ever-present since the controversial decision by the International Federation of Football Associations (FIFA) in 2010 to award Russia and Qatar the 2018 and 2022 World Cups, among corruption allegations. According to Amnesty International, around 2 million migrant workers (mainly from Africa and Asia) have been employed to construct roads, metros and eight remarkable stadiums. More will be hired for the security, hospitality and transport industries during the event itself. Labor importation is understandable given Qatar’s meager population of 2.8 million and the world’s 5th highest GDP per capita ($84,510 according to the International Monetary Fund). The lack of pre-existing stadiums and infrastructure in a nation that has almost no significant sporting history or need for public transport further justifies the necessity for foreign workers. However, the issue comes with the “Kafala” or “sponsorship” system, which binds foreign workers to a local sponsor, or “Kafeel,” which is often their employer. A similar system is employed by all Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries — Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, as well as by Jordan and Lebanon. At face value, this does not appear to pose any particular problems, and it is essential to note that some of the issues within the Kafala system in Qatar have seen improvements during the last two years, the efficacy of which will be later examined. But these organizations cleverly fall into the category of interior ministries as opposed to labor ministries, meaning that labor laws cease to apply to migrant workers. Consequently, laborers lack the right to join unions or freely enter the labor dispute process. While these sponsors provide “housing,” it is more akin to overcrowded dormitories, posing a particular risk during the pandemic. Furthermore, workers require the explicit permission of their sponsor to leave their job, or even the country, since the “Kafeel” reserves the right to invalidate residency status without reason. Not adhering to these terms spells potential imprisonment or deportation. Employers regularly confiscate passports, visas and phones to enforce this. Such terms are often stipulated in contracts written in languages the migrants do not speak. Qatari employment is also rife with “debt traps.” This means that recruitment fees, which host countries require from sponsors, are handed down to workers who, before recruitment, cannot afford the fees. As a result, they are obliged to take out loans which indebt them to their Kafeel. According to the Guardian , there have been 6,750 migrant deaths in the 12 years since Qatar was awarded the right to host the World Cup. Many of those deaths are traced to subjecting workers to continual labor for up to ten hours a day in summer temperatures of 113 degrees Fahrenheit (45 degrees Celsius) or more. Could the World Cup be perceived as a force for good in the Middle East, a region that has never hosted the tournament? U.S. Soccer spokesman Neil Buethe argues that “Qatar has made more progress with respect to human rights in the last four years than it has in the last four decades because it is hosting the World Cup.” While, to some extent, this is true, the lives of so many innocent workers are not a justifiable means to the ends of fundamental labor rights. Kuwait and Qatar have gone as far as imprisoning female workers under “Zina” laws (an Islamic legal term referring to unlawful sexual intercourse) concerned with extra-marital sex, even in the case of rape. Why do migrant workers accept this work? Simply put, the pay is higher than in their country of origin. According to the World Bank, remittance payments help combat poverty in lower-income nations. While some countries like Kenya and Indonesia have prevented workers from emigrating to GCC nations. This can often have an adverse effect since workers with no alternatives will seek human smuggling gangs as a means of achieving what they perceive to be superior employment opportunities in the Middle East. Qatar has managed to implement some reform following global condemnation. Last spring, new regulations were adopted that banned work outdoors between 10 a.m. and 3 p.m. from June to mid-September. In August 2020, Qatar revoked the rule requiring employers’ consent to switch jobs and implemented a monthly minimum wage of 1000 Qatari riyals ($274). However, many workers still experience delays, harassment, threats, imprisonment and even deportation during the job-switching process. A Qatari government spokesperson claimed that the reforms had “transformed” the labor market, contributing to over 78,000 successful job transfers in the final quarter of 2020. The delays were supposedly due to the sudden high volume of transfer requests. More recently, the BBC reported that on Aug. 14, 2022, 60 workers protested, reportedly having not been paid for seven months. An unconfirmed number of protestors were instantaneously detained and deported. The Qatari government confirmed this event, which insists that they had been detained for “breaching public security laws.” Concerns about discrimination are not limited to the workers. Homosexuality remains illegal in Qatar, incurring up to three years in prison, and a possibility of the death penalty for Muslims under Sharia law, although there are no known cases of the application of the latter. The Qatari government does not recognize same-sex marriage nor permit campaigning for LGBTQ+ rights. On Dec. 8, 2020, Qatar announced that rainbow flags would be allowed in stadiums at the 2022 World Cup in line with FIFA regulations. The World Cup Chief Executive Nasser Al-Khater stated, “when it comes to the rainbow flags in the stadiums, FIFA have their own guidelines, they have their rules and regulations, whatever they may be, we will respect them.” Nevertheless, in May 2022, some hotels on FIFA’s official list of recommended accommodations forbade room reservations for homosexual couples. Others agreed to host homosexual couples if they agreed to hide their relationship publicly. FIFA has since pledged to remind Qatar of its obligations to ensure a tolerant welcome to all fans. In an interview in Germany on May 20, 2022, the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, stated that the LGBTQ+ visitors would be welcomed to the 2022 World Cup but that they need to respect the nation’s culture. Foreseeable issues such as these put into perspective the ignorance of FIFA to award the 2018 and 2022 World Cups to Russia and Qatar, respectively. Perhaps it is time for the Middle East to finally host the World Cup; however, this would have been better suited to a nation with at least some of the infrastructure necessary for an event of such scale. FIFA also missed a golden opportunity to transform the region for the better by holding Qatar to stringent human rights standards. Spectators should not carry guilt for this iteration of the World Cup. They have a right to enjoy the world’s greatest sporting spectacle. However, FIFA bears a responsibility to have sufficient foresight in matters of ethical conduct when awarding such a monumental event.

< Back What Does Giorgia Meloni Mean for Ventimiglia’s Migrant Population? By Sophia Rottman November 30, 2022 Camp Roja was not the first refugee camp in Ventimiglia ; whether it will be the last remains to be seen. In 2014, an influx of migrants and refugees in Ventimiglia led to the creation of the informal “No Borders” camp. One year later, the “No Borders” camp was shut down. Still, the need for shelter and aid for refugees and migrants persisted, prompting the Red Cross to open Camp Roja. However, its lack of a legal framework allowed the Prefecture of Imperia to close its doors in July 2020 easily. Originally built to host up to 180 people, the camp routinely operated well beyond its maximum capacity, once holding 800 people with a mere 360 beds. When Italy imposed a country-wide lockdown at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, Camp Roja stopped receiving new arrivals, forcing 200 people to seek refuge on the streets. In accordance with national policy, the prefect, Alberto Intini, announced that the camp would not receive anyone new until the pandemic was over. By June 2020, the number of people in the camp drastically decreased; only 30 residents remained. On July 30, 2020, the prefecture informed the Red Cross that Camp Roja would be shut down. The Red Cross’ pleas to keep it open were unsuccessful. Since the closure, migrants and refugees in Ventimiglia are now in even more dangerous positions — many lack basic needs like adequate shelter, water and food, often sleeping outside the train station, under an overpass or along the Roja. Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s new government , a coalition between her party, Fratelli d’Italia, the Lega and Forza Italia, is expected to be Italy's most right-wing government since the Second World War. In the 2018 election, Fratelli d’Italia won only 4.3% of the vote. Now, its ideas have gained significant ground. The party’s campaign promised to prevent refugee rescue boats from docking among other strict border controls. Meloni has suggested that the Italian Navy patrol the coast to stop migrants and refugees from reaching Italy, alongside a naval blockade of Africa’s Mediterranean coast. Meloni’s new government is facing its first challenge: three NGO rescue boats in Italian waters. On Saturday, Nov. 5, Humanity One, run by the German charity SOS Humanity, was allowed to enter the Sicilian port of Catania. After an onboard medical inspection, 144 migrants and refugees were moved to a reception center: they were deemed to be experiencing emergency conditions. The remaining 35 were left on the ship and will likely be pushed back into international waters. SOS Humanity argues that all of the ship’s passengers were rescued at sea, which alone is supposed to qualify them for a safe port under international law. On Sunday, Nov. 6, Italy ordered Humanity One to leave the port of Catania. The captain refused. Three other rescue ships remain at sea, two in Italian waters and one in international territory, with more than 900 additional migrants and refugees. Their requests for a safe port have gone unanswered, and conditions onboard have deteriorated . Some NGOs say that Italy is breaching international sea rescue laws, arguing that anyone in danger must be disembarked at the nearest safe port. However, the new interior minister, Matteo Piantedosi, asserts that because the asylum seekers first stepped aboard Humanity One in Germany, they are not Italy’s responsibility according to the European Union Dublin Regulation. Meloni’s victory has sparked concern amongst French migrant rights advocates and organizations, who fear that the present conditions for refugees and migrants at the Franco-Italian border and Central Mediterranean may become more treacherous. Amnesty International predicts that the increasing number of migrants and refugees attempting to leave Italy for France will cause a “ping pong” effect between French and Italian authorities. Already facing pushback as they attempt the “pass of death” through the mountains from Ventimiglia to Menton, a worsening situation is highly concerning. In 2022, a new permanent hosting center for migrants and refugees is set to open in the Ventimiglia area. Still, authorities have yet to disclose specifics about the facility and its launch date. Amidst the Meloni administration’s hostility towards displaced populations, it now remains to be seen if Ventimiglia’s tentative resettlement center has even a fighting chance of opening.

