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We’ll find ourselves scrolling through 2.7 million posts ranging from references to the album, people talking about and embracing themselves using the brat aesthetic and lyrics from the album, photos of vice-president Kamala Haris, and tutorials on brat green hair and makeup. Nevertheless, there remains the question: How did being ‘brat’ come into the mainstream in an era dominated by the highest grossing tour in history, Taylor Swift’s Eras tour? < Back BECOMING BRAT Ema Nevrelova September 30, 2024 Contrary to many trends circulating on social media, the “brat summer” trend emerged from an album title. In the era of short videos and short extracts for songs, it sometimes seems impossible to appreciate more 'time-consuming' forms of art and music, but Charli XCX proved us wrong. Songwriter and artist Charli XCX released her sixth studio album, Brat, on June 7, 2024. It is worth mentioning that Charli has maintained her relevance for over 15 years, and has accomplished exactly what she had imagined for herself back in 2009 when she stated in an interview for the magazine Dazed Digital: “I want to prove to people that you don’t have to become this big, commercial pop writing machine to be successful, you can just do whatever you want, and it will be fine.” However, the recent resurgence of her popularity led some people to believe that she made an overhyped album with sloppy covers. Yet, her true fans know that coloured background and blurry title has been the aesthetics of her past four albums (including Brat). Fittingly, “you can just do whatever you want, and it will be fine” could also be a good basis to establish the definition of term brat, even though the commonly cited description of “brat essentials” by Charli XCX as having a “pack of cigs, a Bic lighter and a strappy white top with no bra.” There definitely has been room for interpretation illustrated by the #brat on Instagram. We’ll find ourselves scrolling through 2.7 million posts ranging from references to the album, people talking about and embracing themselves using the brat aesthetic and lyrics from the album, photos of vice-president Kamala Haris, and tutorials on brat green hair and makeup. Nevertheless, there remains the question: How did being ‘brat’ come into the mainstream in an era dominated by the highest grossing tour in history, Taylor Swift’s Eras tour? As Charli XCX alluded to in her interview for podcast Sidetrack, there is a cultural shift and “ the niche is being rewarded.’’ Her statement might be confusing to most people as they probably connect Charli with her second and arguably most mainstream studio album Sucker (which included hits like Break The Rules or Boom Clap ) released in 2014. What is perhaps lesser known is that she has been active in the Underground scene since her teenage years—attending raves or DJing in clubs. Charli has also collaborated with a producer named SOPHIE who, I would argue, helped shape her work towards hyperpop , a microgenre of electronic and pop music originating in the UK (mostly spread through SoundCloud). There are other reasons apart from a higher appreciation for the niche that made this album relevant this summer. An important factor for the promotion of the album was that Charli is the embodiment of brat—from the way she dresses to her confident yet vulnerable presence. Eye-catching colour, her strong personality and Tik Tok opened the door for her album into the mainstream. Another good marketing strategy and demonstration of various meanings of brat was the reconciliation of Lorde and Charli over the song “ The girl, so confusing” – even though they never really had a falling out. The 3.9 million views on YouTube prove that communication, female solidarity and friendship are brat. When discussing friendship that should have happened sooner, let’s look at the song “ Guess” featuring Billie Eilish. The song “ Guess” doesn’t appear on the original album Brat, but on its extended version called “Brat and it’s the same but there’s three more songs so it’s not” released on June 10. This queer hit pushed the brat obsession even further, with some of us longing for “lower back tattoo”. Possibly, the biggest ‘brat move’ surrounding the song was Charli and Billie donating around 10 000 of undergarments, from the Guess videoclip, to the I Support The Girls nonprofit organization providing ‘‘distribution of undergarments and menstrual products to folx experiencing homelessness and to victims of domestic violence.’’ Charli doesn’t just address important topics in real life but also in her songs. “ I think about it all the time” touches on the thought process and expectations around having children. Lines that resonate are “Should I stop my birth control? ‘Cause my career feels so small in the existential scheme of it all.’’ A second song with heartbreaking potential (not in a romantic way) is Apple . Unveiling Charli’s complicated relationship with parents allows for a reflection on our own childhood traumas and for a realisation that “the apple doesn't fall far from the tree.’ ’ Notably, the most emotional and vulnerable song is “ So I” – tribute to Charli’s long time music mentor, DJ and producer SOPHIE, who passed away in 2021. Slower tempo and reference to SOPHIE’ song It’s okay to cry should make us all cry. Clearly, brat isn’t solely about being a shallow bad girl, rather, it deals with the intricacy of womanhood from a messy feminine perspective. That is not to say that there is not a party element to the album, as Charli XCX revealed in the Therapuss podcast: “It [the album] is very personal but there are songs about just like getting f*cked up.’’ The party songs include 360 , 365 , Rewind or Club classics and that is where Charli utilized her skills from DJing. The tempo is fast, almost to a point where you feel dizzy but in a soothing tipsy way, at the same time the lyrics serve as reassurance that we don’t have a perfect routine, body or personality. We can “just rewind’’ and “say something stupid.’’ The popularity of this trend got so widespread that it even found its way into U.S. politics. After vice-president of the U.S. Kamala Harris announced running for presidency; Charli XCX endorsed her by writing on X: “kamala IS brat.’’ Harris’s campaign adopted the brat aesthetic and produced memes, making many people quickly forget about the attempted assassination of Donald Trump—a success, from a marketing point of view. Despite Harris’s quick rise to internet fame, it wasn't coincidental. As many politicians before her she likely aimed at younger voters in hopes of securing their votes. It remains to be seen if this tactic will prove to be successful, as Democrat voters among Generation Z and Millennials tend to sympathize with Palestine and criticize President Joe Biden’s policy in the current Israeli-Palestinian war. Harris will likely follow in his footsteps if she becomes president. Regardless of the outcome of the U.S. presidential elections, it is safe to say that “kamala IS brat’’ will not be forgotten. To conclude, this summer we witnessed a cultural shift during which, paradoxically, niche became part of mainstream culture and politics. But has the Brat album made a societal impact? As with any trend or album we will probably forget brat summer ever happened. Nevertheless, it will be one more summer which 2.7 million of us spent being less self-conscious and less bothered by other people’s expectations. Charli XCX reminded us, in her blunt and unhinged way, that we can be confident and vulnerable and there is in fact nothing wrong with our imperfect, complicated personalities. After all, if the potential U.S. president can be brat, can’t we all?

