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After two political comebacks and an ongoing legal battle, this term presents Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s final opportunity to alter his legacy. < Back As Netanyahu Regains Power, the Far-Right Flourishes By Peyton Dashiell November 30, 2022 With nearly all votes counted from the Nov. 1, 2022, Israeli election, former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is poised to return to the role, continuing his reign as the longest-serving prime minister in Israeli history. As his Likud party and several right-wing coalition partners obtained a stable parliamentary majority, there may be an end in sight for Israel’s protracted political crisis, which has sparked five snap elections since 2019. Netanyahu, who formerly served as Prime Minister from 1996 to 1999 and 2009 to 2021, leads the center-right Likud party. His decades-long political career has overseen the Oslo Accords, both Intifadas, disengagement from Gaza and the Abraham Accords. Netanyahu’s position on Palestinian statehood has shifted many times. After opposing a Palestinian state early in his career, he reversed course in his 2009 Bar Ilan speech, supporting a two-state solution as long as the Palestinian government agreed to demilitarize. However, he condemned a two-state solution ahead of the 2015 Israeli elections, and many of his coalition partners support full Israeli annexation of the West Bank. Within Israel, Netanyahu advocates for free-market principles — he has eased Israeli foreign exchange controls, reduced the size of the public sector and passed anti-monopoly and anti-cartel laws to increase economic competition. Regionally, he has attempted to maintain a delicate power balance with Iran and Saudi Arabia, strongly condemning any Western nuclear deal with Iran as a threat to Israel’s security. And despite his alignment with religiously conservative parties, Netanyahu himself comes from a secular background and supports some progressive social issues like same-sex marriage. In 2019, Netanyahu was indicted on charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust, all of which he denies. The investigation into these charges is ongoing; a loophole in Israeli law requires officials under investigation for corruption to resign from all government offices except that of prime minister, allowing Netanyahu to take office despite his legal battles. His trial resumed on November 7 — the Jerusalem District Court will hear testimony regarding the Gifts Affairs, in which Netanyahu and his wife are accused of accepting $200,000 in gifts from billionaire Arnon Milchan in exchange for helping him obtain a U.S. visa and securing tax exemptions. Israel is a parliamentary democracy — the Israeli President, whose power is mostly ceremonial, nominates a member of the parliament (Knesset) to become Prime Minister, typically the leader of the largest party. The nominee is then tasked with creating a multi-party coalition with at least 61 out of 120 Knesset seats to retain power. This election was the fifth in four years due to a parliamentary crisis over Netanyahu’s leadership — the liberal wing of the Knesset has refused to create a coalition with Netanyahu, while Likud has insisted on keeping Netanyahu as party leader, resulting in an unstable coalition majority. In this election, Likud secured 32 Knesset seats, the largest share of any party. The Yesh Atid coalition, led by outgoing Prime Minister Yair Lapid, earned the second-largest share with 24 seats. Netanyahu has begun coalition talks with the Religious Zionism, Shas and United Torah Judaism parties, which won 14, 11 and seven seats, respectively. Overall, the coalition will hold 64 seats, safeguarding it against the fragility of past coalitions with smaller majorities. The far-right Religious Zionist party, led by Bezalel Smotrich, merged with Itamar Ben Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) party to gain 14 Knesset seats and join Netanyahu’s coalition. Ben Gvir is associated with the Kahanist movement and Kach party — both banned by Israel in 1994 due to incitement of terrorism and racism against Arabs and labeled as terrorist organizations by the United States, the European Union and Japan. Ben Gvir, who was disqualified from service in the Israeli Defense Forces due to his radical views, has faced dozens of hate speech charges and called for the expulsion of Palestinian citizens of Israel viewed as disloyal to the Israeli government. The domestic agendas of Religious Zionism and Otzma Yehudit espouse religious conservatism — both parties oppose same-sex marriage and call for increased federal funding for religious studies. Additionally, Religious Zionism has expressed aims to vest the Knesset with the power to override the Israeli High Court. Right-wing leaders have heavily criticized the High Court for rulings on settlement construction, detention of African asylum seekers and the ability of Reform and Conservative Jewish converts to gain Israeli citizenship. While Netanyahu distanced himself from Ben Gvir on the campaign trail, the leaders met in coalition talks in Tel Aviv on Nov. 7. Ben Gvir expressed his aim to become public security minister, a role that manages police oversight and training. The success of Religious Zionism and Otzma Yehudit came at the expense of the Israeli left. For the first time since its establishment in 1992, left-wing party Meretz failed to pass the electoral threshold and gain any Knesset representation. Meretz leader Zehava Galon denounced the Religious Zionist party and labeled the election results a “disaster for Meretz, a disaster for the country, and yes, a disaster for me personally.” Prime Minister Yair Lapid has garnered blame for blocking coalition efforts between Meretz and Yesh Atid, claiming that both parties would securely pass the threshold. English Track first-year Roey Ofer has supported Meretz in the past five elections due to their resistance to West Bank annexation and advocacy against human rights violations. Ofer rejects the narrative that Lapid is solely culpable for left-wing failures: “I believe the respective leaders of each party are to be blamed for not being willing to unite their lists as well as providing voters with a solid ideological alternative which is not merely a negation of their opponents.” Arab parties Ra’am and Hadash Ta’al increased their seats to five each, while the Balad party failed to cross the electoral threshold. The three parties, along with Mada, previously comprised The Joint List, a coalition of Arab-majority parties that served as the third largest faction in the Knesset. However, the coalition dissolved in September after several members from different parties left due to ideological disputes. Palestinian citizens of Israel, who make up nearly one-fifth of the Israeli population, have much lower voter turnout rates than Jewish Israelis — only 55 percent cast votes this cycle. While second-year Sama Nabulsi attributes this low turnout to the Knesset’s disinterest in ameliorating Palestinian conditions, she doesn’t believe that past anti-Palestinian legislation or disillusionment from prior coalition shortcomings should discourage Palestinian citizens from voting: “ I think Palestinians with the ability to vote should vote for three main reasons. First, to push the power away from far-right and generally racist parties. Second, if they choose to vote for Arab parties, to be able to secure some control and representation in the parliament. And third, to be able to build strength in the Palestinian voice for future elections and parliaments, a higher voter turnout creates an efficient voting bloc that would help constitute what the future government may look like. I don’t know how far a Palestinian voice can go in the makeup of the Israeli parliament today, but I believe that the battle isn’t over yet. ” Reversing trends seen globally, the rightward shift in this election was primarily driven by young, first-time voters — supporters of right-wing, religious parties specifically skewed young, male and Orthodox. A pre-election survey from the Israel Democracy Institute found that 71 percent of Israelis under age 24 identify as right-wing, compared to 47 percent of those 35 and older. Once a political pariah, Itamar Ben Gvir enjoys support from the incoming prime minister, and Religious Zionism is now the third largest party in the Knesset. Regarding overall election consequences, an anonymous second-year said, “there are many concerns that arise from this election, from the incorporation of once extremist and radical views into the Israeli political mainstream to dangers to Israel’s democracy, especially within the judiciary.” They also noted increased division within Israeli politics: “the high number of Orthodox and Ultra-Orthodox lawmakers and the ever-increasing rift between Israel and Diaspora Jews also offer little reason for hope.” Despite his cumulative 15 years in office, Netanyahu’s third term is unlikely to bring stagnancy to Israeli politics. Emboldened by his strong coalition majority, Netanyahu can pursue an ambitious agenda — he has highlighted normalization with Arab countries as a key priority, building upon the 2020 Abraham Accords he signed with former U.S. President Donald Trump. However, questions remain about the impact of his religious, right-wing coalition partners — will they significantly shape Israeli security and social issues, or will Netanyahu work to temper their aims and maintain the status quo? After two political comebacks and an ongoing legal battle, this term presents Netanyahu’s final opportunity to alter his legacy.

Many young Tunisians, 1A Amira Zargouni notes, are “filled with disillusionment due to the long, arduous process of democratic transition” and have not experienced the direct rewards of democratic gains during the post-revolution period that their parents or grandparents did. < Back The False Revival of the Moroccan Political Scene By Bechar Benmoumen September 29, 2021 History On March 17, 2011, HM King Mohammed VI announced with great fanfare in a speech to the nation the establishment of a new constitution in order to "complete the construction of the rule of law and democratic institutions" in the Kingdom of Morocco. Faced with popular demands, the Sovereign submitted to a referendum a text slightly limiting his powers and announced that new elections would be held. The Justice and Development Party (PJD), the Moroccan branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, triumphed and entered the government for the first time in its history, thanks to its active role in the February 20 Movement and its charitable networks in many poor neighborhoods. Tale of a Disgrace Two terms later, the Islamist party experienced the largest political decline in Morocco's contemporary history, dropping from 120 seats out of 395 in the 2016 elections to just 12. Normalization with Israel, signed by the former Head of Government Saad-eddine El Othmani, has been put forward by many observers to explain the break with the party's conservative base. However, in my opinion, this remains anecdotal as the PJD's record was marred by a more than conflicting relationship with the Monarchy, which prevented it from implementing the economic, social and societal reforms for which it was elected, as well as by political problems that definitively completed the rupture between the party and large sections of Moroccan society. This defeat is also remarkable because it is the first time that the Islamist movement that took power in the wake of the Arab Spring has been deposed at the ballot box. An unprecedented participation Despite the health restrictions imposed by the pandemic, which forced the campaigns to take place mainly on social networks, the legislative, regional and communal elections had a high turnout of 50.18%, which had not been seen since the 2000s. In addition, it is notable that turnout in the Saharan provinces (in the territory internationally known as Western Sahara) was significantly higher than in other regions of Morocco by about ten points, which helps to legally discredit the separatist intentions of the Polisario Front. The large win of the RNI The Rassemblement National des Indépendants (RNI) — a party close to the Monarchy with a conservative liberal tendency and led by one of Morocco's biggest fortunes, Aziz Akhannouch — was the clear winner of the election, taking 102 of the 395 seats in the House of Representatives. Present in all the successive governments since 2007, Aziz Akhannouch, who has just been entrusted by HM King Mohamed VI with the task of composing the government, will have to face a difficult context, as Morocco is hit hard by the consequences of the socio-economic crisis linked to the pandemic, to ever increasing levels of inequality, as well as to the distrust of a large part of the Moroccan population, which reproaches him for being entangled in scandals of conflicts of interest. His oil company Afriquia had in fact been one of the targets of a boycott campaign launched on social media in 2018 aimed at denouncing economic cartels and the lack of respect for competition. The victory of the RNI also does not mark a renewal in Moroccan political life, as the political formation has joined the last two government coalitions and occupied key ministries since 2016. It remains to be seen whether their position as leader of the future coalition will coincide with a greater control of the Monarchy over the executive or, on the contrary, a greater complacency on the part of the latter, which no longer feels threatened by the confreres' influences from abroad that weighed on the PJD. Thus, these elections are part of the gradual democratization process initiated by the Kingdom in the wake of the Arab Spring. The large defeat of the Islamist movement has put political Islam in Morocco on hold. However, it would be incongruous to neglect this force in the future, given its numerous entanglements in the Moroccan socio-associative fabric. Finally, we must move away from analyses in terms of ideological cleavages to explain the results. Moroccan parties still rely too heavily on clientelistic approaches and quickly question their ideological principles in order to form coalitions that allow them to enter government.

After winning Istanbul’s mayoral elections, Imamoğlu’s victory was annulled on the grounds that it was fraudulent. When he won for the second time, he called election officials “fools.” AKP officials viewed this as an insult to the Turkish administration and a defamation court case was opened in June 2019. < Back What Ekrem Imamoğlu’s Unjust Imprisonment Reveals About Erdoğan’s Plans For Turkey By Ecesu Basara January 31, 2023 “Şeytan tüyü,” a Turkish proverb that translates literally to "feather of the devil," is used to refer to persons who are thought to have an easy time winning the acceptance and love of others. If you are familiar with the name Ekrem Imamoğlu, you are aware of his undeniable possession of this special “feather.” Businessman and skilled communicator, he made his fortune in construction before entering politics. Member of the Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP), a secular and leftist party founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Ekrem Imamoğlu knows how to seduce beyond his political affiliation; he appeals to the Kemalist and nationalist electorate but also the Kurds, which is surprising given the current dynamics of Turkish politics, which tend to isolate and divide different ethnic and religious groups. Despite his active participation in the construction sector, which he inherited from his family, Imamoğlu first appeared to be relatively obscure to the general public. However, his reputation and career took off in 2019. In one of its most humiliating defeats, he beat Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP), the conservative party in power since 2002, to win the Istanbul municipal elections with the help of CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. Growing censorship and the outlawing of oppositional parties have been hallmarks of the AKP's administration. In light of this, the election of Imamoğlu presented itself as a beacon of hope for many Turks who do not identify with the ideology of Erdoğan, and for the first time in almost 20 years, it made them feel like their voices had been heard. These two political figures may seem irreconcilable to one another, but they share many uncanny traits that show Imamoğlu's potential as a future Turkish leader and justify Erdoğan’s desire to hinder Imamoğlu’s candidacy in the upcoming 2023 presidential elections. First, it is noteworthy to mention that Imamoğlu and Erdoğan both originate from the Black Sea region of Turkey, an area that has historically played a crucial role in Turkish politics. Also, both Erdoğan and Imamoğlu have served as mayor of Istanbul — Erdoğan from 1994 to 1998, and Imamoglu since 2019. In addition, both Imamoğlu and Erdoğan cherish religion and publicly express their devotion, despite the fact that Imamoğlu’s discourse on religion is substantially more inclusive of Islamic minorities and non-Muslim groups in Turkey while Erdoğan opts for an idealized global Sunni vision of Islam. The similarities between the two figures further demonstrate Imamoğlu's capability to be a leader as powerful as Erdoğan in the coming years and the voice of the long-silenced. Undoubtedly, Erdoğan is aware of this reality, and in an effort to maintain his position as ruler for a few more years, takes care to minimize Imamoğlu's exposure to the Turkish people. Even after winning Istanbul’s mayoral elections in March, Imamoğlu’s victory was short-lived — the vote was quickly annulled on the grounds that it was fraudulent and pushed to a date three months later. When he won for the second time, he used the term “fools” to describe election officials who had canceled the vote on unjust grounds. AKP officials viewed this as an insult to the Turkish administration and a defamation court case against Imamoğlu was opened immediately in June 2019. The court announced its decision in mid-December 2022 and Imamoğlu was sentenced to two years, seven months and 15 days in prison in addition to a political ban. He has decided to appeal this decision, so the sentence is currently suspended. What is most shocking about this brutal verdict is that the Minister of Internal Affairs, Süleyman Soylu, called Imamoğlu a “fool” before Imamoğlu had said it. Soylu escaped legal action or even mild consequences. Imamoğlu used this in his defense, but the court ruled that he had not meant the term “fool” in the same way that Soylu had. In his defense he also included that, in Turkey, the word “fool” is usually not regarded as an insult, but the Court had an answer for this as well. It determined, based on the manner the word "fool" was used in the sentence and the emphasis given to it, that Imamoğlu had meant for it to mean "dumb and idiotic." In short, the Court found that, when two people say the same word, the one who says it first should not get called out, whereas the other is condemned to prison and a political ban. It does not take long to see that this case, particularly given its timing (five months before the presidential elections), is politically motivated. Decided by a judge who has photos with AKP leaders and who demonstrated clear bias, this courtroom drama features ludicrous allegations and aggressive demands from the prosecution. Erdoğan’s fear of losing his position as president has once again undermined the integrity of Turkey's justice system and further eroded the democratic norms that the nation previously upheld strongly and proudly. Erdoğan has demonstrated yet again that he is willing to do whatever it takes to get reelected in May 2023.

