< Back Menton Grants Land for Policing Migrants By Colette Yamashita Holcomb October 31, 2023 The city of Menton announced authorization of a municipal plot next to the Italian border next to the police station on September 18, 2023, to cope with the announced influx of illegal migrants. The space is intended to be provisional, primarily serving as an extension of the existing police station premises. Unlike the former Red Cross Center, which served as a source of housing, water, and security for migrants, the space will be used to increase the police premises for migrants who are arrested before they are transferred to the Italian authorities. Those refused entry to France may be accommodated in temporary buildings (often referred to as “algécos” in French — referencing the main constructor of such buildings) or tents. The space is expected to receive a maximum of 200 people per day. There were many concerns that this authorization would mean building a migrant camp — mainly rumors that it would be installed in the Rondelli Stadium. Menton’s mayor, Yves Juhel, stated in a press release that there will be no installation of migrant camps, especially in the stadium, considering it "has no sanitation, is in a flood zone and is subject to strong sea waves.” Additionally, Juhel emphasized his commitment to ensuring Menton’s economy — particularly the hospitality and tourism industries — is unaffected by the new space. This solution, authorities hope, will make it easier to administratively manage adult migrants who enter France without a residence permit or visa. During their time at this center, they will be under the strict supervision of the Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité (CRS) and will not be allowed to leave the premises. If their request for entrance into France is determined to be invalid, they will be escorted to the Italian border by authorities. Mayor Juhel estimated there are approximately 1,500 arrests weekly, making the current accommodations — the small police station — inadequate to process this number of people. This overwhelm of the system sparked the request to install three algécos at the lower border at the Saint-Ludovic border post. In an interview with France 3 Côte d’Azur, Mayor Juhel affirmed that the algécos would not be situated along the lower border, as previously thought, but instead, at the upper one of Saint-Louis, whose proximity to the pre-existing offices allows for easier installation of the interim accommodation. Construction began the last week of September. Equally, there have been concerns about the processing of minors in this process. According to authorities, the number of unaccompanied minors coming from Italy has doubled since the start of the year in the Alpes-Maritimes department. From January 1 to August 25 this year, nearly 4,000 minors were placed into shelters, primarily from Africa — particularly Guinea, the Ivory Coast, Tunisia, and Sudan. Over the same period in 2022, there were 1,925. In particular, the current practice where minors are required to stay for one to three days at the border police station before being taken into the care of the departmental services has been condemned by migrant aid associations. Nevertheless, Mayor Juhel stated that there are no definitive solutions yet, but the administration is searching for two sites, one in and another outside of Menton. The mayor reiterated that this would not be a hotel, quelling local rumors that worried Mentonnaises in the tourist and hospitality industries. Despite this, reports from France 3 and the Nice-Matin suggest that a center for unaccompanied minors should be opened by the end of October. They also reported that this building — previously a vacation center for employees of the Comité d'Entreprise for electricity (EDF) and gas industries Caisse Centrale d'Activités Sociales (CCAS) — has been unoccupied for several years. The building was evaluated by the Alpes-Maritimes Department to see if it would be fit to help expand the accommodation system for the sudden influx of unaccompanied minors. However, the department has refused to comment on any official plans, saying it is only evaluating the conditions of the site currently. Yet, there is an agreement with the EDF that details the work needed to bring the site up to standards and ready to accommodate minors in the process of being finalized, which is inferred to confirm the requisition of the site. It estimates that fifty people could be accommodated. Responses quickly emerged from Menton’s residents to both projects — many negative. An online petition against the installation of a center for minors collected over 225 signatures over one weekend — currently at 642 of the desired 1,000 signatures — while a Facebook group, “Collectif contre un camp de migrants à Menton,” currently has nearly 500 members. Graffiti was also written on the potential future reception center for unaccompanied minors. The words, written in French, translate to “no to migrants, insecurity, and rape.” A peaceful protest at the potential center occurred on October 17 with 150 participants. Approximately 23,215 migrants were arrested at the border between January and August this year, according to the prefecture. While these developments could mean improved conditions for adult and minor migrants, it does not guarantee efficiency; increasing the capacity for processing is an important step to mitigate the influx of migrants, but unless there are more workers also hired to accommodate these new spaces, the system may still be overloaded. Humanitarian concerns also remain a crucial issue, as there have been no announcements of racial bias or de-escalation training, which several organizations have called for. Furthermore, the negative reactions from Menton residents indicate a larger issue of tension at the border that remains unresolved.

< Back Myanmar: Public Unrest Erupts in the Face of Coup d’État and Aung San Suu Kyi Deposition By Viola Luraschi December 31, 2021 On February 1, 2021, a military coup d’état led to the fall of democracy in Myanmar and the implementation of a military regime. Since 2015, the National League for Democracy (Myanmar’s liberal democratic party led by Aung San Suu Kyi) has been ruling the country. Its ascendance to power marked the end of 50 years of military rule. Although not detected by independent election observers, the military claimed massive voter fraud. The military justified their coup by asserting that their takeover would guarantee a “true and disciplined democracy”. However, it cannot be argued that the current state of Myanmar fits the description of a democratic state. Leading the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s military, is the coup’s Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing. He has been subject to condemnation and sanctions from international entities as a consequence of his alleged role in the military-led attacks on ethnic minorities in Myanmar. The country is currently under a state of emergency, which was first declared when the military came to power in February and which was subsequently extended for a further two years. However, the military has promised a “free and fair” election following the state of emergency. Suu Kyi was under military detention from 1989 to 2010 due to her “commitment to establishing democracy in Myanmar.” In 1991, when Suu Kyi was still under military detention, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her commitment to establishing democracy within Myanmar through non-violent means. She would have become president in 2015 when her party won by landslide victory, had it not been for a rule that prohibits people with foreign national children from taking office. However, she was regarded by many as the legitimate ruler, and Win Myint was merely the face of Myanmar. Her public image received a negative impact following the events of the Rohingya crisis of 2017, during which Myanmar saw the largest wave of Rohingya fleeing the country due to what has been considered by many a genocide. In fact, in 2019 Suu Kyi was called to appear before the United Nations International Court of Justice and stand in defense of her country, which faced accusations of genocide. The new leader, Min Aung Hlaing, has now assumed all state power in his capacity as commander-in-chief. With this role he has prioritized an investigation into fraud claims of the new elections, which had supposedly been won by the National League for Democracy. As a result of the investigations regarding the recent elections, Suu Kyi is now facing a prison sentence after being found guilty of violating coronavirus restrictions as well as incitement. The case regarding her sentencing was based around statements that had been posted on the Facebook page of the National League for Democracy; this, however, was posted by other party members only after she and other leaders of the party were already being detained by the military. The charges of incitement and violation of coronavirus regulations are only two of eleven charges which the former prime minister is currently facing. Suu Kyi has denied all of these charges and, as a result, her sentence has been reduced from what was previously four years to two.The reduction of the sentence was approved by Junta Chief Min Aung Hlaing. The details are, however, still unclear regarding where, when and if Suu Kyi will be placed in prison, and her current location is undisclosed. Former President Win Myint is a co-defendant in Suu Kyi’s trial, as he has also been placed on trial, and his sentence is the same as Suu Kyi’s although this could be subject to change. Salai Maung Taing San, a spokesperson for the National Unity Governmentand professionally known as Dr Sasa, said that the “military generals are preparing for 104 years of sentences for [Suu Kyi] in prison.” International voices have spoken out against the trial and the military coup. In fact, Amnesty International has used the word “bogus” to describe the charges for Suu Kyi and Myint, accusing them of serving as the “latest example[s] of the military’s determination to eliminate all opposition and suffocate freedoms in Myanmar.” Michelle Bachelet, UN Human Rights chief, has claimed that the “sham trial” will only “deepen rejection of the coup” on both international and domestic fronts. Furthermore, the foreign secretary of the United Kingdom, Liz Truss, has said that “the arbitrary detention of elected politicians only risks further unrest” and that it can be identified as “another appalling attempt by Myanmar’s military regime to stifle opposition and suppress freedom and democracy.” Due to its high-profile nature and the controversy that surrounds the trial, the proceedings have taken place in a closed court and no access has been given to observers, no information regarding the legal cases have been disclosed to the public. Furthermore, Suu Kyi’s lawyers have been forced to sign a gag order. The military justified their coup by asserting that their takeover would guarantee a "true and disciplined democracy”. However, since February, Myanmar has seen more than 10,600 people arrested and a minimum of 1,303 deaths by the junta during demonstrations. Thus, it cannot be argued that the current state of Myanmar fits the description of a democratic state.

< Back Eulogy to Joy Kerem Demir Karahan April 12, 2026 In March 2025, the Atlantic’s editor-in-chief, Jeffrey Goldberg, revealed to the world that American national-security officers discussed highly classified information in a group chat in which he was accidentally included. While American media focused on whether the leak risked American lives, European leaders got the chance to see how America’s most powerful talked about Europe behind closed doors. Vice-president JD Vance, texted on the group chat “I just hate bailing Europe out again.” when discussing the potential strike on Houthi forces. Pete Hegseth, the secretary of defense, for his part called “European free-loading” “PATHETIC”. Across the Atlantic, it was not news that Trump held Europe in low regard. It was however news how gleefully the Administration talked about the continent behind closed doors. In an interview with Politico in September 2025, Trump called the European countries a “decaying” group of nations with “weak” leaders. He bluntly declared that Europe is clueless in the face of global turmoil, saying that “Europe doesn’t know what to do.” The White House’s new National Security Strategy (NSS), published in November 2025, went further, saying that Europe is in a “civilizational erasure” because of uncontrolled migration, limits on free speech and its regulations undermining creativity. Luuk van Middelaar, writing for Le Monde, said that America has started “ideological assault” against Europe with the NSS. For their part, European leaders refuted this characterization of a dormant Europe. Emmanuel Macron wrapped himself in Gaullism, championing French independence from American influence. On March 2nd the French président jupitérien declared at Ile Longue, home of the French naval nuclear arsenal, that he wants “Europeans to regain control of their own destiny,” acknowledging the fact that Europe has grown too dependent on the United States. Earlier in 2025, Macron had said that Trump was the “electroshock” Europe needed to awake from its 30-year-long self-induced sleep of “strategic dependence.” While Macron took Trump’s comments as a wake-up call, other leaders across Europe went on to deny Trump’s claims. Kaja Kallas, the European High Representative for Foreign Affairs, said that “ ‘Woke Europe’ [is] not facing civilisational erasure”; Ursula von der Leyen and Friedrich Merz joined her in highlighting Europe’s importance for the United States. Donald Trump’s view on Europe is not completely wrong. Europe perhaps is not facing “civilizational decline” or is “PATHETIC,” but its role in the global order is fading and its economies are facing an incredible test in the coming years. Europe, accustomed to its long dinners paired with specialty wine, is too focused on the plate to see what lies ahead. The European economic system for too long relied on three simple postulates: cheap exports to China, cheap energy from Russia and cheap security from the United States. First, China became competitive both internally and internationally with European companies. German automakers, the engine that turned Germany into Europe’s largest economy, benefitted from exports to countries such as China, Japan and Russia. However, China’s rapid rise in the automobile industry starting from the early 2010s put German automakers who could not compete with the low prices in a hard position. Companies like BMW, symbols of German economic success, began to scale back local production, contributing to higher rates of unemployment in the country. Germany’s trade surplus began to erode and the German automobile industry began to rely on high tariffs on Chinese imports to stay competitive within the European market. Across Europe, the fate of the German automobile is too common; the European trade deficit with China, between 2015 and 2024, quadrupled in volume. Second, the Russian pipelines that carried the cheap energy fueling European growth closed with the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Angela Merkel, the German chancellor between 2005 and 2021, spent the better part of her career ensuring the flow of cheap Russian gas into Germany and Europe. She championed the building of the Nord Stream pipeline even during the invasion of Crimea while critics warned that she would make Germany, and Europe, dependent on Russian gas. In the end, Merkel was successful, she schafft das and cheap Russian gas resulted in more than ten years of consecutive growth for Europe’s largest economy. However, since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, her decision to pursue closer ties with Russia has proven that Europe indeed grew too reliant on Russian gas. Now that the cheap gas that supplied Europe’s manufacturing sector is gone, Europe finds it even harder to develop and harder still to compete. The final blow to the European model came from Donald Trump, who, in his second term, decided to hold Europe more accountable for its own security. After his repeated demands for European NATO members to meet the alliance target of 2 percent GDP spent on defense, not only did European countries finally meet it, they also increased the alliance target to 5 percent by 2035. Previously European countries enjoyed spending less on defense to fund their extensive social nets, but now their social welfare systems are under more pressure than ever. However, America’s decoupling with Europe does not end with economic ramifications. Arguments over Greenland, Trump’s dealing with Putin without consulting the EU and support for Eurosceptics across the continent all signal that the relationship Europe enjoyed with the United States is coming to an end. JD Vance declared at the Munich Security Conference in 2025, as far as America is concerned: Europe’s largest threat is the “threat from within.” The European dependency on these three pillars is the most visible symptom of a far deeper problem with the continent’s model of growth: There never was a Plan B. The AI boom made this apparent. China and the United States innovated as Europe grew complacent. Companies like America’s Anthropic and China’s DeepSeek promise to transform work and increase worker productivity to levels previously thought impossible. European leaders, too, recognize the strength of the AI boom in inspiring economic growth. Macron, in the Paris AI Summit, declared that now is the “time for innovation” to avoid getting left behind. However, despite speeches and promises of innovation, Europe still is woefully behind not only the United States, but also China in the AI race. American start-ups and Chinese tech giants are racing to innovate, whereas the European economy is still carried largely by legacy brands such as LVMH and Novo Nordisk. Isabel Schnabel, who is on the executive board of the European Central Bank (ECB), noted that the problem is not that Europe is incapable of innovation, but that there simply are too many regulatory measures limiting productivity growth within the bloc. Mario Draghi, in his well-known Draghi Report, highlighted this exact problem. There is a patchwork of regulatory systems, sometimes contradictory , within the EU, limiting the ability of businesses to compete with American or Chinese companies. As the EU hesitated to act on the Draghi Report, ECB President Christine Lagarde went on to state that Europe is in an “existential crisis” where “internal barriers are stifling innovation, productivity, and investment across the bloc”. Europe’s lack of advancement in productivity put it on a path of economic stagnation at levels hardly seen in any other part of the developed world. Between 2008 and 2023, notes the Wall Street Journal, Europeans saw their real wages drop or stagnate, whereas Americans saw theirs increase. A common European refutation, one to which Paul Krugman too subscribes , is that Europeans simply live better lives than their counterparts across the Atlantic. Indeed, Europeans live for longer and are happier on average than Americans. Furthermore, they have more free time and social security. In this view, American higher wages and GDP mean little, because they hardly translate to economic welfare for American citizens. Krugman is not wrong. The European system did not have a fatal flaw. It simply was for a different world with a different economic order. The collapse of the European system is further accelerated by demographic crisis. Europe's social welfare and early retirement rest on the existence of many young people who can pay taxes and participate in economic life. Concurrently, the European Union’s old-age dependency ratio hit 37 percent in 2024, a record high, meaning that there are fewer than three working-age adults for each retired person. Meanwhile, the EU's low birth-rates mean that it has to rely on immigration in order to keep its economies working. However, increased immigration has led the far-right to take hold in various European states, limiting immigration when the continent is in dire need of a working population. The OECD’s Tax Policy Reforms 2025 report found that some countries in Europe are instead resorting to increasing taxes on young professionals. Increased tax burden, combined with Europe’s already complicated regulatory scheme, is driving young entrepreneurs away from Europe to places like the United States where business-friendly economic policies encourage innovation. The Trump Administration’s rhetoric on Europe may be crude, and the European way of life may be more sophisticated. Still, the fact remains that the old European economic system which helped the continent create its welfare states is no longer there. To those of us who enjoy real bread and good wine: We need to ask whether those are valuable enough to sacrifice the security of Europe. Photo Source: Onno P., Flickr