Une rue commerçante bondée, un cri de détresse surgit. Pourtant, personne ne réagit. Cette situation hypothétique avec des comportements à première vue impensables est une réalité bien plus répandue que l'on ne le croit. < Back Le silence de la foule : comprendre l'effet spectateur Elsa Uzan September 26, 2025 Une rue commerçante bondée, un cri de détresse surgit. Pourtant, personne ne réagit. Cette situation hypothétique avec des comportements à première vue impensables est une réalité bien plus répandue que l'on ne le croit. Cela est causé par l'effet spectateur, un effet psychologique qui pousse les spectateurs d'une situation nécessitant une aide extérieure à ne pas agir. Ce phénomène est provoqué par le nombre important de témoins, de spectateurs de la scène. L'effet est théorisé par deux psychologues sociaux américains, John Darley et Bibb Latané, à la fin des années 1960, en utilisant le cas de Kitty Genovese pour proposer leur concept. Catherine dite « Kitty » Genovese est une jeune femme de 28 ans employée dans un restaurant new-yorkais. Le 13 mars 1964 , alors qu’elle rentre à son domicile situé dans le Queens après son service, elle réalise que quelqu'un la suit. Elle se dirige alors vers une borne d’urgence pour alerter les autorités. L’inconnu la rattrape et la poignarde de deux coups de couteau. Kitty hurle de douleur, un voisin crie par la fenêtre et l'agresseur prend la fuite. La jeune femme agonise pendant d’interminables minutes, réveillant plusieurs habitants du quartier. Personne ne lui vient en aide: elle arrive tant bien que mal à se déplacer dans un hall d’immeuble. L'agresseur revient pour la liquider: de neuf coups de couteaux, il lacère sa poitrine et son estomac. Il la viole et lui dérobe tous ses effets personnels. Les secours arrivent finalement trop tard : Kitty Genovese a déjà succombé à ses blessures. Ce qui est frappant et symptomatique dans cette affaire, c'est l’indifférence totale dans laquelle Kitty Genovese est décédée. La police fait état de 38 témoins directs ou indirects, de la détresse et l’agonie de la jeune femme. Témoins qui n’ont bien évidemment à aucun moment porté secours à la jeune femme. Certains affirment à l’instar de Catherine Pelonero , journaliste que “C'est un nombre aléatoire. Des gens ont sûrement vu des choses et ont refusé de le dire. Le chiffre de trente-huit est sûrement plus élevé en réalité.” En effet, ce chiffre a été déterminé de manière entièrement arbitraire et sous-estimerait le nombre avéré de témoins. Cette affaire a permis, outre la conceptualisation de l’effet spectateur en 1968, l’accélération de la mise en place du 911 à la fin de la décennie—un numéro unique qui permet d’alerter les secours et les autorités. Les psychologues sociaux vont ainsi essayer de déterminer ce qui cause cette inaction totale des témoins dans une situation nécessitant pourtant une intervention immédiate. John Darley et Bibb Latané distinguent trois processus différents qui expliquent cette absence d’aide. Le premier est l’influence sociale : dans des situations ambiguës, le spectateur va tout d’abord observer les réactions des autres témoins afin de décider s’il a bien compris celle-ci. Cela résulte en une inaction—au moins pendant un certain temps—qui peut se poursuivre en cas de multiplication de ce comportement. Le second processus à l'œuvre est celui de l’appréhension de l’évaluation : le spectateur va, à l’échelle individuelle, prendre le risque de se tromper devant les autres témoins. Ce risque s’accompagne d’une crainte importante du jugement que les autres portent sur notre propre comportement. Cela entraîne ainsi une inaction du spectateur, l’appréhension du regard des autres prenant le pas sur la volonté de prendre un risque et donc d’aider la personne victime de la situation. Enfin Darley et Latané mettent en avant un troisième élément, celui de la diffusion de la responsabilité : dans une situation où il n’y a qu’un seul témoin, l'individu se sent en quelque sorte obligé d’agir étant donné qu’il est le seul à pouvoir le faire. Toutefois lorsque le nombre de témoins augmente, une dilution de la responsabilité se met en place: le spectateur se demande ainsi pourquoi devrait-il être le ou la seul(e) à agir ? On assiste à une forte répartition de la responsabilité dès que le spectateur est conscient de la présence d’autres témoins: l’inaction devient ainsi l’option privilégiée. L’effet spectateur est un phénomène qui a été constaté de nombreuses fois depuis sa théorisation en 1968. Le meurtre d’Iryna Zarutska fin août 2025, une jeune réfugiée ukrainienne à Charlotte, une ville de la côte Est des États Unis en est un exemple. Dans le métro la jeune femme s’installe en face d’un siège occupé par un homme. Ce dernier se lève brusquement, poignarde Iryna et sort de la rame. Elle perd connaissance et s'écroule sur elle-même. La jeune femme décède alors en l’espace de quelques minutes. Les autres passagers semblent indifférents au sort de la jeune fille: il faudra attendre plus d’une minute pour que quelqu’un aille la voir. Malgré l'identification il y a près de 50 ans du phénomène, il demeure bien présent dans nos sociétés. Une question demeure: est-il possible de lutter de quelque manière que ce soit contre cet effet ? Peut-il tout du moins être atténué ? Il existe plusieurs situations où l’effet spectateur ne rentre pas en jeu. Tout d’abord, les spectateurs peuvent agir lorsqu’ils se sentent concernés par les conséquences de la situation ou l’action elle-même. Cela a pu être mis en évidence avec l’expérience de l’escabeau: une chercheuse se blessait en tombant d’un escabeau. Une seule exception demeure avec ce test: les élèves infirmières intervenaient de manière constante, qu'elles soient seules ou en groupe. Leur formation leur permettait donc d’intervenir sans subir les processus habituellement à l'œuvre avec l’effet spectateur. Le phénomène peut également être atténué lorsque les individus sont amis, l’appréhension de l’évaluation est moins forte et permet aux témoins d’intervenir, non pas à une échelle individuelle mais en tant que groupe. L’effet spectateur est donc un problème social contre lequel il faut lutter en citoyens informés. La sensibilisation est le premier pas à faire pour atténuer les effets nocifs du phénomène. Elle passe tout d'abord par un effort personnel de documentation sur des articles de recherche (notamment celui de Bibb et de Latané). Des actions concrètes peuvent être également envisagées comme des cours de premier secours, ou des campagnes de sensibilisation. S' informer ne se réduit pas à une pratique passive mais aussi à une pratique active de la vie quotidienne. Faire le premier pas vers la victime devient dans ce sens un réflexe: cela permet non seulement d’apporter une aide immédiate, mais aussi de réduire voire d’éliminer le phénomène. Photo Source: Pedro Fait de La Photo, Flickr

The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. < Back Association Feature: Feminist Union By Zélie Savinien September 30, 2021 The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. To do so, we organize multiple events such as the consent talks at the beginning of the year or octobre rose (Pink October.) We want everyone to feel included in this association, so if you have any questions, do not hesitate to contact us on our social medias!