Among lawyers, graphic designers, and writers, could imams be the next professionals fearing artificial intelligence taking their jobs? < Back Tech vs. Tradition: Could AI Oust Islamic Leaders? By Colette Yamashita Holcomb December 30, 2023 Among lawyers, graphic designers, and writers, could imams be the next professionals fearing artificial intelligence taking their jobs? On Sept. 8, the Egyptian cabinet’s media center denied rumors that the government planned to use artificial intelligence to prepare Friday sermons, replacing the imams who write them. These rumors were spurred by comments made by Muhammad Mukhtar, the Minister of Religious Endowments, who declared that he had experimented with using artificial intelligence to write a Friday Khotba and rated the output an “8 out of 10,” but acknowledged that the output included religious mistakes. While the rumors in Egypt may have been disproven, the nation isn’t the only one exploring using artificial intelligence in religious practice. Across the Islamic world, government and religious leaders have grappled with the question of whether technology has a role in religion. While Iranian religious leaders have emphasized that artificial intelligence efforts are simply to add to “the toolkit of Islamic leaders,” in the United Arab Emirates, the government discontinued the Virtual Ifta program within two years, electing to focus on applying artificial intelligence in business. Iran has faced increasing pressure to modernize on the heels of the mass protest movement that began last year, evolving to a broader call to replace the Islamic republic with a modernized, secular state. The nation’s religious establishment views technology as a potential avenue of development, all while strengthening Islamic national identity and values. The head of Qom Seminary, located in the Iranian holy city of Qom, has warmed up to artificial intelligence, primarily focusing on how it could accelerate the Islamic studies of senior clergy and communication with the public. The seminary has partnered with the city’s leading AI research center. “The seminary must get involved in using modern, progressive technology and artificial intelligence…we have to enter into this field to promote Islamic civilization,” the head of Iran’s seminary, Ayatollah Alireza Arafi, said this summer. Most clerics follow the traditional approach to religious study and adapt Islamic rulings to modern life, analyzing lengthy documents that can take weeks to prepare. The top-ranking clerics, the majority aged 80 to 100, aren’t expected to divert from this traditional style. However, younger clerics may be more open to utilizing technological advances. Yet, some doubt whether a quicker process would benefit Islam. Many figures caution against the use of artificial intelligence for interpreting religious texts because interpretations of religious teachings require a deep historical, sociological, and theological understanding beyond simple linguistic knowledge; some have advocated concerns that artificial intelligence may oversimplify or misinterpret nuanced religious teachings. Artificial intelligence would also challenge the principles of the Islamic educational system, such as strong teacher-student relationships. The Journal of Islamic Studies highlighted that supplementing, let alone replacing, these relationships with artificial intelligence platforms could erode the essential human element in religious teachings since it cannot provide the same emotional and spiritual guidance. Moreover, if students lack personal connections to the text, often found through these teacher-student relationships, it could weaken both their understanding and relationship to the text and their faith. For non-clergy Muslims, artificial intelligence has more apparent benefits. Artificial intelligence could strengthen an individual’s understanding of Islam and the Quran because programs can explain concepts and passages differently based on individual learning styles and a personalized 24/7 learning experience that is impossible to find in a traditional setting. Additionally, the increased global reach appeals to those who want to spread Islam worldwide; artificial intelligence platforms can make Islamic teachings accessible to a global audience through in-depth explanations and real-time translation. Yet, like with clergy members, the impersonal nature of artificial intelligence could create a disconnect with faith. The risk of bias and misinformation is still prevalent, which could harm the understanding of Islam through misinformation. For some, the integration of artificial intelligence by imams is not a departure from tradition but an evolution that aligns with the needs of modern society. Meanwhile, others view artificial intelligence as a pressing risk to Islamic values and traditions, representing a decline in society's faith and moral fabric. In some countries, such as Egypt, this exploration has exacerbated tensions between state overreach into clerical roles and the question of how Islamic states may be redefined and reimagined in the coming years. While the jobs of imams may not be up for grabs quite yet, it is clear that artificial intelligence is no longer a hypothetical future; it is the reality in every area of our lives.

Sports Recap — February 2023 < Back February Sports Recap By Hugo Lagergren February 28, 2023 Football Manchester City has been charged with 115 breaches of financial regulations by the Premier League. The charges mark the end of a four-year investigation conducted by Premier League officials into the club’s financial dealings from 2008 to 2020. The breaches can be split into three categories. The main issue raised by the Premier League relates to the financial irregularities of Man City’s business dealings. Secondly, the Premier League requires clubs to be transparent and honest about their financial activities, which they say has not been the case with City. And lastly, the Premier League has accused City of not cooperating fully with the investigation. Two years ago, similar charges were brought forth by the Union of European Football Associations against Man City. However, after being reviewed by the Court of Arbitration for Sport, the charges were thrown out. According to the Times’ chief sports writer, Martyn Ziegler, City will not be able to appeal the charges this time. The Premier League has not issued sanctions at the time of writing. Possible sanctions include fines, possible points deduction or exclusion from the League. Brazilian footballer Vinicius Jr. said that not enough is being done to combat racism in Spanish football and Spain more generally. Vinicius tweeted, “Let’s start to punish those people, or we’ll go back to how it was before,” following an incident that saw Brazilian basketball player Yago Dos Santos being subjected to racist abuse during a EuroCup game. Borussia Dortmund player Sébastien Haller scored his first league goal since his return three weeks ago from chemotherapy. Haller was diagnosed with testicular cancer in August of last year. Since then, Haller has continued to raise awareness in the football community for the fight against cancer. The date of his goal coincidentally fell on International World Cancer Day – an occasion which Dortmund marked by slightly altering their center circle to represent a tumor. L’Olympique de Marseille managed to knock out bitter rivals Paris St-Germain (PSG) in the last 16 of the Coupe de France. PSG’s poor form in the previous few matches has seen them drop points several times. This has put pressure on the manager, Christophe Galtier, to deliver silverware in an increasingly tricky season for the Parisian side. Rugby After a narrow victory against Italy, Six Nations favorites France continued their shaky start to the tournament by losing to a well-oiled Irish team, who looked organized and structured compared to their French opponent, which struggled to escape their own 22 at times. On the other hand, the number one ranked Irish team has moved to the top of the table with comfortable victories over France and Wales. Scotland has continued their impressive run of form, with victories over England and Wales, to move to second in the Six Nations behind Ireland. A big test for Gatland’s men will be in two weeks when Scotland travels to the Stade de France to face a wounded French side. Handball Denmark beat France in an exhilarating final to claim a historic third successive International Handball Federation World Handball Championship. After the Danish victory, operators of the Oresund Bridge, which connects Sweden and Denmark, lit the bridge in red and white to honor Denmark’s achievement. For co-host Sweden, the tournament ended in disappointment as they lost 39-36 to Spain in the bronze medal game. Basketball Lebron James became the National Basketball Association’s all-time top points scorer with 38,387 points as the Lakers fell to the Oklahoma City Thunder. He surpasses Kareem Abdul-Jabbar’s point total — a record he has held since 1984. American Football The Kansas City Chiefs defeated the Philadelphia Eagles 38-35 to win their second Super Bowl in the last four years. For the second time, Patrick Mahomes, the quarterback for the Chiefs, was awarded the National Football League Most Valuable Player Award. Olympics Earlier this month, the International Olympics Committee (IOC) issued a statement saying that it would allow Russian and Belorussian athletes to compete at the 2024 Paris Olympic Games, on the condition that no anthems or flags from the two countries are displayed. This has sparked outrage from politicians and fans alike. President Zelenskyy commented that the decision from the IOC highlighted that “terror is somewhat acceptable”.

Si l’on peut dire que le cinéma est l’art d’enregistrer des vues tirées de la réalité, c’est aussi et surtout celui d’exacerber ces images en leur donnant un sens plus saisissable par le public. < Back « It Must Be Heaven » ou quand l’absurde démonte les préjugés de l’altérité By Zohra Riahi for Cinémentongraphe October 31, 2023 Si l’on peut dire que le cinéma est l’art d’enregistrer des vues tirées de la réalité, c’est aussi et surtout celui d’exacerber ces images en leur donnant un sens plus saisissable par le public. Explosions, violence, suspense ou simplement paysages époustouflants : autant de moyens qui tentent de séduire un public en faisant valoir l’émotion, au détriment parfois d’un travail rigoureux d’authenticité. Dans cette continuité de pensée, je souhaite aborder le sujet de la représentation de l’Autre. Un sujet qui fait sensation, autant dans le cinéma dédié au « bourgeois Gaze » en France, comme vu dans « Le Brio » (2017), ou ce cinéma fait à l’étranger qui souhaite « exotiser » les salles françaises. Nous nous interrogerons alors sur la production de films « réalistes » commandés aux cinéastes provenant de l’étranger, et en particulier à ceux du Monde Arabe. J’ai rencontré la notion de Néo-Orientalisme au cinéma pour la première fois au travers de l’article de Wissam Mouawad : « Petite réflexion sur le néo-orientalisme, Le cas Nadine Labaki » dans Les Cahiers De l’Orient. Sa thèse est la suivante : « Le néo-orientalisme est beaucoup plus dangereux, beaucoup plus sournois que l’orientalisme car de par sa structure même il tente de bloquer tout discours critiquant l’authenticité de l’œuvre en question. Il est commode de faire porter par un « artiste » autochtone (consentant) un discours exotique. Par là, tout le monde trouve son compte : l’Institution, qui réussit ainsi à insuffler un peu d’authenticité à l’objet de culture qu’elle veut promouvoir comme œuvre d’art ; le producteur, qui est certain d’amortir ses coûts en donnant à la fois l’impression de financer des auteurs ; le fabricant-réalisateur, promu au rang d’artiste (au sens fort) ; le grand public qui a l’impression d’avoir accès à des films d’arts à moindre frais (et à moindre effort intellectuel) ; le public des cinémas d’art et essai, toujours à la recherche de l’authentique, et qui confond souvent authenticité et exotisme… » Ici il décrit la logique de l’offre et de la demande, qui selon lui aboutit forcément au commerce des clichés. Il questionne la façon dont les cinéastes adaptent leur histoire au public. Ainsi, financés par un acteur extérieur, les cinéastes doivent adapter leur histoire aux goûts du public occidental, qui auront la confirmation illusoire que cette œuvre est authentiquement orientale. Si Wissam Mouawad analyse « Et Maintenant On Va Où? » (2017) de Nadine Labaki dans son article, j’ai choisi d’illustrer cette théorie avec le film de Elia Suleiman : « It Must Be Heaven » (2019) . Lors d’une rencontre avec une boite de production française, lorsqu’il est à Paris, Elia Suleiman se voit refuser une offre pour un film, car celui-ci est considéré comme « pas assez Palestinien ». Lui même palestinien voulant représenter la Palestine, comment un film peut ne pas être assez Palestinien? Ma déduction personnelle est que ce sont les clichés habituels : la guerre, l’oppression, la souffrance, l’islamisme; un parti-pris qui servirait à essentialiser son pays. Un film du Moyen-Orient montré en France doit dénoncer. Elia Suleiman, refuse ce parti-pris facile, ou plutôt tente de représenter l’absurdité de ce concept en analysant la France et les Etat-Unis sous le même prisme. Son film montre ses voyages et impressions dans ces sociétés dans un triptyque de la Palestine, de Paris et finalement de New York. Non loin d’un film muet, qui laisse beaucoup de place à la contemplation, on observe avec la même ironie que celle que possède le personnage principal (joué par le réalisateur lui-même) qu’il n’y a pas forcément de lieu où il fait meilleur vivre. Si la Palestine connait son propre désordre absurde, avec ses tumultes quotidiennes comme le voisin du narrateur, voleur de citrons ; elle est aussi représentée comme un théâtre aux récits mystiques, dévoilés par une iconographie typique du pays que sont les cactus, les oliviers ou encore l’apparition énigmatique d’une femme dans la nature sauvage. Plus tard, à Paris, le protagoniste ne s’attend pas à voir que la ville est vide de ses habitants pendant le 14 juillet. Au lieu d’être un moment de fête et de vie pour la nation, ce n’est que le vain défilé de la majestuosité et de l’armement du pays. Dans les belles rues de la métropole, la seule présence est celle des tanks et des avions de chasse. Et lorsque le SAMU apporte un plateau repas gastronomique à une personne sans domicile fixe, on ne retient que l’irrationalité et l’idéalisme de la société. Après tout, que pourrait un SDF vouloir de plus? Finalement, à New York, les mères déambulent avec une poussette pendant qu’elles pratiquent la gymnastique synchronisée dans Central Park, car selon la logique capitaliste tout doit être rentabilisé et exploité. De même, tout le monde fait ses courses avec une mitraillette accrochée sous le bras, dans la totale normalisation de cette atmosphère d’anxiété omniprésente. Pourtant, malgré le dépaysement, où qu’il aille le narrateur rencontre la même présence de la police et des points de contrôle, comme chez lui. Ce film ne tente pas de donner des réponses, il fait surtout émerger de nouvelles questions au spectateur. Selon moi, il souhaite montrer que l ’exotisme renvoie au spectateur. La différence que l’on tente de projeter, contraste-t-elle nécessairement avec soi? Qu’y a-t-il de si étrange dans l’Autre?