< Back General Debate in the UN Assembly Kerem Demir Karahan October 23, 2025 The 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly began on Sept. 9 in New York, United States of America. World leaders convened in Turtle Bay in order to address the General Assembly where the debate was largely shaped by the ongoing wars in Gaza and Ukraine. Annalena Baerbock of Germany, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs until 2025, served as the President of the General Assembly and declared the theme of this year's debate as “Better together: 80 years and more for peace, development and human rights.” Baerbock began her remarks by highlighting the plight of children in Gaza, the war in Ukraine, and gang violence in Haiti. Moving on, she stated that cynics of the United Nations needed to realize that the “the [United Nations] Charter, our Charter, is only as strong as Member States’ willingness to uphold it,” encouraging the rest of the delegates to “act when action is needed.” The speeches of the Secretary-General and the President of the General Assembly were followed by the speeches by President Lula of Brazil and President Trump of the United States of America. Prior to Trump’s speech, the escalator he was riding malfunctioned, which Trump suggested could be sabotage (the United Nations denied the allegation, stating that it was rather a safety mechanism). This was one of the many criticisms Trump laid against the United Nations, stating that the organization “is supposed to stop invasions, not promote them.” Trump’s speech also largely focused on immigration, contrasting his policies with those of the previous Biden administration. Furthermore, Trump went on to state that “if you don’t get away from the green energy scam, your country is going to fail,” in line with his administration’s support for coal energy. On the war between Ukraine and Russia, Trump stated that the conflict ran for too long, and that he would be imposing harsh sanctions and tariffs against the Russian Federation. Following Trump’s statements, President Zelensky of Ukraine stated that he was “surprised” by Trump’s shift in position with respect to the war in Ukraine and believed that the relationship between him and Trump has gotten “better.” On the war in Gaza, Trump declared that “we have to negotiate peace, get the hostages back — all 20 back — and 38 dead bodies back.” Trump, referring to European states’ recognition of Palestine, stated that this unilateral recognition of the Palestinian state could amount to “a reward to Hamas for its horrible atrocities.” Under Trump’s directives, the State Department of the United States of America had previously denied Palestinian officials visas necessary for them to travel to the United Nations General Assembly, a move criticized by United Nations experts and many of the member states who believed that such an act is against the 1947 Headquarters of the United Nations Agreement. The State Department explained their reasoning by declaring that the Palestinian Authority has been failing to “consistently repudiate terrorism — including the October 7 massacre — and end incitement to terrorism in education.” Trump’s speech was followed by speeches from Presidents of Indonesia and Türkiye, Subianto and Erdoğan respectively—both of whom are presidents of large, Muslim-majority nations. Both presidents mentioned support for the two-state solution in Israel and Palestine, with Subianto stating that “both Palestine and Israel must be free and independent, safe and secure from threats and terrorism.” Erdoğan further stated that the situation in Gaza has become indefensible, expressing that it amounted to a “barbarity” and “genocide.” In the afternoon, the General Assembly heard a speech from the Colombian President Gustavo Petro, in which Petro harshly criticized Trump for the latter’s military strikes on suspected drug trafficking vessels off the coast of Colombia. Petro went on to condemn Trump and the inaction of the wider United Nations General Assembly with respect to the war in Gaza, stating that “this forum [the General Assembly] is a mute witness to a genocide.” Following his speech, Petro participated in a pro-Palestinian rally in New York in which he has called American soldiers to “Disobey Trump’s orders.” After the rally, the State Department declared that Petro’s visa would be revoked due to his “reckless and incendiary” comments. The following day, the General Assembly heard Ukrainian President Zelensky’s speech. Zelensky highlighted the failure of international law to protect Ukraine against Russian aggression, stating “because international institutions are too weak, this madness continues,” referring to Russia’s constant shelling of Ukrainian power plants. Zelensky further warned of democratic backsliding led by Russian policies in Eastern Europe, highlighting the situations in Georgia and Moldova. Zelensky finished his remarks by calling on world leaders not to “stay silent while Russia keeps dragging this war on” and “join us [Ukraine] in defending life and international law and order.” Two days later, on Sept. 26, the General Assembly heard from Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of Israel. As Netanyahu took the podium, dozens of diplomats and officials emptied the General Assembly hall in protest, leaving Netanyahu to address a largely empty hall. Leading news outlets such as the New York Times , commented on the symbolism of the moment, stating that the empty hall has become a testament to Israel’s growing isolation in the midst of its war in Gaza. Netanyahu, seemingly unbothered by the walkout, used his speech to criticize the member states which have begun to unilaterally recognize the Palestinian state, stating that European nations such as France and the United Kingdom were “reward[ing] the worst antisemites (referring to Hamas) on Earth.” Contrasting with his remarks on European leaders, Netanyahu took the time to express his appreciation for Trump’s support during the conduct of the war in Gaza, stating that the United States is “forcefully fighting the scourge of antisemitism.” Netanyahu also highlighted that Israel’s actions across the region, namely in Lebanon, Iran, and Yemen, helped bring down a web of Iranian proxies that waged war on Israel. Responding to growing claims of a genocide going on in Gaza from experts and member states around the world, Netanyahu stated that such claims were fueled by antisemitism. Baerbock closed the general debate of the 80th session of the General Assembly on Sept. 29. In her closing remarks, Baerbock stated that “Member States must do more to stem the tide of war and violence: to protect and feed starving civilians in Gaza, to return to peace to Ukraine, to protect women and girls in Sudan.” Referring to the New York Declaration on the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, Baerbock stated that “what happens in the General Assembly Hall matters,” as the Declaration led many Western European states to recognize Palestine for the first time. Baerbock further called for “an immediate ceasefire, a surge in humanitarian aid for civilians and the immediate release of the remaining hostages.” Talking about women’s rights and climate action, Baerbock highlighted the importance of continued efforts to advocate for inclusionary politics. Baerbock finished her remarks by stating that nations of the world needed one another to tackle problems that “no country alone can solve.” Photo Source: Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, Flickr

< Back Menton Enters Business With Company Involved in Flint Michigan’s Water Crisis By Saoirse Aherne December 31, 2022 As reported by Press Agence, on Nov. 14, the Mayor of Menton and president of the French Riviera Community (CARF), Yves Juhel, along with several senior executives at the Veolia company, signed a three-year memorandum called the “Experimental Territory on Climate Change.” This protocol designates CARF as an experimental territory and is the first agreement of this nature to be signed between a local authority and the Veolia group. The agreement identifies three areas of concern— water, energy and waste — and pledges to mobilize 120,000 euros over the next three years to develop sustainable solutions to these issues. Mayor Juhel noted that the initiative is consistent with the city’s commitment to “fight against climate change.” Juhel was elected to mayor’s office on a campaign promise to implement 24 of the 32 measures proposed in the “Pact for Transition,” a national agreement signed last January by Menton mayoral candidates. In doing so, each candidate pledged to pursue sustainable solutions to issues of resource scarcity, affordable energy and environmental preservation in the region. Nice-Matin reported at the beginning of November that a group of concerned citizens had requested an appointment with the mayor to assess the extent to which his campaign promises for sustainable transition had been implemented. Menton has indeed been making some efforts to implement changes for the ecological transition, such as installing chickadee boxes and bat lodges between February and May of this year. The city also began work on a bike path in August. However, Juhel’s campaign promised much more radical action, like installing anti-macro waste nets at the exit of valleys, planting more than 3,000 trees by 2026 and creating a municipal service dedicated to the environment. Thus, the agreement with Veolia could be a more concrete step by Mayor Juhel to fulfill the “Pact for Transition” objectives and uphold his environmental platform. Unfortunately, the exact terms of the “experimental territory” designation remain unclear. There is no public information on specific projects that will emerge from this agreement, nor is there a clear explanation of where the 120,000 pledged euros will come from. What is Veolia? Veolia is a significant actor in this agreement, especially considering the company’s recent engagement in a number of sustainable initiatives across the Côte d’Azur. Veolia is a private, for-profit French enterprise involved in water management, waste management and energy services. It aims to be “the benchmark company for ecological transformation” by providing sustainable access to scarce resources. Currently, the company operates across five continents, with 5,000 wastewater treatment and drinking water plants in France alone. On Nov. 26, Var Martin reported that the company had announced a new project at its Almanarre treatment plant to transform wastewater into hydrogen. Hydrogen can be used as an energy source and is particularly well suited to electric transportation. According to the Var-Provence Mediterranee Territory director, this innovation is “a world first.” The technology at the plant can produce up to 10 kilograms of hydrogen per day; for context, one kilogram of hydrogen alone could power a small vehicle for 100 kilometers. If this project were to be applied at an industrial scale, it could produce several hundred kilograms of hydrogen per day. However, making this transformation on an industrial scale would cost a hefty sum of three million euros. Only days before this announcement, on Nov. 22, Nice Matin reported the launch of Veolia’s Arianeo project in Nice, which it claims will serve the energy needs of 25,000 inhabitants by 2026. Similarly, in September of this year, Veolia unveiled a project in the Arenas district of Nice to create a renewable energy network using wastewater. Representatives of the company expressed the need to lift the “regulatory lock,” allowing them to “go beyond experiments, as (they) were able to do in Sainte-Maxime.” Veolia is involved with wastewater reclamation solutions to water green spaces in Sainte-Maxime. Notably, Veolia is also one of eight companies competing to receive a five-month support program to develop and test a solution to the City of Marseille’s “Smart Port Challenge.” Veolia’s interest in developing sustainable infrastructure along the Côte d’Azur reflects the increasingly evident impact of climate change in the region, especially in the Alpes Maritimes, which was hard hit by drought this summer. In this context, Veolia’s interest in this region is no surprise: the Cote d’Azur needs innovative solutions to face the growing threat of climate change, especially regarding water management. Yet, the impact of this private company’s rapid involvement in a number of communities across this region deserves careful attention, especially in light of Veolia’s controversial past. A History of Scandal Veolia has long been involved in traditionally publicly managed services such as water, energy and waste management; however, their focus on sustainable transition is a recent development in the company’s evolution. In fact, a couple of years back, the Veolia group attracted attention over quite a different matter: In 2016, Michigan brought Veolia before the American justice system over the Flint drinking water scandal. Flint and Veolia entered a contract in February of 2015, the terms of which entailed Veolia checking the water quality over claims made by residents that it was polluted. Veolia assured the city twice that the water “met federal criteria.” In 2019, the Guardian reported that Veolia executives knew that the residents of Flint, Michigan were at risk of being poisoned by lead in their tap water “months before the city publicly admitted the problem.” Email exchanges in February of 2015 show that senior employees at Veolia were aware of the potential for lead from city pipes to leach into the drinking water. Yet, the company never made a public recommendation or declaration to this effect. Notably, Veolia was exploring “lucrative contracts with the city” at this time. Veolia remains adamant that the government alone is to blame for the events in Flint. To see the “facts” of the, pay a visit to the website they made specifically to address this matter. What to make of CARF-Veolia deal Though Veolia’s involvement in the Flint crisis has rightly been subject to heavy criticism, it is not a case of mismanagement on the part of the company, but rather the prioritization of private interest to the detriment of public wellbeing — an expected risk when for-profit companies are involved in the management of public services. Veolia’s regional projects indeed appear to offer some truly innovative solutions to issues of resource management, especially their work converting waste into hydrogen power. However, private companies should remain under scrutiny to ensure they do not act against popular interests. Nonetheless, considering the increasing severity of climate change in the region, perhaps any projects concerning sustainable solutions are welcome developments. Though the terms and implications of this recent deal between CARF and Veolia remain disappointingly vague, the promise to mobilize substantial funds toward sustainable action is hopeful. With sustained pressure from citizens — as has already been witnessed — the Experimental Territory on Climate Change agreement has the potential to contribute to tangible change in Menton and the surrounding municipalities.