How the repatriation of 17,000 ancient objects can restore collective memory in a war torn country. < Back From Hobby Lobby to Iraq: The Historic Repatriation of Ancient Objects Restores Collective Memory By Lara-Nour Walton October 30, 2021 You may think that the connection between the craft store chain, Hobby Lobby, and the ancient Mesopotamian Gilgamesh Tablet could be tenuous at best. But you would be mistaken. In 2017, the Evangelical Christian owner of Hobby Lobby, Steve Green, opened the Museum of the Bible, a project that seeks to document the history of the Holy Book. Up until recently, many of the institution’s collections featured ancient Near Eastern art with questionable provenance. In 2010, Hobby Lobby combatted smuggling allegations after sneaking clay cuneiform slabs and seals (falsely labeled as Turkish tiles) into the United States. Green was warned prior to the purchase of these artifacts that they were most likely unlawfully looted from Iraqi historical sites. However, this warning went unheeded and Hobby Lobby became subject to a civil complaint. In 2019, one of the museum’s highest profile acquisitions, a fragment of the Dead Sea Scroll, was found to be a forgery. And now, the company is yet again under national scrutiny as it atones for its art-collecting sins in a major repatriation campaign. Amid power vacuums during both the Gulf War and American invasion, Iraqi museums, unexcavated caves, and monuments were looted. These thefts fueled the antiquities black market and resulted in the displacement of thousands of ancient objects. To return these objects to their motherland is, according to UNESCO Director General Audrey Azoulay, a triumph “over those who mutilate heritage and then traffic it to finance violence and terrorism.” But, the return of these ancient artifacts means so much more. It represents the restoration of Iraqi history and the rehabilitation of our collective memories. Since August of this year, some 17,000 looted artifacts hailing from both Museum of the Bible and Cornell University collections have been returned to Iraq. Among the restituted objects is the storied Gilgamesh Tablet whose tumultuous journey back to Iraqi soil is emblematic of the unpredictable nature of antiquities trafficking. The clay fragment that recounts an ancient Sumerian tale of a bull-slaying demigod was stolen from the Iraqi museum during the 1991 Gulf War. UNESCO reported that it was then allegedly bought by a Jordanian antiques dealer, who passed it onto a coin dealer in London. Later, it served as the centerpiece of a Museum of the Bible exhibit in Washington, D.C. before being seized by homeland security agents. Today it resides in the Baghdad Museum. For many, the return of these ancient objects is not merely about “rightful” ownership. Rather, it signifies a reunion between Iraqis, whose heritage has been subject to immense erasure over the last three decades, and their cultural pasts. U.S. ambassador to Iraq, Fareed Yasseen, described the repatriation as “a culmination of years of effort to heal Iraq’s cultural heritage wounds.” But many of these wounds cannot be mended. Several archaeologists discourage research into potentially looted objects because it deprives countries of origin from the opportunity to study the pieces themselves. However, the artifacts returned by Cornell University have been thoroughly studied without the consultation of Iraq. “We missed this great opportunity to study our tablets, our heritage,” lamented Hassan Nadhem, the Iraqi minister of culture, tourism and antiquities. “This is a kind of bitterness in our mouth.” Other wounds that emerged as a result of political instability and American neo-imperialism are manifested in the robust terrorist organizations that operate within Iraq. The destruction of Nineveh, the shameless rampaging of the Mosul Museum, and the dynamiting of centuries old Muslim and Christian shrines in recent years by the Islamic State are the most tragic cases of all. The art that was destroyed at the hands of extremists is irretrievable. Not even the repatriation of 17,000 Iraqi artifacts can restore the history that has been lost as a result of iconoclasm. The Gilgamesh tablet was returned on September 23, 2021. The repatriation was dubbed “a major victory” by UNESCO. But Hobby Lobby and Cornell’s return of these artifacts should not be viewed as a favor to Iraq or as some unforeseen joyous homecoming – it was simply a matter of national responsibility. The United States played an instrumental role in the destruction and pillaging of Iraq. During the 2003 invasion, U.S. soldiers were documented looting museums alongside disillusioned Iraqis. The de-baathification policies and America’s systematic dissolution of the Iraqi military directly led to the formation of the terrorist organizations that continue to chip away at Iraq’s already-dwindling cultural heritage. However, when news of repatriation campaigns hit media outlets, or when black clad men defacing lamassus appear on American television screens, it seems so far, as if the U.S. had nothing to do with the displacement of Iraqi objects or the subsequent defacement of ancient artifacts. But this is to be expected. Scholar Hamid Dabashi once said: “imperial cultures thrive on their intentional amnesia.” His words ring true as the U.S. feigns blamelessness, incredulity, or even sympathy when acknowledging the conflict in Iraq — a conflict that rages on as an immediate result of American disregard for the histories of other nations. Thus, it is art, the fight for its repatriation and its mere existence, that helps create the framework for collective memory. It is art that is the ultimate antidote to an empire’s amnesia.

With 2As increasingly melancholic about their imminent departures, a spirit of contemplation takes hold of the students of the Menton campus. < Back Klimt’s Death and Life: a Perspective on Beginnings and Endings By Lara Harmankaya April 30, 2024 Another academic year nears its end. The approach of the end is marked by the longer hours of daytime and the re-emergence of a softness in the air. With 2As increasingly melancholic about their imminent departures, a spirit of contemplation takes hold of the students of the Menton campus. The fleeting nature of our time here suddenly becomes conspicuous to us; we arrive, build friendships and connections, and leave after two very short years. We leave our mark but ultimately get swept up in the thousands of mosaics that mold the rich history of this institution. The eagerly-anticipated arrival of spring thus becomes a bittersweet reminder of the need to move on and undergo a process of detachment yet again. Quite literally, as this reveals to us, the trajectory of the students of Sciences Po follows a seasonal progression of time – each season symbolic of a beginning and a conclusion. In such a time of reflection, the pertinence of Gustav Klimt’s artwork and the unique outlook it has on ephemerality becomes evident yet again. In his 1911 oil on canvas painting, Death and Life , Klimt reminds us that life continues, even in the face of ‘death.’ In the Sciences Po context I described above, Death can be interpreted as endings in general. It expresses transience and the constraints imposed on us by the cruelty of time. Displayed in the Leopold Museum in Vienna, the almost six-foot-tall Death and Life is a melange of meaning, stages and colors. It appears fluid to the eye, quite like the transitional phases of life it represents through its curvaceous nude figures. The baby, the surrounding young and old women, and the pair of lovers beneath symbolize the many age groups of the human race and are all cocooned in a blanket composed of bright colors. Patchwork designs, floral patterns, circles and geometric shapes all blend together and create images that melt into one another. This contrasts vividly with the solitary, navy figure of Death. He is reminiscent of the night; his robe is embellished with bright crosses erected on a graveyard and star-like speckles of white that illuminate the cool darkness of what appears to allude to the night sky. On the other hand, the embracing figures he is eagerly observing discernibly illustrate the warmness of day, summer and spring. This is a painting with a title as uncomplicated and clear as its metaphors. Its sharp juxtapositions – between soft and hard, nature and abstraction, dark and light, and somber and vibrant – connote an idea that is easily understood by all those who have grasped the concept of mortality. However, looking at it yet again, it evokes an additional element internal to the human condition that no simple life-death distinction can convey with true accuracy. To understand this, we must dive deeper into the historical era in which it was produced. In the early 20th century, a growing fascination with the subconscious permeated the Viennese intellectual sphere following the rising popularity of Freud’s ‘The Interpretation of Dreams.’ The figures, with the exception of one, all strikingly have their eyes closed. The way they clutch one another, therefore, evokes not only intimacy but also a dream-like state that denotes the subconscious. Against the backdrop of World War I and the increasingly prominent academic interest in looking inward, this painting can be analyzed as a reflection of a collective unconscious that wished to escape material reality. Moreover, it was also part and parcel of the broader Secession Movement in Vienna, which marked a radical shift in producing and appreciating art. With an uncertain sociopolitical environment and under the guiding creativity of Klimt, Austrian artists began challenging conventionally accepted approaches to art and incorporated more innovative techniques – among which, of course, were Klimt’s bold colors, sensual imagery and irregular mosaic designs. Observing this painting without understanding the context that spurred its genesis can thereby lead to losing out on the very nuance that makes it exceptional. As with all art, Death and Life was not brought into existence in a vacuum but was very much the product of an age of progress and rising modernity. Yet, the principal meaning of it is tied to the fact that life and death are continuous, cyclical and ceaseless. The painting itself is thus a juxtaposition, signifying the age-old intrinsic dilemma of human nature amidst a time of irrevocable change. Thus, it can be suggested that what Klimt may have desired with this painting was to denote the transcendence of the human experience. Even as many attempted to break with the conventions of the past, one thing remained eternal – the universality of beginnings and endings. Awarded the first prize in the 1911 International Art Exhibition in Rome, Death and Life is said to have been described by Klimt as his “most important figurative work.” Examining the significance of the skeleton personifying Death could help us see why. According to art historians, it is reminiscent of the motif of the ‘dance of death’ / ‘danse macabre,’ which first appeared in the Middle Ages. Serving as an emblem that death comes to all regardless of rank and social status, the historic relevance of the subtly smirking skeleton in the painting itself is a reminder of the sense of succession found in human nature and art history. Examining the history of Klimt’s artwork can also be insightful in discerning the figurative importance of his stylistic choices in this painting. Known for the abundant use of gold in many of his pieces, including in Judith and the Head of Holofernes , this painting – having encountered multiple amendments that removed its traces of gold – can be seen as the outcome of a more mature Klimt who died three years after its conclusion. In 1915, the background was painted over with hues of gray, green and blue, almost as if to mimic a sea of consciousness. This grants the painting a sentiment of reality; rather than washing out the amorphous blocks with gold and lavish, they are given center-stage. Life itself is not glitteringly golden but is grounded in the earth and ambiguous. The overall tone of the painting, despite being conscious of the inevitability of Death and conclusion, is not a grim one. It is hopeful – the entangled figures on the right are able to ignore the disturbing gaze of Death and continue their streaming slumber in peace. They are part of the larger cycle of life, and knowing that life will continue even after their time does not disturb their tranquility. Perhaps that should be the lesson to extract from this painting. There exists the looming threat of termination just a few steps away, but for the time being, we can enjoy the moments we have and keep holding onto each other. Image - Flickr, Frans Vandewalle, Creative Commons