La situation dans laquelle nous nous trouvons aujourd’hui alimente les peurs de certains que ce régime, où la figure du président est si forte, ne lui donne un pouvoir trop personnalisé; ce qui pourrait s’empirer avec l'avènement d’un ou une président.e populiste et autoritaire. < Back Vème République, une expérience défectueuse? Anna Halpern November 30, 2024 La France sous la Vème République est le porte-drapeau par excellence de son régime politique semi-présidentiel. Le pays de la Révolution française a longtemps été fier de porter haut les couleurs d’une démocratie parmi les plus fortes au monde—se plaçant en 23eme position sur l’index démocratique du classement EIU . Mais avec la fin du second mandat d’Emmanuel Macron, les critiques se multiplient, et il semble pertinent d'évaluer si ce régime est vraiment adapté aux demandes démocratiques de la société civile. Mais qu’est ce que le semi-présidentialisme? Il s’agit d’un régime hybride combinant une élection au suffrage universel du président, typique d’un régime présidentiel, et des éléments du système parlementaire tels que la responsabilité du gouvernement devant le parlement. Il est important de noter que ce système hybride a tendance à créer une surpuissance de l'exécutif; en France cela se manifeste par le chef d'Etat démocratique le plus puissant du monde, sauf en cas de cohabitation. En effet, le président préside le conseil des ministres, ce qui laisse douter de la séparation entre chef de gouvernement et chef d'Etat. En outre, il jouit d’une quasi irresponsabilité sauf en cas de « manquement à ses devoirs manifestement incompatible avec l’exercice de son mandat » ce qui justifierait une destitution, mais cela n’a encore jamais été le cas, bien qu’une tentative déposée par Mathilde Panot ait récemment été abandonnée . De plus, pour ce qui est de la responsabilité du gouvernement devant le parlement, une seule motion de censure spontanée a réussi depuis 1958, année de l’adoption de la Vème République, et aucune depuis 1962. Depuis, il est apparu que le gouvernement est devenu plus responsable devant le président, ce qui démontre un aspect unique de la culture politique française. Par ailleurs, en France, le Premier ministre est nommé par le président et non par l'Assemblée nationale, ce qui explique le fait qu’une figure telle que Michel Barnier, qui ne représente aucun des trois programmes ‘gagnantes’ de l'élection parlementaire, puisse former un gouvernement technocratique fortement critiqué par l'opposition pour son manque de légitimité au vu du résultat très bas de son parti LR. L'Assemblée nationale qui n’a donc que peu de pouvoir sur le gouvernement et qui peut être dissoute par le président semble très affaiblie. Néanmoins, il est possible d'espérer que grâce aux résultats divisés des élections législatives de 2024, le parlement reprenne de ses responsabilités en s’opposant plus fortement aux décisions présidentielles, une occasion qui ne s'était jamais présentée depuis le référendum de 2000 qui a écourté le mandat présidentiel à cinq ans et l’a fait concorder avec les élections législatives. De cette façon, les deux élections n’avaient que peu de chance de faire gagner un différend parti. Mais il est tout aussi possible qu’en choisissant un gouvernement bien a droite Barnier essaie de assurer l'acquiescement non seulement du parti présidentiel, mais du RN aussi et que la dynamique d’opposition reste un compromis entre chefs de partis et n’impliquent pas les députés de l'assemblée. Dans ce contexte, il n’est pas surprenant d'entendre des voix dissidentes. En effet, voir l'inégalité des pouvoirs entre l'Assemblée nationale et le Président dans un pays dont la tradition et les pays voisins sont majoritairement des régimes parlementaires peut faire douter de la viabilité de cette ‘exception’ française. Ce mécontentement a été très audible cette dernière décennie; cela a été mis en avant par les campagnes présidentielles de 2017 et 2022 où LFI a largement porté l'idée d’une VIe République. Cette proposition établirait un régime parlementaire stable rendant le pouvoir au peuple et mettant entre autres fin à la « monarchie présidentielle » et à l'utilisation de mesures de « vote forcé » tels que l’article 49.3. Mais les propositions concernant la VIème république existent dès 1961, avec l’article dans l’Express de Pierre Mendès France en faveur d’une VIème république, et ont fait l’objet de discussions jusqu'à nos jours. Mais à travers les mandats d’Emmanuel Macron, et surtout depuis son second mandat et la dissolution de l'Assemblée, les questions sont devenues encore plus pressantes, et se sont recentrées sur la figure du président. En effet, Macron a souffert d’une très mauvaise image avec une cote de popularité de 25% et se fait souvent caricaturer comme voulant être le nouveau Napoléon ou encore un « président jupitérien . » La nomination de Michel Barnier et la composition de son gouvernement n’ont fait qu’aggraver ces accusations, le faisant paraître d’autant plus sourd à ce que le peuple a exprimé par les votes. Après avoir choisi seul de dissoudre l'assemblée et ayant refusé de nommer Lucie Castets, candidate du NFP, à Matignon, le président semble avoir perdu tout contact avec le peuple. La situation dans laquelle nous nous trouvons aujourd’hui alimente les peurs de certains que ce régime, où la figure du président est si forte, ne lui donne un pouvoir trop personnalisé; ce qui pourrait s’empirer avec l'avènement d’un ou une président.e populiste et autoritaire. Il semble donc que la démocratie française se trouve à un moment critique où la légitimité de son ‘exception’ est mise en doute, et où l'on se demande si la désillusion et la « crise démocratique » que nous traversons ne viennent pas d’un régime créé à une époque où la stabilité manquait grandement. Il n’est plus adapté aux demandes démocratiques et à la société d’aujourd’hui.

< Back 36 hours in Menton, France Maia Zasler The Pearl of France is situated between sprawling, sparkling sea and ample green mountain peaks, entre bières roses pétillantes monégasque et Aperol Spritz . Menton is a relatively quiet town known for its historically largest export: lemons—most of which, nowadays, come from Spain in preparation for the annual Fête du Citron . In the summer, Menton’s cobbled streets come alive with tourists eager to enjoy the man-made beach at Sablette , try “ Michelin-star ” ice cream, and take aesthetic TikTok videos and photos along the picturesque Rue Longue . For the 300-ish students who attend the local university, Sciences Po , Menton is colored with further value; insight into the town’s off-season gives its brand a darker dimension. Once the smell of sunscreen fades, tan lines along with it, and the restaurants and shops begin to close, one wonders how to spend 36 hours in a place so desolate. This itinerary is here to help you for when the weather starts to make you question what you’re doing here. Itinerary Friday 3 p.m. Menton has always been balanced along a border; it has straddled the frontier of Nice County and the Republic of Genoa since 1860 , when France purchased the town from the Royal Grimaldi family of Monaco. Your entry into Menton from the Centre-Ville train station exemplifies its Italian roots; you’re welcomed by a spray-painted rendition of Michaelangelo’s David, “ Slay-vid .” The 2-dimensional statue’s voluptuous curves create an impeccable ambiance to the ongoing construction outside of the station. Spend a few minutes exploring the so-called “New Town.” Walk straight down the street, past the Casino Barrière and out to the beach. Stroll along the coast and take in the breeze; the views are truly magnificent. Matimello by Atelier Boulanger is the best for baguettes; replenish your strength with some carbohydrates. Enjoy it on the go or outside on the beach. You should continue until you get to the Jean Cocteau Museum. Although the modernist version is (also) continuously under construction, the smaller display of Cocteau’s art is cheap and worth the visit. Cocteau, a resident of Saint Jean Cap Ferrat, fell in love with this little lemon town and illuminated it and its residents with vibrant pastels and dynamic sketches. 5 p.m. You’ve got your culture in! You can conveniently continue walking and taking in the views by venturing up the stairs and walking along the fort. Alternatively, make a right turn out of the museum doors and head behind the wall. Sit on the large rocks and listen to the waves crash as sky slowly deepens into orange and pink hues. If you're feeling particularly European, this is the opportunity to indulge in a picturesque cigarette. You can make your way back around towards the Casino, by the Carrefour grocery store on Avenue Félix Faure. Sit in the Chapelle Saint Roch for some more quiet, or rest in Noailles for a cozy cup of tea—strawberry is the best. 6:30 p.m. Although it may be a bit early for dinner by CET standards, restaurants will (possibly) start to open around 7 p.m. There are several options for non-French or Italian cuisine, which you may or may not have tired of. Indian Delices , Eventail , and Coté Sud present delectable albeit pricey choices. Vulcano is a fan-favorite—although Pizza Express is arguably better. Both maintain the added benefit of a flexible dining location. It could be chilly, but consider heading back to the beach, by Sablettes, or going to the square adjacent to Rue de la République. 9:30 p.m. It’s no secret: by evening time, the only place to go is Le Retro. Request some delicious olives along with your drink and great company! Saturday 8 a.m. Get an early morning! The crisp air during a morning walk is especially refreshing. After drinking the obligatory espresso at any number of convenient cafés, buy some fruit or goat cheese and take it on your way to the Olive Grove, also known as Parc du Pian. Spend some moments searching for sheep, resting and reading under the trees. Once you’re ready to go, walk across the street to the Jardin Botanique . For 2,50€ you can enter and wander around, enjoying the luscious greens and peaceful atmosphere. 11 a.m. At this point, you’ve probably had enough of the outdoors. Should you need to study, you can make the Odyssean trek over to the New Town and settle into Menton’s library . If you prefer to do your work in a café, Lagom, Edwige, O’Petit Corner and Eunoia Coffee are all worth the 30 seconds it takes to search on your phone to confirm their opening hours. You can also take a quick train ride to another “town” lined with contrived-looking streets: Monaco. The Starbucks outside of the train station is a quality study spot. 1 p.m. Saturday afternoons can be slow. Quicken the pace by catching a film at Cinema Eden. Sneak in some of your own snacks to sweeten the experience. Stop in the thrift store across the street to browse the (limited) racks of clothes. You could instead walk the other direction, towards campus, and venture into the antique shop adjacent to the Darty. Get lost in rows of dusty plates and posters; let yourself be charmed by the cramped space and piles of useless—yet endearing—items. You could even treat yourself to yoga ( two studio options!) or getting your nails done. 3 p.m. You’ve made it through 24 hours! More than halfway there. Use this time to explore Menton a bit more. Walk to the cemetery; if you ascend upwards, weaving through the familiar corridors of Rue Longue, you’ll find yourself at the base of the Cemetery of the Old Chateau . If you’re artistically inclined, take a sketchbook. The crowded aisles juxtaposed by the solid blue sky and sea provide unparalleled inspiration. Or instead, stop into the multiplicity of art galleries in Menton. Local residents—when caught in a good mood—are happy to share their work. From paintings to ceramics to postcards, consider picking something up as a keepsake. Along this artistic vein, you can stop to admire the many mosaics that are assembled in plain sight (e.g., in front of the Basilique Saint Michel Archange ). If you find history more engaging, take a self-led walking tour of the town. Search for the many plaques scattered around the Old Town that provide information about Menton’s past and relevant “landmarks.” If you do not read French, be sure to take your phone equipped with a photo translator—or a francophone friend. 6:30 p.m. For dinner, there is again a wide array of options. By the train station, O’Sole Mio is fantastic for a sit-down meal—a place to take family and friends! Across the street, Citron d’Or may be less popular, but maintains a solid To Good to Go dining experience. Les Enfants Terribles is an iconic destination, situated perfectly on Place du Cap and the entry point to Rue Longue. 8:30 p.m. + Advertisements online will portray Menton as this quaint, sunshine-y town; at its best, it’s a summer spot, an elevated after-thought to a trip to Nice. But Menton is more than that. What makes the town special is not its views or activities, its cafés or restaurants, but the people in it. The best way to “pass the time” is to spend it with friends, the unique connections we make on campus and outside of the classroom. Potluck dinner parties, karaoke or movie nights, cups of tea over games of chess or backgammon, scoops of Picard ice cream during late night study sessions… It's the small moments that make 36 hours seem like no time at all. Previous Next

Was the G20 meeting once again superfluous? No. The alternative would be a policy of speechlessness and confrontation. < Back The G20 Summit in Rome: Timid and Vague, but Necessary. By Florian Heydecker November 29, 2021 On October 30 through 31, 2021, the 16th meeting of the Group of 20 was held in Rome, Italy. With an agreement on a global minimum tax, the G20 countries have found a common position. There was no consensus on climate protection, but determination in the fight against tax evasion. In their first in-person meeting since the outbreak of COVID-19, the heads of state and government of the leading industrialized and emerging countries voiced concerns and raised hopes at the G20 summit in Rome. Climate change and Environmental protection The G20 countries want to implement robust actions to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees. The new stipulation is that governments will target climate neutrality as early as the middle of the century. However, countries such as Russia, China, and Saudi Arabia were unwilling to accept 2050 as a confirmed target date for carbon neutrality. There was also no agreement on phasing out coal-fired power generation. However, they followed the announcement of China to withdraw from international financing of new coal-fired power plants. As for environmental protection, the G20 countries aim to halt biodiversity loss by 2030. At least 30 percent of the land area and no less than 30 percent of the oceans and seas worldwide will be "conserved or protected" by 2030. In addition, there are new measures to end overfishing of the oceans. There will also be an intensification of the fight against illegal deforestation and illicit mining. Coronavirus pandemic and Migration The joint fight against future pandemics will be strengthened and financially secured by establishing a working group of G20 finance and health ministers. At the same time, the G20 countries backed the World Health Organization's (WHO) goal of vaccinating 40 percent of the population worldwide by the end of this year and 70 percent by the middle of next year. There were calls for a general transfer of technology and vaccine production in developing countries. Furthermore, the heads of state and government want to prevent “irregular migration flows and the smuggling of migrants.” What is needed is a comprehensive concept “for safe, orderly and regular migration.” At the same time, they are willing to address the root causes of displacement and strengthen the integration of refugees. Taxes and Trade Leaders confirmed the agreement signed by 136 states in October for a global minimum tax on international corporations. It will come into force by 2023. The main aim of the reform is to prevent the shifting of corporate profits to tax havens. Large, internationally active companies will pay at least 15 percent tax, regardless of their headquarter. If a company pays less tax with its subsidiary abroad, the home state can claim the difference. The G20 countries also committed themselves to an “open, fair, equitable, sustainable, non-discriminatory and inclusive rules-based multilateral trading system.” This action, they said, is crucial for recovery. The World Trade Organization (WTO) will become the centerpiece of this trading system. On the fringes of the summit, the EU and the US also agreed on a provisional settlement of their years-long dispute over special US tariffs on steel and aluminum imports. Energy and Nuclear weapons The G20 countries pointed out the need for a secure energy supply concerning the current high energy prices. "We stress the importance of maintaining uninterrupted energy supplies from different sources, suppliers and through different routes, exploring pathways to improved energy security and market stability, while promoting open, competitive and free international energy markets," they said. They agreed that secure supply chains are also crucial to transforming energy systems. Finally, the US, France, the UK, and Germany called on Iran during the G20 summit to return to its commitments under the Vienna nuclear agreement. The different leaders said that, without a swift return to the agreement, “a dangerous escalation” could loom. At the same time, the US declared its willingness to return to and fully comply with the accord. Hence, discussions in such a round are laborious and complicated — in the end, they produce compromises that are often highly woolly. Yet, some of the agreements reached in Rome also show that the G20 can reach a common ground and deliver concrete actions against global issues. If some perceive the summit as outdated and ineffective, they should remind themselves that the alternative would be a policy of speechlessness and pure confrontation.