< Back Vague Policy on Concrete Issues Pracheth Sanka September 30, 2024 “We have to get a deal done.” Vice President Kamala Harris, the Democratic Party’s presidential nominee, repeated this statement multiple times during a brief answer in her live CNN interview in late August. In her first real moment to explain her policies to the American people, she gave non-answers and vague responses, especially on the question of the War in Gaza, leaving viewers disappointed . Harris provided a mixed message, both stating her unequivocal support for defending the state of Israel and for the innocent Palestinian civilians impacted by the conflict, echoing her statements from the previous week’s Democratic National Convention. In addition, she—very—quickly expressed her backing for a potential two-state solution, one of the few outwardly indicated policies concerning a post-war Palestine. Chiefly, Harris aims to continue the Biden Administration policy in pursuit of a ceasefire. She showed visible frustration that negotiations between Hamas and Israeli leadership seemed to be stalling in Doha. Still, she remained adamant that a deal must be agreed upon, both to free American hostages and end the conflict. President Joe Biden and V.P. Harris have stated their belief in a ceasefire as a means to rebuild the region. However, apart from the aforementioned whispers of a two-state system, they have given little insight into what this would look like. In May of 2024, U.S. officials proposed nominating a civilian advisor in the region, tasked with peacekeeping and helping lift Gaza out of ruin. The same officials floated ideas of economic restructuring and city building, or even creating a peacekeeping alliance out of neighboring Arab states. It is unclear whether V.P. Harris plans to implement these ideas, but they are a look into the pre-existing Biden Administration plans for the “day after” scenario. Like Harris, former President, and current Republican presidential nominee, Donald Trump has stayed mainly vague on the issue, sharing a similar sentiment to V.P. Harris in his unwavering support for Israel and its defense. He has also indicated support for a two-state solution, as outlined in his 2020 policy proposal, “Peace to Prosperity”, more colloquially known as the Trump peace plan. However, Trump’s support for this ideal seems to be slipping among the shifting attitudes within the Israeli government and Palestinian people. In May of 2024, Trump was recorded saying he believed a two-state solution had lost popularity and his support for the plan’s viability had waned. What is clear, though, is Trump’s steadfast promotion of Israel’s ideals to eradicate Hamas. Both Trump and Republican Vice Presidential Nominee JD Vance have espoused providing more aid to Israel, in hopes that this will allow the country to end the war as quickly as possible. Despite these seemingly unsure policies on the ongoing war in the region, many Sciences Pistes are sure of who they support in the upcoming election. For American 1A Loowit Morrison, the choice is clear. “I think that her foreign policy definitely outweighs that of Trump’s.” Morrison explained that while she disagreed with the Vice President’s actions as part of the Biden Administration, Harris’ recent shifts to serious calls for a ceasefire and outward recognition of the Palestinian lives lost makes her a stronger candidate. Morrison still holds that Harris’ foreign policy is weak at best, but Trump’s all-out refusal of a ceasefire is significantly weaker. A Lebanese 1A, who wished to remain anonymous, is likewise hoping for a Harris win in November. He believes that Trump’s wish for a complete Israeli victory is an overly simplistic outlook in a much more complex situation. For him, Israel’s success means a loss for its neighboring Arab countries, potentially destabilizing the region and leading to a prolonged conflict that could encompass the broader Middle East. “I really think Kamala Harris’ approach, advocating for both an Israeli and Palestinian state, is the most viable solution.” He also agrees with Harris’ strong position against Hamas and her support of the Palestinian people. “Kamala is not backing Hamas; she is supporting the Palestinians. People often conflate the two but they aren’t the same.” Other Sciences Pistes agree with the two-state ideal that Harris espouses. 1A Theo Hisherik, a British-Israeli, thinks that Harris’ call for a ceasefire and two-state solution is the correct position, as he states that “without a doubt, Harris is the best candidate for that.” He also believes that Harris effectively walks the line between support for Israel and Palestine. “She argues still for a defense of Israel to ensure that it can defend itself in the future, but she understands the need and the plight of the Palestinians,” he explains, solidifying his backing of Harris as a candidate. Despite outward support for Israel and its defense, Hisherik does not buy into Trump’s policies. “I think Trump’s pro-Israel sentiment is firstly a farce, I don’t think he actually really cares about Israel,” believing that Trump only says this to appeal to his Christian conservative or right-wing domestic voter base. Some Sciences Pistes don’t feel as strongly towards either of the candidates. “What we have seen is that the ‘lesser evil’ is the complete annihilation of Gaza” says an anonymous 1A from Jordan. She criticized the overwhelming view among Americans that Democrats are the so-called “lesser of two evils” when it comes to foreign policy. When speaking of the media she saw from the Gaza Strip, she said “they sent it back to the stone ages” and spoke of Israeli bombardments of refugee camps using American weaponry. “This is supposedly the lesser of two evils, so how much more evil can it get from here?” Providing 69% of Israeli weapon imports since 2019 and almost $4 billion annually, she has just one ask of the American people: “Stop providing Israel with the weaponry to kill civilians.” Her further frustration with the American political system could be summarized with a quote she had seen earlier: “You should dream bigger than seeing a black woman commit genocide.” For her, the identity politics in play of Harris’ rise to Democrat stardom means nothing if she holds little sympathy for what is happening in Gaza. “Kamala Harris supposedly being part of a minority, that she should be more considerate of what happens in the Middle East, I don’t think that has that stance that [Middle Easterners] agree with.” As the War in Gaza continues on, it will undoubtedly have an impact on the outcome of this year’s election. With nearly 80% of Arab Americans holding unfavorable opinions of Biden, coupled with protest votes , it could look bleak for the Democrats’ hopes of retaining office in November. Despite many Sciences Pistes’ belief that Harris would prove better than Trump regarding foreign policy in the Middle East, American voters seem to be more split on the candidates, especially among the candidates' seemingly hazy policy.

< Back Is Big Pharma Killing Babies? Consumer Unease Rises in the Face of Johnson and Johnson’s Baby Powder Lawsuit By Jessica Cheng December 31, 2021 Reaching the status of becoming a household name is a goal that many brands attempt to achieve, even though only a select few succeed. Once this staple status is fulfilled, many brands will become well-established within the consumerist public and have a specific product that is unequivocally linked to the brand. For example, although there are many brands of instant macaroni and cheese in the United States, the most ubiquitous is Kraft’s. Likewise, for Johnson & Johnson (J&J), the talc-based baby powder sold in an iconic white bottle became the product that established and solidified the company’s wholesome image nearly over a century ago. Companies strive to become a household name because the status comes with a multitude of perks, such as automatic consumer trust. But what happens when a breach of trust occurs between the public and the brand? Formed over a century ago in 1886, the brand and pharmaceutical giant J&J has recently come under scrutiny for not only going through a lawsuit over the existence of asbestos in its talc-based baby powder, but also attempting to split its baby powder from the rest of its company via the establishment of a separate subsidiary. Although this split does not seem like a big deal at first glance, the numbers behind it would tell otherwise. The J&J Baby Powder offshoot, known as LTL Management, is valued at $2 billion — an amount that pales in comparison to the $440 billion that the entire pharmaceutical company is worth. Accounting for just $2 billion of its parent company’s value, the split guarantees that lawsuit plaintiffs will win smaller sums of money from LTL management than they would have with the J&J parent company. Although J&J denies that the creation of the subsidiary is related to the baby powder suits, the company is facing nearly 40,000 lawsuits alleging that its baby powders and other talc-based products contain asbestos, a carcinogenic substance. Evidence against J&J is growing, and thousands of individuals, predominantly women who have developed ovarian cancer, have announced that J&J did not warn them of the potential risks of asbestos contaminating the baby powder. Additionally, the March 2020 move to discontinue sales of their famous talc-based baby powder from the North American market paints a negative picture of the company. To counter this, J&J is denying that their baby powder contains carcinogens and continues to claim that the split has nothing to do with the suits. A 2018 investigation by Reuters, however, uncovered that the company was aware of asbestos in its talc-based products for several years but chose to keep the information undisclosed. This evidence, which includes internal documents between company leaders and other forms of verification of J&J’s knowledge, has aided in furnishing favorable lawsuit verdicts for the plaintiffs. The push to establish LTL Management, which would inherit most of J&J’s baby powder lawsuits, can be seen as a strategic move to retain funds for the parent company. Almost immediately after LTL Management’s inception, the subsidiary company filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy, a costly and long process in which the debtor is able to negotiate with creditors for the terms of the loan without having to liquidate their assets. Even though J&J is headquartered in New Brunswick, New Jersey, the corporation chose to split into two companies in Texas. The state has a controversial law called the “Texas Two-Step” that at its core is a restructuring method that companies can use to safeguard themselves in cases of mass tort litigation. While splitting into two companies in Texas, LTL Management chose to convert into a North Carolina Limited Liability Corporation (LLC), a business structure that safeguards its owners from personal responsibility for the company’s liabilities or debts, in order to file for bankruptcy. While many other states such as New Jersey do not have such archaic law which would most likely make the lawsuit much harder on the company, the Chapter 11 protection law in North Carolina momentarily pauses litigation against the bankrupt entity. Not only is the well-known pharmaceutical company undergoing lawsuits and creating a separate subsidiary for its baby powder, Johnson & Johnson is also separately splitting into two different companies: one focusing on consumer health products and over-the-counter drugs, and the other focusing on pharmaceuticals, medical instruments, and vaccines. While the company denies that the influx of lawsuits are the reasons for the company-wide split, which include the United State’s nationwide opioid crisis and the sunscreen suit involving Costco Wholesale, many legal scholars suspect that one of the motivations behind such a decision was because of the social and legal reckoning the company is currently facing. For context, J&J is one of the three leading drug distributors that are getting sued for their role in the United State’s nationwide opioid crisis. Over half a million people died from this crisis between 1999 and 2019, while 2020 ended with 69,000 deaths due to opioid overdose, a number likely aggravated by the pandemic. While most believe that there are a multitude of players to blame for the uptick in deaths as a result of the opioid crisis, blame continues to be shifted from manufacturers to distributors, from doctors prescribing the drugs to pharmacists filling prescriptions, etc. While progressing, these lawsuits do not seem to be reaching an end anytime soon. For most, Johnson & Johnson is a trusted brand whose products can be easily found in any local store. The many lawsuits the company is facing, however, raises questions about consumer safety and whether regulations of consumer products of private companies are too lax. While the public has confidence in the products of established labels, the multitude of lawsuits filed against J&J’s products are causing consumers to question the sanctity of such brands.