It is difficult to address the needs of marginalized groups without an understanding of their complex relations, which means that it is often almost impossible—both for non-governmental organisations as well as for governments—to tackle the needs of niche communities within the large immigrant communities amid an already under-funded and underappreciated system. < Back Marginalization within Marginalized Communities Viktorie Voriskova for SPRH Menton December 31, 2024 For decades, migration has been a pressing issue, reshaping societies across continents and generating uncertainty, fear and anger within communities. While there is generally a decent amount of focus on the discrimination between dominant and minority groups, marginalization within marginalized communities is often overlooked. The cases of the United States and the Czech Republic demonstrate the inter-webbing layers that marginalization can manifest itself in. There exists a complicated relationship between Latino migrants who have been living in the U.S. for several generations and those who arrived more recently. In the Czech Republic, disharmony and disrespect between pre-war and wartime Ukrainian immigrants prevail. In the U.S., migration narratives frequently center on the discrimination that immigrant groups face as a whole. Yet, behind the essentialist narrative, there lies discrimination within these communities themselves, which often perpetuates systemic inequities from deep within. According to a study published by School Avoidance Alliance, Mexican migrants in the U.S. often face discrimination from white Americans and from other Latino communities. Mexicans are accused of "bringing crime and crisis," even by members of other immigrant groups who attempt to distance themselves from such stereotypes, so as to save themselves from falling under the same stereotype. It is clear that even though this internal marginalization is fueled by the fear of more forceful external discrimination, it still leads to division within the communities themselves. This further adds to the fear and anger that is already very common within discriminated groups, leading to a more violent perception of the group as a whole. The outcome is yet again a vicious cycle of marginalization, further increasing the division between non-marginalized and marginalized groups. Trader , an international journal of social science and economic journals, presents an extraordinary example of marginalization within migrant groups. Most migrants who arrive at the Franco-Italian border do so after a long, mentally and physically demanding journey, often by sea or in more than one country. Testimonies from migrants collected by advocacy organizations reveal stark hierarchies within migrant populations. For example, those coming from sub-Saharan Africa frequently face exclusion and discrimination by North African migrants despite their shared experiences of displacement and difficulty. Testimonies collected by SPRH volunteers reveal that some migrant groups prioritize aiding those they perceive as culturally or linguistically similar to themselves. This phenomenon reinforces divisions within the group, halting collective efforts to advocate for better treatment and resources from the mayor or NGOs. Marginalization within marginalized groups is an under-examined phenomenon that has an understated impact on the quality of lives of migrants. The cases of the U.S., Czech Republic and Franco-Italian border show how internal fragmentation of a community can further reinforce the unequal treatment that these groups are facing, expanding the division between them and the rest of the population. Migration is a recurring social and geopolitical phenomenon that the world has always grappled with. Especially in light of recent wars and conflicts, further research on the dynamics within marginalized migrant communities could lead to a better understanding of these complexities. Doing so is the only viable pathway from the essentialization of marginalized groups, which could prove crucial in pivoting towards a more equal treatment of marginalized communities globally. The experience of marginalization within marginalized groups is also evident in the Czech Republic, my home country, making this a very relevant issue in the country I grew up in. The increased immigration after the beginning of the war in Ukraine highlights the challenges of integration, even within the immigrant community itself. Ever since the fall of the Soviet unions, thousands of people have migrated to the Czech Republic to find better economic opportunities. These immigrants moved into the Czech Republic intending to stay long-term, be it both sending remittances back home or starting a new life. These migrants, therefore, aimed to gradually seek to attempt and integrate into Czech society. However, the outbreak of war prompted a new wave of migration, shifting public and governmental attitudes. Immigrants, who entered the Czech republic after 2022 as war immigrants of the war in Ukraine and those who have been living in the Czech Republic for decades very often stand in opposition to one another. These two groups differ in terms of socioeconomic status, with the latter being more reliant on humanitarian aid. The disparity in income levels and opportunities has led to divisions and a lack of cohesion within the Ukrainian community in the Czech Republic. Moreover, the Czech government's lack of comprehensive integration policies has exacerbated these divisions, leaving newer immigrants with fewer tools for successful assimilation. The division within the Ukrainian immigrant community is a clear example of a more nuanced societal issue: it is difficult to address the needs of marginalized groups without an understanding of their complex relations, which means that it is often almost impossible—both for non-governmental organisations as well as for governments—to tackle the needs of niche communities within the large immigrant communities amid an already under-funded and underappreciated system.

The value of intangible cultural heritage lies not only in the cultural event itself but also in the richness of the skills and knowledge it conveys from generation to generation. < Back For Posterity’s Sake: A Reflection on a UNESCO Parcours Civique By Samy Bennouna September 28, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? I interned at the permanent delegation of Morocco to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). My internship allowed me to understand the functioning of this UN body from an internal perspective, and I was pleasantly surprised to see how active the organization was. I had the opportunity to participate in many conferences within the headquarters of UNESCO — Fontenoy — aiming not only at protecting heritage but also at promoting cultural, scientific, and educational cooperation. I was able to participate in drafting several reports on conferences such as “Strengthening the Fight against Illicit Trafficking of Cultural Property,” the “Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission,” the “Man and Biosphere Program,” and the “Transforming Education Pre-Summit.” I also had the pleasure of meeting three other interns — including a doctoral student at Sciences Po Paris — and we learned how to divide the tasks more efficiently while collaborating in the report-writing process. We also had the opportunity to meet and exchange ideas with various other people with backgrounds and influence on the fight for humanitarian and social causes, such as Corrado Catesi, Coordinator of the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) Works of Art Unit, and Ernesto Ottone, Assistant Director General for Culture at UNESCO. Through this internship, I approached this organization from multiple perspectives, all of which have been equally enriching. It turns out that the Moroccan delegation was elected to the presidency of the Intangible Heritage Committee of UNESCO for the year 2022, a coincidence that allowed me to participate in the organization of an international symposium on the universal scope of the prehistoric heritage of Morocco in the presence of the Minister of Culture, Youth and Communication of the Kingdom, Mr. Mehdi Bensaid, as well as the Moroccan Ambassador to France, Mr. Mohamed Benchaaboun. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? The value of intangible cultural heritage lies not only in the cultural event itself but also in the richness of the skills and knowledge it conveys from generation to generation. This knowledge transfer has a certain economic and social value for all actors within a country and is equally indispensable regardless of the territory’s economic development level. To this end, I wanted to join the Permanent delegation of Morocco to UNESCO for a month-long internship headed by His Excellency Ambassador Samir Addahre. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? It took me approximately one month to find it, and I contacted the Moroccan delegation by mail to apply and send my motivation letter. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? My civic course was a month-long, and I was not paid as UNESCO is an international organization. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? Despite the short duration of the internship, I had the impression that I had been handy to the delegation because of my involvement in all sectors. Perhaps my utility was derived from the particularly hectic June schedule for the delegation this year. My only regret is not having been able to organize a training workshop on the importance of intangible heritage in schools in Morocco since it was not logistically possible to arrange. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? If I could offer one piece of advice to the 1As, it would be to optimize the small amount of time you have to do internships. Get involved in activities you are interested in while ensuring that these pastimes add value to your academic and professional projects.