Given country music’s association with the American South and its conservative majority, it is difficult to ignore the correlation of country music's revival with the rise of the far-right in the US. However, can one link these phenomena? Is country music inseparable from conservatism? < Back Politicizing the Heartland: The Conservative Instrumentalization of Country Music Loowit Morrison September 30, 2025 “Baptize me in a bottle of Beam, put Johnny on the vinyl.” The lyrics of Zach Bryan’s “Revival” speak to the soul of rural America: whiskey and country music. Lines of musical sessions, religious footnotes and Johnny Cash evoke emotions of youthfulness, small-town life and human connection. However, when Bryan, a 29-year-old country music artist, plays “Revival” for a packed crowd of over 50,000 fans, the song becomes more than lyrics; it becomes a revival of country music in and of itself. Bryan’s self-titled 2023 album, Zach Bryan , received over 141 million streams within the first week. This is not an isolated occurrence across the country music genre – artists such as Morgan Wallen, Luke Combs and Bailey Zimmerman have been topping the charts at rates unseen in decades. In March 2023, Wallen’s “Last Night” became the first solo male country music song to top Billboard’s Hot 100 charts since 1981. A few months later, Combs’ cover of Tracy Chapman’s “Fast Car” peaked at number 2 on Billboard’s Hot 100, trailing only Wallen’s “Last Night”. These “new” artists are positioning country music at the forefront of the American music scene, blending traditional beats with modern themes and diverse influences. Despite its decades of latency and unpopularity, being seen as a “shabby farmer genre”, country music is making its comeback. Given country music’s association with the American South and its conservative majority, it is difficult to ignore the correlation of country music's revival with the rise of the far-right in the US. However, can one link these phenomena? Is country music inseparable from conservatism? Country music does not have a discernible root from a certain location or demographic. Instead, it is a conglomeration of diverse genres, including those of Brits, Scots, Polynesians, Evangelical Christians and African Americans. Instruments typically associated with country music also have diverse origins, from the Hawaiian steel guitar to the banjo, which originated in West Africa. Until the 20th century, country music was not affiliated with a specific political ideology. Instead, it was a genre popular amongst the working class, African and Mexican Americans and rural citizens. For most of its history, the base of country music has been rooted in class, not in race or party. The political charge of country music did not actually arise until the late-20th century. Up until this point, the American South, the cradle of country music, was not dominated by the Republican Party. In fact, most white, blue-collar southerners were members of the Democratic Party, which had begun to factionalize over issues of segregation and federalism. The Republican Party’s Southern Strategy capitalized upon this schism, effectively mobilizing white southerners to hop ship. Country music’s nonpartisanship began to shift in President Richard Nixon’s 1972 reelection campaign, taking inspiration from George Wallace, the infamous segregationist governor of Alabama, who instrumentalized country music in his 1968 presidential campaign. Nixon worked to pull working- and middle-class white people in the South from the Democratic to the Republican Party. To do so, he recruited Merle Haggard, integrating “Okie from Muskogee” into his campaign, a song which criticized hippies, counterculture and the anti-war movement. By affiliating traditional country music with the Republican Party, Nixon and Haggard effectively infused a previously apolitical genre with acutely political tones: conservative masculinity, white nationalism and anti-immigrant sentiments. Ever since Nixon’s landslide 1972 victory, country music and conservatism have paralleled each other. In 2001, they fused further. Post-9/11, the U.S. experienced a wave of white nationalism, shifting farther politically right. Country music reflected this: songs with themes of simple living, marginalization and conflict with authority became songs referencing the ‘rally around the flag’, beer-drinking and romanticization of small towns – something that inherently alludes to white nationalism and anti-immigrant policy, upholding the concept of a “simple” and “neat” white America, cleansed from the crime, homelessness and poverty which the far-right blames on cities’ diversity. Given country music's and conservatism's twin history, is the former’s recent resurgence reflective of the latter’s rise? A New York Times article by Tressie McMillan Cottom stated that the current conservative political climate in the U.S. “makes country music [...] a good fit for the moment”. Cottom argues that the far-right is scrambling to create a political pop culture to rectify their lack of cultural institutions, and is claiming country music as a part of that culture. Although the claim that the far-right and the Make American Great Again movement lack cultural power is debatable, the far-right’s annexation of country music as a cultural artifact is a clear demonstration of the conservative nostalgia which is settling over the U.S. today. There is a deep yearning across the U.S. to ‘return’ to an America unplagued by the economic and cultural crises that the nation witnesses today, according to The Federalist editor Samuel Mangold-Lenett. “Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit and Authoritarian-Populism” by Pippa Norris, British-American political scientist, describes the idea that the rise of populist authoritarian politics can be described by a sense of threat to tradition, felt acutely by traditionalists who feel alienated as society changes without them. We see this phenomenon today, as American farmers and blue-collar workers are dubbed unintelligent, unworthy and distasteful, while politicians in the Democratic Party turn their attention to doctoral students and urbanites. Country music offers a safe haven from these rapid social changes. Songs such as Oliver Anthony’s “Rich Men North of Richmond” sing of a world that is no longer “ for people like me, people like you” , yearning for a nation in which “politicians would look out for miners”. Thus, country music is instrumentalized by the far right, as they empower populist figures such as Donald Trump. This movement can be seen across the nation through trends such as Tradwives and the fetishization of small towns. Situated within the context of the far-right’s rise in the U.S., it would appear that country music is conservative. But looking beyond the songs about tractors, the military and the nuclear family, country music is not inherently conservative. In fact, “Rich Men North of Richmond” is not conservative at all. After it was played at a Republican Party debate in 2023, Anthony stated , “ I wrote that song about those people,” and, “I do hate to see that song being weaponized.” Despite the fact that country music is “adopted” by conservatives, many artists, such as Anthony, do not recognize this claim. And while the globally recognized face of country music is conservative, low brow whites, country music has much more diversity to offer. Considering country music’s multicultural influences, especially those from African Americans, many artists today are pushing to reclaim the Black history and culture of country music. As mentioned before, country music is deeply intertwined with African American musical traditions and instruments, having been brought to the U.S. by slaves. A key character in this reclamation is Lil’ Nas X, whose country-trap music, with songs such as “ Old Town Road ”, attest to country music’s diverse history and presence. Alongside this, Beyoncé’s album Cowboy Carter challenges the stereotypical associations of country music with whiteness. In April 2024, Cowboy Carter positioned itself at No. 1 on Billboard’s Top Country Albums, making her the first Black woman to have led this list. Despite its clear country music influences, Cowboy Carter has received backlash, with many fans claiming that it is not ‘real’ country music. Big Country, the corporatist industry based in Nashville, seems to agree that Beyoncé does not belong in the genre, demonstrated by the refusal to give her radio airtime and her lack of nominations at the 2024 Country Music Association Awards. Country music is seen as for and by white people, creating an invisible barrier to people of color who want to enter the industry. Executives, often white men themselves, would rather cater to white consumers than honor the diversity that country music is rooted in and is demonstrating today. However, country music has never been about conservatism. Throughout its history, it has always been infused with the theme of conflict with authority, poverty and exploitation. Country music sings to the margins, not to a political party. Despite its nonconservative past, the rightward shift of country music is a signal of a larger cultural shift occurring in the U.S. A return of conservative values regarding masculinity, religion and race, has characterized American political culture since President Trump’s 2024 victory. And, thanks to political history and a current lyrical shift in the genre, country music has been roped into this conservative revolution, becoming intertwined with the far-right. I do not believe, however, that country music equals conservatism. From The Dixie Chicks to Tim McGraw and Mickey Guyton, progressivism, too, holds a place in country music. And disregarding the diverse, multicultural past and present that have shaped the genre as we know it today is a disservice to country music and all who have helped it become a cornerstone of American culture. As an avid country music fan myself, I find solace and nostalgia in its comforting rhythms. Even in Menton, nearly 9000 kilometers from my hometown, Tracy Chapman’s Fast Car replants me in my backyard with my sister, or to my mother’s childhood farm in North Carolina. To me, country music doesn’t represent division and hate; rather, it stands for family, tradition and simplicity. No matter the political charges associated with country music, it is, at its very core, a genre created by humans and for humans. Photo Source: Public Domain, Picryl

On a tranquil Mentonnais weekend, two weeks before the midterms rush, I boarded a train bound for Antibes. As I wandered through its cobbled streets, the Mediterranean shimmered next to me, breathing light into every corner of the city; a scene not so different from that of my hometown in Alexandria, Egypt. Apparently, this feeling of familiarity with this vast blue sea is nothing new—a feeling shared by many people no matter on which shore one is standing. < Back The Mediterranean Charm: Why Writers and Painters Keep Coming Back to This Sea Amena Elkayal November 13, 2025 On a tranquil Mentonnais weekend, two weeks before the midterms rush, I boarded a train bound for Antibes. As I wandered through its cobbled streets, the Mediterranean shimmered next to me, breathing light into every corner of the city; a scene not so different from that of my hometown in Alexandria, Egypt. Apparently, this feeling of familiarity with this vast blue sea is nothing new—a feeling shared by many people no matter on which shore one is standing . Back in Alexandria, when we used to drive along the Corniche, my father always spoke of how deeply he loved this sea, and I thought I already understood. But I only realized the depth of his feeling later, when I saw the words of Hugo, Fitzgerald, Matisse, Picasso and Monet scattered across Antibes' corners, showing the attachment they all had with the Mediterranean. Their words and brushstrokes still linger on the city’s walls, testament to an endless fascination of the Mediterranean and the solace it brings to their hearts and their arts. I found myself wondering: what is it about this exact sea; what is really that mesmerizing about this luminous expanse binding continents and cultures, continuously calling artists back? From Mahmoud Darwish, Albert Camus and Mahmoud Saïd to Monet and Picasso, the Mediterranean has been both a muse and a mirror, reflecting the spirit of those who gaze upon it. So let us drift along its shores to see why its beauty has never ceased to inspire. I’ll be biased and start with two of my personal favorite writers: Khalil Gibran and Mahmoud Darwish, two Levantines whose work was carried by the same Mediterranean wind. The Lebanese-American poet Khalil Gibran found a wellspring of poetic and spiritual inspiration in the Mediterranean landscape of his native Lebanon. Themes of sea and nature prevailed in the seemingly Mediterranean setting of “The Prophet,” his best known work. For Gibran, the sea was not just a body of water, but a restless companion, mirroring the human soul’s search for meaning. In his poem “ Revelation ” from (Prose Poems, 1934), he writes , “The sea never sleeps and the wakefulness of the sea brings comfort to a sleepless soul.” For Gibran, the sea became a sacred metaphor and an ever-living symbol through which he expressed humanity’s ceaseless yearning for spirituality, looking to a landscape that seems infinite. For Mahmoud Darwish, on the other hand, the water and the sea took on a more haunting symbolism. They were both a promise and a wound: a mirror of exile itself. To look at the sea was to remember a wounded present of migration, departure and displacement, but also to imagine a promised future: one of freedom and return. The strong link between the sea and exile was crystal clear in his poem “Without Exile, Who Am I?” What will we do … what will we do without exile, and a long night that stares at the water? Water binds me to your name ... The Mediterranean sea forms a central metaphor in Darwish’s poetry, symbolizing both exile and the aspirations for Palestine’s rebirth. In his eyes, the endlessly rolling waves mirror the uncertain lives of Palestinians displaced from their home, while the horizon reflects the trauma of those unable to envision a future. In his prose poems “Memory for Forgetfulness” (1986), written after the poet’s forced departure from Beirut during the Israeli invasion of 1982, Darwish describes the sea simultaneously as a space of annihilation and potential creation. He states : “The sea walks in the streets. The sea hangs from the windows and the branches of dried out trees. The sea descends from the sky and enters the room. Blue.. White.. Foam.. Waves. I do not love the sea.. I do not want the sea, because I do not see a shore, or a dove. I do not see anything in the sea except the sea. I do not see a shore. I do not see a dove.” As the Mediterranean floods the streets of Beirut, it represents not only the collapse of Arab unity and postcolonial dreams but also the primordial chaos from which new meaning can emerge. Between Algiers and metropolitan France, Albert Camus’s thought was molded by the Mediterranean world that defined his life. Born in colonial Algeria to French parents, he inhabited the uneasy space between colony and metropole. From this tension and in-betweenness he forged what he called the “Mediterranean spirit.” For Camus, this spirit was not about geography but about the harmony of living in rhythm with the world’s beauty and absurdity. The Mediterranean and its simplicity offered him a moral compass, a refuge and a rhythm, a place where time slows and life is measured not by productivity, but by presence. The sea and the sun are fundamental motifs in his literary works, like “The Stranger.” Camus’ “Mediterranean spirit" was a conscious cultural and political stance. In an article about this notion of a mediterranean spirit, the author states : … Camus overcame his strangerhood by calling the entire Mediterranean his home – not France, not Algeria. “I understand what it means to belong to a climate, rather than a country: a home shaped by the sun, the sea and the play of light. That home is also mine.” F. Scott Fitzgerald, was an outsider to the Mediterranean, but nonetheless found himself enchanted by it. In 1926, he and his wife Zelda settled in Antibes, renting what is now the Hôtel Belles Rives, where he began writing “Tender Is the Night.” In a 1926 letter to Hemingway, he wrote : “With our being back in a nice villa on my beloved Riviera… I’m happier than I’ve been for years. It’s one of those strange, precious and all too transitory moments when everything in one’s life seems to be going well.” That joy, fragile and fleeting, lives on in his fiction, where the Mediterranean became a stage for both beauty and tragedy. In “How to Live on Practically Nothing a Year”, published in The Saturday Evening Post in 1942, Fitzgerald states : “When your eyes first fall upon the Mediterranean you know at once why it was here that man first stood erect and stretched out his arms toward the sun. It is a blue sea; or rather it is too blue for that hackneyed phrase which has described every muddy pool from pole to pole. It is the fairy blue of Maxfield Parrish’s pictures, blue like blue books, blue oil, blue eyes, and in the shadow of the mountains a green belt of land runs along the coast for a hundred miles and makes a playground for the world.” From the page to the canvas, the Mediterranean also inspired painters. If Fitzgerald came to the Mediterranean seeking joy, Pablo Picasso’s art was shaped by it. Born on the Spanish coast, Picasso spent decades in the South of France, drawn to the Côte d’Azur’s light and familiarity. He often drew on his Mediterranean surroundings for inspiration, and once commented : "It’s strange; in Paris I never drew fauns, centaurs or mythological heroes. They always seem to live in these parts." In Antibes, Picasso painted “La Joie de Vivre” (1946) – a vibrant hymn to life, dance and the sea’s timeless energy. His Mediterranean was exotic and playful, filled with ancient echoes of Greek and Roman myths. It wasn’t just a landscape to him; it was a civilisation painted in color. His vision transformed the Mediterranean from a mere geography into an enduring symbol of artistic renewal. Artist Henri Matisse has also always been tremendously inspired by the Mediterranean. In 1917, Henri Matisse arrived in Nice and immediately fell under the spell of the Mediterranean light, which was brighter, softer and more consoling than Paris’s grey. This light revived his artistic spirit, giving his canvases new warmth and radiance. “When I realized that every morning I would see this light again, I couldn’t believe how lucky I was,” he confessed. The Mediterranean light reinvigorated his artistic style with his bold use of colors and sculptural lines. He didn’t just seek to paint the Mediterranean as it appeared, but as it felt: a place both lived and dreamed. His vivid palette captured the region’s warmth, sunlight and sensuous vitality— the rhythm of daily life by the sea. Yet through his simplified forms and unreal, luminous colors, Matisse transformed that lived reality into a dreamlike vision of harmony and timeless beauty. This fascination is evident in many of his works, such as “The Open Window” and “ Intérieur à la boîte à violon. ” Matisse’s fascination with the Mediterranean Sea endured throughout his life. From his first stay in Corsica in 1898 to his long, luminous years in Nice between 1917 and 1954, as well as his journeys across Algeria, Spain, Italy and Morocco. Matisse, in a conversation with Pierre Courthion, once said : “ I’m a northerner… so it’s the Mediterranean that made the biggest impression on me.” For Matisse, the Mediterranean was more than a landscape: it was a revelation. Its radiant light and rich artistic traditions shaped his visual language, linking him deeply to the ancient cultures of the Near East. Through this connection, he explored not mere representation but his own perception of place — a sea both real and imagined, lived and dreamed. As the poet Paul Valéry once described , the Mediterranean is a “machine for making civilization.” For Matisse, it was precisely that: an endless muse—a source of color, beauty and renewal. There was also Claude Monet, who came to the Riviera unsure whether he could ever paint it. In letters to his beloved Alice Hoschedé, he confessed both awe and doubt on whether he could really capture its exotic essence: Between 1884 and 1888, Monet painted the coasts of Bordighera and Antibes, producing dozens of works that shimmered with new colors and light. The fort, sea, mountains and rocks of Antibes inspired Claude Monet. In 1888, he came to the Riviera from Paris and, although he only stayed four months, completed 39 paintings. Each of Monet's three long stays in the Mediterranean were an opportunity for him to radically transform his work. Each wave, each reflection was a proof that even for an artist of his stature, the Mediterranean could still teach wonder. On the southern shore, in Alexandria, Egypt, Mahmoud Saïd, the pioneering Egyptian modernist, found great artistic inspiration in Alexandria, with its beautiful Mediterranean shore and people. His paintings, from “Le Port d’Alexandrie” (1919) to “Les Falaises à Marsa Matrouh” (1948), captured the Mediterranean’s unique light and the quiet lives of its people. Through Saïd’s eyes, the sea became Egyptian, familiar and deeply human—portrayed with the same artistic mastery as in the works of Matisse or Monet, only from the other shore. His work also extended to portraying the Mediterranean in other countries like Crete Island and Lebanon, showing his interest in the sea as a cultural and artistic continuum rather than a national boundary. As the train carried me back to Menton that evening, the sun dipped low over the horizon, ornamenting the sea with light. I thought of all the writers and painters whose wisdom I experienced wandering around Antibes, the exiles and dreamers who had stood before this same sea, searching for meaning, beauty or simply a sense of belonging. Big words scattered around the city but not at all far or unfamiliar from what my dad, me or even Mahmoud Said experienced in Alexandria. Perhaps that is the secret of the Mediterranean charm: it does not belong to anyone, yet it makes everyone who looks at it feel at home. Its rhythm speaks a universal language, one of lightful souls loving to live, one of longing and one of shared experiences. The Mediterranean, after all, is not just a sea. It is a mirror of civilization, of exile and of the human spirit, one I will always carry whether in Alexandria or Menton. Photo Source: Author's Own