< Back Choose Your Fighter: Dual Degree Edition Pracheth Sanka “Are you in a dual?” are words any Sciences Piste is sure to encounter, filling the air during Integration Week activities or while at any inter-campus interaction. They are, of course, referring to one of the staples of Sciences Po’s undergraduate course: the dual degree programs. Partnered with nine of the most prestigious universities in the world, both secondary school applicants and second-year students can try their hand at admission into these rigorous courses of study. The dual degrees entail spending two years at a Sciences Po campus and continuing for two more at a partner university, concluding undergraduate studies with the conferring of two Bachelor’s degrees. Often, that question, especially at the English-speaking campuses, is followed by “Which one? Columbia or Berkeley?” as if they are the only two options. But it seems in many ways that they are. Columbia is by far the biggest dual degree cohort represented at Sciences Po, in large part due to being the oldest of the nine. Berkeley has large name recognition among students and has a strong presence at Reims, Menton, and Le Havre. Both are powerhouses at Sciences Po and for good reason. Columbia’s Ivy League status makes it a coveted place for students to break into politics and finance, and its strong Core Curriculum is both a complement and supplement to Sciences Po’s interdisciplinary focus on the humanities. Likewise, Berkeley is the flagship of the University of California system, and its prestigious undergraduate program is a prime location for those looking to work in the American West, where it sends more aspiring workers to Silicon Valley than any other school in the nation. If you can bear the cost (not speaking to you, in-state Californians), both duals offer an amazing educational experience that top students around the world long f or. Though they are both great, one has to be better, right? Is being a Lion superior to being a Golden Bear? Are the views of the Bay more attractive than the sights of the Big Apple? Let’s start with the important stuff: the lifestyle. Berkeley, with a thousand-acre campus situated in sunny Northern California, can satisfy those who wish to get the best out of the typical American university experience. With over 30,000 enrolled in one of the nation’s top public universities, the calm life of the college town still has much to offer, with Pac-12 athletics and strong student traditions that are sure to excite anyone. If you get bored of the college-town life, San Franciso is less than an hour away by train, making it a popular weekend destination for students. While Columbia is not necessarily known for its school spirit, the 10,000- strong undergraduate population lives in New York, having the world’s most important city as its extended campus. When finding any break during their busy studies, students can explore each and every corner of Manhattan by way of the Metro or perhaps by cutting through Central Park. But be careful! While the streets of Menton may have prepared you, you don’t want to end up as one of the crime alerts that crowd LionMail! It’s not like Berkeley is much better—with crime considerations of its own—but either way, you should be fine, as no criminal could compare to the gun-wielding guys of Rue Longue. Academics—while undoubtedly always a secondary factor in searching for higher education—can still be somewhat important when it comes to your choice of dual. Though in some lists, Berkeley edges out Columbia in terms of institutional ranking, both schools stay firmly in the upper echelon of global academics. Columbia has had a strong top-ten presence in U.S. academic rankings for years, and Berkeley’s position has been growing fast compared to its elite private school competition. Relatively, Berkeley has strength in STEM-based subjects, while Columbia holds the upper hand in most humanities and social sciences. Both schools hold top-ten programs in economics and political science, two of the majors of choice for many dual degrees. In any case, you won’t go wrong, and academic fit rather than ranking will be more important. Do you favor Berkeley’s large campus size and typically larger class sizes? Or would you rather fit into Columbia’s liberal arts framework, with a strong focus on the humanities and where three-fourths of your classes may be smaller than 25 students? For some Science Pistes, their choices were easy decisions, and for others, weighing the two options of application took much deliberation. Pedro Meerbaum, a second-year student who applied through the third-year process, was captivated by the program during his first year at Sciences Po. “I had many people in my close circle who were in the dual so I inevitably looked into it, and the details and structure of the course aligned with my personal and professional goals,” he says. These goals, as he further explained, were not as present in just a Bachelor’s at Sciences Po, prompting him to apply when he got the chance. Meerbaum also appreciates Columbia’s smaller feel and support systems, saying “Columbia might be better prepared to take on students, us being at GS means that we have a whole administrative body that is dedicated to accommodating us properly.” GS refers to the School of General Studies, the undergraduate college that dual degrees are a part of during their time at Columbia. It hosts a range of students, from professional dancers and actors to military veterans, and even those who took gap years or deviated from the traditional four-year pathway; this diversity was another draw for Meerbaum. While he does appreciate Berkeley as an institution, he says, “The dual people are thrown into a huge student body, and I doubt there is the same support system as in Columbia or even the same amount of dual degree people in the same situation.” His plans to major in Comparative Literature on a pathway to the Graduate School of Journalism further attracted him, both of which Columbia excels at due to their strong humanities focus. For 1A Mia Rivas, applying to the dual program with Berkeley was a difficult choice, but she ultimately believed it would expand her horizons while also granting her an American degree. She also reaps the benefits of being an in-state California student, meaning she pays much less tuition than had she been an international or out-of-state applicant. Berkeley, as part of the University of California system, is a public school, meaning that it is operated and partly funded by the state. Since her family already pays the state taxes, the school subsidizes tuition for her and other California residents. Out-of-state students are typically not entitled to these benefits and pay much higher tuition fees, akin to Columbia’s steep private school tuition. While Rivas admits Columbia’s prestige was tempting, she believes that Berkeley was an overall better fit. “There’s obviously a certain vibe associated with Berkeley, and I do like it, but I was more drawn to the opportunity of finding groups with my vibe, one [group] I like ‘cause how could you not at such a big school?” For Rivas, the vast number of people draws her in, but so does the vast choice of majors. With Sciences Po’s clear lack of science-based courses, Berkeley’s program in cognitive science was a deciding factor for her. While I, as an American citizen, regret not applying to the Berkeley program in addition to Columbia, I firmly believe that the latter is a stronger choice, especially for international students, and I feel I made the right decision. While it is no Harvard, Columbia definitely has more European recognition, and its established support system and vast dual-degree alumni network make it more appealing. For internationals, these benefits seem to outweigh the cost, especially if you are paying the same price for Berkeley for less added value. But part of me feels like I am missing out on the typical American experience that Columbia so clearly lacks, and Berkeley’s stronger science program allows for more academic freedom during your two years there. Though I am inclined to Columbia, Berkeley still stands as a strong option, especially if you feel it is a better personal fit. In whichever path you choose, you will join the elite few who have had the opportunity to meaningfully study at two well-renowned universities for your undergraduate studies, and no choice can be the wrong one. Photo source: Menton Times designed Previous Next

Le film, réalisé par Eric Hannezo et Matthieu Vollaire, est une magnifique plongée dans l’aventure d’une saison, au sein du vestiaire du Stade Toulousain. < Back Critique du Film “Le Stade” By Solenn Ravenel April 29, 2022 Mercredi 13 mars, j’ai eu la chance d’aller voir Le Stade au cinéma. Le film, réalisé par Eric Hannezo et Matthieu Vollaire, est une magnifique plongée dans l’aventure d’une saison, au sein du vestiaire du Stade Toulousain. J’ai entendu parler de la sortie de ce film, une première dans le rugby français, depuis plusieurs mois. Supporters toulousains impatients, interviews des joueurs dans les médias, cela fait maintenant une semaine que ce film fait sortir le rugby du microcosme du monde de l’ovalie. Bon spoiler, ce film ne révolutionnera pas le milieu du cinéma, ni celui du sport. Mais pourquoi est-il néanmoins intéressant ? D’abord, le film semble passionner les supporters toulousains. Dans la salle de Cagnes sur mer ce mercredi, plusieurs spectateurs arboraient fierement leurs maillots rouge et noir. Cela n’est pas étonnant. Le Stade est peut être avant tout pour ses supporters, toujours présents. Malgré le covid, malgré les stades vides, ces derniers se sont massés au départ du bus pour encourager leur équipe. Des supporters toujours présents, même lorsque le silence des stades soulignait leur cruel manque. Des supporters qui ont poussé leur équipe à la victoire, ou plutôt aux victoires. Celles de la coupe d’Europe et du top 14, mais aussi celles qui écrivent l’histoire, chaque week-end. Ce film est également une plongée dans le vestiaire de leurs joueurs préférés: lieu sacralisé, secret, normalement impénétrable pour les mortels que nous sommes. Il permet donc de briser ce qui pourrait être appelé le quatrième mur. Le film peut aussi intéresser les fans de rugby, sans que ceux-ci supportent forcément le stade toulousain. Pour Ugo Mola, coach de l’équipe: “Ceux qui nous aiment un peu vont nous aimer un peu plus et ceux qui nous détestent risquent nous détester un peu plus.” (RMC sport). Et malgré l’importance d’Ugo Mola dans ce film, permettez-moi d’être en désaccord avec cette affirmation. Chaque supporter peut se retrouver dans ce que souligne ce film. Les discours d’Ugo Mola qui rythment le film sont autant de leitmotivs qui rappellent que le rugby est un sport de “valeurs”. Il est vrai que celles-ci souvent mises en avant peuvent paraître prétentieuses, soulignant une prétendue supériorité du rugby sur les autres sports. Il est bien sûr possible de le voir comme cela. Cependant, je vois dans ces valeurs : l’humilité, le sens de l’équipe, le travail, la camaraderie, l’amitié, la famille, et le club, un socle commun qui permet à tous de se retrouver. Chaque supporter peut ainsi s’identifier, quelque soit le club qu’il aime, la famille ou les amis qui l’entourent. Le Stade, monté sans voix-off ni interview face cam, illustre ce que les supporters aiment le plus dans le rugby : les émotions. Pourquoi ce film peut-il aussi intéresser les débutants en rugby? Toi, qui n’as regardé qu’un match mais qui a zappé parce que tu n’as rien compris ! Ou encore toi, qui as seulement suivi la finale du grand chelem lors du tournoi des VI Nations ! Parce que ce film ne parle ni de jeu, ni de tactiques, pas besoin de comprendre le plan de jeu d’Ugo Mola : “ bleu, bleu, munster ” pour le comprendre. Avec Le Stade, vous découvrirez le rugby sous son angle le plus beau. Il peut être une belle porte d’entrée dans ce “ sport d’initiés ” (Ugo Mola). Peut être que vous serez parfois perdus pour comprendre l’organisation des compétitions, ou encore la place particulière du stade toulousain dans le rugby français et européen. Cependant, vous ne pourrez louper les larmes, les rires, les sourires. Vous ne pourrez louper ce pourquoi les supporters continuent semaine après semaine de se passionner pour ce sport si particulier. L’aventure humaine, racontée à travers une esthétique cinématographique : images, noir et blanc, musique… ne pourra que vous émouvoir. Et quelque soit votre histoire, vous pourrez vous identifier à ces moments de vie qui, malgré leur caractère sportif, sont souvent universels. Si après avoir vu Le Stade, vous voulez continuer à regarder des films sur le rugby, n’hésitez pas à regarder les épisodes de la série Destins mêlés sur la chaîne YouTube de France Rugby, qui revient sur les matchs de l’équipe de France. La première saison relate la tournée d’automne 2021 du XV de France, qui s’est achevée avec une victoire des Bleus face aux All Blacks. La seconde saison, elle, illustre le magnifique Grand Chelem lors du tournoi des VI Nations en 2022. La série est donc une magnifique image du XV de France d’aujourd’hui, les images des victoires et les témoignages des acteurs sont magnifiques. La série souligne le travail du staff : kinés, coachs, analystes vidéos… mais également l’importance de l’extra sportif : soirées, chansons, jeux… Pour aller encore plus loin, si vous souhaitez en apprendre plus sur le rugby international, découvrez Chasing the sun : le sacre des springboks sur Canal+. La série raconte le chemin de l’équipe sud-africaine vers la victoire de la coupe du monde en 2019. Plus sous forme de docu-série avec davantage de moment d’interviews, la série est un vrai reportage en immersion dans la préparation et la compétition des Springboks. Finalement, quelque soit votre niveau de connaissance du rugby, quelque soit votre club de cœur, le film Le Stade pourra vous séduire pour une seule raison : parce qu’il raconte, avec passion, une passion.