According to the erroneous idea we have of philosophy as a discipline totally detached from reality and concreteness, rooted in something metaphysical transcending the tangible world,  Hegel should be considered an anti-philosopher. < Back Aufhebung: The Importance of Hegel's Philosophy in Today's World By Francesca Di Muro October 31, 2023 "I then thought that Hegel would have been very sensitive to this object which has two opposing functions: at the same time not to admit any water (repelling it) and to admit it (containing it) . He would have been delighted, I think, or amused (as on vacation), and I call the painting Hegel's Holiday." - René Magritte According to the erroneous idea we have of philosophy as a discipline totally detached from reality and concreteness, rooted in something metaphysical transcending the tangible world, Hegel should be considered an anti-philosopher. However, there is nothing more embedded in reality than philosophy, and not a more perfect philosopher than Hegel. Careful in refulging any abstract reasoning, he brilliantly highlights reality’s shades and its dynamics. This article has no intention of being a description of Hegel’s philosophy. It has, rather, the mission of showing a Hegelian perspective on our reality, who we are, our lives and our beings. Hegel’s fundamental philosophical trait is its dialectic, which configures itself firstly as a universal law of beings. Born from the refusal of rigid binary logic, it has a triadic configuration. Reality is made up of three different stages, which interact reciprocally, and are in movement and strict correlation. These movements are referred to as thesis, antithesis and synthesis. The thesis is the affirmation, while the antithesis is its negation and the synthesis is no more than the union of both thesis and antithesis; the combination of the negation of what used to be the thesis’ negation (antithesis) and its affirmation. The most important passage is the one from the antithesis to the synthesis; it is the main nucleus of the reflection that is collocated. The synthesis, which etymologically means union of two, is a combination of two paradoxes, holding together parts of the thesis and parts of the antithesis, according to the key concept we refer to as Aufhebung . This German term has no perfect correspondent in other languages, and is often translated to the English term of ‘overpassing’ or ‘to surpass’, in order to convey the idea of overcoming certain parts of the thesis and antithesis; to give birth to a synthesis as union of both. The moment of synthesis, in fact, is also described as overpassing in the sense that it isn’t merely limited to the reaffirmation of the thesis, but to its integration with the negative parts of the antithesis. This is the nucleus of the concept of Aufhebung: an ‘elimination that keeps traces of what is eliminating’, the eradication of the antithesis but the permanence of its experience. And this is where Hegel’s philosophy meets our beings, our lives and our own relations, with things, peoples and ourselves. In what sense? By keeping us aware of the importance of the ‘negative’; of the ‘positivity’ of its role. By putting in contact and enhancing the dialogue between oppositions, the antithesis makes the differences edificant, telling us that the reality is in continuous movement, with encounters to different elements of tragedy, conflict, and defeat. However, it gives energy to them, hence encapsulating their dynamism. Defeat is essential and integral to our reality, through which we acquire knowledge and experience. In other words, defeat is something through which we grow; we develop the synthesis of who we are. The negative is seen as no more than the other side of positive. Through the moment of the synthesis, we can let all of our contradictions coexist, breathe and develop. After a tormented experience, the process of synthesis allows us to regain our identity, creating a certain unity from an initial fragmentation. We, humans, comprehend beauty only after having faced its contrary painfully. And, perhaps, if we learn to see the negative this way, contradictions will find their place in and outside of ourselves, giving meaning to our sufferings and directions to our pains in a superior perspective of unity. In this sense, Magritte’s quote at the top acquires meaning, giving value to both the thesis and the antithesis in defining one’s identity and one’s perspective.

Sanctions failed to make Saddam Hussein withdraw from Kuwait, unseat Fidel Castro, convince Haiti’s junta to honor democratic election results, or prevent India and Pakistan from testing nuclear weapons. Despite mounting sanctions against Iran, the violent suppression of protests has not abated — Iranian courts have begun to issue death sentences for those with links to the protests. < Back Are Iran Sanctions an Ethical Alternative to War? By Peyton Dashiell December 31, 2022 Since the rise of recent Iran protests after the killing of Mahsa Amini and subsequent violent crackdowns at the hands of Iranian officials, the international community has employed a range of responses. The United States stalled highly-anticipated nuclear negotiations, the United Nations Human Rights Council held a special session on the situation in Iran and new economic sanctions, travel bans, and asset freezes were applied to many individuals and companies with ties to the Iranian government. These actions are not new developments — since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the international community has applied various economic, trade and military sanctions against Iran with efforts spearheaded mainly by the United States. Reasons cited for sanctions include Iran’s nuclear program, the backing of the Houthis in the Yemeni Civil War and support for designated terrorist groups like Hamas, Hezbollah and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. As a result of sanctions, Iran has experienced a drastic reduction in oil revenue, billions of dollars of frozen foreign assets and almost complete exclusion from the global financial system due to sanctions on banks. Economic sanctions against Iran from the United States can be divided into two categories: primary sanctions, which prevent U.S. citizens and entities from engaging in economic activity with Iran, and secondary sanctions, which bar non-American entities from engaging in business with Iran if they want a presence in the United States. Due to secondary sanctions, multinational corporations do not operate in Iran due to the risk of being banned from the American market. The European Union and International Atomic Energy Agency have imposed their own sanctions on the Iranian regime due to unauthorized nuclear activity. In 2007, the European Union froze all assets of individuals with ties to Iran’s nuclear program, and in 2010, they joined the U.S. policy of banning all transactions with Iranian financial institutions. However, the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action lifted some sanctions against Iran in exchange for limits on its nuclear program. Initially a party to the deal, the United States withdrew in 2018, citing national security concerns. These sanctions have resulted in broad economic and humanitarian consequences. Since 2018, the Iranian currency has lost 50 percent of its value against the U.S. dollar, prompting inflation and higher living costs for citizens. And while American sanctions theoretically exempt humanitarian imports, many medical companies over-comply with these sanctions out of fear of retaliation and penalties from the U.S. government, resulting in severe shortages of medications and raw materials for medical production. According to Idriss Jazairy, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Effects of Sanctions on Human Rights, under economic sanctions, “people die but from lack of food and medicine, rather than from explosive devices.” Unfortunately, this has been true in practice. After the United Nations Security Council imposed economic sanctions and a complete trade embargo on Iraq in 1990 due to Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, an estimated 1.2 million Iraqis were killed due to malnutrition and disease — 500,000 of whom were children. Jazairy also argued that sanctions deserve the same recognition and concern in the international community as any act of war. These negative humanitarian effects are not an unprecedented consequence. After new U.S. sanctions were imposed in 2019, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo admitted that “things are much worse for the Iranian people, and we are convinced that will lead the Iranian people to rise up and change the behavior of the regime.” This lends credence to the idea that economic sanctions are a form of collective punishment — punishments imposed on a group for the actions of individuals. This practice is regarded as a violation of international human rights law and illegal under the Fourth Geneva Convention. Secondary sanctions imposed by the United States have been exceptionally controversial in international law due to their extraterritorial jurisdiction, and other major global powers have tried to mitigate their economic effects. After the 2018 JCPOA withdrawal, the European Commission issued a Blocking Statute, declaring U.S. Iran sanctions illegal. Businesses based in Europe became explicitly prohibited from complying with the U.S. sanctions and could recover damages from U.S. restrictions on legitimate business with Iran. Finally, sanctions as a foreign policy tool evoke broader questions regarding the morality of international intervention. Since the end of World War II and the advent of a new, post-Westphalian world order, the international community has taken on the responsibility of monitoring and upholding human rights through military intervention, sanctions and prosecution in international courts. But to what degree should this responsibility be applied — and are sanctions that worsen civilian conditions in the name of human rights hypocritical? Despite their prominent role in modern foreign policy, there are few examples of sanctions eliciting their desired political response. Sanctions failed to make Saddam Hussein withdraw from Kuwait, unseat Fidel Castro, convince Haiti’s junta to honor democratic election results or prevent India and Pakistan from testing nuclear weapons. Despite mounting sanctions against Iran, the violent suppression of protests has not abated — Iranian courts have begun to issue death sentences for those with links to the protests. As history has demonstrated, economic sanctions are an ineffective political measure that comes at an extreme civilian cost. While carefully calculated sanctions against specific industries or government officials may be a useful foreign policy tool, utilizing sanctions in the fashion of the United States — as an economic blockade spanning decades and forcing civilians to bear the effects — is an undeniable human rights infringement. Sanctions are not a flippant, inconsequential measure to respond to issues seen as not important enough to justify military operations — in some cases, they are more impactful than any act of war.

Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. < Back The Menton Times: A Year in Review By Celeste Abourjeili April 30, 2022 Mentoniya, Mentoniya. Last summer, I was struck with a vision for a newspaper that would synthesize campus discourse and bring all student events together in one collective monthly recount. Though I was committed to bringing it to life, I never foresaw the scope or size that it would reach in just one year. Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. The journey of creating a newspaper from scratch was filled with the unexpected — it was a turbulent yet irreplaceable experience. I got to watch our designer and my dear friend, 2A Ada Baser, create a layout template from scratch. She pieced together over 30 articles worth of content into one digital masterpiece each and every month. “Starting the design of a paper from scratch wasn’t the easiest experience… [but] at the end of the day, it’s been a pleasure to work with the many different members of the team, because designers need to communicate with reporters, photographers, and the editorial board,” said Baser. “I hope I have been able to bring their amazing works to life.” Her clean-cut designs have been praised by Mentonese students. “I really like the mise-en-page,” said 1A Amira Zargouni, “it’s really easy to read.” Our editorial team, made up of 1A Ayse Lara Selcuker, 1A Lara-Nour Walton, 2A Morgane Abbas, and myself, has had to edit just as many articles to fulfill our three-step editing process. “Editing felt special to me because journalism has been a really formative source for me,” said Walton. “To make this newspaper a reality was genuinely so fulfilling.” My role as Editor-in-Chief, besides managing and organizing the team, consisted of a wondrous albeit time-consuming process by which I had to review each article that was ever published. I knew that I was collecting stories from the students, combining them in one collective and polished form, and sending them back to the student body for all to read, and I wanted to do them justice. I grasped the significance of my job in qualifying the words our students were entrusting to the paper to send out to the world. Our photography team, led by 1A Hugo Lagergren and composed of 1A Emilia Kohlmeyer and 2A Wang Di, has brought each and every story to life with its talent and eye for the camera. “ The staff reporters and guest reporters, without whom this paper would not exist, made the decision to share their stories with us and with you — a decision for which we are endlessly grateful. “Writing for the Menton Times has been incredible! I joined the team with little writing experience, but I saw my skills improve through the feedback and support of our editors, and my articles allowed me to further immerse myself in the topics I am most passionate about,” said 1A Magdelena Offenbeck. Over the course of one year, we have worked with a team of about 20 people and around 39 guest writers. We wrote articles in collaboration with a variety of associations, ranging from Sciences Alcoolémiques to the Stone Skipping Society to the BDS to Babel, MEDMUN, TedX, Environnementon, and the list goes on. 2A Isabella Aouad, who contributed to the newspaper as a guest reporter, noted, “It was very impressive how, in one year, the Menton Times became a real thing. It was very consistent and rigorous and featured really high quality articles.” 1A Joudi Arafa, who claimed she was proud to contribute as a guest reporter, affirmed, “The Menton Times is a big campus name.” I’m proud of our team for creating a shared vision out of what started as a small idea. The process behind the paper starts with our monthly meetings, which take on the form of a team brainstorming session, to choose article topics for that month’s issue. “I really enjoyed the flexibility of choosing my topics instead of having them assigned,” said 1A staff reporter Luca Utterwulghe. I’ve always trusted our writers with the topics they chose, and I was ecstatic that they matched my trust with passion and motivation for the job. Besides our partnerships and guest articles, we try to include everyone on the campus by including student quotes and opinions in each article. “It’s fun interviewing people to get quotes for my articles,” said Utterwulghe, “I learned a lot from this past year at the Menton Times.” I am grateful to you, Mentoniya, for electing our association to be an official student initiative this past semester, opening up doors of opportunity for us with your trust. With the exception of the godforsaken month of February, we upheld our promise to you to publish each and every month. For the first year, our 7-1 success rate makes me quite proud. I recognize that our process wasn’t perfect. This was just the start of an association that I hope will live on for years after my departure. I believe in the future leaders of the association to not only enhance our process, but establish additional projects and events to make campus life even more robust. I am proud to announce that the association will be carried on by Lara-Nour Walton as Editor-in-Chief, Magdalena Offenbeck as Managing Editor, Hugo Lagergren as Head of Photography. I originally intended for the Menton Times to be a route for students to be heard by their peers, an opportunity for one to collect their thoughts before making them public, and to bring attention to a particular experience or event. It was supposed to serve as a chance to create change in our small, cozy Mentonese ummah. My goal, above all, was to bring students closer together. In my original “Letter from the Editor” in our very first issue, I wrote that journalism is a pillar of democracy, a chance to touch the hearts and minds of those around us and change the course of history for the better. Here in Menton, I hope we’ve done that on a personal level — if nothing else, I hope we’ve helped you better understand and resonate with the going-ons of our little community. I hope we’ve informed you. Thank you for your attention, and for the last time this year, happy reading! Sincerely and with love, Celeste Abourjeili Founder & Editor-in-Chief Menton Times 2021-2022

When I first announced to my family that I would be doing my parcours civique with Care4Calais, a British organization that provides non-food items to refugees, most of my relatives acted as if I was about to become a war photographer in Sudan. Despite them, I managed to not have any image of Calais in mind before actually arriving. So what was Calais really like? < Back Calais: Between Migration and Solidarity Ema Nevřelová September 25, 2025 As I wrapped up my first year in Menton and embarked on a 16-hour train ride to the very north point of France, Calais, I had an intuition that the experience would be life-changing. If the first year of Sciences Po had taught me anything, it was definitely how to find ways to leave Menton, and France in general. So, the prospect of having to spend an extra month in France for my parcours civique was probably as thrilling as sitting through four hours of Jean-Pierre Filiu’s Question of Palestine . Painful, but somehow worth it in the end. War zone or just a regular town? When I first announced to my family that I would be doing my parcours civique with Care4Calais , a British organization that provides non-food items to refugees, most of my relatives acted as if I was about to become a war photographer in Sudan. Despite them, I managed to not have any image of Calais in mind before actually arriving. So what was Calais really like? Maybe it was the breeze of fresh air when I left the crowded, non-air-conditioned carriage of my train, or perhaps it was the image of finally having a bed to sleep in that made me instantly fall in love with my new short-term home. When I got out of the train station, I mostly could see young male migrants sitting on nearby benches.. Some of them I later recognized as I started volunteering. Contrary to the well-intentioned warnings from my family members, they were unfettered by my presence and were more interested in conversations with their friends. Give North of France a chance While dragging my suitcase around town, one of the first things that caught my eye, was Hotel de Ville de Calais. This breathtaking building towers over the rest of the city highlighting the striking contrast of once a wealthy region with today’s reality, because the rest of the city centre essentially resembles a ghost-town. For