Trump’s new border policy isn’t as simple as just closing the border and getting “terrorists the hell out” of the United States. It encompasses a myriad of endeavors, each dealing a blow to the U.S.’ immigration program, which comprises one-fifth of the entire world’s international migrants. < Back America First, Migrants Last: Trump’s New Southern Border Policy Loowit Morrison for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton February 28, 2025 In a flurry of 37 executive orders signed by President Donald Trump during his first week in the Oval Office, eight regarded immigration. This proportion is unsurprising; Trump’s campaign revolved tightly around promises to stunt immigration, having long pledged to “restore the travel ban, suspend refugee admissions, stop the resettlement and keep the terrorists the hell out of our country.” Trump’s new border policy isn’t as simple as just closing the border and getting “terrorists the hell out” of the United States. It encompasses a myriad of endeavors, each dealing a blow to the U.S.’ immigration program, which comprises one-fifth of the entire world’s international migrants. Below lists a handful of the Trump Administration’s embryonic, yet already destructive, immigration policies. It is crucial to understand the impacts of Trump’s agenda, as it will fundamentally transform the U.S.’ immigration process as we know it today. To do so, we must observe what actions Trump has taken so far, and what each of these policies will entail. Eliminating CBP One “CBP One came like a gift from God”, reflects Yoandis Delgado, an immigrant from Nicaragua who entered the U.S. in 2023. Launched in 2020 by U.S. Customs and Border Protection, CBP One is an app that offers resources for migrants, including scheduling appointments, securing travel authorization and accessing a plethora of migration-related materials. It has been cherished as a “salvation” by many migrants, principally those from Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Haiti. However, CBP announced the app’s termination on January 20, 2025. Tens of thousands of appointments scheduled for upcoming months were canceled after the notice, leaving migrants stripped of CBP One’s resources. In its short lifetime, CBP One helped admit nearly one million migrants. Ending humanitarian parole for migrants On the first evening of his term, Trump halted an initiative that allowed migrants to apply for non-land -based entry in cases of “urgent humanitarian reasons or significant public benefit”. After receiving a U.S.-based sponsor and background check, these migrants could stay on American soil for up to two years with a work permit, which would shield them from deportation. Since 2023, nearly 532,000 migrants, predominantly Haitians, have benefitted from this program. Undeterred by its advantages, Trump argued that terminating the program would “protect the American people from the disastrous effects of unlawful mass migration and resettlement”. In reality, this program was crucial to reducing pressure on the land border with Mexico. Canceling flights for refugees, including those already approved for travel Thousands of refugees already approved for travel were blocked from entry after Executive Order 14163, “Realigning the United States Refugee Admissions Program,” indefinitely paused refugee resettlement. Over 10,000 refugees in the process of coming to the U.S. from Afghanistan, Africa, Latin America and the Middle East are now barred from entry. Trump’s harsh policy towards refugees is unexpected — in 2020, the number of admitted refugees sank to an incredibly low 11,000, as compared to 100,000 under Biden in 2024. In line with his “America First” policy, President Trump holds that continuing to receive refugees would burden American communities, which are unequipped to absorb them. He did not, however, comment on how terminating the program would burden the refugees, who already live under acute threat. Expanding Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) powers Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), a branch of the Department of Homeland Security, is notoriously responsible for the enforcement of immigration laws. Although it already has a considerable amount of monetary power — its annual budget is approximately $9 billion — ICE’s abilities have expanded substantially under the Trump Administration. ICE now has the power to deport migrants who temporarily entered the country under Biden-era programs and sidestep immigration courts to accelerate deportation by labeling undocumented immigration as an “alien invasion.” The past weeks have seen a flood of ICE raids and arrests, sometimes resulting in over 1,000 arrests per day. A new directive revealed that “sensitive areas,” such as schools and churches, can now be targeted by officials, and undocumented immigrants who happen to be present at the arrest of a criminal can be arrested as well. While some “ sanctuary cities ” — those that limit their cooperation with efforts to deport undocumented immigrants — are fighting against this development, the Justice Department has threatened to prosecute local and state officials who resist federal immigration crackdowns. Declaration of a “national emergency” at the southern border. Since 1978, there have been 83 national emergencies declared under the National Emergencies Act of 1976. The most recent of these is the Declaration of a National Emergency at the Southern Bord er of the United States, under the justification that the U.S. is being threatened by widespread crime. The statement permits President Trump to unlock billions of dollars without congressional approval, ones he will likely use for border wall construction and the deployment of the military and National Guard. Typically, the National Emergencies Act is invoked in times of acute stress, allowing the executive to respond quickly to sudden and exceptional cases. Immigration, however, is not sudden , nor is it exceptional. Instead, immigration is a phenomenon that has long occurred on the U.S.’ southern border, leading many to dub this declaration as a worrisome abuse of executive power. Deployment of troops to the southern border. On January 20, the landscape of the U.S.’ southern border was drastically altered with the signing of two executive orders: Securing Our Borders and Clarifying the Military’s Role in Protecting The Territorial Integrity of the U.S . These orders authorized the deployment of personnel to the southern border with the goal of ensuring “complete operational control” and maintaining the “sovereignty, territorial integrity, and security” of the nation. Following the executive orders, the Department of Defense immediately sent 1,500 troops to the border, joining the stationed 2,500 troops and 18,000 Border Patrol members. While most troops will work in logistics and support tasks, deployment poses the potential for heightened issues at the border, as “military personnel are trained and equipped to destroy enemy forces, [...] regard[ing] civilians as a potential threat,” according to CSIS senior advisor Mark F. Cancian. The deployment of the military is an alarming reflection of Trump's militaristic goals and ruthless practices, both at the border and beyond. Restarting “Remain in Mexico” “Remain in Mexico,” a souvenir from Trump’s previous term, was ended by Biden in 2021 amidst concerns about abuses faced by migrants at the border. The program forces certain migrants to wait south of the border while their cases are processed. Requiring migrants to remain in Mexico during processing subjects them to the risk of kidnapping, extortion, rape and botched smuggling . At the border, migrants, including families and children, face pressure from drug cartels and often live in miserable conditions. In its first lifetime, Remain in Mexico saw some 70,000 migrants sent back across the border. How many more will suffer from its revival? “We are witnessing the reinstatement of some of the most inhumane and harmful immigration policies the U.S. has imposed in recent years,” states Avril Benoit, Chief Executive Officer of Doctors Without Borders USA. The crisis at the U.S.’ southern border — which has been ongoing — will only worsen with Trump’s brutal crackdown on immigration. Even before his inauguration, the border was home to a host of abuses, including cruelty, victimization, family separations, falsifying paperwork and a range of health issues, from heat exhaustion to drowning. The list of abuses faced at the border has not, and will not, deter Trump from pursuing his pillage at the border. His North Star is the “ America First ” doctrine, which outlines the aspirations of his border policy, justified by protecting American communities from strain and criminals. “America First” does not, however, mean “immigrants second,” nor third, fourth, or fifth. In reality, “America First” implies “everybody else last.” Highlighted in his endeavors from Panama to Gaza, Trump has made it clear that he will stop at nothing to “ protect ” Americans, even if this means abusing everybody else. The Trump Administration’s new border policy is actively working to dehumanize migrants, whom he has openly referred to as “animals.” Instead of working to improve the U.S.’ immigration system to aid both migrants and the communities which take them in, the administration has focused on efforts to eject and criminalize migrants. If the Trump Administration were, on the other hand, to center attention on reshaping and bettering the immigration system, both migrants and Americans would benefit greatly. Not only does immigration contribute to economic growth in the U.S., but migrants have permitted the U.S. to develop a diverse, multicultural social fabric. The U.S. flourishes thanks to immigration, a prosperity that is radically threatened by Trump’s new policies on the southern border. Photo credits: Alisdare Hickson, 2018

By largely ignoring women or portraying them in stereotypical roles of victim or consumer, the mass media has symbolically annihilated women. < Back Women’s Annihilation by the Mass Media: How Words and Language Help Shape Our Reality and Perpetuate Power Dynamics By Francesca Di Muro January 31, 2024 Words are more than simple combinations of letters displayed on a blank piece of paper. Words are woven into our social and political lives. Words can be weapons wielded by the powerful or tools for social resistance and change. As stated by linguist Sally McConnell-Ginet, " Words (and meaningful silences) matter enormously in our lives. They enable us to cooperate, collaborate, and ally with one another and exclude, exploit, and subordinate one another. They script our performances as certain kinds of people in certain social locations. They are politically powerful, both as dominating weapons that help oppress and as effective tools that can resist oppression’’. Violence against women, femicide, and gender discrimination pervade every area of contemporary society without geographical and cultural limits. Even today, an alarming number of women are targets of physical and psychological violence at the hands of their male counterparts. Direct violence, often fatal, is accompanied by linguistic violence, which is more hidden and spread implicitly at multiple levels. Media framing plays a pivotal role in the social construction of reality and, consequently, in the reproduction of power dynamics and imbalances. Browsing the pages of national and international newspapers, one can see that many, if not all, newspapers that report on violence against women employ a lexical and discursive structure that indirectly justifies the executioner and blames the victim, in a scheme s based on the concurrence of blame and distorts the real nature of the crime. Violence is multifaceted, and the ways it can be reproduced, expanded, and extended are so. Language is one. ‘How can the media be changed? How can we free women from the tyranny of media messages limiting their lives to hearth and home?’ This is how sociologist and feminist philosopher Gaye Tuchman ends her celebrated essay “The Symbolic Annihilation Of Women By The Mass Media,” encapsulating the concerns that continue to drive much feminist media analysis worldwide. Despite enormous transformations in national and global media landscapes, the fundamental issues that preoccupied Gaye Tuchman in 1978 are still prevalent: power, violence, and hegemony in the narration of violence itself. By largely ignoring women or portraying them in stereotypical roles of victim or consumer, the mass media has symbolically annihilated women. This destruction has further strengthened the patriarchal vision that classifies women as dependent and incapable of living their own lives without male ‘guidance’. Women’s magazines once focused on domestic pursuits such as marriage, household chores, and childcare. What made this pattern even more problematic was the media's role in shaping young girls’ wants and aspirations. Media coverage has created expected roles and perpetuated inequality through the reproduction of stereotyped discourses and sexist narratives and a mediated invisibility that is achieved not simply through the non-representation of women’s points of view or perspectives. Even though this narration has slightly changed nowadays, where women are ‘visible’ in media content, their representation still reflects the biases and assumptions of those who define the public agenda and, consequently, the mediatic one: men. Even when covering cases of femicide, specific language and discourses chosen by the media obscure the gendered and sexist basis of the violence taken out on women's bodies, portraying it as a mere homicide. A dominant patriarchal discourse implicit in newspaper coverage and a representation of femicides that ignores its structural and ideological foundations have been prevalent, as well as the recurrent use of a psychiatric discourse to label the femicide as an act of pure madness of the man, reducing such phenomenon within the predictable framework of a normal homicide, caused by mental illnesses, emotivity or monstrous impulses. Here, redefining language and recreating it in feminist terms can be a form of resistance. To conclude, it is not enough for the media to report how the femicide dynamics developed and focus on turbid details to feel like they satisfied one’s duty of informing the public. It is not enough to represent only those legal and political institutions that want to treat femicide as an isolated case. It is not enough to give an account to friends and relatives of the killer who claimed he loved the woman he just assassinated. It is not enough and never will be to address the system of oppression and latent subjugation that women experience in their daily lives, even in the narrations of violence themselves. The media helps shape society’s perception and public opinion of victims and offenders. Femicide is the result of a deeply embedded and rooted ideological structure, which shapes one’s beliefs and one’s behaviors, not only in femicide itself but also in the narration of it. As Sally McConnell-Ginet once stated, ‘words matter so much precisely because so little matter is firmly attached to them,’ and they do matter — especially when they have the power to annihilate, violate and underpin one’s safety, and, consequently, one’s empowerment.