< Back Boeing Grapples With The 737-MAX By Yasmin Abbasoy February 29, 2024 In its newly-published 2023 end-of-year results, Boeing has for the first time foregone its traditional section on “financial and operational objectives” in order to emphasize its newfound commitment to safety. The leading aerospace company has been witness to more scrutiny than it could have ever conceived, primarily due to its flagship 737 MAX 9 carrier which has recently resulted in various catastrophes. These recent events have brought to light the company’s various errors regarding its work culture and practices. When a door plug, a mechanism that replaces an extra built-in emergency door in the middle of the MAX-9, detached from the Alaska Airlines flight 1282 merely 6 minutes into the flight, it would come to be seen as nothing more than the natural consequence of decisions taken at the company. The plane, scheduled for a domestic flight on Jan. 5, was in the world of commercial flight, brand new. It had been in service for approximately 2 months, having under its wing close to 500 flight hours. A malfunction stemming from age was unlikely on such an aircraft, and the plane had had no problems during routine maintenance.Thankfully, there was no loss of life–oxygen masks descended as the vacant space left by the plug uncontrollably depressurized the airplane. By a stroke of luck, the seat next to the plug was empty. The spontaneous suction did, however, pull a shirt off a teenage boy and scatter personal belongings across the flight path–including an Iphone which was found functioning and still in flight mode two days later. The MAX-9 fleet which comprised 65 planes was immediately subjected to an Emergency Airworthiness Directive by the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA). The regulatory body issued this directive to confirm the recognition of improper conditions that required immediate action on the part of the manufacturer. An ongoing investigation was launched as Boeing developed a new inspection process to be approved by the FAA, after which the planes were cleared for flight at the end of January. The Alaska Airlines debacle is not the first worrying complication seen in a Boeing-manufactured aircraft. It was not even the first complication for its own series–the MAX-8, predecessor to the MAX-9, had in March of 2019 been grounded for 20 months after two deadly crashes which killed 349 people in total. There had been some adjustments to the positioning of the engine on this model, one which would cause divergences in the behavior of the plane that had to be accounted for. Boeing installed a new software, which was found in the ensuing investigation to be inaccurate and difficult to use or override. Industry insiders found the two accidents “eerily similar,” and worried about a brand-new plane failing twice in the space of a year. The grounding of the MAX-8 was a dramatic measure–the firm is vitally important to the U.S. economy, being a leading exporter with a global network of over 20.000 suppliers. Boeing is estimated to have lost at least $20 billion in direct costs as a result. A mishandling of the aftermath saw CEO Dennis Muilenburg sacked for his over-optimistic forecasts of the process of getting the grounded planes back in the air and his blundering of congressional hearings. Congressional investigators found that the company culture was to blame, with employees encouraged to push the airplane out into the market ahead of rival, Airbus, at the expense of quality control. Messages exchanged among employees provided for the investigation revealed a startling lack of confidence in the product–the development process of the MAX-8 was commented on with wry detachment, with the core development team being referred to as “clowns.” The culture problem at Boeing is, as of 2020, congressionally acknowledged, and Boeing’s latest news update on its website shows a clear plan for increased scrutiny and reprioritized safety, with the expected corporate public relations tint. The problem itself, however, may have been decades in the making. Industry experts tie the shift in culture to a 1997 merger between Boeing and the defense contractor McDonnell Douglas. Well-known for their military planes, the company was acquired for about $14 billion. While it was the Boeing name that stayed on, a dramatic shift was gradually occurring internally. Journalist Peter Robison posits that a pre-merger Boeing was a company of engineers, focused solely on quality production and client satisfaction. McDonnell Douglas, on the other hand, put more value on delivering products and pleasing shareholders, as efficiently as possible. Illustratively, after the merger, Boeing headquarters was moved from Seattle, the heart of production for the firm, to Chicago. The emphasis on quantity over quality has led to a reliance on subcontracting: the 737-MAX supply chain has over 600 suppliers, which too have felt the pressure. Ed Pierson, a former manager at one of Boeing’s 737 factories, describes a “pressure to push planes out of the door” and a culture of retaliation against employees who call attention to the lack of quality standards. Upon investigation precipitated by the Alaska Airline incident, Delta and United Airlines found that the bolts designed to secure the door plug on their MAX-9 aircraft were not properly tightened. This ring of the production chain is handled by Spirit Aerosystem, a subcontractor, in their Malaysia factory. The preliminary report released from the investigative committee found that the four bolts on Alaska Airlines flight 1282 were completely missing. That is, the plane had flown 500 hours without them. The increased attention on its manufacturing process has not boded well for Boeing. Though CEO Dave Calhoun, brought in after Muilenburg, has acknowledged a “quality escape,” and the media is all too willing to pounce on any instance of a faulty Boeing product. One such instance was when U.S. Secretary of State, Antony Blinken’s 737 plane had to be switched on the way back from the World Economic Forum in Davos due to a “critical failure.” An employee has also recently shared images with the media of a Boeing facility in which hangs the sign–and presumably, the company motto–”Just Ship It.” Understandably, the newest topic in the news cycle has been the continued discovery of misdrilled holes in the fuselage of Boeing 737 planes. As the systemic nature of the Boeing Problem is pushed further and further into the spotlight, it is Boeing that must adjust and recalibrate, or come crashing down.

Although the human rights violations in Qatar and its threat to the environment are alarming, it is of the utmost importance that one approaches the situation holistically. Forced labor, environmental threats and the kafala system gained attention due to World Cup boycott conversations. While the tournament has already occurred, it is paramount to not discard these issues in future discourse. < Back Analyzing the Morality of the World Cup: Boycotts, Forced Labor and Human Rights By Catarina Vita December 31, 2022 Every four years, not only do football fans from all around the globe gather to watch the sport but so does most of the world’s population. FIFA, the International Federation of Football Association, is responsible for the World Cup and decided to host the 2022 games in Qatar. Appalled by the workers’ rights violations and the imminent climate crisis in Qatar, a portion of the World Cup audience considered boycotting the tournament. However, counterarguments arose: the consideration of a boycott only popularized when the World Cup was located in the Middle East, and Qatar’s longstanding history of poor labor rights makes the timing of the boycott hypocritical. With increased international knowledge of Qatar’s recently abolished kafala system, alongside continued worker maltreatment in the country, potential World Cup spectators considered not watching the tournament at all. The kafala system, by definition, is a labor system connecting foreign workers to a local employer with no relation to labor ministries. As a result, workers have no rights, and many complain about a lack of breaks and overwhelmingly long working hours. Despite the Qatari government’s 2016 termination of the system, Amnesty International reports that the reform was “inadequate” and still allowed foreign workers to be exploited by their bosses. Furthermore, it is also argued that Qatar did not have the proper infrastructure for the World Cup. The high mortality rate among immigrants was due to the fast-paced manual labor of building stadiums. The climate crisis in Qatar also made the choice of country subject to criticism. Due to the ever-rising temperature in the country, even during the fall season in November and December, the government installed air conditioners inside seven of eight football stadiums. The total Qatar World Cup carbon emissions predicted were upwards of 3.6 million tons, while the tournament in Brazil and Russia had an estimated two million tons emitted. Some perceive the boycott to be either ineffective or contradictory. Although FIFA was involved in an extensive corruption scandal throughout the 2010s, the other World Cups were still watched and appreciated. Moreover, human rights violations in other World Cup host countries, such as massive corruption and torture in Brazil and anti-LGBTQIA+ stances in Russia, did not incur such international resistance. Qatar was the first Middle Eastern nation to host a World Cup, and the fact that only then did boycott ideas surface raises questions about the general perceptions of Middle Eastern countries. Although the human rights violations in Qatar and threats to the environment are alarming, it is of the utmost importance that one approaches the situation holistically. Forced labor and the kafala system gained attention due to boycott conversations. While the World Cup has already occurred, it is paramount not to discard these issues in future discourse. The worsening climate crisis and human rights violations are not limited to one country in the Global South; as these conversations arose because of the World Cup, it is vital to research and raise awareness about them on a global scale.

< Back Menton Abroad! Where Our 2As Are Going Next Year and Why Pedro Meerbaum Two years in France, one year abroad—so goes the structure of Sciences Po's Bachelor of Arts. The standardization of this academic path throughout all seven campuses, save the students enrolled in Dual Bachelors, is non-traditional to its core. The halls of our campus have grown accustomed to the transient nature of the students, staying for no longer than 2 years, quickly scattering through the globe. With 480 partnerships, Sciences Po offers more than 80 different choices of countries for exchange. The possibility for a mixed year, combining one semester of studying and one of work experience, widens the array of opportunities that Sciences Pistes have when shaping their personal and professional trajectories. For Sciences Po, the element of the exchange year aligns with its goal of being an international university and preparing (ideally) globally-minded leaders. With each delocalized campus (that is to say, non-Parisian), there is an assigned regional specialization. In a normative scenario, a student specializing in (e.g.) Latin America would go on exchange to a country in the region, allowing them to further their studies of the area and spend a year improving their language skills and expertise in the field. In reality, the exchange program is not limited to the campus specialization, and the wide variety of options (with often limited spots) naturally pushes for an international dispersion of students. Nonetheless, students studying a particular region and its language usually feel more inclined to carry out their exchange in a country of their geographical minor. The campus of Menton has 129 second-year students going on exchange, 17 of which are going to the main region of studies of the campus: the Middle East and North Africa. That makes for 13.18% of these 129, a relatively lower number than other years. The class of 2025, currently on exchange, has 24 students in the city of Cairo alone. I conducted a survey and examined the demographics of this year's exchange to understand more about the decision-making process of our current second-year students—where they are going, why and what were the key factors that made the Middle East such a low-scorer in the third-year destinations, despite it being our region of study. Almost half of the Sciences Pistes in Menton have decided to continue their studies on the European continent, amounting to 61 students. The Schengen and Euro benefits were not a primary driving factor—22 out of the 61 are going to continue their studies in the United Kingdom, 12 of whom are going to London. Notably, Italy and Spain are also locations that were widely chosen by 2As, with 10 and 8 students, respectively in each. Both allow students to validate their minor in the Mediterranean, albeit the big concentration of students in not-so-Mediterranean cities like Milan and Madrid. Per the form, students attending Italy, Spain and the UK had cultural interests and career prospects as their primary reasons for choosing their destination. Other European destinations were pivoted towards personal connections and academic opportunities. North America, the second most chosen destination, is more evenly distributed. Seventeen students have decided to carry out their exchange in the United States and twelve in Canada. The city of Montreal, in the francophone province of Quebec, was the most sought-after North American destination, with five students going to McGill and four to Université de Montréal. Meanwhile, in the US, Washington D.C. unsurprisingly ranked first, being sought for its politics-related opportunities. Career and academic prospects are unanimously indicated as a primary reason for crossing the Atlantic. Students going to the US reported concerns regarding visa application processes, political turmoil amidst the new presidential administration and a fear of feeling isolated within large student communities. The transition from the small Menton campus to exponentially more populated universities and cities is a shared concern for all regions. Seven Mentonais have chosen to continue their education in Latin America, five of whom are going to Argentina and the remaining to Chile and Colombia. Students going to the region have expressed interest in learning Spanish and want to shift their focus from the MENA to a new area. Five students also decided to explore the Southern Hemisphere, but across the Pacific. Four students are going to Australia, and one to New Zealand. All students going to Oceania have chosen universities in different cities, from Adelaide to Brisbane. All students going to the continent that answered the survey were French, half of whom described an interest in improving their English skills while simultaneously taking advantage of a friendly and cross-cultural environment. The ten students going to non-Middle Eastern Asia are almost equally distributed in the region, each receiving one Mentonais for the next year (China, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand and Vietnam). Hong Kong and Japan were the region's highlights, receiving two and three students, respectively. Unfortunately, most students going to Asia decided not to participate in the survey. The few who answered shared excitement about exploring the continent and the various cultures but were concerned regarding housing. In the Middle East and North Africa, the seventeen students have dispersed themselves in four different countries across the region. Two students have chosen to study in Morocco, studying in the prestigious private Mohammed VI Polytechnic University (UM6P) and continuing their education in French. Two students have gone to Jordan, an option available only for Political Humanities students that offers an intensive Arabic course. Four students have been allocated to the American University of Cairo (AUC) in Egypt, and the remaining nine are going to Turkey. In the latter, three will be going to Bogazici University, and six will be going to Galatasaray University, making it the choice with the most Mentonais this year. I reached out to some of the students going to the Middle East who were interested in hearing what they had to say about their choice for the third year. One of the students, who is going to Istanbul next year, told me she wanted to continue her education in the Middle East to deepen her knowledge of the region. However, as a young woman embarking on this experience alone, she felt Turkey was the safest choice. The same interviewee said she didn't know a single Turkish word, but she was so enamored with Istanbul's landscape that she couldn't shy away from challenging herself. In a different interview, a student going to Aman, Jordan, reported his interest in the intensive program. The programs in Jordan remain one of the few left in partnership with SciencesPo, where students can engage in intensive language learning. The other option, in Cairo, did not attract such students—he said the transition from small Menton to the megalopolis of Cairo did not appeal to him. He found a perfect balance of his interests in Jordan. The final interviewee, going to AUC, traces the origin of her choice to a trip to Cairo organized by the Bureau des Eleves last October. While visiting the city she went from being excited to explore as a tourist to deciding to extend her stay as an exchange student. Besides her new-found love for the city, she looks forward to immersing herself in Egyptian culture and refining her Arabic skills. When asked if she had any concerns, she shared with me that navigating a different, more conservative and religious environment might be a challenge but that it will nonetheless be gratifying. All in all, the reasons behind the reduction of students going to the Middle East remain unclear. The regional war in the Levant raises undeniable insecurities, and the pause in exchange to immediate countries involved also limits the choices within the region. In September, I attended a counseling session on 3A in the Middle East, where the counselors revealed less allocation of spots for big sought-after universities, such as AUC, asking for students to place it as their first or second option in their rankings if they intended in attending these universities. The newfound competitiveness of these universities was not mentioned, however, by a single student who responded to the survey. The difference in demographics won't have a clear explanation or a defining narrative. Part of it comes from the individual interests of students or the current zeitgeist . Regardless, students from all year groups share the excitement of following their peers' path, whether in the busy streets of Cairo or on the beaches of Australia. Menton's student community is an international fabric composed of pieces from all over the globe, and it's only fair that this same group will remain unceasingly international in their choices. It is invariably an exciting task to talk to our 2As, hear about their personal academic paths, and get to know a bit more about where the transient figures of our campus will go next. Photo credits: adampadam, 2007 Previous Next