context, the North of France has historically profited from coal and textile production. During the economic recession in the 1970s the region took a hit. The main source of wealth was coal and textile but both of the industries started diminishing as the coal ran out. Not to mention, that the region was, and still remains, underfunded by the government. In 2015, for example, around 18.1 % of the city’s population lived below the poverty line. The average for France at the time was 14.2 %. Its portrayal in the media as a city struggling with migrants did not help its image, especially as the town mostly profited from tourists from the UK. Despite the dismal situation some of the citizens find themselves in, they still feel empathetic towards refugees. For example, the owner of the restaurant Mirador said : “I don't blame the migrants, they aren't aggressive and I do feel sorry for them, but I want to retire. My restaurant has been on the market for two years, but not one person has expressed any interest. I am 70 years old and penniless. Here in Calais, we are all on our knees.” Coming to Calais, Mirador was one of the first places I saw and thought of having lunch at. But as I learned on Google maps it was closed as well as most of the other restaurants in Calais. As someone who experienced France, mainly in Menton, where shops are open even on Sunday due to the number of tourists, this was a shock. The only place I could eat my lunch at on Monday was a fast-food place, the chain called O’Tacos. One of the first discoveries I made during this “life-changing” journey was that the French have their own tacos. Ema Nevřelová 2025 The House of Horror I chose to stay in a house that accommodates some of the volunteers for Care4Calais. That being said, I did not expect the place to be luxurious—I have stayed in my fair share of hostels to know better. However, the fact that the place did not have walls or more specifically plaster-covered the insulation was a little concerning. Not to mention the occasional mold. Yet, there is no better bonding topic than paying 20 euros per night for a housing that was almost, quite literally, falling apart. Still, as someone privileged enough to be able to afford it, it was really the least I could do to contribute to the economy of the city. Elitist friendships To make up for all the things the house did not provide, I got to live under one roof with people so like-minded and funny as were my housemates. Most of them volunteered with me, making it feel like a coincidental summer camp. Somehow, this experience managed to cure my absolute dread of summer camps. Collective dinners, ice creams on the beach, hour-long walks home, beers in La Betterave (the best bar in Calais) not only made us closer but allowed us to share tough days at work, our personal life or the stupidest little things you can imagine. In a true non-elitist nature, the people I became the closest with were mostly students from other Sciences Po campuses. Whether it was the proximity of our beds or internalised elitism, having people of roughly the same age to share Calais with, turned out to be a necessity. Because hardly anyone can grasp the magical dimension of playing football in heavy rain with the refugees. Ema Nevřelová 2025 Even your brother could be staying in the ‘Orange squat’ One thing that immediately caught the attention of many volunteers in Calais is how many young boys were living there. The idea of sending my 16-years-old brother across several countries without knowing if he survives the journey makes me nauseous. Not to mention that behind each of these boys is usually a family that made a lot of sacrifices to send him on the way. Yet, these people are still often treated as less than an annoying mosquito you are desperately trying to get out of your house. The “real” house these young men live in is called the ‘Orange squat.’ Hearing from people who have, it is inhabited by about 500 people living in tents. The toilets inside are not in the best condition. When I was leaving Calais an unofficial source claimed that Orange squat will likely be evicted some time in September. It belongs to a private owner, who decided— apparently with the light push from the city council— to take the place back. In reality, this means that the boys will go through brutal police eviction. The police will take all their possessions and they will be boarded on buses and driven outside of Calais towards government-run facilities. For NGOs operating in Calais, it means that they have to stock up as many tents, sleeping bags, and other necessities as possible. Working for Care4Calais definitely made me understand how Sisyphian their work is. Waiting as a lifestyle What I realized during my parcours civique is that the life of migrants is full of waiting. Whether it is waiting to save enough money to make the journey to Europe, or waiting for the asylum claim to be processed, to mundane things like waiting in line for food, clothes, showers, or whatever else they need. Every time I now find myself grumpily waiting at the post office in Menton to send my letter, I remember that having to wait occasionally is a privilege. In this fast-paced era waiting often feels like a punishment but seeing people having to wait for everything that I can buy in under 10 minutes truly made me understand the real-life consequences of all the privileges I have. Despite the waiting, most of the men and women I met remain positive. Whether they were filming Tik Toks, dancing or playing football, they seemed to enjoy every moment to the fullest. I often come back to many of the interactions I had. Once I was distributing clothes and shoes to women and children, and I encountered a young pregnant woman with her son who could not have been more than one-years-old. When we found shoes that were her size, she was overjoyed. “I can run fast again from the police,” she said laughing. The ability to joke in spite of the horrors she must have been through amazed me and horrified me at the same time. Ema Nevřelová 2025 But what about migration? The reason I did not start my article by focusing on the situation of the refugees is because Calais is so much more than just a politicized space exploited in the anti-immigration discourse. It would be easy to say that its citizens are radicalized nationalists. Especially as in the 2024 parliamentary elections, the region of Pas-de-Calais elected a candidate from the Rassemblement national—a nationalist party that was led by far-right Marine Le Pen until 2021. As always, reality is much more complicated. In 2015 France24 interviewed inhabitants of Calais and it turned out despite their preference for far-right parties they feel solidarity with the refugees. In fact, some of the Calais population provides housing , food, clothes and whatever else is needed despite dealing with poverty themselves. Between the UK and France On a political level one of the issues that refugees face is a lack of safe routes. Asylum seekers coming to the UK have no other possibility of applying for a visa than physically arriving in the country on a small boat or by lorry but even this is persecuted and extremely dangerous. On the other hand, the Ukrainian asylum seekers have had the opportunity to apply for asylum from outside of the country under the ‘Homes for Ukraine Sponsorship Scheme.’ This shows how much the system in place is rooted in racism. Being white and European changes the dynamics of migration completely. Yet, the UK and France refuse to take accountability for essentially trapping people in Calais because of their policies. Their newest policy is called the ‘one in, one out’ scheme agreed between Sir Keir Starmer, the UK Prime Minister and Emanuelle Macron, the French President. Essentially, it means that for each person the UK deports back to France, it will accept another person who has not yet attempted to cross the channel. As of September 19th, the first person of Indian nationality has already been deported under the scheme. What will be the fate of Calais in the future remains unclear. But whether you are looking to cleanse yourself of Menton, learn more about refugees and their lives, or just desperately need a parcours civique, Care4Calais offers all of that and more. I believe that with every volunteer that comes to Calais the city becomes less of a politicized crossing point and more of a place of solidarity and community that I experienced.