With the United States experiencing its highest level of inflation since 1981 and Europe following closely, inflation, a phenomenon that many economists claimed was long gone, seems to be back. How worried should we be? < Back Global Inflation: Is the Fairy Tale Beast Back to Haunting us? By Ata Tezel April 29, 2022 If you are a regular at Brioche Dorée, the recent 10% price increase of the student deal might have been catastrophic news. In fact, a double-digit inflation rate is becoming a reality in the developed world, with the Organization for European Economic Co-operation (OECD) average annual rate reaching 7.7 percent in March 2022. With the United States experiencing its highest level of inflation since 1981 and Europe following closely, inflation, a phenomenon that many economists claimed was long gone, seems to be back. But how worried should we be? Why is inflation back? The rise in inflation caught many economists and central banks off guard – as a matter of fact, nearly none of the central bank inflation forecasts in the developed world were accurate for 2021. This is surprising, as the recovery from the economic downturn of the pandemic signaled increased pressure on both the demand and supply sides of economies. Simply put, today’s inflation is the result of too much money chasing too few goods: an inevitable outcome of the economic policies of the pandemic era. The demand-side inflation (also known as demand-pull inflation) is, in large part, related to the drastic aggregate demand recovery fueled by the stimulus packages distributed by governments during the pandemic alongside the overall global employment recovery. The US federal government passed stimulus packages that injected more than 4.5 trillion dollars into the economy, with the EU following up with a package of 2 trillion euros. With many investing their stimulus money on mid- to long-term assets - such as government bonds, stocks, gold, and real estate - demand-side pressures increased prices for these highly attractive assets. In fact, all American indices have passed far beyond their pre-pandemic levels, signaling an unprecedented demand recovery from the pandemic. As the economy on the demand side is stronger than ever, theories suggest inflation should be expected. Though one might then ask: “how has the developed world grown at a stable rate for years while keeping inflation at bay and maintaining low unemployment and minimal monetary intervention?” The difference this time is that the pressure is on the supply-side. The impact of the pandemic was more drastic on the supply-side compared to demand-side simply because short to mid-term adjustments in supply tend to be more inelastic than demand-side adjustments. For example, the ongoing electronic chip shortage can be partly attributed to the automakers’ decision to slash orders during the early stages of the pandemic which led chipmakers to switch their products to fit the surging demand for consumer electronics. As the aggregate demand recovered, the supply of cars is now drastically halted due to the chipmakers' unwillingness and inability to switch their supply back to the automotive sector. This caused a spillover demand for substitutes, resulting in a 20 percent price increase in the second-hand car market in the US. Moreover, disruptions to supply chains triggered by the pandemic are now exacerbated by political tensions spurred by the Ukrainian war. The increase in energy prices has reached, on average, 27 percent in OECD due to the political tensions surrounding oil and natural gas supply. This cost-push inflation is only aggravated by the cutting of government subsidies to many sectors – subsidies that were instrumental in the survival of many businesses during the economic fallout of the pandemic. What to expect now? While the dramatic increase in inflation is worrying for many, central banks have been cautious in implementing monetary policy to combat rising inflation. Throughout 2021, the consensus among the developed world was that the increase in global inflation was temporary and would eventually fade out as market forces settle around pre-pandemic levels. The higher-than-usual inflation rates could also be attributed to the unusually low commodity prices in 2020 caused by the demand fallout which would have given rise to unnatural inflation once demand and prices returned to pre-pandemic levels. However, recent political developments in commodity markets are forcing central banks to take action. The US Federal Reserve had already started tapering its quantitative easing policy by the end of 2021, effectively increasing real interest rates without changing their near-zero policy rate. Leading emerging markets have also responded to inflation throughout the year, with many increasing policy interest rates by couple hundred basis points - a move that the developed world resisted to take. Nevertheless, by March 2022, the Federal Reserve was forced to increase its policy rate for the first time since 2018, an action soon replicated by the Bank of England. The Fed also signaled further increases in the policy rates up to 3.5 percent, citing the dangers of high inflation. Central banks around the developed world now hope to raise rates rapidly to avoid a “hard landing.” However, many are skeptical about central banks’ ability to use monetary policy effectively without causing a recession. Considering the track record of the Fed, recession risks are no doubt elevated, creating a low morale in the world of economics. As inflation is affected by expectations as much as by market forces (if not more), pessimism and distrust in the market could be the biggest worry of all. With the European Central Bank also signaling a potential switch from its zero-interest policy, the future is more unclear than ever. The question is, can the West curb its inflation as successfully as Japan or is it leading to a catastrophic fallout like Turkey? The answer, as with everything else, will probably lie somewhere in between.

The political co-opting of the hijab has a long and violent history. As the French governmental and social domains continue to politicize Muslim head-coverings, it is vital to examine it. < Back The Hijab Is a Hot Political Topic for Islamists… but Also the Secular West By Ghazal Khalife November 30, 2022 Hijab is an Arabic word that translates to “curtain” or “covering.” It is now commonly used to refer to the headcovers sometimes worn by Muslim women. A lot of questions surround the hijab: Why is it worn? Is it a sign of oppression — an archaic symbol of patriarchal traditions? Does it fit in modern societies? What should we do about it? The fact that the hijab has become such a controversy shows how it has long left the private realm and become a matter of public debate and politicization. In Iran: From a symbol of protest to a symbol of oppression In its modern history, Iran has had a complicated relationship with its religious identity and, thus, the role of the hijab. Reza Shah Pahlavi, who ruled Iran from 1925 to 1941, to abandon backwardness and tradition and promote modernization, issued the decree, “Kashef-e Hijab,” which banned all head coverings for women as well as the “chador,” a full-body Iranian covering. Unsurprisingly, this decision, which was swiftly and strongly enforced across the country, was not received well by the more conservative population. The ban restricted women’s freedom of movement, as many stayed at home or came out at night when they could hide from police, who were instructed to resort to physical violence to unveil hijabi women forcibly. The shah’s decree adhered to the premise that the hijab is antithetical to modernity and women’s integration into society, a view that resonates to this day. During the ceremony in which the shah announced “Kashef-e Hijab,” he stated that women “should stand out in society the same way they stand out in their homes.” Fast forward to the years leading up to the Islamic Revolution, the hijab resurged in the social and political spheres as a sign of protest against westernization and the Pahlavi dynasty’s attempt to repress Iran’s cultural and religious identity. It is worth noting, however, that at that point, wearing the veil was a choice, an expression of disenchantment with a regime that dictated women’s clothing. After the Islamic republic was established, veiling became mandatory and violently enforced by the morality police. Post-Revolution leader Ruhollah Khomeini described women who did not veil as “naked.” Consequently, the veil became a symbol of the resurrection of Islamic values and strict interpretation of the Quran. Women have been protesting the hijab mandate for decades in Iran — a movement that culminated in the recent and ongoing protests . The hijab is simply another manifestation of the Islamic state’s political oppression; it is a reminder that the Islamic Republic can and will dictate the public’s life choices, that it does not tolerate diversion from its interpretation of religion and that its version of society is the right one. The affiliation of the hijab with a political movement is not exclusive to Iran, however. The idea of the hijab was also politicized in post-colonial Arab liberation movements and their competing ideologies, most notably the Muslim Brotherhood. During the early period of decolonization (1930s-40s), Muslim women wore the hijab to reaffirm their pride in their heritage and Islamic identity, especially since European colonial soldiers unveiled indigenous women during “civilizing missions.” In Algeria, the veil became a focal point of the War of Independence as there was strong resentment against the French for their unveiling and sexualization of Algerian women. Unveiling ceremonies were popular, but the obsession with the hijab took on an even more sinister undertone. To many, it hid mysterious sexual objects cloaked beneath a layer of modesty, begging to be seen by the male gaze. This is epitomized by the school of French photographers who took photos of unveiled women and hypersexualized them; some of these images were even used in French postal cards. In France: The symbol of a struggle with religious diversity In contemporary France, the hijab remains a contentious topic in government and public realms. Despite being worn by less than 2% of France’s population, the hijab dominates political discussions about secularism, immigration and Islam. Under the pretext that it violates France’s sacred principle of “laicité,” a specific interpretation of secularism that guides French society, many lawmakers, even those affiliated with the centrist party, have fervently supported strict regulations on veiling. These include banning the headscarf in public schools and prohibiting citizens working in the public sector from wearing it. In February 2022, the French senate voted 160-143 in favor of banning the wearing of the hijab: “an ostentatious religious symbol” in sports competitions. How do these regulations fit into the larger context of French politics? The prevalent argument is that the hijab is an “ostentatious” religious symbol and, hence, incompatible with “laicité.” Many hijabis have countered this assertion by pointing out that the hijab is a religious obligation and a commitment to modesty as opposed to being an inherent symbol of faith. As such, the rhetoric in support of restricting the hijab in favor of laïcité minimizes its significance for hijabi women and is sometimes used to emphasize the “otherness” of France’s Muslim population. France, like many Western countries, has undoubtedly struggled with its increasing diversity in the post-colonial context, especially with recent migratory waves from predominantly Muslim countries. Since hijabi women are easily identifiable as Muslim, they have been subject to the most scrutiny and discrimination. When asked how wearing the hijab changed people’s perceptions about her in France, an anonymous Menton first-year answered that “people’s perceptions definitely changed towards me as I started wearing the hijab because I was no longer seen as (who I am), but as ‘the hijabi girl.’ I particularly noticed (this) when people confused me for another hijabi girl or when the first interaction I had with a stranger would be regarding my hijab.” Another angle from which to examine this issue is a more subtle extension of the “civilizing mission” justification in which the hijab is considered a symbol of patriarchal oppression and incompatible with modern society. This may also be interpreted as an argument that encourages Muslim women to abandon a potentially important element of their identity in order to be accepted into French society. The fundamental problem with this “savior complex” narrative is that it assumes that all women are forced or even conditioned into wearing the hijab and not wearing it out of their own free will. While this unfortunately, can be the case in many Muslim communities, it cannot be generalized. Moreover, instead of empowering women, banning the headscarf could inhibit many Muslim women from integrating productively into society since many civic and educational doors would be slammed shut for them. The hijab: An individual experience Ultimately, politicizing the hijab reduces women’s bodies to social matters; it risks ridding them of their bodily autonomy, as observed in both extremes of hijab regulations. Every Muslim woman experiences the hijab differently, and while it is normal and even vital to discuss the motivations behind wearing the hijab, employing it as a political tool to control women, garner votes or advance a political agenda constricts not only Muslim women but also distorts the deeply personal nature of this religious practice.