Figure skating is an integral part of Russian culture and identity. It is the amalgamation of Russian persistence in sacrifice, the current government’s propensity to reject all things Western, and above all, the pathway to repairing the fragmented prestige of years past. < Back Focusing on the Figures: Insight into the War in Ukraine Through the Lens of Figure Skating By Maia Zasler October 31, 2023 “Government,” “war,” “authoritarianism,” and “nationalism” are all terms with which you are likely familiar. “Axel,” “lutz,” “pairs performance,” and “spiral” probably evoke less of a confident visual. But what if I asserted that these jargon are intrinsically connected? Figure skating blends the intensity of sport and athletic training and the gracefulness and personal expression of the most enchanting art forms with the fascinating and complex realm of global politics. The first account of organized figure skating dates back to 1772 with Englishman Robert Jones’ A Treatise on Skating . Skating has significantly evolved since Jones outlined initial, rudimentary patterns and practical advice in his instructive handbook. Investment in and commitment to skating athletic achievement has also evolved. Figure skating plays a particularly important role in quotidian and political life in Russia. After 1864–when Czar Peter the Great introduced figure skating to Russians–figure skating became an emblem of national unity and a source of immense pride. Throughout the 20th century, skating represented an outlet for domination on a global scale; the Soviet skaters made up arguably the most competitive force at the international level. Skating was publicly funded in Soviet states and remains so in present-day Russia. From a young age, children were (and are) selected for a rigorous track involving intense physical training, dieting, and mental strain, culminating in a brief window of time where they actually compete—and frequently win. In the Soviet Union, children were often separated from their families, moved to distant cities to train with specific coaches or with an assigned pairs partner. In every case, they had to commit to 10 hours of training at the ice rink, six days a week. Additionally, there are documented cases of emotional and physical abuse, especially in pairs skating. Female skaters often have to adhere to strict dietary regimes to suppress hormonal development and weight gain. There has long been a history of sacrifice in the sport: sacrifice for the sake of athletic success during performance, but primarily for the sake of “Mother Russia.” Between 1964 and 1991, Soviet skaters won seven consecutive Olympic gold medals and 24 of the 26 World Figure Skating Championship events in pairs skating; Ukraine was the primary exporter of illustrious and talented pairs of skaters. Historically, the USSR relied on Ukraine for agricultural production, storage of nuclear arsenals, and a constantly developing defense sector. Thus, Ukraine has served as the cornerstone of the Soviet Union in more ways than one. The Soviet collapse occurred in December of 1991. Ukraine’s declaration of independence earlier that same year is often interpreted as the inception of Russia's impending demise. Funds for figure skaters dwindled. Throughout the following years, Russian skaters brought home fewer and fewer medals, and sought-after coaches took their expertise abroad. The shrinking of their skating world reflected Russia’s geopolitical position at the end of the 20th century. In both contexts, Russians were left grasping for prestige and pride that once shaped their national identity. There was a general anxiety over losing a spot on the international stage and an absence of answers on how to reclaim it. Enter Ukraine (again). Ukraine has increasingly aligned itself with the European Union and Western nations in the last three decades. After the 2014 annexation of Crimea, Ukraine became a battleground in defense of its right to position itself apart from Russia. More recently, Ukrainians have had to take up arms again to fend off Russian aggression since February 24, 2022. They have had to persevere through Russian leader Putin’s threats of nuclear weapon use. Further, there have been upwards of 21,900 Ukrainian civilian casualties, severe infrastructure damage, and insurmountable trauma to the Ukrainian people. To some extent, through its aggressive military operation, Russia aims to impose its authority to prove to the rest of the world–and to itself–that the nation remains just as strong as it was before the Soviet Union collapsed. This mentality is mirrored by the pressure levied onto Russian figure skaters and their stature in Russian society. Take the case of Kamila Valieva, an immensely talented skater whose artistic and athletic legacy was tainted by the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics doping scandal. At just 15 years old, Valieva dominated the team event, representing the Russian Olympic Committee. She became the first woman to land a quad jump–rotating four times in the air before landing on a singular blade at an Olympic competition. But, before the women’s individual competition events, it came to light that Valieva had tested positive for a performance-enhancing drug: trimetazidine. Since she was a minor, she was allowed to compete in the women’s individual event. Although her short program was flawless, her free skate was riddled with falls, leaving her with a fourth-place finish. The International Olympic Committee announced they would not have hosted a medal ceremony if Valieva had finished among the top three. Amidst and following the scandal, Russian officials claimed that the illegal drug use accusation was a “Western conspiracy” and political issue in which Russia was the victim. Behind the scenes, Valieva’s coach, Eteri Tutberidze, scorned her: “Why did you let it go? Why did you stop fighting?” Once back home, Tutberidze received Russia’s most prestigious coaching award from none other than Russian President Vladimir Putin, and Valieva had a press photoshoot with him. How can we make sense of this? Russian figure skaters are forced to sacrifice a traditional childhood and healthy relationships (with people, food, and their bodies). They are subject to public scrutiny and private criticism from their coaches. They are scapegoats for paranoia surrounding the West. But, at the same time, they are celebrities. They are recognized across the country as national heroes, associated with the cult of personality that Putin has curated since he first took office in 2000. They are perceived as beacons of hope to propel Russia back to its position pre-Soviet collapse. Figure skating is an integral part of Russian culture and identity. It is the amalgamation of Russian persistence in sacrifice, the current government’s propensity to reject all things Western, and above all, the pathway to repairing the fragmented prestige of years past. American media personality Ted Turner said that “sport is like a war without the killing.” In the case of the war in Ukraine, sport may be a second military front and a valuable insight into Russia’s behavior.

This sport recap is the first edition of a new project that the Menton Times has launched, in which it aims to recap all of the major sports news and events that have taken place during the weeks before each edition is published, in case you may have missed anything. < Back Sports Recap: February and March By Hugo Lagergren March 30, 2022 This sport recap is the first edition of a new project that the Menton Times has launched, in which it aims to recap all of the major sports news and events that have taken place during the weeks before each edition is published, in case you may have missed anything. The sport community stands united with Ukraine: Like much of the world, the sporting community has rallied together to show its solidarity with the people of Ukraine. In light of Russia’s violent invasion of the country, each sport has found different ways of expressing its solidarity with Ukraine, often at the expense of Russian athletes. From the disqualification of Russian athletes to the wearing of the Ukrainian flag, the sporting world's response has been strong, both on an institutional and individual level. The most significant show of support might be FIFA’s decision to disqualify the Russian national football team from participating in their World Cup qualifier versus Poland. The decision came after FIFA had initially declared that Russia would be allowed to compete under the name “Football Union of Russia.” After intense pressure from the Polish, Swedish, and Czech football associations (FA), its opponents in the World Cup qualifying knockout stages, and the International Olympic Committee (IOC), FIFA were forced to disqualify Russia from the tournament. The ban also prevents Russia’s women’s football team from competing in any tournaments or matches. In a joint-statement with FIFA, UEFA also banned Russian clubs from participating in any European club competitions. This includes the Champions League, the Europa League and the Europa Conference League. As a result of this ban, Spartak Moscow were eliminated from their Europa League Round of 16 tie against RB Leipzig. This was the only Russian club still competing in a European club competition, hence the only club affected by UEFA’s ban. Russia recently lost its appeal to have this ban lifted by the Court of Arbitration for Sport. UEFA has also terminated its sponsorship deal with Gazprom, a major Russian oil company. The termination of such a relationship will undoubtedly affect UEFA as the deal, in place since 2012, has been reported to be worth around 40 million euros per season. In addition to this, UEFA has decided to move the 2022 UEFA Champions League final, which was originally planned to be played in Saint Petersburg, to the Stade de France in Paris. Following a request from the Ukrainian FA, FIFA has also postponed their World Cup qualifying match versus Scotland due to the ongoing fighting raging within the country. Originally scheduled to be played on the 24th March, it has been postponed indefinitely, with discussions under way for a new date, with the international break in June being the most likely option. Possibly one of the biggest stories currently within the football world is concerning the ownership of Chelsea FC by Russian billionaire Roman Abramovich, whose self-proclaimed “father and son” relationship with Putin caused the UK government to freeze Abramovich’s assets on the 10 March. In the days after the invasion, sanctions were handed out to Russian officials. Yet, initially, Abramovich was not included in these sanctions. Abramovich made it clear that he wanted to shield the club from any political backlash, and hence, attempted to sell the club before the UK government managed to slap him with sanctions. He failed to do so in time, and the UK government took control of Chelsea. A special license has been issued by the government which allows Chelsea to continue playing, however, after 10 March, no extra tickets could be sold and the club’s shop would be forced to close. The sanctions on Abramovich interrupted the sale of the club, however, the UK government has shown itself to be “open in the future to considering a license that would permit the sale of Chelsea FC,” on the condition that Abramovich make no profit from the sale. As bids continue to come in, Abramovich estimates the club to be worth around 3 billion USD. Abramovich’s love of the club remains apparent. He has stated his willingness to forgo the 1.5 billion GBP in loans he has made to the club over the last two decades, as paying this would, no doubt, have a crippling effect on the club’s financial structure. Abramovich is expected to make a decision on the club’s sale in the coming days. The International Paralympics Committee also ruled that Russian and Belorussian athletes would not compete in the 2022 Beijing Winter Paralympics that day before the games started. In Formula 1, a few weeks before the beginning of the 2022 season, US-based team Haas terminated Russian driver Nikita Mazepin’s contract, as well as their main sponsorship deal with the Russian company, Uralkali. This decision came after the FIA ( Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile ), Formula 1’s governing body, gave Mazepin the go ahead to continue racing in Formula 1, on the condition that he race under a neutral flag. Mazepin has since been extremely vocal in criticizing Haas for their decision. The International Tennis Federation (ITF) is one of the only major sports governing bodies which is yet to impose bans on Russian athletes. With Russian tennis player Danil Medvedev making history, by taking the top spot of the ATP World Rankings off Novak Djokovic for the first time, the ITF came under intense pressure to ban Russian athletes from competing and revoke Medvedev’s position as World Number 1. They responded by stating the Russian and Belorussian athletes would be allowed to compete, as long as they agreed not to compete under the name or flag of their respective countries. However, the sport with the biggest Russian representation is undoubtedly ice hockey, and for this reason, people waited apprehensively for ice hockey’s governing body, the International Ice Hockey Federation (IIHF), to address to situation. Their response did not hold back. The IIHF banned any Russian or Belorussian players from competing in any IIHF tournaments “until further notice.” The Federation also withdrew Russia’s hosting rights for the 2023 World Juniors. On the other hand, the National Hockey League (NHL), the most popular club ice hockey competition in the world, took a more moderate approach. Whilst the NHL has not banned Russian players from participating in the competition, it has suspended relations with its Russian business partners and has paused its Russian language social and digital media sites. Russian-born Alexander Ovechkin, hailed as one of the greatest ice hockey players of all time, spoke out against the war and called for peace. However, he stopped short of criticizing Russia and Putin. Many Russian athletes, including Medvedev, have also taken this course of action. They call for peace, yet are unable to criticize the Russian president directly. This highlights the fear that Putin instills within his citizens, even within top Russian athletes who live abroad. As sport plays such a large role in our societies culture, it is important for the sports world to continue to take a strong stance on Russia's unprovoked act of aggression. The reason being that we idolize sportsmen and women. Economic sanctions successfully cripple Russia’s economy, however, it affects people less on an individual level. We don’t have posters of big oil companies on our wall, or take our children to said companies’ AGMs. On the other hand, sport acts as a temple for millions of people. Attending football games and following clubs and national teams religiously results in athletes being raised up and placed on a pedestal. This gives them a responsibility to behave appropriately, as their actions often resonate across wide swathes of society, due to the influence they possess. It is for this reason that it is so pleasing to see so many athletes supporting Ukraine on an individual level. Certain football players, including Polish striker Robert Lewandowski, have started wearing armbands with the Ukrainian flag. Premier League clubs continue to broadcast the Ukrainian flag on screens within the stadium before games begin and fans showcase homemade banners, flags and slogans which highlight their solidarity with the people of Ukraine. Football: Sadio Mané scored the winning penalty as Senegal defeated Mohamed Salah’s Egypt to qualify for the 2022 Qatar FIFA World Cup amid controversy. Opposition fans shone bright-green lasers in the faces of the Egyptian players throughout the match. After the match, the Egyptian FA claimed that their team had been subjected to racism and other intimidation tactics. Morocco, Tunisia, Ghana and Cameroon also qualified. In Europe, Portugal and Poland booked their place in Qatar at the expense of North Macedonia and Sweden. Following a shock early defeat to North Macedonia, European champions Italy will miss out on the World Cup for the second time running. Canada managed to qualify for the first time in 36 years. Uruguay and Ecuador joined Brazil and Argentina as the South American teams to have secured qualification for the World Cup. In other news, the Premier League title race is heating up as Liverpool moves within one point of Manchester City, following their poor run of form. With 9 games left in the season, and both teams still competing in the Champions League and FA Cup, the stage is set for an intense race to the finish line between Klopp’s Liverpool and Guardiola’s Man City. Liverpool, who recently beat Chelsea to win the League Cup are no doubt looking to build on this, by completing a historic quadruple. A feat never before achieved by an English side. The Champions League Round of 16 provided some serious shocks as well. PSG were eliminated by Real Madrid, after a 17-minute hattrick by Karim Benzema sent the Bernabeu into raptures. Another disappointing end to PSG desperate attempts to get their hands on the elusive Champions League trophy. The summer transfer window saw them bringing in the likes of Sergio Ramos, Gianluigi Donnarumma and Lionel Messi to strengthen their chances of Champions League glory. Their early exit from the competition can only be seen as a huge disappointment, and questions have intensified over manager, Mauricio Pochettino’s future at the club. Villarreal also stunned Juventus by thrashing the old lady 3-0 in Turin to send them through to the quarter-finals of the competition. The quarter-final draw in full: Chelsea vs Real Madrid Manchester City vs Atlético Madrid Villarreal vs Bayern Munich Benfica vs Liverpool In Ligue 1, Nice have continued their successful run of form as they jostle with Marseille for 2nd place in the French championship and qualification for the Champions League. This would be a first for the club, as Nice have never qualified for the Champions League. Their success has extended to the French cup, where Nice managed to defeat both PSG and Marseille, earning them a place in the Final where they will 7th place Nantes. Rugby: In Rugby, France beat England at the Stade de France to win the Six Nations, completing their first Grand Slam in 12 years. Tries from Antoine Dupont and Gaël Fickou saw France breeze past England in a dominant display, much to the delight of the 80,000 French fans within the stadium. With France set to host the next Rugby World Cup in 2023, they will undoubtedly be considered the favorites, as reigning Champions South Africa have lost 4 out of their last 7 games. The final week of the Six Nations also saw Italy end their 36-match losing streak, with a stunning late victory against Wales. After Paolo Garbisi’s late conversion put Italy one point ahead of Wales in the dying embers of the game, the scenes were jubilant in Rome, with tears of joy being shed by players and fans alike. Formula 1: The first Grand Prix of the Formula 1 season saw Ferrari reestablish themselves by completing a 1-2 finish, with Charles Leclerc taking his 3rd career victory in Bahrain. The Scuderia ’s dominant display sets up an exciting three-way battle for the Championship, with Red Bull and a struggling Mercedes. Despite looking strong in testing, both Red Bulls were forced to retire late on in the race with powertrain issues, in what can be described as a nightmare start for the English team. Swimming: On 17 March, Lia Thomas became the first trans swimmer to win the NCAA women’s championship. This has reignited the heated debate surrounding transgender athletes’ participation in sport, as many call for her title to be taken away from her. Lia Thomas, originally William Thomas, was ranked 456th within the men’s event and jumped to 1st in the women’s event, above Olympic silver medalist Emma Weyant. American sports: In American football, the Los Angeles Rams scored a late touchdown to win the 56th edition of the Superbowl, beating the Cincinnati Bengals 23-20. On 15 March, American basketball player, Steph Curry of the Golden State Warriors, made history by becoming the all-time leading 3 point scorer, with 2977 pts, overtaking Ray Allen (2973 pts).