< Back Internet Archive Faces Legal Setback, Existential Threat By Yasmin Abbasoy September 27, 2023 The Internet Archive is facing what some call a landmark legal challenge that could result in its own and its contemporaries’ ruin. On March 24, an American federal court delivered a preliminary judgement on the ongoing Hachette vs. Internet Archive case. Ruling against the Internet Archive, Judge John G. Koetl determined that lending that took place under the scope of the short-lived National Emergency Library program constituted an infringement of copyright law, setting a precedent that puts the continued existence of the Archive and those organizations similar to it in jeopardy. The Internet Archive defines itself as an organization built around “providing universal access to all knowledge.” It was founded in 1996 by Massachusetts Institute of Technology graduate and activist Brewster Kahle, who still leads the organization as chairman today. Working with institutions such as libraries and museums, the Archive aims to preserve and facilitate free access to literature, film, music and other forms of media. This mission to democratize knowledge is largely promoted by lending the millions of ebooks hosted on the site to readers worldwide. The importance of ebook lending, in this particular case and more generally, cannot be understated: trial documents highlight an atmospheric rise in demand, with digital checkouts increasing sevenfold from 2007 to 2013, and reveal that the Internet Archive itself currently facilitates over 70,000 ebook checkouts a day. This new frontier has, of course, forced publishing companies, the vanguard of copyright law, to create and maintain new rules and regulations to protect the rights of their creatives. The industry standard is a “one-copy, one-user” model that foresees libraries paying a fee for a single licensed copy of an ebook, which can then be checked out by one person at a time. Such licensing models generate millions upon millions of dollars for publishers, who see them as an indispensable method of protection. On the other hand, the Internet Archive has a different way of doing things: print books are acquired and then scanned, with the resulting ebook being hosted on the archive while the physical copy is kept in storage. Crucially, an ebook is not distributed en masse — the Archive uses “Controlled Digital Lending,” operating very much like a traditional library would: a one-to-one owned-to-loaned ratio, as described by the Controlled Digital Lending website. The Archive maintains that this practice is essential to effectively distribute information, especially to those who may have trouble accessing library collections due to geographical or mobility-based barriers. March 2020 saw the nationwide shuttering of libraries across the United States, which took more than 60 million print books out of circulation instantly. The Archive, seeking to use its unique position to address the problem quickly and efficiently, launched the National Emergency Library on March 24th. The library was distinguished by the fact that the same digital copy of a book could be loaned to up to 10,000 readers simultaneously, a grave breach of the Controlled Digital Lending ethos and eventually, a harbinger of certain doom. Originally planned to run until the end of the national “emergency," the library was shut down after merely 12 weeks in operation due to the aforementioned complaint filed in opposition by Hachette Book Group, one of the largest publishers in the world. Hachette was soon joined by Penguin Random House, HarperCollins and Wiley, forming a group that contained three of the “Big Five” of the publishing world. Replying to the scathing complaint, the Archive asserted that its use of print books was merely a case of fair use, both generally within the scope of Controlled Digital Lending and specifically in the unique case of the emergency library. Publishers disagreed, describing the Archive as a “pirate site” and its business model as “parasitic and illegal,” denigrating Controlled Digital Lending as “an invented paradigm which is well outside copyright law,” “conceived…to cast aside well-established copyright jurisprudence.” The plaintiffs advanced the claim that print and digital books were separate mediums with separate markets, a stance contrary to the one they assigned to the Archive. They reinforced that copyright law had endowed publishing companies with the right to develop and extract the full value of each market with methods appropriate to the medium, a right which would be breached if the Archive were allowed to continue its distribution activities. The Archive on March 17 mounted a defense against an unconvinced Judge Koetl, who has released his opinion of the case where he sides unequivocally with the plaintiffs on almost all points. An important point of contention was the so-called “transformative nature” of a work, which renders usage of it covered under the umbrella of fair-use. Google Books, for example, had previously been protected under this principle because it created a directory of books, rather than simply uploading copies online. The Archive, in contrast, was found by Koetl to have created only “derivative” works, which do not serve a new and different function from the original and are in fact substitutes for it. As such, the opinion asserts that “there is no such right [to make the necessary number of copies of a book to facilitate lending, so long as it is lent out to one person at a time, as claimed by the Archive], which risks eviscerating the rights of authors and publishers to profit from the creation and dissemination of derivative works.” Similar rebuttals are offered to every other assertion defended by the Archive, an unsurprising result from a courtroom distinctly marked by tense exchanges between the defense lawyer and the skeptical judge. Internet Archive founder Kahle responded in a blog post: “Libraries are more than the customer service departments for corporate database products. For democracy to thrive globally, libraries must sustain their historic role in society — owning, preserving, and lending books. This ruling is a blow for libraries, readers, and authors and we plan to appeal it.” The Archive has, in the meantime, been determined to carry on the fight outside the strict parameters of the courtroom. Capitalizing on the “David vs. Goliath” optics of the case, the Archive has cast the case as an attempt to shut down the Archive by bankrupting it. Losing the legal battle could easily lead to billions of dollars in damages, money the Archive Certainly does not have. The Archive has started a donation campaign and created the “Battle For Libraries” movement which held a well-attended rally on the steps of the Archive’s San Francisco headquarters on April 8th. As mentioned on their website, the battle is against “Big publishers” that are “opening new paths for censorship.” The case, which the Archive has universalized into a fight for the right to equitable access to information, has become much bigger than just a court case, involving people and communities across the world. The shower of support from people of all walks of life bears a common refrain: the particular importance of the Internet Archive for university students. Many a laudation has been written about the website which allows students to hunt down that elusive reading the professor has not bothered to put on Google Drive, which provides them with the perfect obscure-yet-respected source that allows something other than a website to be placed in a bibliography… Such comments are reflected across the SciencesPo Menton campus, where students that were asked their thoughts regarding the case in the aftermath of the ruling universally expressed feeling appalled and dismayed, and worried for the future of a website which had been an inescapable part of their academic journey. Indeed, the ruling can drastically shift the bounds of what is considered acceptable in copyright law. Tempting fate by establishing a Controlled Digital Lending-free National Emergency Library, the Archive has brought upon itself a reckoning that has put into question the foundation of its business model, that of contemporaries in the field, and even its own existence. A final ruling that is expected to definitively address whether lending outside the National Emergency Library program is within the scope of the case is expected imminently, but until then, all signs indicate that any and all worrying about the future is well-placed. For now, the Archive insists that the fight continues.

< Back The Russian Riviera Amer El-Ibrahim The love story between the Russians and the French Riviera is not a novelty of contemporaneity. It is instead a communion that dates back 150 years, when the time of Tzars was at its peak. It all began in 1856, when Alexandra Feodorovna, widow of the Tzar Nicholas I, settled in Nice. From this point on, many members of the Russian aristocracy of the period spent their winters in this sunny paradise, building sumptuous villas that can still be admired today. Their numbers grew so quickly that, in 1859, out of 104 foreign families registered in Nice, 30 were Russian while only 24 were French (Nice became part of France only a year later). It is worth mentioning that most of the Russian aristocracy knew French and were fascinated by France in general, so moving to such a region did not require efforts at accommodating. Interestingly, the Belgian journal L'Indépendant wrote: "The English have taken a dislike to Nice. They claim that the Russians have imported there [...] their natural agitation, their inner tumult." This flooding can be explained on one hand through the adulation the Russians showed their Tzars and their families, aristocrats and bourgeoisie alike being more than keen to live in their proximity, and on the other hand through the rough winters that befell Russia yearly. Thanks to this exodus, the Russian Orthodox Cathedral in Nice is the largest one outside of Russia—its construction heavily financed by the imperial family. The Russian Revolution brought the ending of this trend in 1917, when the Bolsheviks were victorious, thus forcing a great number of White forces, intelligentsia and aristocrats to flee the country. Nevertheless, some of them did choose the French Riviera because of the already-established Russian community that flourished here. Fast forward seventy years of stagnation in Russian immigration in this region, the ‘90s brought about the fall of the USSR and together with it immense freedom for the subjects of the socialist regime. In this new climate, the French Riviera became once again a hotspot for many Russians, from oligarchs to a plethora of persons from the criminal underworld, all of which brought serious money to this region. The most important impact they had was regarding real estate. Luxury apartments and villas were bought by some oligarchs to move their dirty money out of Russia and to launder it. This trend was so significant that the prices of the whole real estate of the Riviera were—and to this day still are—drastically inflated. This over-inflation of the market left out the possibility for most locals to ever buy such properties. From the mid-90s to the financial crisis of 2008, prices skyrocketed all over the Riviera. For example, in Cap d’Antibes, a square meter of luxury property was 20,000 euros in 2000-2001, reaching a staggering 53,000 in 2005-2006. However, the war in Ukraine has brought drastic changes to this phenomenon. The authorities from France and Monaco have seized a considerable number of villas and other assets along the Riviera that belonged to associates of President Putin. Since the conflict, the number of Russian buyers of property in this region plummeted, according to the director of an important real estate agency . Regardless of this facade, the Russian elite lives and party—as if sanctions do not exist. As one French finance ministry official put it, “We’re entering an era of industrialisation of sanctions—and the EU has not been built for that purpose, it’s not in our DNA.” Indeed, EU-imposed sanctions are too lenient and have hardly been effective, allowing, for example, a seized mansion to be used by the owner without restrictions. The only thing that is not possible is to sell it. Recently, two Russian billionaires with heavy ties to the regime challenged the sanctions imposed on them by the EU and won, making this a step toward reclaiming their luxurious villas on the Riviera and setting a model for other sanction-stricken billionaires. Additionally, 60 percent of real estate agents on the Riviera are not checking whether their clients’ names appear on a sanctions list. So life has hardly changed for the oligarchs that inhabit this area. Nonetheless, what speaks in favor of the authorities is that the Russians have developed a system so complicated that sanctions are hard to implement. In order to avoid any type of suspicion or sanction, they use a number of shell companies, trusts and foundations, making it nearly impossible to trace the owner accurately. The Russian reputation has been severely tainted by the newcomers of the ‘90s, who have slowly transformed the French Riviera into a money laundering scheme.rices are now too high for most of the population here. But the Russian community belongs to the Riviera, as it has for the last 150 years. While sanctions have thus far been unsuccessful, with the implementation of harsher laws, the Riviera just might become what it once was: a place where cultural exchange plays a key role in the development of the region and not just a toxic tourist spot. Previous Next