In the past few years, an increasing number of intrepid content creators are documenting their journeys to places of conflict. They acquire rare visas, hire local tour guides, and point iPhone cameras through the streets as they seek to capture the ‘real’ version of these countries—places whose very essence is often reduced to fearful headlines and apocalyptic imagery. This phenomenon, known as conflict tourism, ranges from visiting historically troubled areas to entering zones of active conflict, and has taken on an entirely new significance in the age of vlogging. < Back Vlogging Live From Kabul: The Insights and Absurdities of YouTube Conflict Tourism Bronwen Sutcliffe November 2, 2025 Afghanistan is certainly not a typical travel destination for a social media influencer, let alone your average tourist. Travel advisories, scarce flight routes, and fearsome news coverage (to name just a few) make conflict zones feel decidedly off-limits to outsiders. In the past few years, an increasing number of intrepid content creators are documenting their journeys to places of conflict. They acquire rare visas, hire local tour guides, and point iPhone cameras through the streets as they seek to capture the ‘real’ version of these countries—places whose very essence is often reduced to fearful headlines and apocalyptic imagery. This phenomenon, known as conflict tourism, ranges from visiting historically troubled areas to entering zones of active conflict, and has taken on an entirely new significance in the age of vlogging. Having watched a number of these videos myself, I’ve begun to wonder: who are these travelers, and how do they manage to break the red tape that seals off highly sanctioned regimes from the West? What motivates them—and, perhaps most importantly, what should we make of their videos? Travels Amidst Conflict For those determined enough, travel advisories are merely a suggestion; influencers like Canadian Nolan Saumure, British Miles Routledge, and French Tibi Jones have ventured into a number of highly volatile countries, such as Afghanistan, where they wish to witness life under Taliban rule firsthand. Visas can be acquired from neighbouring countries to their destination of choice. Travelers are very frequently accompanied by reputed tour guides, essentially wingmen for navigating the city, translating, and assisting them with administrative tasks. They also often hire a driver for the trip. Their travels may even be facilitated by tour companies who, aware of the market, arrange activities catering to foreigners’ dark curiosities. Though travelers are often accompanied by locals, conflict tourism is inherently dangerous. The UK government, for example, implements a strict ‘avoid all travel’ advisory for Afghanistan on the basis of extreme danger, high risk for detention or imprisonment, as well as kidnapping and terrorism. This situation is intensified by the government’s inability to intervene on Afghan soil, with no embassy and therefore no direct aid for tourists. The situation for conflict tourists has escalated on numerous occasions. In a story that sounds almost unbelievable, Miles Routledge– known online as “Lord Miles”– traveled to Afghanistan in 2021, just days before the fall of Kabul, despite warnings from the UK government. He wanted to witness life under the Taliban and share it with his followers. Ultimately, when the Taliban took over, he found himself stranded and had to seek refuge in a UN safe house. He was eventually evacuated by the British army, disguised as a woman in a burqa. Undeterred, Routledge returned to Afghanistan multiple times, and in 2023 he was detained again for several months. Motives of Conflict Vloggers If it’s so dangerous, why do they do it? Professor Dorina-Maria Buda, a leading scholar on the role of emotion and psychology in tourism to conflict zones, offers part of the answer. Drawing on her fieldwork in the Palestinian West Bank, she found that tourists visiting areas of turmoil are not driven solely by morbid curiosity; they also seek to challenge their emotions and assumptions. According to Buda, such travelers want to feel “emotionally connected to the situation… and… like they are bringing about a small positive change by experiencing the realities of life on the ground.” She also observes that, unlike traditional tourist hotspots where locals often feel burdened by over-tourism, communities in contested regions may “welcome tourists as… an opportunity for them to tell their own story about living in a conflict zone and to have their voices heard.” Perhaps this idea does not resonate with the case of Miles Routledge. But for some other creators, it seems an apt characterization of their motives. A genuine emotional connection is reflected in the travels of YouTube creators Matt and Julia, whose shared channel documents, as their bio puts it, “adventures somewhere we probably shouldn’t be.” In their videos, they visit countries such as Afghanistan and North Korea, where they are often welcomed by locals or taken under their wing. In their Afghanistan travel series, for instance, Matt and Julia are met with curiosity and warmth in the streets, and later welcomed into a family’s home, where they cook together, share a meal, play with the children, and explore the family garden—offering a warm, personal glimpse into everyday life rarely captured in traditional media. Another video I found insightful is YouTube creator Eli from Russia’s visit to Iran: her documentary is beautifully filmed and interspersed with candid, authentic exchanges with locals. She shares many facets of life in Iran that rarely appear in news reports or mainstream media– for instance, the underground nightlife, Armenian neighborhoods that enjoy a degree of autonomy from state laws, and bustling street markets showcasing handmade crafts. One remark she makes on the impact of her travels stood out to me: Before you get to a country, it’s just a point on the map for you… But once you explore the place, the point on the map gets colors. It transforms into landscapes, sounds, tastes, faces, feelings, and many memories. When you’re back home… you will want to scream, ‘Of course, I’ve left. I’ve lived a whole life during that trip, and I’ve changed so much. The authenticity of these conflict tourists comes from the thoughtfulness of their storytelling —their willingness to listen, to engage, and to show people as more than just symbols of suffering. As naive and idealistic as it may be, this is why I often find myself engrossed in conflict tourism videos from creators like Eli, Matt, and Julia. They feel like a way to understand, however imperfectly, the human experience within regions of instability, and to appreciate the place’s culture, cuisine, and quiet resilience amidst disorder and uncertainty. Encounters like these also feel mutually beneficial: the creators gain an authentic experience of culture and hospitality and have their worldview challenged, while locals have the chance to share their story, to be seen not as victims or as statistics, but as hosts, parents, and individuals living full lives despite tense circumstances. Ethics However, not all creators are motivated by empathy or a genuine desire to educate; some— perhaps most— prioritize shock value, spectacle, or personal clout. Canadian content creator Nolan Saumure exemplifies the darker side of the genre. His provocative commentary and self-important antics are difficult to view as anything other than objectionable. In one video, “Afghanistan Has Too Much Testosterone,” he visits an arms market where he poses with rifles, laughs alongside traders, and treats the situation more like a game than a glimpse into daily life under the Taliban. He casually remarks: “This probably doesn’t come as a shock to you, but this is the only series I’ve ever filmed where I didn’t speak to, or have any form of interaction with, a single woman. It’s a complete sausage fest—all dudes, 24/7”. With hundreds of thousands of subscribers, this careless and insensitive representation has a wide and likely harmful influence. Humorous social media renditions have an influence on people’s perceptions. After the Taliban seized control in 2021, viral internet memes contributed to softening their image, showing fighters struggling to understand how gym equipment works or riding carousel horses. Like traditional media, conflict tourist content creators bear a responsibility to consider how their work influences popular understanding of reality in their destination countries. In an interview, Saumure insists he doesn’t want to impose his outsider perspective: “Even if the west is maybe selling a very sensational narrative, I still saw the oppression firsthand as far as women not being allowed in certain parks and modesty laws,” he said. “It's a delicate subject. I just wanted to be like, “This is how it is here,” instead of driving into my beliefs.” Yet, his content style is far from neutral, making light of a grave reality to fuel his channel. As young audiences increasingly rely on influencers rather than traditional media, conflict tourism vlogs that approach troubled areas with humor or irreverence risk instilling outsiders with false or apathetic perceptions of both daily life under conflict and the oppression itself. Another creator, Tibi Jones, traveled to Afghanistan in 2021 with the goal of countering Western bias. He filmed in a dental office where veiled women were working, presenting it as evidence that some Afghan women can still participate in the workforce. On Instagram, he stated: “the western narrative has nothing to do with this land.” While some viewers praised him for countering western narratives, his portrayal overlooks the systemic oppression faced by Afghan women under the Taliban. Creators like Saumure and Jones seem to view themselves as movie characters or adventurers. By treating, say, Afghanistan, as a stage for personal adventure, they reduce the social and political reality to props for entertainment, blurring the line between reporting and spectacle. In Ukraine, where conflict tourism has grown into a small industry, locals have mixed feelings about outsiders peering in on their daily lives amid war. Around ten Ukrainian agencies now offer specialized “war tours,” such as guided visits to war-damaged areas in Kyiv and Kharkiv, with a part of proceeds supporting soldiers. While some locals see these tours as a way to raise awareness internationally, others view them as deeply disrespectful. As one Ukrainian man told ARTE in a report on war tours, “It’s not entertainment. It’s our life.” If conflict tourism can provide a platform for local perspectives, it can simultaneously put those same individuals at risk. Those who appear on camera may be endangered if their participation is interpreted as opposition to the regime—especially in authoritarian contexts such as Afghanistan or North Korea. Even seemingly innocuous footage could potentially be used as evidence of collaboration or dissent, leading to harassment, arrest, or worse. YouTube conflict tourism is a paradox. On one hand, it offers a window into the culture, resilience, and everyday life in regions often reduced to statistics, headlines, or fear-driven narratives. Many videos do not lean on risk or spectacle, instead taking a humanized, intimate storytelling approach that comes across more like thoughtful travel documentaries than sensationalized vlogs. That said, I am inclined to view the vast majority of conflict tourism content poorly. Too many creators prioritize shock value, and with the immense monetization potential of this content, this has eclipsed much of the content base. Anyone can bring a phone to a war-torn country, but not everyone can bring empathy, respect, or nuance. Titles like “The Real Afghanistan” threaten to turn lived experiences into commodities, reducing people’s lives to sources of entertainment that people in more privileged positions can consume casually, just as one can turn on and off the TV news. Photo Source: @mbj, Flickr

Beirut, known as the “Paris of the Middle East” in the 1950s, and arguably the region’s financial hub, is slowly relapsing into its war-torn state. After hearing of yesterday’s events, I felt as if someone had stabbed me in the heart — the country’s collapse has never seemed so clear and obvious. < Back A Beacon of Light for a Country in the Dark: Lebanon’s Untiring Resilience By Maria Kouteili October 30, 2021 October 14, 4:38 pm. My phone does not cease to ring: photo flash, gunfire, smoke, chaos. The photos on my device are the same ones you would find in a history textbook about the civil war; the same militias that terrorized my mother and my aunts, are now terrorizing my friends and my cousins. Today’s attack is just another example of a crumbling nation; what was supposed to be a demonstration in Beirut calling for the removal of a judge who led a probe into the deadly August 2020 port blast quickly became a blood-bath. Thursday’s attack falls within a context of national crisis on all scales: Lebanese citizens have been in the dark since 2019 and are gradually being stripped of all human dignity. The needs of the Lebanese people have been ignored, brushed off and frankly stepped on. I remember going to the pharmacy with my grand-father, a diabetic with heart failure, I remember him having to beg the pharmacist (who was a close friend) for his prescrip-tion. My grandmother, who lives in Central Beirut, wakes up in the dark every morning. Lebanon is in the dark. These are not isolated examples, every single Lebanese citizen has seen his or her way of living crumble. To quote the World Bank, this is “one of the worst financial crises in centuries.” Beirut, known as the “Paris of the Middle East” in the 1950s, and arguably the region’s financial hub, is slowly relapsing into its war-torn state. After hearing of yesterday’s events, I felt as if someone had stabbed me in the heart — the country’s collapse has never seemed so clear and obvious. However, it also made me think of how special the country is. Lebanon is undeniably a crossroad of civilizations; to quote an Oxford article on the matter “Modern-day Lebanon is like a mosaic, characterized by a diversity of cultures, traditions, and religions. Because of its location at the crossroads of Asia, Europe, and Africa, Lebanon has been shaped by many civilizations throughout its long history.” The streets of downtown Beirut tell the story of Lebanon’s history themselves: you will pass domed mosques and steeply churches on your right, French cafes and Arab “Souks” on your left. Lebanon is also the home of arak, an alcoholic beverage made from raisins and aniseed and many other delicacies enjoyed worldwide. This example of cultural heritage is particularly interesting as it first appeared in the 12th century from the Arab invention of alembic distillation and later spread to the Balkans and eventually Indonesia and Malaysia. Similar to Lebanon, arak is a cultural mosaic and an emblem of Arab-Islamic history. And just like arak, Lebanon has a heritage almost as old and as diverse as Arab civilizations and an incontestable influence on a global scale. Generally speaking, the country’s geographical location at a crossroad between Arab and Asian civilizations has made it a cosmopolitan power. As most Lebanese proudly state: “Lebanon is small in size but huge in its influence.” Finally, let this article be a celebration of Lebanese culture rather than another cry of despair: let us remember the joys of Lebanese mezze, kahwa, and Fairuz!

In light of the recent controversy surrounding the OGC Nice vs. Maccabi Tel Aviv football game, the UEJF of SciencesPo Campus de Menton offers the following statement. < Back Menton’s Branch of Union des Étudiants Juifs de France Issues a Statement Condemning Integration Week’s Football Match Protest By Ellie Carter, Gayle Krest, Azra Ersevik September 29, 2022 Editor’s note: Objectivity is of paramount importance to The Menton Times. As such, the September 2022 issue of the publication features a variety of stances that students took amid the controversial Integration Week boycott. In light of the recent controversy surrounding the OGC Nice vs. Maccabi Tel Aviv football game, the UEJF of SciencesPo Campus de Menton offers the following statement: It is crucial to differentiate between a person who is Jewish, a person who is Israeli, and the Israeli State itself. A person who is Jewish may live anywhere on earth. A person who is Israeli has Israeli citizenship and may or may not be Jewish. These two identities are not synonymous. The Israeli State acts as an independent entity and does not represent the global Jewish community nor the wishes of every Israeli citizen. Maccabi Tel Aviv is a football team that was founded in 1906, predating the modern state of Israel. It is a Jewish team – its logo featuring the Jewish Star of David – and players hail from a variety of countries . Their owner is Mitchell Goldhar, a Canadian businessman and the son of a Polish Holocaust survivor. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance cites blaming Jews as a group for the responsibility of individuals, holding Jews collectively responsible for the actions of the State of Israel, and denying the right of Jewish self determination as three elements of their definition of antisemitism. The individuals at this match are not representatives of nor accountable for the State of Israel and as such, should not be held responsible for the actions of the Israeli government. We condemn protesting the State of Israel at the match due to the ethnicity, religion, or nationality of the players. We would like to emphasize the right of Jews and Israelis to live, travel, and play football in peace without being asked to bear responsibility for the actions of the State of Israel. Moreover, the UEFA Europa Conference League is an international football competition organized by the Union of European Football Associations. Both OGC Nice and Maccabi Tel Aviv are competing in the qualifying rounds for the UECL this year. Neither OGC Nice nor any other team in the league has control over who they are assigned to play, as participants in each qualifying round are determined by each team’s placement in their domestic leagues. As such, protests and demands directed at OGC Nice are incorrectly placed, as they have no control over who they play. We encourage thoughtful protest and support freedom of speech. However, we call for care, mindfulness, clarity, and cohesiveness of thoughts and goals from students who exercise their right to protest, with the ultimate telos of peace. Finally, we have seen an abundance of inflammatory and hateful comments on Sciences Palestine’s posts related to the planned (and now canceled) protest. These are comments which we do not condone, nor are they written on our behalf . On behalf of the UEJF, CARTER Ellie, President KREST Gayle, Secretary General ERSEVIK Azra, Treasurer Français: À la lumière de la récente polémique autour du match de football OGC Nice vs Maccabi Tel Aviv, l'UEJF de SciencesPo Campus de Menton propose le communiqué suivant : Avant tout, il est crucial de faire la différence entre une personne qui est juive, une personne qui est israélienne et l'État israélien lui-même. Une personne qui est juive peut vivre n'importe où dans le monde. Une personne qui est israélienne à la citoyenneté israélienne et peut ou non être juive. Ces deux identités ne sont pas synonymes. L'État israélien agit comme une entité indépendante et ne représente pas la communauté juive mondiale ni les souhaits de chaque citoyen israélien. Le Maccabi Tel Aviv est une équipe de football fondée en 1906, antérieure à l'État moderne d'Israël. C'est une équipe juive – son logo représente l'étoile de David – et les joueurs viennent de divers pays . Leur propriétaire est Mitchell Goldhar, un homme d'affaires Canadien et le fils d'un survivant polonais de l'Holocauste. L' Alliance internationale pour la mémoire de l'Holocauste cite le fait de blâmer les Juifs en tant que groupe pour la responsabilité des individus, de tenir les Juifs collectivement responsables des actions de l'État d'Israël et de nier le droit à l'autodétermination des Juifs comme trois éléments de leur définition de l'antisémitisme. Les personnes présentes à ce match ne sont ni des représentants ni responsables de l'État d'Israël et, en tant que telles, ne devraient pas être tenues responsables des actions du gouvernement israélien. Nous condamnons les protestations contre l'État d'Israël lors du match en raison de l'ethnie, de la religion ou de la nationalité des joueurs. Nous voudrions souligner le droit des Juifs et des Israéliens à vivre, voyager et jouer au football en paix sans qu'on leur demande d'assumer la responsabilité des actions de l'État d'Israël. De plus, l'UEFA Europa Conference League est une compétition internationale de football organisée par l'Union des associations européennes de football. L'OGC Nice et le Maccabi Tel Aviv participent tous deux aux tours de qualification de l'UECL cette année. Ni l'OGC Nice ni aucune autre équipe de la ligue ne choisissent contre qui elles vont jouer. En effet, les participants à chaque tour de qualification sont déterminés par le placement de chaque équipe dans leurs ligues nationales. En tant que telles, les protestations et les demandes adressées à l'OGC Nice sont placées de manière incorrecte, car les équipes n'ont aucun contrôle sur qui elles jouent. Nous encourageons les manifestations réfléchies et soutenons la liberté d'expression. Cependant, nous appelons à la prudence, à la pleine conscience, à la clarté et à la cohérence des pensées et des objectifs des étudiants qui exercent leur droit de manifester, avec le telos ultime de la paix. Enfin, nous avons vu une abondance de commentaires incendiaires et haineux sur les messages de Sciences Palestine liés à la manifestation prévue (et maintenant annulée). Ce sont des commentaires que nous ne tolérons pas , et ils ne sont pas écrits en notre nom. Au Nom de l’UEJF CARTER Ellie, Présidente KREST Gayle, Secrétaire Générale ERSEVIK Azra, Trésorière