The recent increase in the number of races held in the Arabian Peninsula comes from the rise in investment from the Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia, which is currently advocating for the addition of a second race in Qiddiya. < Back Formula 1: Are the Gulf Countries “Sportswashing”? By Selin Elif Köse March 30, 2024 It’s lights out and away we go : Formula 1 2024 season is officially off to a start with the much anticipated Bahrain Grand Prix. As the silly season comes to an end, the whole Formula 1 community is still in shock with seven-time world champion Lewis Hamilton's announcement of transferring to Ferrari in 2025. The soon-to-be-empty Mercedes seat, on the other hand, has been associated with many names, from two-time world champion Fernando Alonso to Williams driver Alex Albon, but the most jaw-dropping one without question is Red Bull’s very own Max Verstappen. While there has been plenty of news going on off the grid, there hasn’t been a significant change in the team’s performances on the grid compared to last year, except for Alpine, as the formerly midfield team has fallen way back. Red Bull is still comfortably leading with Verstappen winning and Sergio Perez becoming runner-up in both the Bahrain and Saudi Arabian Grand Prix. The third place on the podium went to Ferrari drivers, Carlos Sainz and Charles Leclerc respectively, in the first two races of the season. Aston Martin and McLaren have also shown solid performance finishing in points while Mercedes has been facing obstacles with both the qualifying and race pace which left Hamilton ve Russell frustrated. However, this is not unexpected, as Mercedes started the last season on the wrong foot. Nonetheless, with the upgrades brought midseason, Mercedes quickly moved to the front of the grid again. With the end of the two-header in the Arabian Peninsula, the teams are now headed to Australia, returning to the Gulf for the last two races of the year. The recent increase in the number of races held in the Arabian Peninsula comes from the rise in investment from the Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia, which is currently advocating for the addition of a second race in Qiddiya. With their increasing stakes in Formula 1, Gulf countries have been accused of sportwashing. The Guardian journalist David Conn defines sportwashing as “the exploitation of sporting events to cleanse tarnished reputations." But why are the Gulf countries suddenly more interested in investing in Formula 1 and are they actually “sportwashing”? The term gained significant traction after Qatar hosted the 2022 World Cup, but “sportwashing” has been long used for other Gulf countries as well with their huge investments in football and Formula 1 in recent years to cover up their political wrongdoings. Evidently, Abu Dhabi's investments in sports, such as ownership of English Premier League club Manchester City and hosting the final race in the Formula 1 calendar, serve as a diversionary tactic to deflect attention from its violation of human rights, which include unfair trials, limited freedom of expression, failure to investigate torture allegations, gender discrimination, and mistreatment of migrant workers, as condemned by Amnesty International. Perceptions surrounding Saudi Arabia and sportswashing are similar. The country is commonly known as an authoritarian state responsible for the execution of almost 200 people in the last year , fueling the humanitarian crisis in Yemen with a military intervention, linked to the murder of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi, as well as the persecution of women's rights protestors. Yet, Saudi investors succeeded in securing a spot in the F1 calendar for Jeddah in 2021. This was received poorly, as Formula 1 had just launched their “We Race as One” campaign a year prior in 2020 to condemn inequality & racism and promote inclusivity for everyone regardless of their gender, race, and sexuality. Even though some argue that the Gulf states’ investment in sports is a means to improve their reputations on the international stage, it is also arguably fueled by desires for rapid economic growth. In 2016, Saudi Arabia’s Prince Mohammed bin Salman introduced Vision 2030, a long-term development plan to diversify the Saudi economy and reduce its dependency on oil revenue by developing other sectors such as tourism, entertainment, and technology while promoting private sector growth. Parallel to these efforts, Saudi Arabia invested heavily in Formula 1 by building a circuit in Jeddah and signing a 10-year contract with Liberty Media, owners of F1, to host at least one race each season in the country. Additionally, they advocated for a second race in Qiddiya by signing multi-million dollar marketing deals with drivers, including Fernando Alonso. This paved the way for other Gulf countries to develop their own economic plans to transform their oil-dependent economies into more sustainable and diversified ones. Qatar implemented the National Vision 2030 and constructed state-of-the-art stadiums for the 2022 FIFA World Cup. The United Arab Emirates launched the "UAE Vision 2021" and "UAE Vision 2071" initiatives, investing heavily in sports by hosting events such as the Dubai World Cup (with horse racing), Dubai Tennis Championships, and Dubai Rugby Sevens, among others. They also backed the Emirati former rally driver Mohammed Ben Sulayem in the FIA Presidential elections for choosing the successor of Jean Todt. The eventual election of Ben Sulayem also naturally increased the Gulf influence in F1. While this growing Gulf influence benefits the countries’ reputation, economy, and globalization, the administrative change has led to various political debates. Drivers such as Lewis Hamilton and former F1 driver and world champion Sebastian Vettel are actively engaged in activism for human rights and social justice. They often use their platform to speak out on global issues — Hamilton has worn a special design rainbow helmet supporting LGBTQ rights and a Black Lives Matter shirt before races. Hence, a major controversy emerged when The FIA (Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile) changed its International Sporting Code and endorsed drivers to receive written permission from the FIA to make any "political, religious and personal statements." FIA president Mohammed Ben Sulayem further said he would prefer the drivers to leave their "private personal agendas at home.” It was later clarified that the drivers were actually free to say whatever they wanted in the press conferences and this ban was only for formal events like podiums and grid ceremonies. This was just one of the multiple political debates going around in the F1 paddock. Even though there aren’t absolute restrictions on the rights of expression and political speech, the drivers and the teams have to be more careful with their words and actions in Middle Eastern countries. In conclusion, sportswashing and economic goals lie at the heart of the rise in Gulf investment in sports and Formula 1. While it sometimes leads to political controversies, it benefits both the states and the sport. In a way, it also gives the drivers the platform to be vocal on the social injustices and inequalities in the countries they are racing at and draw attention to these issues on the global stage. It shouldn’t be forgotten that Formula 1 is a platform that reaches an immense global audience and it can be instrumental in shaping public opinion. Hopefully, F1 not only provides breathtaking races in the Gulf but also carries the “We Race as One” spirit to these countries.

Our beloved SciencesPistes became more comfortable both on and off the slopes — daring to dive into challenging skiing and dynamic conversations. < Back Menton à SuperDévoluy: Sciences Pistes Spend Last Week of Break at BDS Ski Trip By Gigi Hodes January 30, 2022 When 2A Samanéa Rousseau, president of the Bureau des Sports (BDS) on campus, sent a flyer advertising a ski trip for students, I was apprehensive to sign up. The task of organizing a trip to the Alps for 50 SciencesPistes seemed Herculean and I was unsure whether it would work out. Now, after returning from the trip, I am so glad I went. The five-day experience was a great way to spend some time outdoors, connect with nature, and bond with other students. The adventure began with a schlep to the stadium. There, we boarded the bus that took us to SuperDévoluy, a ski resort a few hours north of Menton in the French Alps. The excitement was palpable — for the first few hours, everyone was chattering away. Our journey lasted around six hours, but in this distance, we managed to go from sunny Menton to snow-capped mountains. After disembarking with our luggage, it was time to check into our rooms at the Hameau du Puy residence and get settled in. A few sighs of frustration later, (doing an état des lieux in a mountain hotel is no more fun than in a seaside apartment, especially with a 200 euro deposit on the line), we were ready to explore. I was most excited to play in the snow; it had been years since I had seen it piled up like that. We all immediately donned our snow pants and went outside. Suddenly, I felt a cold thud against my right shoulder. I turned around to see a gloating 2A Isabella Aouad, proud of her aim. After that, it was on. We spent a good hour tumbling across the landscape, hitting each other with snowballs until we were all exhausted and ready for some beauty sleep. Though the sound of my alarm the next morning was not exactly welcome, I was excited to hit the slopes — skiing was a childhood favorite for me. I felt butterflies at the thought of returning to it now, at least a meter taller and 10 years older. Thankfully, the BDS took care of the equipment rental package, including the (objectively uncomfortable) ski boots and bright helmets. For beginners like 2A Paris Sistilli, it was a bit daunting to head out to experience the sport for the first time. However, there was an instructor waiting on the bunny hill to teach the 15-person group the basics. The rest of us split up to tackle what SuperDévoluy had to offer. At first, people were more comfortable sticking to their friend groups from home or their flatmates. However, as the trip progressed, it became more practical to organize according to skill level and confidence, which meant spending quality time with people you may never have gotten to know. 1A Sienna Bertamini was pushed outside of her comfort zone and forced to make new relationships with 2As since not many people in her cohort decided to come. She explained that it was nice to build connections with people outside of her closer core. According to her, this bonding was especially fostered during group dinners and other collective activities. She said, “it was like Integration Week all over again … it definitely helped with bonding.” Another 1A agreed, saying that interactions became more fluid by the second or third day. People bridged the gaps that usually split the Ummah. There was an overwhelming sense of solidarity and collaboration when it came to the sport, with advanced skiers often offering to help the beginners and pushing them to feel more confident. This led to a group of novices tackling a blue slope (easy-intermediate level) together for the first time! Though the trip had some serious hiccups (a torn ligament here, sliced finger there), it was a really fun experience overall. We had amazing weather; all blue skies after fresh snow — nearly perfect powder conditions. Our beloved SciencesPistes became more comfortable both on and off the slopes — daring to dive into challenging skiing and dynamic conversations. As a 2A who is nearing the end of her time on campus, I thought this was an exciting way to kick off the semester, as it fostered bonding across the Ummah and helped me start the year on the right foot.

< Back Students Elect 2022-2023 Representatives By Colette Yamashita Holcomb October 30, 2022 After a week of intense campaigning — primarily on social media — students were able to make their voices heard by electing their student representatives for their year group. These representatives will have seats on the Campus Life Council, which will meet regularly throughout the year with an administrative team composed of the campus director, the pedagogical managers, the student life advisor, class representatives, and the presidents of the permanent associations. At the start of the semester, the administration reminded students that the election should not be a popularity vote, emphasizing the importance of the role in campus communication. In accordance with campus tradition, the first-year tracks have one representative each, while second-years share two representatives (typically one female and one male). Exchange students also elect a representative. This year, the first-year French track displayed the highest voter turnout, with 87% of the students voting. French track also had the highest number of candidates — four competed for the representative spot. In both the English track and exchange student elections, candidates ran unopposed. In both the first and second years, few students attended the candidate's speeches. For the first years, William Chan was elected to represent the English track and Pablo Civera to the French track. Ishan Naithani and Valentine Menegazzo will represent the second-year students, and Bianca Van Tonder will represent the exchange students. To see a full-length profile of the candidates, check out this post on the Menton Times Instagram. The representatives play a vital role in student life. The elected students will meet monthly with the administrative team throughout the year to discuss all student issues and concerns — from campus life to student projects. “Your cohort representative will have the delicate and crucial task of transmitting information between the administration and the student community from the bottom up and down,” stated Solène Hoy, the student life advisor, in an email to the first-year students. As student representatives serve primarily as liaisons between the student body and the administration, candidates emphasized their communication skills and experience throughout their campaigns. Additionally, they promised to advocate for solutions to various student issues on campus, like the lack of a campus cafeteria and adequate English language outreach. Beyond prioritizing general student well-being and mental health, other key topics included improving networking resources for students — particularly regarding the third year abroad — and helping forge connections among exchange students across the different years and tracks. Many representatives also stressed making the communication between students and administration and subsequent problem-solving more efficient. As representative meetings commence, the student body eagerly anticipates what changes the new representatives will bring to our campus.