< Back How Many Lives Will Be Lost Before the Ethiopian Government and the Oromo Liberation Army Settle a Peace Agreement? By Vanja Lerch Eriksson December 31, 2023 The conflicts in Ethiopia’s Oromiya region have been ongoing for decades, with several armed groups carrying out attacks towards the public and government authorities simultaneously. Only a few weeks ago, one of the more organised militia groups, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), sat down at the negotiation table with the Ethiopian government. The outcome was unfortunately as disappointing as many expected it to be. The OLA and Ethiopian government have not managed to reach a consensus, thus continuing to put thousands of civilians at risk every day. The OLA is an established militia – they have previously posed as the military wing of the once-banned political opposition group, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). The OLF fought for self-determination for the Oromo people for decades until 2018, when they reached an agreement with the Ethiopian government to lay down arms and reintegrate. However, as these negotiations later broke down in 2019, the OLA also broke ties with the OLF and continued to conduct armed operations under their own leadership. From this point, the Ethiopian federal and regional forces started a counterinsurgency towards the OLA, resulting in serious human rights abuses from both parties. Human Rights Watch has reported that the OLA has carried out killings of several government officials as well as attacked non-military government offices. However, the OLA does not contain their violence to the Ethiopian authorities but also targets the ethnic Amhara minority in the region. There have for decades been conflicts and disagreements in the region between the different ethnic groups living there, and the OLA has on several occasions specifically targeted the Amharan communities. Residents who survived the attacks by the OLA witnessed how the armed men surrounded entire villages and forced their inhabitants to gather in the town centre for mass executions. At the same time as the OLA carries out attacks on civilians, they are also having an armed conflict with the Ethiopian government in the Western parts of Oromiya. Though there are established government forces in the region, they usually take hours to respond to emergency calls from civilians being ambushed by the local militias. There have also been reports of arbitrary arrest and detention of Oromos, as well as summary executions by government authorities. The Ethiopian authorities have killed and injured hundreds of civilians over the last few years, using violence towards peaceful protestors and large gatherings of people which did not pose a security threat on several occasions. For example, this was the case as hundreds of people gathered to honor the killed Oromo singer, Hachalu, at his home in 2020. The gathered group did not carry weapons and did not behave violently, yet, the police and armed forces opened fire and shot several individuals. Thus, it is clear that the government authorities are also perpetrators of human rights abuses. In addition to the mentioned abuses, the Ethiopian security forces have instrumentalized the arrest of Oromos as a way of limiting the group's influence and their ability to exercise freedom of speech. Thousands of Oromos have over the last couple of years been arrested, and many are kept in prison for years without facing trial. The huge amount of arrests could seemingly also be a way of covering up the dozens of arrested opposition politicians. In addition, the Ethiopian government has failed tremendously in providing housing and support for the thousands of displaced people in the region, as many are fleeing more violent areas It is therefore clear that the civilians in the area are the ones suffering the most, as they are attacked both by militias such as the OLA and at times even government authorities. The thousands of people who have been killed so far do thus not make up too big of a cost for either party to yet consider a peace agreement. There are at the moment no further planned negotiations like the ones held in September, making the future unsure for the thousands of civilians living in limbo. At the moment, both parties refuse to acknowledge the other's demands and worries. The Ethiopian National Security Adviser, Redwan Hussein, said that the OLA currently had an obstructive approach and unrealistic demands after the September negotiations. In turn, the OLA accused the government of not dealing with the structural issues regarding the marginalisation of the Oromo people in Oromiya. Thus, the two parties are stuck in this stalemate until further ado, as something needs to change before any party would consider a different path. Organisations like the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), also called the East African Trade Block, have however made efforts to support future negotiations. At the moment there are no signs that their effort is paying off, as both parties continue to engage in violence, both towards each other and the already suffering Ethiopian population.

< Back Chemical Weapons Used on Pro-Palestine Students at Columbia University By Selin Elif Kose February 29, 2024 On Jan. 19, students from Columbia University assembled in front of Low Library for a “divestment now” rally. The pro-Palestine protest was organized by the Columbia University Apartheid Divest, which is a coalition of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP). Howev er, after the protest, multiple students reported a putrid smell on their clothes, followed by physical symptoms including nausea, headache, and burning eyes for ten students, three of whom later sought medical care. Yet, the administration stayed silent which was quite unusual as Columbia sends alert emails for even small crimes like robberies around campus. Lacking administrative support, the Columbia University Apartheid Divest took the matter into its own hands and started an internal investigation into the incident by collecting testimonies, photographs, and videos from the students at the protest. According to the results of this inquiry and medical reports from hospitals, protestors were sprayed with skunk water, which is known to be a chemical that smells like “sewage mixed with rotting corpses,” and has been used by Israeli soldiers on Palestinians. This chemical was developed by the Israeli company Odortec and is marketed as non-lethal and non-toxic, yet high doses of this can produce severe physical symptoms and, at worst, may even prove lethal. The attackers were students from the School of General Studies who were also former Israel Defense Force soldiers dressed in fake keffiyehs to mix with the crowd. It was later revealed that one of the attackers also had been previously reported as calling Palestinian and pro-Palestine students “terrorists” and “Jew killers” but was not sanctioned. After four days of silence, on Jan. 23, Interim Provost Dennis A. Mitchell issued a statement saying “After the Department of Public Safety received an initial complaint late Friday night, the University immediately initiated steps to investigate the incident, and has since been actively working with local and federal authorities. The New York City Police Department is taking the lead role in investigating what appear to have been serious crimes, possibly hate crimes.” This vague statement faced serious criticism as it lacked transparency and simply did not identify the details and the sides in this incident while also not proposing any alternative safety measures for students. However, this is not the first time the Columbia and Barnard administrations failed to protect the pro-Palestine students on campus and their rights. Notably, three weeks after the Oct. 7 attack, the Department of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Barnard College released a statement on their official website declaring their stance on the conflict and said, “We support the Palestinian people who have resisted settler colonial war, occupation, and apartheid for over 75 years while deploring Hamas’s recent killing of Israeli civilians.” Just two days later, this statement was removed from the website by the Barnard administration without prior notice. This violation of academic freedom and freedom of expression in Barnard sparked protests in other American universities. Yet, Barnard refused to take a step back and altered their policies on political activity, website governance, and campus events, expanding their power to decide what is and isn’t considered permitted political speech and gaining the final say on everything published on the Barnard website. The censorship and limitations on freedom of speech were further followed by the banning of student organizations, Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) by University Director Minouche Shafik in November. This was the reason why Columbia University's Apartheid Divest was created in the first place. The New York Civil Liberties Union has publicly announced that they will be suing Columbia if they will not lift the suspension of SJP and JVP by March 1. The investigation by the NYPD still is ongoing but the victims are still frustrated by the lack of response from their university. The students who were hospitalized because of skunk spray shared that the Columbia administration refuses to reimburse their medical bills. This whole situation remains highly concerning both for student safety and the future of freedom of expression on campus.