How did the modern Christmas tree, the beacon of the holiday season, emerge? And what does it represent in our contemporary world? < Back From Pagan Tradition To Seasonal Landmark Of Consumer-Capitalism: The Origins Of The Christmas Tree By Lara Harmankaya January 31, 2024 While walking along some residential streets in Istanbul in December, it’s not unusual to spot Christmas trees shining from the living rooms of apartment buildings. Even in this supposedly secularized country, where the religious connotations of the Christmas holiday have no meaning to the Muslim-majority population, the tradition of putting up an evergreen tree with an expiration date of approximately two months has persisted over the years. Globally, the evergreen tree adorned with colorful ornaments, tinsels and lights is ubiquitous every December. One, therefore, wonders: at what point did accessorizing trees, as if embellishing a cake with sprinkles, become a universal tradition? Nowadays, the Christmas tree is detached from its religious symbolism parallel to the growth of mass-consumerism. In the twenty-first century, market forces have shrouded the ancient roots of the evergreen and replaced them with the politics of wanting and materialism. After all, to complete the image of the modern Christmas tree, one needs the boxes of gifts underneath it. So, the question is: how exactly did the meaning of the Christmas tree evolve over the years? How did the modern Christmas tree, the beacon of the holiday season, emerge? And what does it represent in our contemporary world? The roots of decorating the home with the evergreen during wintertime originate long before the advent of Christianity. In the pagan world, plants that survived the harsh, long winters were placed as boughs before doors and windows to keep Satan, evil spirits and diseases at bay. These symbols of the winter solstice reminded the residents of the imminent return of spring and the resilience of life over death and decay. The solstice marks the point of “rebirth of the sun,” at which the shortening of days ends, and each passing day progressively encounters more sunlight and warmth— a cause of celebration since Greco-Roman times. For the Romans, the festival of Saturnalia was the occasion in which temples were decorated with tree branches and homes with wreaths around the time of the winter solstice. Many historians now trace other Christmas traditions, such as gift-giving, feasting and merrymaking back to this pagan festival dedicated to Saturn, the Roman god of agriculture and time. For Druids and Vikings alike, the evergreen also meant light and life, and the essence of this was integrated into Christian belief. Despite the difficulty in tracing the true origins of this tradition and the contrasting claims made by some northern European countries to be its birthplace, many historians concur that Germans around the 16th century can be accredited with the birthing of modern Christmas traditions in the Christian context. Many now believe that Martin Luther was the first to domesticate and illuminate the Christmas tree; as the story goes, while walking in the forest, he was inspired by the twinkling of the stars he saw through the tree branches and decided to recreate the scene for his family by covering an evergreen he brought home with candles. These would come to signify the birth and resurrection of Christ and the light he is said to bring to the world. German influence in engendering the Christmas tree cannot be overlooked. It was the German tradition of decorating wooden Christmas pyramids with ornaments and treats that merged with the concept of the Paradise tree — decorating fir trees with apples to mimic the tree of life in the Garden of Eden that developed into the modern Christmas tree we know today. Its popularization outside of Germany was also notably German-led; it was German-born Queen Charlotte who introduced the Christmas tree to the upper classes of the United Kingdom in 1800, and it was the originally Bavarian Prince Albert and Queen Victoria’s illustrated family portrait around the Christmas tree that popularized it among the masses of English society. In the United States, the first records of Christmas trees include the wooden pyramids of the Moravian Germans in 1747 Pennsylvania. Initially rejected by Puritans for their pagan heritage during the colonial period, the customs of Christmas became popular only after mass immigration from Germany and their prevalence in Europe in the 19th century. The Christmas tree is thereby a product of the intertwining history of religions, including Paganism and Christianity, as well as nationalities. It might be one of the best examples we have of a successful transplant of a custom across borders. As such, it is the continuation of a joint human heritage that nurtures unity. As we have seen for centuries, the essence of the Christmas tree and the many other festivities associated with it have remained the same – the importance of light in times of spiritual and seasonal darkness. Yet, with industrialization in the 19th century and consumer-capitalism's rise, this meaning has slowly been sapped away. The commodified character of the Christmas tree can best be encapsulated by its plastification; the artificial Christmas tree sold in most supermarkets from November onwards each year is manufactured with a large carbon footprint, thus rendering it not eco-friendly nor durable in most cases. Like most gifts awarded at Christmas-time by distant family relatives, they are discarded as soon as the holiday period is over. What is left behind is piles of waste, driving the climate crisis that is slowly but surely dismantling the future of upcoming generations. According to Lisa Joyner, writing for the home decor blog HouseBeautiful, “an artificial Christmas tree will need to be used for at least 10 years before its carbon footprint comes close to the total carbon footprint of buying than burning a real tree every year for a decade.” Thus, it is undeniable that capitalism’s embracement of Christmas traditions has had a detrimental impact on the planet. For many devout Christians, capitalism has also desecrated the Christmas tree, eradicating its moral core. They lament that the modern celebration of Christmas, which encourages and espouses the exchange of gifts in a consumerist frenzy, completely contradicts the humble, ascetic and anti-materialist way of life embraced by Jesus Christ. As is now seen in the December days building up to Christmas Eve, the spiritual element of Christmas has been taken over by the frantic search for gifts in jam-packed shopping malls and streets. With this, it is easy to forget why people practice such traditions or decorate their trees in the first place. The celebration of Christmas, as represented by its special evergreen tree, is the culmination of humanity's multicultural and multi-religious history. From the ancient Egyptians and the Romans to the Luthers, the evergreen tree has always held optimistic hopes for togetherness. It has been a promise to cast away the darkness of our daily world. Yet, it is now the poster child for the most pervasive religion of the twenty-first century: capitalism. It evokes the expectation of gifts even more so than the unison of family and friends for a merry celebration of the return of spring. The fault here lies in the spirit of consumerism that permeates social life. The prevalence and secularization of Christmas trees in the twenty-first century that came along with these developments are not inherently bad. The spread of light, hope and merriment to all those who need it in their lives can become universal, especially in our contemporary world of ever-deepening darkness and anomie. However, it is still our job to ensure that the commercialization of tradition does not erase the collective memory of the past and promote wasteful consumption. The sight of a Christmas tree illuminating a dark living room should continue to conjure up thoughts of peace, comfort and family, not expectations of extravagant gifts. As our Christmas trees become artificial, let us not turn artificial in our celebrations as well.

Over 7 million people have fled Ukraine since the beginning of Russia’s war of aggression. The unity and warmth with which Europe has responded to the exodus of Ukrainian refugees is commendable. Yet it has highlighted the prejudice and bigotry that has plagued Europe’s willingness to welcome refugees from other parts of the world. < Back Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine Exposes the Duality of European Hospitality By Hugo Lagergren October 31, 2022 Over 7 million people have fled Ukraine since the beginning of Russia’s war of aggression. The unity and warmth with which Europe has responded to the exodus of Ukrainian refugees is commendable. Yet it has highlighted the prejudice and bigotry that has plagued Europe’s willingness to welcome refugees from other parts of the world. Over the summer, I had the privilege of spending one month working with an NGO called Quick Response Team (QRT). I witnessed first-hand the brilliant work they do in supporting refugees in and around Thessaloniki, both psychologically and physically, both of which are part of their self-proclaimed mission. Naturally, I was nervous before arriving as I had never done something like this before. However, I realize now that there was no need for such feelings. The warmth and kindness that I was met with upon my arrival, not only from the QRT team, but also from the refugees, surprised me. Many of the people who manage to complete the treacherous journey to Greece from Syria, Iran or Afghanistan have suffered innumerable hardships just to get to Europe. Despite this, they always, without fail, took the time to find out how we, the volunteers, were doing. They asked us about our home countries, how we liked Greece and constantly thanked us for anything and everything. To say it was moving would be an understatement. Even now, three months after, I still struggle to find the words to describe the impact this summer had on me. Knowing that these people, who I developed such a strong connection with, are stuck in a prison, while I have gone back to my day-to-day life as a student, saddens me deeply. And knowing that the conditions in which they are living are worsening because of the war in Ukraine makes me very angry. It is for these reasons that I felt compelled to write about the desperate situation that many refugees find themselves in and to relay the message, that it is time to change how Europeans view refugees arriving from the Middle East and North Africa, as the crisis is anything but over. Since the beginning of the war in Ukraine, Europe has shown its solidarity with the people of Ukraine through the swiftness of its response to the crisis, through direct aid to Ukrainian forces in the fight against Russia, as well as welcoming the seven and a half million refugees that have been forced to flee their country due to the war, a number that continues to grow as the war drags on. There is no doubt that the impressive speed and efficacy with which Europe has acted with regard to the Ukraine crisis is to be applauded. However, before attitudes become overly self-congratulatory, it is important to think back to Europe’s response to the 2015 refugee crisis and to observe how it continues to respond to the steady influx of refugees from the MENA region since then. Notwithstanding, it is important to mention that I am in no way trying to belittle the plight of the Ukrainian people. What they are undergoing, both as individuals and as a nation, through Putin’s aggression is utterly tragic. Yet, the stark contrast in treatment remains relevant, not only because it highlights a clear divide on a humanitarian level in the treatment of refugees based on culture, religion and skin color, but also because it reveals lurking sentiments within Europe that have contributed to the rise of far-right politics. Within weeks of the war’s commencement, the European Union fast-tracked the repurposing of funds originally intended as a COVID relief package, a decision which would usually take many months of debating. The money was redirected to Ukraine’s neighboring countries, including Moldova, which is currently not a member of the union, to support the mass reception of Ukrainian refugees. Even on a macro level, EU citizens have been filled with humanity and compassion, with many people offering up their houses to refugees. The scenes of kindness and generosity visible in train stations across the continent illustrated Europe’s willingness to integrate these refugees into their society. In Poland, refugees were met with banners that read “you are safe here” in Ukrainian. People rushed to carry their luggage and make sure that they found their way. Local governments on the Polish-Ukrainian border have spent millions of Euros providing refugees with food, water and prepaid phones among other things. A survey conducted at the start of the war revealed that 64% of Polish people were willing to personally assist Ukrainian refugees, with 90% supporting their acceptance into the country. Poland has now accepted over 1.4 million Ukrainian refugees. Germany has followed suit by accepting one million refugees, with Italy and Spain having accepted 170,000 and 145,000, respectively. In the United Kingdom, where immigration policy has become a major point of controversy in the last few years, the government has facilitated the acceptance of Ukrainian refugees through the creation of various sponsorship schemes. Nearly 100,000 Ukrainians have taken advantage of this. Another country whose political discourse has revolved around immigration in recent years is France, yet it has managed to take in over 100,000 Ukrainians with little controversy. Of the seven and half million refugees that have been forced to flee Ukraine in the last seven months, already over 50% have been registered as having “Temporary Protection” under the Temporary Protection Directive of the EU or similar national protection schemes (The Temporary Protection Directive has never been activated previously since its conception in 2001). This grants them the same rights as EU citizens or residency permit-holders for an initial period of one year, thus opening the possibility of housing, work and access to social welfare and medical assistance. Many have jumped at the opportunity to praise the warm reception provided to Ukrainians by the European community. Rightly so. When hearing praise for the swift and effective efforts to aid Ukraine I can’t help but to think back to the conditions experienced by refugees in Diavata camp in Thessaloniki. I remind myself that such hospitality was not often shown when Middle Eastern and North African refugees arrived on the shores of Europe in 2015. Since 2014, two and a half million refugees have arrived in Europe from the MENA region. Civil war and political persecution are some of the reasons that they have been forced to flee their homes. There was no rush to alleviate the suffering of these people. Instead, the response has been marred by discord, lethargy and a lack of willingness to aid those seeking safety and opportunity. Many countries tightened their borders, implemented harsher immigration regulations, and suspended the Schengen Accords, which allows for the free movement of people inside of the EU. Notably along the Serbia-Hungary border, where the Hungarian government infamously built a large barbed-wire fence along the entirety of the border, thus blocking a frequently used route by refugees coming from Turkey seeking passage to Germany. Police were also given the right to detain any who try and force their way through. As of today, Hungary has taken in 30,000 Ukrainian refugees. photo by Mattia Bidoli This apparent reluctance to welcome non-white refugees has resulted in many displaced individuals being stuck in the countries that they initially arrive in, notably Greece and Italy. The resultant burden on these countries has been crushing, as they have largely been forced to deal with the repercussions of this crisis on their own. In Italy, this has contributed to the emergence of the far-right, with the election of a coalition led by Georgia Meloni. Greece has also begun to crack-down on immigration. Recent reports suggest that Greek authorities are attempting to block an additional 40,000 refugees from entering the country. Moreover, new cumbersome regulations concerning NGOs and journalists have also been put in place which may hinder their presence in the country. NGOs working in Greece are now being forced to rely more heavily on private humanitarian donors. This can prevent local NGOs from effectively in the face of larger humanitarian emergencies wherein donors often opt to fund more urgent causes, like that of Ukraine. Upon arrival in receiving countries, Middle Eastern and North African refugees are not met with signs of greeting and acts of civilian kindness, but are instead confronted by armed police, who then round them up into designated camps which have been built for one purpose: to contain and remove the refugees from the general population. The camps, which have been built out of tall concrete blocks with some having barbed wire along the top, can often be found in rural or industrial areas, isolated from central and suburban parts of cities. photo by Hugo Lagergren The managers of these camps can also be authoritarian in the way they govern the camps. For instance, traditional celebrations are blocked from taking place and personal gardening projects are forcefully prohibited. As of today, some of the refugees have been living in camps for upwards of five years as they wait for approval to continue their journey, often towards Germany, a popular destination for refugees due to their better record in the 2015 crisis compared to other European countries. On the Franco-Italian border between Menton and Ventimiglia, where I am currently a student, the gendarmerie routinely searches trains coming from Italy, removing and detaining anyone they deem to be illegal, often as a result of racial profiling. France has in fact suspended the Schengen Accords for the first time since 2015 to control the influx of illegal immigration from Italy – a move which the bishop of Ventimiglia said will have “very negative consequences” by stoking racial tensions. This decision also causes refugees to risk their lives, as they are pushed to take more dangerous paths across the border, specifically, a pathway along the Alpes-Maritimes which has now been dubbed the “Pass of Death” due to the dangers presented by the terrain. A couple of weeks ago, I found myself debating with a friend whether racial tensions were more prominent in the US or in Europe. I was adamant that the two weren’t comparable, both in terms of its scope and its radicalism. Now, I’m not so sure. After researching this article, I realize that Europe has simply been successful in pushing the issue to the periphery of the continent, thus removing the issue from day-to-day life in its society. For you, Zahra, Mina, Donia, Kowsar, Zohre, Iram, Gowsar, I hope it changes and Europe becomes the place you dreamed of.