< Back Daring More Progress: Freedom, Justice, and Sustainability are Germany's new Leitmotifs. Florian Heydecker December 31, 2021 On November 24, the Social Democratic Pary (SPD), the Greens, and the Liberal Party (FDP) presented the coalition agreement for the next four years of government. The paper is the result of almost two months of negotiations that aimed at forming the first three-party coalition and the first government after sixteen years of Angela Merkel. Two weeks later, Olaf Scholz, SPD candidate and Minister of Finance in the previous government, was elected Bundeskanzler (Chancellor) and took office on December 8. Now Germany has a new leader, a new government, and a new agenda. The parties called their coalition ‘traffic light’ referring to their colors: red for SPD, yellow for the FDP, and the Greens. Briefly, the traffic-light coalition will increase the minimum wage, respect the balanced budget amendment, implement the coal phase-out, and legalize cannabis. Post-Merkel Germany will revolve around these new axes. Voting rights & Cannabis The new government is committed to lowering the active voting age for elections to the Bundestag and the European Parliament to 16. The traffic light coalition also wants to revise the electoral law “within the first year” to prevent the Bundestag from growing. Furthermore, the government wants to introduce the controlled distribution of cannabis to adults “for consumption purposes” in licensed stores. This reform would supervise quality, prevent the distribution of contaminated substances and ensure the protection of minors. The regulations for marketing and sponsorship of alcohol, nicotine, and cannabis will become more restrictive. Minimum wage & Housing The statutory minimum wage should increase to 12 euros per hour in a one-off adjustment, hence overcoming the current wage of 9.60 euros per hour. The minimum wage commission is then to decide on further increases and adapt it to the national and international circumstances. In addition, the coalition agreement outlines the goal of building 400,000 new homes per year, including 100,000 publicly subsidized homes. An “affordable housing alliance” will be established, and a new non-profit housing scheme with tax incentives and investment subsidies is to be launched immediately. The rent brake will be extended and tightened. In areas with a tight housing market, rents will be allowed to rise only up to 11 percent within three years instead of up to 15 percent as before. Climate The traffic light coalition wants to bring forward the coal phase-out. “Ideally, this will already succeed by 2030,” the agreement said. This eight-year process will revolve around the expansion of wind and solar power. By 2030, 80% of electricity consumption is to come from renewable energies. This will require more gas-fired power plants. The partners want to more than the triple solar capacity to 200 gigawatts (GW), by making photovoltaics mandatory on commercial roofs, among other things. They also want to accelerate the expansion of offshore wind energy, which is to climb to 30 GW in 2030 (previously 20 GW). Two percent of Germany's surface area is to be reserved for onshore wind energy. The phase-out of coal is also to be accelerated via European trading in CO2 pollution rights. The coalition, therefore, intends to lobby the European Union (EU) for a minimum price for these certificates, which power plants require. If this is unsuccessful, it will be fixed nationally such that the price does not fall below 60 euros per ton. In the future, climate protection will be more strongly integrated into the decisions of the German government than in the past. Each ministry is to review its draft laws for climate impact and compatibility with national climate protection targets and provide an appropriate justification — the so-called climate check. The Federal Climate Protection Act will be further developed “consistently” before the end of 2022, and an emergency climate protection program will be introduced. Nuclear weapons The new federal government wants to abandon Germany's fundamental rejection of the United Nations Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons and thus deviate from the previous. Germany will participate in the Conference of the Parties as an observer. The controversial treaty banning nuclear weapons was adopted by 122 of the 193 countries of the United Nations in 2017 and entered into force at the beginning of this year. It prohibits the possession, acquisition, development, and deployment of nuclear weapons. All nuclear powers, as well as all NATO countries, and thus also Germany, have so far rejected it because they considered the previous treaties to be a better basis for nuclear disarmament. Transport Starting next year, the regional funds for local transportation will be increased. Quality criteria and standards for services and accessibility for urban and rural areas will be defined by both the federal states and local authorities together. Deutsche Bahn AG will be retained as an integrated group, including the group's internal labor market, under public ownership. Internal structures will be made more efficient and transparent. The infrastructure units (DB Netz, DB Station und Service) of Deutsche Bahn AG will be merged into a “new infrastructure division oriented toward the common good.” Cross-border traffic will be strengthened and night train services developed with the EU and the member states. By 2030, 75 percent of the rail network is to be electrified. Germany aims to become the lead market for electromobility, with at least 15 million electric cars in 2030. The SPD, Greens, and FDP also want a reform of the truck toll. In 2023, a “CO2 differentiation” of the truck toll is to be implemented. Commercial road haulage of three and a half tons or more will be included in this toll, and a CO2 surcharge will also be introduced — on condition that a double burden from the CO2 price is ruled out. Migration and right to stay Visa issuance is to be accelerated and increasingly digitized. Residence permits should not expire during temporary stays abroad. The “complicated system of toleration” is to be reorganized. “Well-integrated young people,” up to the age of 27, will be allowed to stay after three years of residence in Germany. People who have lived in Germany for five years by January 1, 2022, have not committed any criminal offenses, and are committed to the free democratic basic order will be able to obtain a one-year probationary residence permit. For faster asylum procedures, the new coalition wants to relieve the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees. “We want faster decisions in asylum proceedings, as well as a standardization of jurisdiction and will quickly present a bill to this end,” the three parties announced. Financing The Balanced Budget Amendment enshrined in the Basic Law is to be complied with again starting in 2023. In the coming year, however, new loans will have to be taken out again due to the ongoing consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. Municipalities with high levels of old debt are to be relieved. “In 2022, there will also be continuing pandemic consequences to deal with, which will continue to constitute an exceptional emergency in the sense of the debt rule,” the agreement said. “Beginning in 2023, we will then limit debt to the constitutional margin provided by the debt brake and comply with the debt brake requirements.” Foreign Policy The signal of continuity in German foreign policy could not have been clearer. At the G20 summit in Rome, Chancellor Angela Merkel (CDU) and her vice-chancellor and successor Olaf Scholz (SPD) took part in a virtual duet and completed all the important talks together. The administration of U.S. President Joe Biden continues to rely on a strong Germany that assumes responsibility within the EU, NATO, and the international community. The U.S. will pay particular attention to how the new German government positions itself vis-à-vis China and Russia. Washington D.C. is pushing for a more confrontational approach to its strategic rival, whereas Merkel's government has tended to focus on dialogue and good trade relations. As for China, Merkel is already sorely missed in Beijing because she spoke her mind honestly, but also always showed understanding for China and pursued a more business-oriented China policy. Beijing hopes that Scholz is also aware of how dependent Germany is on economic cooperation with China. Yet, the Greens and the FDP not only want to do more for human rights, including the persecution of Uyghurs and Tibetans and the situation in Hong Kong but also advocate free trade and fair market access. This last aspect resonates well with the increasing tensions between Beijing and the U.S. Further developments will become more visible in the future. Back to Europe, Russia does not expect a fundamental improvement in its relationship with Germany given the severe tensions of recent years. Moscow-based Germany expert Vladislav Belov, however, expects the chancellor to continue to set the foreign policy lines. He does not see a new confrontational course under Scholz. “The coalitionists are not starting from ‘red lines’ but a constructive approach,” said the head of the Germany Center at the European Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences. On the other hand, Turkey will likely face a tougher course from the new German government concerning human rights issues and the EU-Turkey refugee deal. Both SPD and the Greens are committed to emphasizing the respect of human rights and the right to asylum. Concerning Israel, a policy of continuity can be expected from the traffic light government as a whole. The new government is also committed to a two-state solution in the Middle East. Meanwhile, Palestinians are expected to make “progress on democracy, the rule of law and human rights.” Israel is expected to halt settlement expansion in the Palestinian territories and, hence, promote a future peace settlement. Finally, the EU expects a solid continuation of Merkel’s European commitment. With the SPD, the Greens, and the FDP as pro-European parties, Paris expects a certain continuity of previous German policies. Scholz, as an already well-known and experienced politician, gives Paris a certain degree of security and is seen as a desirable partner. Some concerns might arise due to different views between the Greens and the FDP. France also observes the way Germany will combine climate investments and strict debt policy. The strengthening of the collaboration with Italy has also become a further point of the EU balance. Thus, the new German government entails both continuity and rupture with the Merkel era. Although Olaf Scholz should preserve, if not even strengthen, Germany’s transatlantic and European commitment, the coalition will adopt a more liberal line for national politics and a harder approach with regards to human rights and the rule of law abroad. Post-Merkel Germany has taken its first steps, the race has just begun.

< Back Frontex : The EU Agency That Has Been Accused of Covering up Illegal Migrant Pushbacks By Viola Luraschi December 31, 2022 What is Frontex? The European Border and Coast Guard Agency, also known as Frontex, was established in 2004 under the European Union to help members and Schengen-associated countries manage their external frontiers. European borders have witnessed an unprecedented rise in asylum-seeking migrants and refugees in recent years. Thus, Warsaw-based Frontex, tasked with coordinating maritime operations and external land borders, has served as a prominent presence at several international union-country airports. The accusations against Frontex On April 29, 2022, the resignation of Fabrice Leggeri, former Director General of Frontex, was approved. The resignation followed an in-depth investigation by OLAF, the European Anti-Fraud Office, whose European Union-designated role is to combat illegal activities. The inquiry found the agency guilty of “harassment” and “misconduct.” Frontex was accused of playing a role in violating the fundamental rights of refugees in Greece by forcing the return of migrants. The Frontex reporting system has concealed numerous pushbacks in the Aegean sea, and in the words of Giorgios Christides, “between March 2020 and September 2021 (the agency) was involved in 222 incidents in the Aegean, resulting in the summary expulsion of at least 957 and potentially 8,355 asylum seekers.” The OLAF reports include 20 witnesses and over 120 pages of research conducted over 16 months. A pushback case that underlines the illegal actions of Frontex dates back to August 2020. On the morning of Aug. 5, the Greek Coast Guard dragged an inflatable raft with around 30 migrants back toward Turkey instead of taking them to Greek shores where they were headed. In one of many similar cases, an aircraft operated by Frontex was streaming the pushback live. A handwritten note on Nov. 16, 2020, by Frontex employees states that they had “withdrawn [their] FSA (Frontex Surveillance Aircraft) some time ago so as not to witness” the human rights violations. This statement clearly shows that the European Union agency was aware of the violations but instead decided to ignore the situation that it was established to prevent. Furthermore, the report included evidence that taxpayer money was used to fund the pushbacks. The Aug. 5 incident was led by the vessel “CPB 137,” which was co-owned by the agency. Leggeri was also accused of obstructing previous investigations regarding his agency’s illegal activity. Furthermore, his private messages revealed his conservative beliefs about the refugee crisis. Samuel Abraham: a personal account On Apr. 10, 2021, Samuel Abraham and 62 other people left the Libyan shore in a small rubber boat. Out of the 63 people who set off on the journey, only 51 were alive by the end. Abraham recounted, “the plane circled over our heads again and again, but no one helped us.” This plane was operated by Frontex, who witnessed the perilous situation below but refused to act. Moreover, he said that during their five days at sea, a cargo ship appeared; however, no help was offered, and the three people who jumped from the boat in attempts to reach the vessel failed and drowned. The secrecy behind the content of OLAF’s report Regulation 1049 of 2001 outlines the fundamental right of both residents and citizens of the European Union to access documents of and held by its institutions. While this regulation aims at promoting transparency and ensuring accessibility to all citizens, Article 4 (of Regulation 1049) identifies exceptions that can deny total or partial access to documents. It is under this article that Frontex continues to keep the OLAF report classified. However, some investigative journalists (Der Spiegel and Lighthouse Reports) have been able to leak parts of its contents. Resentment in response to the agency’s secrecy is widespread, especially considering the report’s allegations of misuse of union funds and international law breaches. The inaccessibility of the documents has meant that the agency’s victims have been unable to exercise their right to an effective remedy. Therefore, their right to a fair trial has been obstructed. However, it must also be noted that hindering investigations is not inherently illegal and, depending on circumstances, may even be deemed appropriate. Yet, when considering the far-reaching implications of the report, it is only normal to question the inconsistency between the findings of the report and the actions that will be taken against Frontex. The aftermath of the OLAF report Only one resignation has occurred as a consequence of the OLAF report: that of Fabrice Leggeri. The European Parliament has continuously refused the approval of the agency’s budget. In September, Frontex announced “recent changes within the agency,” among which the suspension of operations in the Aegean sea was unmentioned. Article 46 of the Frontex Regulation states that the Executive Director should “suspend or terminate activity by the agency, in whole or in part, if he or she considers that there are violations of fundamental rights or international protection obligations related to the activity concerned that are of a serious nature or are likely to persist.” However, there is still a lack of Serious Incident Reporting on the island of Samos in Greece, where it was flagged that authorities were using intimidation tactics that discouraged incident reporting. The European Commission has continued to be reluctant to take a stance on the matter.