As it’s a Saturday afternoon, and as I am a creature of habit, I almost automatically bundle my bike out of my apartment. < Back 2024: Year of the Bike on the Côte d’Azur By Gruffudd ab Owain January 31, 2024 It’s a Saturday afternoon, and as I have come to expect, the weather is, to a Welshman, perfect. It’s cliché to say that people from Britain always talk about the weather, but it’s true; its changeable nature lends itself to an easy topic of conversation. I notice that often, since moving to Menton, comments about the weather still seem to slip off my tongue with surprising ease. However, I have noticed also, that since moving to Menton, I am very much a creature of habit. As it’s a Saturday afternoon, and as I am a creature of habit, I almost automatically bundle my bike out of my apartment. I hoist it onto my back on the way down the stairs to the Basilica, cautiously treading each step in my cleated shoes, which make my walking akin to that of a duck. As I hoist my leg over the top tube and gladly feel the padding of my shorts make contact with the saddle, I notice how perfect the weather is. The sun is so therapeutic, so warm on my back. Then, I remember that it’s like this every day, and that I don’t need to think and talk about the weather all the time. The skies are a deep shade of blue; the colour of freedom. With freedom comes discovery and adventure. Today, I have decided to follow my nose across the border and venture into Italy for the first time. I have a destination in mind, around 35 kilometers along the coast in Sanremo. Sanremo holds significance in the world of professional cycling, hosting the reliably dramatic finale to the notoriously long Milano-Sanremo one-day race in March. The climb up to the quintessential little village of Poggio di Sanremo can often be the deciding factor for the victorious rider; today, it will offer me a turnaround point, and a slight challenge on an otherwise flat percorso . That remains a distant thought, as the cycle path comes to an unexpectedly early end close to the border, awakening me from my rather dreamy state. At this point, a couple of fast-looking cyclists with enviable physiques pass me going in the opposite direction, and we exchange a wave and a Ciao! One of them was clad top to toe in the kit of the UAE Emirates team, who boast one of the most extortionate budgets in the pro cycling peloton *, and some of the biggest names of the present generation, including two-time Tour de France winner, Tadej Pogačar. Later on in the day, in my hours of post-ride procrastination, I discover on sports social media platform Strava that this cyclist was none other than pro Davide Formolo; stage-hunter extraordinaire, with stage wins at the Giro d’Italia and the Critérium du Dauphiné to his name, fresh from a mid-October win in the one-day Veneto Classic. It’s not uncommon at all to see professional cyclists when out and about on the Côte d’Azur, especially northwards into the Alpes-Maritimes. After all, many of them, some of them Tour de France winners and legendary names, choose to reside in Monaco, particularly in winter. It turns out that it isn’t only me who values the blue skies and the favourable weather conditions, although admittedly one of them, 2018 Tour winner Geraint Thomas, does happen to be Welsh too (and incidentally, one of his jerseys hangs proudly in the bike shop in Garavan). Reliable year-round weather and lenient tax obligations for non-French nationals help in attracting cyclists to choose Monaco; the former has proven attractive for centuries, and the story behind naming Promenade des Anglais after 18th and 19th century English aristocrats is a well-documented example. Another key attraction, for the pro cyclists and indeed myself, are the fabulous roads which meander into the mountains in a snake-like manner, offering a challenge on the way up, and a thrill on the way down. The Col de Braus is a perfect example, with its series of switchbacks like a shoelace untidily thrown on the hillside. A climb which starts in Menton is the Col de la Madone, which has long been considered iconic in cycling realms. It is said that it was the road on which Lance Armstrong, infamously stripped of his seven Tour de France titles for doping, frequented to train during the winter, starting his stopwatch at Intermarché, and trying to beat his record each time. Combined with the Col d’Èze, this route is nowadays the most popular amongst cyclo-tourists; cyclo-tourism is an industry estimated to have contributed 27 million euros to the region’s economy in 2021, and predicted to reach 84 million euros annually by 2025. The bike, however, is about to bring another substantial boost to the region’s economy in 2024. For the first time since 1905, this year’s Tour de France, the iconic three-week bike race that is the world’s largest annual sports competition, will not finish in Paris. In a similar way to many of France’s nation-building efforts, the race pledges to visit each département at least every four years and at least try to ensure that the benefits, particularly economic, of hosting the race are relatively evenly distributed across the country. But for over a hundred years, it hasn’t budged from its annual grand finale on the Champs Élysées in the capital. In 2024, however, out of necessity, the Paris Olympics have pushed the Tour to the sidelines. Instead, Nice will host the closing weekend of the race, with a final-day time-trial from Monaco over Col d’Èze into Nice, which could prove decisive if the lead still hangs in the balance. Ironically, the last time the race visited Nice and its surroundings was in 2020 on an opening weekend remembered primarily for torrential rain. The economic prospects of hosting the final stages of the race are very favourable indeed, no doubt somewhat contingent on favourable weather, with each euro spent forecast to inject eight euros into the economy, totalling around 50 to 60 million euros. The region will undoubtedly see this as an opportunity to promote itself for its cultural and natural wealth, attract long-term investments and promote cycling and sport in general. And after all, maybe the fine weather and fabulous roads that attracted an unimportant Welshman to the Côte d’Azur will make 2024 the year that the Tour’s organisers see an opportunity to break its habit of finishing in Paris.

< Back Azerbaijan Corridor Dispute Leads to Fears of Invasion By Yasmin Abbasoy November 30, 2023 Although Azerbaijan has achieved everything it could have hoped for in the long-disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, there are concerns that it may consider expanding westward into Armenian territory. With the international community in turmoil, Azerbaijan's rhetoric is becoming increasingly extreme. Key figures have warned of a possible ground invasion that could benefit Azerbaijan and its allies, especially Russia, and isolate Armenia from its only friendly neighbor. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict dates back to 1923, when the Nagorno-Karabakh autonomous region (oblast) was separated from socialist Azerbaijan. Despite the fact that the region has always had a majority Armenian population, attempts at reunification with Soviet Armenia during the long collapse of the USSR were met with indifference by Azerbaijani and the Soviet central institutions led to widespread violence against Armenians, as illustrated by the pogroms that took place in Azerbaijani cities such as Baku and Sumqayit. In 1991, following Azerbaijan's declaration of sovereignty and efforts to strip Nagorno-Karabakh of its autonomy, an independence referendum was held in which 99 percent of the Armenian population voted to become an independent entity, the Republic of Artsakh. The referendum was boycotted by the region's Azerbaijanis, who made up 20 percent of the total population. The declaration of independence of the Republic of Artsakh led to the two-year-long First Nagorno-Karabakh War, which resulted in the Republic of Artsakh gaining de facto independence and control of the seven surrounding "buffer" districts in Azerbaijan. A diplomatic deadlock persisted for a quarter-century until 2020, when Azerbaijan, aided by Turkey and armed with Israeli drones, seized control, upsetting the geopolitical equilibrium and causing human tragedy on a massive scale. This new status-quo upset the delicate geopolitical balance in the Caucasus, providing an opportunity for Russia to further integrate itself with the fate of the region. The general perception among observers was that the war was happening solely on Russian terms. An uncharacteristic reticence to intervene diplomatically or otherwise on behalf of Armenia was seen as a reprimand to a nation which had seen increasing rapprochement with the West under the leadership of democratically elected Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. Azerbaijan was permitted to take advantage of the situation, but only up to a certain point. Indeed, it was Russia that brokered both the ceasefire and preliminary peace deal, sidelining the OSCE Minsk Group's remaining members, the United States and France, initially tasked with finding a negotiated resolution to the conflict. Sources close to the situation reported that Azerbaijan had been presented with an ultimatum by Putin after having captured key strategic positions. Left with a choice between partial victory and Russian intervention, President Ilham Aliyev chose to stand down. Tensions persisted, however: Azerbaijan was not pleased with Artsakh Armenians retaining control over some key areas. The presence of Russian peacekeepers caused further tension, serving as a Russian foothold in the region. The following years saw escalating rhetoric and ceasefire violations, primarily by Azerbaijan. This fueled a two-day war in September which saw Azerbaijani forces gain control of strategic locations deep within Armenia, leading to the displacement of over 7,000 civilians. On the heels of this offensive, Azerbaijan orchestrated a shutdown of the Lachin corridor, the only link connecting mainland Armenia to Artsakh and thus playing the role of a lifeline for the population of Artsakh. The corridor was blocked first by state-backed environmentalist groups under the guise of protesting against potential ecocide. Later, members of state-supported Non-governmental Organizations, disguised servicemen, and civil servants would also join the blockade. The Azerbaijani authorities also tampered with civilian infrastructure in order to restrict the access of civilians in Artsakh to water and electricity. The blockade quickly precipitated a humanitarian disaster, being referred to as a ‘siege’ by media sources. All traffic was restricted, including the normal flow of products, aid convoys and vehicles of international organizations such as the Red Cross. September 2023, the ninth month of the blockade, saw Azerbaijan launch an offensive framed as an anti-terror operation, seizing additional territory. A swift ceasefire mediated by Russian peacekeeping forces was followed by a negotiated peace deal, which saw the capitulation of the vanquished Artsakh armed forces and the dissolution of the Republic of Artsakh, to be effective on Jan. 1, 2024. This new status-quo led to the flight of the region’s 120,000 Armenian civilians, thus succeeding in a total ethnic cleansing of the enclave. Although the status of Nagorno-Karabakh appeared to have been resolved on Azerbaijan’s terms, one territorial issue lingered, and it had the potential to be the most crucial of all. Aliyev had, since the 2020 war, proposed a transport corridor that would cut through a strip of Armenian land, known as the province of Syunik, which separated Azerbaijan from its autonomous republic, Nakhchivan, which shares a border with Turkey. The proposal theoretically aimed to provide unimpeded transportation from Azerbaijan to Turkey, with the added benefit of pan-Turkic innuendo, suggesting that a land connection between the two Turkic countries would be established. The corridor would end a mutual blockade imposed by Armenia and Azerbaijan in 1989. While the opening of all Soviet-era transport links, including a railway that took the same path as the proposed corridor, was indeed a part of the peace agreement, Aliyev’s corridor was deemed by Armenia to be something completely different, and not within the scope of the agreement which foresaw no transfer of land whatsoever. However, President Aliyev's continued insistence on implementing the Zangezur Corridor, coupled with an escalating rhetoric of irredentist claims on the Republic of Armenia through the notion of “Western Azerbaijan,” which referred to all of Armenia proper, amplified concerns. Ongoing construction in newly occupied areas linked to the corridor, along with a new cycle of joint exercises with the Turkish military in commemoration of the hundredth year of the Turkish Republic, added another layer of complexity to the already tense geopolitical situation. In the aftermath of the Azerbaijani offensive, Armenia had responded by ratifying the Rome Treaty and joining the International Criminal Court, where Putin is wanted for war crimes. Although Armenia officially stated that these measures were undertaken for additional guarantees in response to the recent bout of aggression, they were popularly interpreted as a reaction to Russia's sluggish response to the offensive. The lack of a robust reaction by Russian peacekeeping forces and a noticeable strain in relations with Russia further pushed Armenia into strategic realignment. Armenia has exhibited signs of drifting further Westwards, marked by a reconfiguration of relations with Russia and Iran and a more significant military alignment with the EU (evidenced by a new weapons deal with France). Russia, seeking to maintain regional influence, would support the Zangezur Corridor it could potentially control. The corridor would hold strategic importance as Russia would most probably play the role of a guarantor, a situation allowing the deployment of Russian troops in a crucial location close to Iran. This move would further solidify Russia's influence in non-NATO territory, permanently cementing its geopolitical footprint in the Caucasus. Meanwhile, Tehran has vehemently opposed the Zangezur Corridor concept, warning against any alterations to regional borders or the establishment of what it perceives as a "pan-Turkic" or "NATO" corridor along its northern frontier. The U.S. position, however, is more ambiguous. Politico reported that Secretary of State Antony Blinken had privately warned policymakers of an impending invasion of Armenia, though these claims were quickly denied in a statement by the Department of State, which also affirmed U.S. support for Armenia’s territorial integrity. Was this delicate maneuver an attempt to conceal a sincere estimation of a potential threat with a denial, aiming for a more subdued policy? Or was it rather a reflection of the ambiguous policy relating to the Caucasus at a time when the international community was preoccupied with other crises? As tensions persist with no established plan forward, the prospects of the Zangezur corridor remain uncertain. While the intricate power struggles that dominate the Caucasus could see Aliyev swing either way as he balances the costs and benefits of an invasion, there is no doubt that this corridor amounts to more than just a physical route. As Azerbaijan persistently pushes its irredentist agenda and constructs a narrative around the corridor, it has become a flashpoint that could radically alter the regional balance of power and cause violent geopolitical alterations in the region. The Zangezur Corridor and the inevitable invasion required to establish it remain as important factors shaping the immediate future of the South Caucasus and the powers that are intertwined within it.

< Back When the ‘Military Mission is Over’: The Taliban’s Ascendancy to Power By Luca Utterwulghe October 31, 2021 The United States’ military forces withdrew from Afghanistan in late August 2021, putting an end to two decades of presence in the country, an occupation which 69% of Americans found to be a failure. Thousands of Afghans crowded the Kabul airport in hopes of leaving the country to avoid the imminent Taliban takeover. Following the U.S. troop pullout, U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken articulated America’s new policy of diplomacy, noting that “the military mission is over.” Several polling results have indicated that Americans generally supported U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan prior to the decision by President Joe Biden. However, according to an NBC poll, only 25% of Americans “approve of the way Biden is handling the Afghanistan situation.” Several American politicians have criticized Biden’s withdrawal, stating that the removal of troops should have been more intentional in “prevent[ing] instability and violence,” while others have argued that the timing of the administration’s decision was off. Republican pollster Frank Lutz suggested in an article in Time that the development of Americans’ opinions depends largely on how the Taliban will operate moving forward, particularly concerning its impact on terrorism targeted at American nationals and its treatment of women. Days after U.S. troops withdrew, the Taliban took several major Afghan cities, including the capital, Kabul. Afghan President Ashraf Ghani fled the country “to prevent bloodshed.” What does the Taliban government look like? The new Taliban government is composed entirely of men, many of whom are “veterans of their hard-line rule from the 1990s” as well as former combatants in the fight against the U.S. Around 90 percent of the cabinet comes from one particular ethnic group in Afghanistan. It is clear that the Taliban has not changed in its ambitions since its inception and it is logical that “leaders of the insurgency are going to find themselves with top positions in the government,” as reported by a Vox article. Overall, it can be said that the government is fundamentally homogeneous and hard-line. Taliban Geographic Control As of September 3, the Taliban took total control of Afghanistan when it defeated a rebel stronghold in the Panjshir valley (Reuters). A Brookings article explained how the Islamic State Khorasan (ISK), one of the Taliban’s main enemies, “could become an envelope for future defections” within the Taliban due to political or ideological divides or other infighting. At the moment, though, internal opposition to Taliban rule looks relatively feeble. Human Rights The Taliban stated that women would be allowed to enroll in universities, but would be separated from their male counterparts, indicating a reversal of the incremental gender equity gains made in previous years. Reports from the ground suggest a completely alternate reality: “Women have already been turned away from schools and universities, ordered not to leave their homes without a male guardian, and flogged for breaching Taliban-imposed rules” (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace). Fawzia Koofi, an Afghan woman who has played a part in peace talks, noted that “people are killed without accountability” and that there are “extrajudicial killings, trials without courts.” While some commitments made by the Taliban seem to have been moderated, enforcing compliance with these ideas across all towns is not feasible. Decisions on respect of human rights seem to be made largely by leaders of localities. Interviews conducted across Afghanistan have indicated minimal school attendance levels for girls. Moreover, women were harassed and abused for protesting for greater women’s representation in the government. The Economy and International Relations The Taliban regime will likely lose billions in international aid from the IMF, World Bank, EU, and United States due to its international illegitimacy and persistent abuse of human rights, and because the country’s opium industry, among others, cannot ensure economic stability in the long-run. According to the Congressional Research Service (CRS), 90% of the Afghan population lives under the poverty line. The CRS further explained how foreign “engagement” in the economy will likely decline following U.S. military pullout. Economic prospects in Afghanistan do not look promising. The rise of the Taliban has influenced the geopolitical dynamics of the region, as Pakistan sees the Taliban as “a relatively friendly and reliably anti-India element.” Brookings argued that instead of imposing economic penalties on Afghanistan, which would “worsen the suffering of the Afghan people,” the West ought to mandate the minimization of extreme human rights violations. The international response to the developments in Afghanistan will depend largely on how the situation continues to unfold, particularly regarding the protection or regression in the domain of human rights. Will the Taliban make concessions on these issues or will it continue to rule in a way reminiscent of its domination in the 1990s?

< Back ‘Will this recognition bring back my family?’ Raamin Hamid October 21, 2025 On Sept. 22, French President Emmanuel Macron declared at the United Nations (U.N.) General Assembly in New York that France recognizes the State of Palestine. This declaration is among statements from other European leaders who have also recognized Palestine as a state. This announcement followed the United Kingdom (U.K.), Canada, Australia and Portugal. The State of Palestine is now recognized as a sovereign nation by 157 UN member states — 81% of all members. At the UN General Assembly, Macron said, “The time has come to stop the war, the bombings of Gaza, the massacres and the displacement.” The recognition of the State of Palestine by France is not a sudden decision, influenced by other nations; rather, it is one that the state has been working towards since July. On July 24, Jean-Noël Barrot, the Minister of Europe and Foreign Affairs delivered a speech during the plenary session of the High-Level International Conference on the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution, addressing why it is important for Palestine to be an independent state. “Recognizing a state of Palestine today means standing with the Palestinians who have chosen non-violence, who have renounced terrorism and are prepared to recognize Israel. It means creating the possibility of an alternative for the Palestinians. It means categorically rejecting and permanently isolating Hamas,” said Barrot. Quoting Emmanuel Macron, Barrot said, “France is prepared to fully recognize the State of Palestine, and will do so in September.” In the speech, Barrot stated that France has stood with Israel, believing in the right of its people to self-determination. He also said that France maintains the same belief for the Palestinian people, stating, “That is why France believes that the only alternative to the infinite cycle of violence in the prospect of these two peoples [is] having two states, living side by side in peace and security.” As part of the 1948 Partition Plan , Palestine was not declared a state because the “Arab side” opposed the plan and objected to the creation of Israel. The Palestinian Arabs refused to recognize Israel as they believed that the creation of the state was unfair to the Arab population and favorable towards Jewish people. In Barrot’s speech, he encouraged the Palestinian people to recognize the state of Israel and for both nations to respect each other’s rights. The speech was immediately condemned by Israel and rejected by the United States. This response is unsurprising, given that the administration under Donald Trump has been the most hostile in the history of the U.S. towards the demands of Palestinians. Since the speech in July, the relations between Israel and France have deteriorated , and Benjamin Netanyahu, the Prime Minister of Israel, accused Macron of contributing to the increase of antisemitism around the globe. Last month, the announcements of recognition by Canada, Australia, the UK and Portugal were met with criticism across Israel’s political spectrum, and Netanyahu vowed to retaliate. “I have a clear message to those leaders who are recognizing a Palestinian state after the horrendous October 7 massacre: You are rewarding terror with an enormous prize. I have another message for you: It’s not going to happen. There will be no Palestinian state to the west of the Jordan River,” said Netanyahu in a video released on Sept. 21. The recognition of the State of Palestine has come after two years of war, which began after Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7, 2023. In the view of the Palestinian people, the recognition of the State of Palestine by France and other European countries has come too late and seems pointless, especially considering that the UN Human Rights Council commission maintains Israel is committing a genocide in Gaza since September. “While Palestinians welcomed the recognition of their state by a slate of European countries, others are angry at what they see as the international community’s complicit or passive stance toward Israel,” said Gilles Paris, a columnist and former correspondent in Jerusalem and Washington for Le Monde . In an interview with Le Monde , Dr. Hani Badrane, a Palestinian cardiologist who lost all of his children and most of his extended family before being driven out of Northern Gaza City, said that the recognition “will do nothing for me.” “You, France, you, the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia, you’ve been silent for two years, you didn’t say a word, you did nothing. What does recognizing a Palestinian state mean? And what will I gain from it as a citizen? Will this recognition bring back my family? My job? My name and the scientific standing I had before the war,” said Badrane. The sentiments from both Israelis and Palestinians are polarizing. While some Palestinians celebrate, others are critical and even cautious of this decision. The negotiation and the logistics of the implementation of the State of Palestine are yet to be established. On Thursday Oct. 9, France hosted foreign ministers from Arab and European countries to talk about the future of Palestine and how to help the Palestinian people. Top diplomats from the five key Arab states were present: Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Present European countries included Italy, France, Germany, Spain and the U.K. At the U.N., Macron said that he would make the release of hostages by Hamas a precondition for opening a French embassy to the Palestinian State. France’s recognition of the State of Palestine points to the growing support for a two-state solution. By joining other countries like Canada and the U.K., France opposes the U.S. and Israeli stance on the conflict. Photo Source: Jacques Paquier, Flickr