< Back Loi “immigration” en France : entre crises politiques et institutionnelle By Salomé Greffier January 31, 2024 Le 19 décembre 2023, les députés et sénateurs français réunis dans une commission mixte paritaire adoptent le texte controversé de la Loi “immigration” proposée par le gouvernement macroniste dès février de la même année. Cette loi ne constitue que le prolongement d’une politique menée au cours des cinquante dernières années par les gouvernements français successifs. Ainsi, depuis 1974, sous la présidence de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, la mise en place de mesures pour encadrer et limiter les flux migratoires, sous couvert de sécurité nationale, marque le paysage politique français de clivages profonds. Dès 2006, le gouvernement évoque la notion d’immigration choisie supposant des mesures d’aide au retour dans les pays d’origine des réfugiés, un durcissement des conditions du regroupement familial ou encore l’instauration d’une carte “compétence et talents” pour sélectionner la main-d'œuvre étrangère. Au centre de ces mesures gravitent les idées de mérite, d’assimilation et d’identité nationale. Sur ce terreau historique, la dernière Loi “immigration” défendue par l’actuel ministre de l’intérieur, Gérald Darmanin, était présentée comme un compromis entre contrôle accru de l’immigration et une meilleure intégration. Le texte proposait en filigrane une pression prononcée sur l’obtention des droits de séjour pour les étudiants, familles et travailleurs, ainsi qu’une limitation toujours plus importante du nombre d’entrées sur le territoire et un encadrement de l’obtention de la nationalité en invoquant le droit du sol. La version proposée par le gouvernement a d’abord été votée par le Sénat puis remaniée par la commission des lois de l’Assemblée nationale. L’adoption d’une motion de rejet de la part des députés a rendu caduque cette version du texte, nécessitant l’intervention d’une commission mixte paritaire. Les conclusions de cette dernière convainc alors 214 sénateurs principalement centristes et affiliés à la droite, à l’exception d’une abstention dans le rang des Républicains, face à 114 voix associées à la Nupes, au Parti Socialiste, aux communistes et aux écologistes. Les élus de Renaissance, le parti du président, se sont quant à eux montrés clivés avec 15 voix en faveur de la Loi contre 4 en défaveur et une abstention. De même, à l’Assemblée nationale, le texte rassemble 349 députés et souligne des divisions au sein du parti de d’Emmanuel Macron: 20 députés s’étant prononcés contre la Loi et 17 choisissant l’abstention. L'évocation d’une démission de la part de six ministres appuie davantage encore la situation de crise engendrée par la ratification de cette Loi. En conséquence, l’adoption de la Loi “immigration” constitue une victoire pour la majorité sénatoriale de droite et signe, selon les partis de gauche, l’officialisation de son intégration à la majorité gouvernementale. Plus largement, cette mesure marque selon le journal quotidien espagnol El País une remise en question de “l’essence du macronisme, qui se proclame ni de gauche, ni de droite” faisant par ailleurs de cette caractéristique son principal instrument électoral. Désormais, le parti est associé à ce “compromis humiliant avec les partis de droite” affirme le journal suisse Le Temps , un signe supplémentaire du glissement de ce gouvernement vers la droite, faisant écho au mouvement politique actuel dans une grande partie de l’Europe. Au-delà de cette crise politique, résultant de l’obédience politique du gouvernement actuel, la Loi “immigration” interroge sur le respect des valeurs républicaines. Si pour certains sénateurs tels que Philippe Bonnecarrère (Union centriste) ce texte “exprime une autorité régalienne forte dans le respect de l’Etat de droit” faisant état du bon fonctionnement des institutions, d’autres affirment que ce texte s’éloigne des valeurs républicaines d’égalité et de fraternité. Ainsi, les partis de gauche accusent le Sénat et le Parlement d’alimenter des idées extrémistes telles que la préférence nationale et le populisme. Alors que Gérald Darmanin avance que “Des mesures sont manifestement contraires à la Constitution”, rendant certaines mesures de la Loi inapplicables, il faut sans doute considérer les raisons pour lesquelles de telles mesures ont pu être votées au sein d’institutions républicaines. La Loi “immigration” ne sera donc probablement pas appliquée dans les faits, mais il n’en demeure pas moins que sa rédaction alarme quant au maintien des valeurs fondamentales de notre République.

< Back Beijing: Unanticipated Beneficiary of Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine? By Magdalena Offenbeck April 30, 2022 The sanctions imposed by the West following the invasion of Ukraine in February have significantly damaged the Russian economy. Nevertheless, the idea of a stronger Sino-Russian alliance to evade sanctions and counter their effects hangs over the head of the West like the Sword of Damocles. How realistic is this? Will Western states’ intervention tip the scale in favor of Ukraine or does China offer a viable economic alternative? Now, two months into the invasion, the United States, the European Union, and their allies seem to have reached their sanction-imposing limit. Yet, the battles have not halted. In light of recent human rights violations in Bucha and beyond, we ask ourselves why, despite all the actions taken to counteract the Russian invasion, so little progress has been made. Now, after the recent meeting in Beijing between Russian and Chinese foreign ministers, a new fear has emerged: the alarming possibility that Russia could evade sanctions by strengthening economic and political ties with the People’s Republic of China. In the meeting, the two powers discussed closer economic ties and joint strategic security interests. China was Russia’s top trading partner in 2011, with a trading volume that is approximately 2.5 times that with Germany, Russia’s second most important trading partner. Of the five largest trading partners with Russia, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United States are imposing sanctions; China and Belarus are not. It is no secret that these sanctions have had a grave impact on Russia’s economy. However, with the West’s dependence on Russian oil and gas exports, the trade volume will likely not shrink close to zero in the near future. This is not to say that Russia does not need the West for its relative economic prosperity, but if Russian history has shown one common trait, it is that its leaders, from the Tzars and the Bolsheviks to current President Vladimir Putin, do not tend to prioritize the interest of the people. Putin’s war will hurt the Russian citizens, who are now facing inflation, shortages and the effects of a sudden isolation after 30 years of relative openness. They will not hurt the president and the surrounding elite who control the wealth in the country, unless one considers the loss of a chalet in Switzerland to be equally grave as a lack of basic necessities. In consequence, Putin and his political elite will not only be much less affected but they can also use repression and misinformation to silence dissatisfied citizens. Russian propaganda may present an alliance between Russia and China as an economically equally viable alternative to trade with the West, but its success is doubtful, especially considering the financial instability Western sanctions have caused. China has been playing a careful balancing act. Abstaining from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) vote on a resolution regarding Ukraine (unsurprisingly vetoed by Russia), it has since been avoiding any strong positioning. However, abstention is a position in itself. By continuing trade relations with Russia and further following objectives to increase trade in the course of the decade, China has de facto sided with Russia. In a recent speech before the UNSC, the Chinese delegate Dai Bing mastered the art of diplomatic vagueness. He encouraged negotiation and urged for equal protection of refugees, general statements that do not assign blame. He did “deplore” the Russian attack on a Ukrainian train station (denied by Russia), however, Dai Bing only called for an investigation of the cause rather than condemning the apparent perpetrator. Arguably the most enlightening part of Dai Bing’s speech was his declaration that sanctioning and providing weapons “will not bring about peace.” Rather, they have brought about “a food crisis for which the whole world pays the price.” It is true that Western intervention has triggered a food crisis and put the global economy to the test. However, China is well aware that, to the participating nations, this is about more than the global economy. It is about Russia’s bid to challenge the world order and a post-war status quo that has benefited Europe and the United States more than anyone else. They are willing to go to great lengths to protect their positions. Yet, China has also seen its rise in that order. The West has both been an important trading partner and a strategic rival, a dynamic that has allowed the People’s Republic to experience unprecedentedly rapid growth, development, and increased geopolitical power. China and Russia are often treated as one entity because both are arguably the most important “non-Western” political actors and maintain similar political stances. But, Russia is also both a trading partner and a strategic rival to China, even if both share a common resentment towards the West. China has increased trade with Russia and benefited from Moscow’s isolation by gaining strategic importance. However, both Russia succeeding in its annexation and becoming too powerful or the West gaining from increased unity and self-sufficiency are not ideal for Beijing. China has no interest in seeing the political framework that it has been navigating successfully uprooted as it proceeds to silently expand its sphere of influence globally. The status quo of the past years has allowed Beijing to become a key actor in Africa, Central Asia, and beyond. If any side emerges stronger from the conflict, their next focus could be countering Chinese geopolitical influence in their backyard, an undesired outcome for the rising power. This leaves us with the typical “only time can tell” conclusion. Beijing will likely navigate the conflict opportunely, gaining from an increased trade with Russia. However, it will avoid becoming the target of equally harsh economic sanctions or getting involved directly in the conflict. In other words, China is happy to remain more of a side actor. The political landscape will be transformed through this invasion, but it is unclear how exactly, and China might not be quite certain how to feel about it. Ultimately, the People’s Republic has been defending its own interests in the geopolitical game for a while and there is reason to believe that it will manage to use the current status quo to continue its endeavors.

< Back Mentonese Students Buckle Their Seatbelts for Integration Week 2022 By Lise Thorsen September 29, 2022 The first week of university is one of the most memorable and significant events in a student’s academic evolution. This year, Integration Week turned the page to a new chapter for 180 students of the Mentonese Sciences Po campus. In the “Ville de Citrons,” located on the shores of the French Riviera, Integration Week promised exhilarating events planned by our very own Bureau des Étudiants Integration Week Committee. Upon one’s first-ever moments in the sun-kissed “Pearl of France,” feelings of budding excitement bubble to the surface. This year’s incoming 1As proved high-spirited in the daunting face of friendship-building, and many confessed their eagerness to embark on their journey into the Mentonese mode de vie. On Aug. 22, 2022, the beating of drums and Mentonese chants echoed throughout Rue Longue. This commotion originated from the “hype session,” in which our beloved campus mascot, Loulou , hyped us for the Bureau des Étudiants’ opening ceremony. The Menton campus was also welcomed back by Monsieur le Maire, Yves Juhel , and Madame la Directrice, Yasmina Touaibia, who greeted students warmly with her contagious smile. Once gathered in the grand amphitheater for the official opening ceremony, the student body was awestruck by the Menton cheerleading team’s smashing performance. Shortly after, our two Integration Week hosts, 2As Riwa Hassan and Louai Allani, welcomed the Ummah to the Menaverse. This clever wordplay, combining “MENA” and “metaverse,” signaled to the audience that Menton would enter a stage of metamorphosis this academic year. Through what Allani expressed as adding a “pinch of digitalization to the Mediterranean,” the audience was thrilled to be introduced to the “revolutionary invention” of the “Pass Ummah,” designed with meticulous care by the Committee. The “Pass Ummah” was the personalized QR code that allowed students who bought Integration Week packages to access the planned events. It served as the high-tech alternative to the wristbands that former Integration Week committees opted for. Hassan and Allani soon began reminiscing about the wonders of Menton and dedicated a special shoutout to José’s cat, baptized ‘ Cat-Dafi ’ by the student body the previous year. The Bureau President, Samy Bennouna, and Bureau Vice President, Lenora Dsouza, soon took the floor and offered insight into the tireless behind-the-scenes work carried out by the Committee’s executive team during the preceding summer. After a well-deserved round of applause for the Committee team, the Bureau des Arts blessed our ears with soothing live tunes from the music club. Committee member, Viola Luraschi, reflected on the most rewarding aspects of her experience in integration week. She cheerfully explained that the 1As had fully embraced the Menton spirit with open arms and that she could not be more proud of how well all the events had panned out. However, she did affirm that there is a stark contrast between living the full-fledged experience of Integration Week and organizing the events. Another Committee member, Isabel Cronin, elaborated further by explaining that logistical issues cropped up but were tackled with solidarity and resilience. She was impressed by “how quickly the team could adapt and continue.” Clearly, the Committee’s strenuous efforts to churn out a successful week were not in vain. It was evident that both the first and second-years dearly appreciated the time the Bureau put into crafting the orientation events. Highlights from Integration Week include the Kebab lunch, which managed to feed our ravenous Sciences Pistes, the Consent Talks held diligently by the Feminist Union on an annual basis, and the UEFA Conference League Nice match , which pleased our football enthusiasts. The drinking apparathon served the purpose of filling rooms with laughter, and the ‘ice’ was, without a doubt, broken among peers. However, the success of this event did not infringe upon the following “Le Festival Plage” party, which was deemed one of the “best Bureau des Étudiants parties ever” by a fellow 2A. Even the city-wide scavenger hunt united students in their mutual exploration of their new home. On the final day of integration week, Environnementon led a hike on Nietzsche’s Path in Èze-sur-Mer; the subsequent beach day in Cap d’Ail was a fitting post-hike activity. The Nice bar hopping night similarly reflected our potential to bring Menton outside of Menton. The jam session was a massive hit as the Bureau des Arts musicians displayed their talent on stage during a Sablettes sunset. Building up to the final party, “à la mentonnaise,” Integration Week would not be complete without a sweaty Soundproof party. In collaboration with the Babel association, the Committee pooled their creative juices to host a soirée themed upon the “six deadly sins” — 21st-century edition. Soundproof quickly devolved into a fiery sauna. As such, a Sablettes after-party was in order. Later that night, an anonymous source noted that hookup culture had decreased significantly compared to last year, and rumor has it that the student body has become interested in forming more profound and meaningful connections. Nonetheless, by the end of a very tiresome week for us all, many students claimed to have come down with “Freshers Flu,” and some complained that their social battery was utterly drained. Understandably, following stressful days of accommodating new routines, symptoms of homesickness invariably started to kick in. Fortunately, the I-Homes night provided an ideal supportive outlet for 1As seeking expert 2A guidance. It seems fair to suggest that after a fruitful integration week, we all wear our Menaverse shirts with pride. To borrow the Directrice’s words, “notre communauté est riche et continue à s’enrichir.” Indeed, every year, Menton witnesses new 1As blossom while 2As continue to flourish. We can only hope that after having welcomed the new academic year with open arms, we have succeeded in setting the standards high for next year’s Integration Week.