< Back Supreme Court Spot Opens: Is Progress Possible on America’s Most Influential Bench? By Luca Utterwulghe March 31, 2022 “Founding Father” Alexander Hamilton explains in his Federalist no. 78 that the judiciary is by constitution the weakest of the three branches in the American governmental system. The judicial branch lacks the “sword” of the executive branch and the “purse” of the legislature. Nonetheless, according to Hamilton’s conceptualization, the judiciary normatively plays a crucial role in maintaining the integrity of the Constitution and the superiority of the people. The doctrinal foundations of the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) (and other local/state courts) are today threatened by the politicization of judicial processes and the underrepresentation of certain populations. The SCOTUS’s precarious situation is why we must pay particular attention to the open seat on the bench in light of Justice Stephen Breyer’s recent retirement announcement . Breyer’s exit signals an important choice for President Joe Biden, who has already committed to nominating the first Black woman to the Court. There are currently only two Justices of color on the bench, only one of whom is Black. Moreover, there are only three women (out of nine Justices). Of the candidates Biden is considering, Ketanji Brown Jackson, Leondra Kruger, and Michelle Childs are the most prominent choices; each currently serves on an appellate or state supreme court. The nominated candidate “would be only the eighth person in the court’s 233 year history who was not a white man,” as mentioned in a Washington Post article . While Biden’s intention to nominate one of 10 Black women candidates is a strong step forward for the diversification of the Court, the bench is far from a mirror image of American ethnic and gender demography. Ellie Carter, an American Sciences Po 1A, highlighted that “significant disparities still exist in terms of race, sexual orientation, financial status, and even geographic location, with most justices throughout history being almost exclusively straight, white, wealthy Protestant men from the Northeast who graduated from an Ivy [League Institution].” Further, Carter argued that a critical element in the discussion on racial, ethnic, religious, and geographic discrepancies on SCOTUS is “the high cost of education” in the U.S., especially for law school, for which “average annual tuition and fees… is usually around $50k for three years.” Carter touches on the opportunity cost of pursuing a law degree considering that one “could have otherwise gone straight into a full time job,” especially if burdened by “loans from an undergraduate degree.” An NPR article discusses the barriers to entry to the professional law sphere in noting that “many first generation college grads applying to law school don’t know the ins and outs of the application process” and lack “personal connections” who can help them navigate the system. Carter does not “think it’s a stretch to say that making education more affordable could eventually make these types of [judicial] positions more accessible.” In another sense, Biden’s pick will have significant implications for the Court’s future decisions on major questions relating to the American Constitution. Biden has expressed his desire to select a nominee who values the existence of “unenumerated rights in the Constitution” and thus rejects a textualist approach to jurisprudence. According to NPR analysts , Biden’s pick will likely have little influence on “the ideological tilt of the court,” meaning that the confirmation process in the Senate may be less politically aggressive. Carter noted that “the fact that Biden’s nominee will need to be moderate enough to garner enough support to be confirmed by a pretty divided Senate means that, hopefully, [there] could be a positive outcome.” Celeste Abourjeili, a Lebanese-American 2A at Sciences Po, is slightly less hopeful: “The fact that we are even looking at the political affiliation of candidates and existing justices is already an indication that the neutrality of the court has been compromised.” The overarching issue, however, seems to be that there is a tendency for Justices to make decisions that, as Carter explains, are not “grounded in constitutional reasoning” and are instead based along “ideological lines.” It would be easy to conclude that Hamilton’s conceptualization of the judiciary was overly idealistic and naive to suggest that undoing two centuries of underrepresentation will be a smooth feat. It will take significant effort from all actors in the American political system to ensure that relying on reason, as opposed to partisan lines, remains the core of our judicial regime.

< Back Locals Versus Students: One Town, Two Communities Rose Harrill When you search Menton on the internet, you’re greeted with pictures of lemon trees, sparkling blue water, and beautiful multi-colored buildings dotting the coast. It seems like a no-brainer when choosing your Sciences Po campus – who wouldn’t want to live in one of the most beautiful towns in the world? But as students arrived in August, they began to realize that living in Menton might not be as pleasant as it seems online. During Integration Week, students started exchanging stories about their shocking experiences with the local community. I heard tales of residents yelling out their windows at students passing underneath, threatening to call the police on gatherings in apartments, and even throwing objects out of their windows at particularly loud Sciences Pistes. It seemed hard to believe at first, and a gross overreaction to average student activity. However, as time passed I came to understand this behavior as typical of the Mentonnais locals, by witnessing it firsthand. Le Retro is the quintessential Menton bar for Sciences Pistes due to their student night every Thursday that offers 50% off drinks – and maybe because it’s practically the only bar in town. Starting at 9 p.m, students swarm Le Retro, spilling out into the street because there isn’t enough space to fit us all. Those who live on the street around the bar are typically not pleased by the noise of all these students, and often take to their windows to let us know how they feel. It seems with each passing week, the locals get less and less happy with us, and their behavior escalates. Initially, they would tell us to be more quiet or they’d call the police. More recently, they’ve started to place buckets of water on their window sills, threatening to douse us if we don’t go home. This seems to be a common practice amongst the locals of Menton – pouring water on students they find irritating. Bianca Barchiesi, a 1A from Italy, talked to me about her experience “I was hanging out with my friends at a friend’s house, and we were sitting on the balcony,” she recounts. Barchiesi describes the situation as “normal” for a Saturday at 10pm, saying they were listening to music but “it wasn’t really that loud,” and her friends were practically whispering to each other. Seemingly “out of nowhere,” a man suddenly poured water on her from the upstairs balcony. “He didn’t say anything at all,” Barchiesi explains. “ He just poured a whole bunch of water on the balcony and it, of course, drenched me completely.” Barchiesi notes that he gave her no warning and never “showed himself” to her or her friends. He gave her no opportunity to even correct any behavior that could’ve been upsetting him, and instead resorted to lashing out at her. Barchiesi also had several stories of being yelled at in the street, describing these encounters as “scary” and “aggressive.” “It makes me feel uncomfortable,” she admits, “because I don’t even know how to react. Since most of us don’t know the language either, we just have to stand there and endure the aggression from them.” Another student, Ali Fahmy, a 1A from Egypt, had a similar experience, where the locals seemed to react quite drastically and quickly. He says the worst encounter he’s had with a resident was when he and his friends had “shrapnel from a brick” thrown from a window at them. “Luckily none of us were harmed,” he adds. But the conditions for this encounter also seem relatively tame, as Fahmy describes it as just “standing in the streets around midnight.” They didn’t receive any warnings prior to being attacked either, instead the local immediately resorted to a harsh punishment. It is quite obvious that, between these two reactions to a student, one seems much more extreme than the other. If the shrapnel had made contact, Fahmy could’ve been seriously injured. Fahmy describes his experience as a “racially-charged encounter,” noting that while it’s hard to pinpoint if it was explicitly racially motivated, he has “definitely experienced worse and more frequent encounters” than his French peers while being here. Unbeknownst to many international students before coming here, including myself, Menton is a very politically far-right town, with specifically strong anti-immigrant sentiments due to it being located on the border of France and Italy. Barchiesi admits to not knowing much about the political climate before arriving here, but that she “found out about it pretty quickly.” And she’s right – the political sentiment of Menton becomes quite obvious once you step foot here. It’s indicated plainly by the “Stop Immigration!” stickers currently plastered all over Avenue Laurenti near campus, clearly directed at all the international students living and going to school in the area. “It goes to show that there is definitely some degree of resentment of our presence in this town,” Fahmy says. And while all international students in Menton are technically immigrants, students of color who appear not to be French or who are overheard speaking in non-European dialects, are much easier targets for the locals. Especially compared to international students of European descent, who could be assumed to be French upon first glance. Prior to the opening of Science Po’s campus in Menton in 2005, the town was predominantly a retirement community, receiving an influx of tourists during the summer season and the lemon festival, but mostly empty and quiet for a large part of the year. Until, of course, the students arrived. However, the Mentonnais locals’ discontent with the student population is not only due to the noise we bring with us. Clashes with the town’s residents arise due to the fact that most of Sciences Pistes are typically politically left-leaning and progressive, which challenges the nature and beliefs held by the overwhelming majority of Menton. In the spring of 2024, following the wave of Pro-Palestinian protests and encampments taking place in universities around the world, Sciences Pistes in Menton blockaded the campus, spray-painting “Palestine Vivra” on the front walkway and flying the Palestinian flag from the balcony. This act of Palestinian resistance sparked outrage not only amongst the conservative locals, but right-wingers across France. Political displays like these have only furthered the resentment held by the local population towards students, progressing from a dislike of the noisyness of Sciences Pistes, to a deep-seated disdain for the culture and ideals our campus represents. While the treatment from the locals may have been a bit of a drastic readjustment for many new students in Menton, it has not broken the spirit of the Ummah. Students continue to go to Le Retro, party, congregate in the streets and talk late at night. We continue to display our appreciation for MENA culture proudly. Our 2As seem determined to have as good of a time as possible despite the push back from locals, and us 1As are determined to follow suit. In fact, it seems the division between the Sciences Pistes and the locals in Menton has created a stronger sense of community within the student population, as we turn inwards for support and friendship. Barchiesi describes the Sciences Po community in Menton as “a bubble,” claiming the treatment from locals ultimately doesn’t bother her that much anymore since she has other students in a similar position to lean on. Fahmy concludes that “prejudice exists to some degree in most of the world” so he won’t “let a minor inconvenience be a detriment” to his academics and his life. These are wise sentiments. Maybe one day the residents of Menton will grow to be more understanding of us Sciences Pistes and welcome us into their community, but until then, these experiences shouldn’t bring us down. The Ummah itself is a special place of connection and friendship, and we will continue on as we always have before. Photo Source: Jorge Franganillo, Flickr Previous Next

< Back “Mom I arrived”: Two Years Since the Tragedy of Tempi Eleni Dimitropoulou February 28, 2025 The calendar displayed the date Feb. 28, 2023, and the first news that reached the press offices around 23:40 referred to a “train derailment at Evangelismos in Larissa.” Few people immediately realized what happened, but this changed as images from the local media were transmitted throughout the country: A passenger train operated by Hellenic Train Company collided head-on with a commercial train from the same company. The passenger train IC62, scheduled to depart from Athens for Thessaloniki at 7:22 p.m., carrying approximately 350 passengers, started with a short delay. Many passengers were students returning to Thessaloniki after the three-day religious holiday— known as Clean or Green Monday . Train IC62 arrived in Larissa late due to an incident that preceded it at Palaeofarsalos station. It departed Larissa station at 23:00, incorrectly entering the descending line. Meanwhile, the freight train was going from Thessaloniki to Larissa on the same downward line. The head-on collision between the two trains took place at 23:21 on Feb. 28, 2023, on the Athens-Thessaloniki line. The area where the accident happened, 27.3 kilometers to the north of Larissa, was a double-track section, but automatic controls had been damaged and out of service by a fire in 2019, so switching was still done manually. The passenger train was traveling at a speed of 160 km/h on the left track, where the freight train was also moving in the opposite direction. The collision derailed most of the passenger train's carriages, and at the moment of the collision, there was an instantaneous explosion, which consumed the two front carriages of the passenger train. According to the regional governor of Thessaly, Konstantinos Agorastos, carriages one and two of the passenger train were completely burned , while the Thessaly Emergency Medical Service reported that two to three carriages had been crushed as a result of the collision. With the first light of day, in order to locate victims and any survivors, rescue crews began lifting the wreckage of the wagons that ended up in the field next to the railway line. According to a report given to the authorities, Hellenic Train, the company that owns the passenger train, initially estimated the number of passengers to be approximately 350. It also states in its report that, aside from the online tickets issued , there is no proper accounting of the number of passengers or even their names . According to official data, 57 people were killed in the accident, of whom 56 were identified from biological material, while in the case of one missing person, no sample was found. The identification of some victims was particularly difficult due to the high temperatures that developed during the fire, which reached 1,300 degrees Celsius inside the first carriage. 57 condemned souls—the majority of whom were students and young children— paid for the disastrous mistakes of the railway. 57 innocent souls died due to the long-term negligence of railway administrations. 57 defenseless souls paid with their lives due to the acquisition of the railway by the Italian private company, which allowed the trains to fall into disrepair. 57 wronged souls paid for the unmeritorious appointment of the ruling party's crony to a position of responsibility. 57 forsaken souls paid for the ostrichism of the responsible minister, who systematically turned a deaf ear to the union bodies of the Hellenic Railways Organisation or OSE that thundered about the dangers of the railway. This tragic accident was the beginning of exposing the problematic railway network of the country, as well as the indifference of the State. The written warnings, mobilizations and legal actions of the railway workers, regarding the understaffing, the inadequate maintenance and the lack of electronic safety systems in the trains expressways, even a few days before the "black" February 28th, seemed to have fallen into the void. The employee representative on the board of directors of Hellenic Train complained that, on this particular route, the signaling and remote control systems were not working, which would have acted as safety valves to avoid the collision. It was not only the OSE trade unionists who had warned of the many problems in the Greek railway, both with their latest letter on February 7 and with their previous announcements since the summer but also the European Commission, which had repeatedly reprimanded Greece for non-compliance with the European directive. Two weeks ago, in yet another resounding “bellwether” for our country, the Commission announced its decision to refer Greece to the European Court of Justice for “failing to fulfill its obligations under the Directive on the Single European Railway Area (2012/34/EU).” Based on this directive, “Member States had to ensure that a contractual agreement between the national competent authority and the railway infrastructure manager had been concluded by June 16, 2015, at the latest.” More importantly, in contrast to the Greek government's negligence, European authorities are conducting a parallel investigation into the case. The European Public Prosecutor's Office's case file places 23 people under scrutiny for their responsibility in the scandalous Contract 717. This contract concerns the upgrading of the signaling-telecommand system on the Greek railway network, co-financed by the EU Cohesion Fund. The indictment issued by the European Public Prosecutor's Office against 14 ERGOSE executives who handled Contract 717 between 2016 and 2021 disputes the allegations of the former Minister of Transport and nullifies the conclusion of New Democracy in the Investigative Committee, as it definitively links the non-implementation of Contract 717 to the head-on collision of trains in Tempi. The country entered a strike on February 28, the day on which it will be two years since the Tempi train tragedy. The demand for justice, in the shadow of the latest revelations and the grandiose rallies, is widespread. It has resulted in a strike uprising in recent days. ADEDY (Civil Servants' Confederation) issued an announcement for a nationwide strike, calling on federations, primary unions and workers to fight for the success of the mobilization. On Friday, January 31, students and teachers took to the streets to protest the tragedy in Tempi in more than 196 cities in Greece. In the center of Athens, the crowd far exceeded five thousand, while the Greek Police made 27 arrests. In particular, the Athens Student Coordinating Committee called on middle and high school students from all over the country to participate en masse in Friday's rallies both in the Propylaea and in the central squares of major cities in the country. The announcement stated the following: “We continue! As long as you deprive us of oxygen, our struggle will give us breath for life. As long as you lie, we will fight for truth and justice. The crime in Tempi will not be covered up. Either with profits or with life.” The surge of protest has been provoked not only by the two-year anniversary of this tragedy but also by the disclosure of new evidence. A photo taken just two minutes after the fatal collision of the passenger and commercial trains in Tempi was published. In the photo, the second wagon of Intercity 62 appears to have caught fire. Next to it, the train's transformer with the silicone oils remains unaffected by the flames. According to the experts who processed it, it is proof that the explosions were caused by undeclared cargo. As a Greek citizen, I cannot help but be haunted by the thought that this could have been us—the idea that my family, my friends and even myself could have been the ones inside this train. We could have been in Thessaloniki turning the pages of our books, or standing as a family on that train heading to the student residence as our mother held our hands toward a new life. We could have been taking the train to get our graduation certificates, or hurrying home for the holidays with the warmth of home ahead. We could have been those children whose parents never received the message, or never even heard our voices when we didn't arrive that fateful night. Ever since then, every train that leaves the station bears with it a weight of terror, darkness, and silence… Photo credits: John Perivolaris on Flickr

< Back A Message from Marseille By Jad Toufic Toutinji October 31, 2023 Throughout September, the Mediterranean caught the eyes of the world as unfortunate disasters propagated on the shores of its countries — the devastating Moroccan earthquake, the Libyan tsunami-like flood, the migrant crisis in Lampedusa and, in October, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Across the sea, however, Marseille shone as the center of eventful festivities that reflected the hope that the region desperately sought. A message of unity and cooperation sailed from Marseille’s port through the peaceful waves of the Mediterranean, ultimately reaching to the shores of its various sea neighbors as people from all around the Mediterranean and beyond gathered to discuss the future of the region in a series of events. The festivities began with ‘Les Rencontres Méditerranéennes’ at Palais du Pharo, which brought together a varied audience of old and young, from around the world, particularly the Mediterranean, to create a stage for discussion breaking down generational divisions. More importantly, these meetings targeted the youth, a group of which were Sciences Po Menton students who are expected to play a crucial role in the future world and specifically, the issues of this region. These events also welcomed president of the European Central Bank, Christine Lagarde, for a conference on the Geopolitical Situation in the Mediterranean. “Où que l’on soit, on peut progresser sur un chemin de paix et d’espérance,” ( wherever we might be, we can progress on a path of peace and hope) stated president Lagarde, emphasizing the importance of hope through her discourse. To describe the severity of the geopolitical fragmentation across the Mediterranean, Lagarde also stated, “Pendant longtemps, la méditerranée est restée non pas le mare nostrum mais le mare clausum,” (for a long time, the Mediterranean has not been the mare nostrum but the mare clausum) reflecting the disunity amongst the people bordering the sea. In the conference, she highlighted the importance of cooperation, specifically the role of the Northern basin in supporting the Southern and Eastern basins, with the aim of reducing segregation. The Conférence Méditerannée du Futur on Sept. 22 brought together 36 countries’ delegations at Marseille’s Grand Cosquer under this year’s subject: water. “La Méditerranée est un carrefour entre les continents, elle a toujours fait lien entre les peuples, avant même l’Antiquité,” ( the Mediterranean is a carrefour between continents. It has always been a link of people even before ancient times) Carole Delga, president of the Occitanie region, noted with enthusiasm in her opening speech. The conference entailed several round table discussions over various topics, one of which surrounded the potential creation of a macro-region uniting all Mediterranean countries, pushed for by the president of the Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur region Renaud Muselier and his counterpart in the Occitanie. “Aux 36 délégations présentes, je dis, construisons, avec ce qui nous rassemble, notre fierté d’être méditerranéens, les coopérations de demain, à l’échelle de notre territoire,” (to the 36 delegations present today, let us build the cooperation of tomorrow amongst the territories which shares our pride of being from the Mediterranean) expressed Renaud Muselier in the conference’s opening speech. The main message from this discussion was the potential that such a region would have, even being compared to Eurorégion Pyrénées-Méditerranée, which was created in 2004 to establish environmental cooperation, economic development, humanitarian relief and peace across a sea crying for it. That said, the peak of this hopeful weekend arrived with Pope Francis’ visit to Marseille, which also prompted visits from several political figures, notably President Emmanuel Macron and the Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin. He commenced his visit through a breakfast with the residents of one of Marseille’s poorest neighborhoods. Later, at the Palais du Pharo, the Pope and President Macron met and the Pope delivered a closing message at the ceremony of Les Rencontres Méditerranéennes. In his speech, he tackled the topic of migration and sent a clear message to Macron and his fellow ministers present in the room. “Ceux qui se réfugient chez nous ne doivent pas être considérés comme un fardeau à porter: si nous les considérons comme des frères, ils nous apparaîtront surtout comme des dons” ( those who seek refuge in us must not be regarded as a burden: if we treat them as brothers, they will surely appear as blessings). Moreover, the also Pope tackled the argument of “invasion” that has risen as a result of populist anti-immigrant politicians, stating, “ Mais ceux qui risquent leur vie en mer n’envahissent pas, ils cherchent hospitalité” ( but, those who risk their lives crossing the sea won't come here to invade us. They are in search for accommodation and embracement). The Pope ended his message about refugees by saying, “ Nous avons besoin de fraternité comme de pain. Le mot même ‘frère,’ dans sa dérivation indo-européenne, révèle une racine liée à la nutrition et à la subsistance. Nous ne nous soutiendrons qu’en nourrissant d’espérance les plus faibles, en les accueillant comme des frères” ( We are in need of brotherhood as much as bread. Even the word "brother" reveals a root linked to nutrition and sustenance in its Indo-European derivation. We will only survive by providing hope to the weakest among us through welcoming them as brothers). After his discourse, the Pope went to the Stade Velodrome for a mass where thousands impatiently awaited his arrival to pray collectively. “I'll go to Marseille, but not to France.” Indeed, the words of the Pope, before his arrival, aptly express the essential role that the beautiful Marseille plays in leading the message of solidarity, love and unity across the blue Mediterranean Sea and the souls that share it.