Le film, réalisé par Eric Hannezo et Matthieu Vollaire, est une magnifique plongée dans l’aventure d’une saison, au sein du vestiaire du Stade Toulousain. < Back Critique du Film “Le Stade” By Solenn Ravenel April 29, 2022 Mercredi 13 mars, j’ai eu la chance d’aller voir Le Stade au cinéma. Le film, réalisé par Eric Hannezo et Matthieu Vollaire, est une magnifique plongée dans l’aventure d’une saison, au sein du vestiaire du Stade Toulousain. J’ai entendu parler de la sortie de ce film, une première dans le rugby français, depuis plusieurs mois. Supporters toulousains impatients, interviews des joueurs dans les médias, cela fait maintenant une semaine que ce film fait sortir le rugby du microcosme du monde de l’ovalie. Bon spoiler, ce film ne révolutionnera pas le milieu du cinéma, ni celui du sport. Mais pourquoi est-il néanmoins intéressant ? D’abord, le film semble passionner les supporters toulousains. Dans la salle de Cagnes sur mer ce mercredi, plusieurs spectateurs arboraient fierement leurs maillots rouge et noir. Cela n’est pas étonnant. Le Stade est peut être avant tout pour ses supporters, toujours présents. Malgré le covid, malgré les stades vides, ces derniers se sont massés au départ du bus pour encourager leur équipe. Des supporters toujours présents, même lorsque le silence des stades soulignait leur cruel manque. Des supporters qui ont poussé leur équipe à la victoire, ou plutôt aux victoires. Celles de la coupe d’Europe et du top 14, mais aussi celles qui écrivent l’histoire, chaque week-end. Ce film est également une plongée dans le vestiaire de leurs joueurs préférés: lieu sacralisé, secret, normalement impénétrable pour les mortels que nous sommes. Il permet donc de briser ce qui pourrait être appelé le quatrième mur. Le film peut aussi intéresser les fans de rugby, sans que ceux-ci supportent forcément le stade toulousain. Pour Ugo Mola, coach de l’équipe: “Ceux qui nous aiment un peu vont nous aimer un peu plus et ceux qui nous détestent risquent nous détester un peu plus.” (RMC sport). Et malgré l’importance d’Ugo Mola dans ce film, permettez-moi d’être en désaccord avec cette affirmation. Chaque supporter peut se retrouver dans ce que souligne ce film. Les discours d’Ugo Mola qui rythment le film sont autant de leitmotivs qui rappellent que le rugby est un sport de “valeurs”. Il est vrai que celles-ci souvent mises en avant peuvent paraître prétentieuses, soulignant une prétendue supériorité du rugby sur les autres sports. Il est bien sûr possible de le voir comme cela. Cependant, je vois dans ces valeurs : l’humilité, le sens de l’équipe, le travail, la camaraderie, l’amitié, la famille, et le club, un socle commun qui permet à tous de se retrouver. Chaque supporter peut ainsi s’identifier, quelque soit le club qu’il aime, la famille ou les amis qui l’entourent. Le Stade, monté sans voix-off ni interview face cam, illustre ce que les supporters aiment le plus dans le rugby : les émotions. Pourquoi ce film peut-il aussi intéresser les débutants en rugby? Toi, qui n’as regardé qu’un match mais qui a zappé parce que tu n’as rien compris ! Ou encore toi, qui as seulement suivi la finale du grand chelem lors du tournoi des VI Nations ! Parce que ce film ne parle ni de jeu, ni de tactiques, pas besoin de comprendre le plan de jeu d’Ugo Mola : “ bleu, bleu, munster ” pour le comprendre. Avec Le Stade, vous découvrirez le rugby sous son angle le plus beau. Il peut être une belle porte d’entrée dans ce “ sport d’initiés ” (Ugo Mola). Peut être que vous serez parfois perdus pour comprendre l’organisation des compétitions, ou encore la place particulière du stade toulousain dans le rugby français et européen. Cependant, vous ne pourrez louper les larmes, les rires, les sourires. Vous ne pourrez louper ce pourquoi les supporters continuent semaine après semaine de se passionner pour ce sport si particulier. L’aventure humaine, racontée à travers une esthétique cinématographique : images, noir et blanc, musique… ne pourra que vous émouvoir. Et quelque soit votre histoire, vous pourrez vous identifier à ces moments de vie qui, malgré leur caractère sportif, sont souvent universels. Si après avoir vu Le Stade, vous voulez continuer à regarder des films sur le rugby, n’hésitez pas à regarder les épisodes de la série Destins mêlés sur la chaîne YouTube de France Rugby, qui revient sur les matchs de l’équipe de France. La première saison relate la tournée d’automne 2021 du XV de France, qui s’est achevée avec une victoire des Bleus face aux All Blacks. La seconde saison, elle, illustre le magnifique Grand Chelem lors du tournoi des VI Nations en 2022. La série est donc une magnifique image du XV de France d’aujourd’hui, les images des victoires et les témoignages des acteurs sont magnifiques. La série souligne le travail du staff : kinés, coachs, analystes vidéos… mais également l’importance de l’extra sportif : soirées, chansons, jeux… Pour aller encore plus loin, si vous souhaitez en apprendre plus sur le rugby international, découvrez Chasing the sun : le sacre des springboks sur Canal+. La série raconte le chemin de l’équipe sud-africaine vers la victoire de la coupe du monde en 2019. Plus sous forme de docu-série avec davantage de moment d’interviews, la série est un vrai reportage en immersion dans la préparation et la compétition des Springboks. Finalement, quelque soit votre niveau de connaissance du rugby, quelque soit votre club de cœur, le film Le Stade pourra vous séduire pour une seule raison : parce qu’il raconte, avec passion, une passion.

On November 8, 2022, over 100 million Americans will head to the polls to vote for congressional, gubernatorial, state, and local candidates in what could be one of the most consequential elections in recent history. < Back United States Midterms 2022: Races to Watch By Peyton Dashiell October 31, 2022 On November 8, 2022, over 100 million Americans will head to the polls to vote for congressional, gubernatorial, state, and local candidates in what could be one of the most consequential elections in recent history. Democrats hold a delicate congressional majority — 48 Senate seats are occupied by Democrats, with Independents Bernie Sanders (I-Vermont) and Angus King (I-Maine) typically voting with Democrats and Vice President Kamala Harris serving as the tiebreaker in contentious party line votes. The House of Representatives has a slightly larger majority with 221 Democrats and 209 Republicans, but it could still be easily upset as every seat faces re-election. Voters have a wide range of issues to consider as they fill out their ballots. Republicans may see a boost in the polls as the Biden administration deals with economic troubles — the annual inflation rate hit a 40-year high of 9.1 percent in June, and corresponding interest rate hikes will soon make it more expensive for Americans to purchase homes and take out loans. However, the aggressive social agenda of the Republican party could push centrist and moderate Republican voters to the left or third-party candidates. In June, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade , ruling that abortion is not a constitutionally protected right and sparking a frenzy of abortion bans and restrictions in conservative states. In Texas and West Virginia, recent “trigger laws” have rendered abortion completely illegal — exceptions for rape, incest, and medical emergencies are only accepted in West Virginia and only until the eighth week of pregnancy. Additionally, immigration issues have risen to prominence in national dialogue — the governors of Texas and Arizona have sent large groups of migrants by bus to New York, Washington, D.C., and Martha’s Vineyard despite limited resources for migrant intake. As election day approaches, here are some races that could spark partisan turmoil, recalibrate foreign policy relationships or lead to a generational shift in Congress. Congress FL-10 In Florida’s 10th congressional district, covering most of the Orlando metropolitan area, Maxwell Frost gained the Democratic primary nomination in early August. Frost, a 25-year-old progressive activist and former national director of March for Our Lives, will become the first Gen Z member of Congress if he wins the general election. FL-10 is a heavily Democratic district, with 203,000 registered Democrats and 100,000 registered Republicans, and Frost can expect a victory over opponent Calvin Wimbush barring an unprecedented upset. Frost garnered national attention this summer for confronting Florida governor Ron DeSantis with an emotional plea on gun violence during a DeSantis event in Orlando. Frost’s ambitious policy platform includes support for the Green New Deal, a single-payer healthcare system, extensive gun control, decriminalized drug use, and a “future without prison.” MI-11 In August, Representative Haley Stevens narrowly defeated incumbent Representative Andy Levin in a controversial primary that could impact the relationship between the United States and Israel. Representative Stevens received over $4 million in campaign funding from the United Democracy Project, a super political action committee run by the political action wing of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Despite Levin identifying a “lifelong Zionist,” former AIPAC president David Victor labeled him as “arguably the most corrosive member of Congress to the US-Israel relationship” due to Levin’s past legislative efforts regarding Israel. In 2021, Levin introduced the “Two-State Solution Act,” which outlined concrete steps the US should take in pursuit of a two-state solution, including recognizing the West Bank and Gaza as occupied territories and ensuring that US defense funding to Israel is not used to establish settlements in the West Bank. While foreign policy is not at the center of Stevens’ platform, her support for the US-Israel relationship will likely be less conditional than Levin’s. NM-2 In New Mexico’s 2nd district, incumbent Representative Yvette Herrell faces Democrat Gabe Vasquez in a race that could redefine energy policy in the United States’ largest oilfield, the Permian Basin. Since taking office in 2020, Herrell has been a staunch supporter of the fossil fuel industry and voted to restrict government regulation of fossil fuel extraction. Additionally, she has overseen New Mexico’s “Safer and Stronger” public relations campaign, which reminds the public that $700 million in funding for the state’s public school system comes from the oil and gas industry — around 20 percent of total education spending. On the other hand, Vasquez supports a “pragmatic” approach to the fossil fuel industry, balancing government regulation and alternative clean energy sources to mitigate adverse environmental impacts. The Permian Basin produces five million barrels of oil per day, around half of the total US supply, and has deep underground reserves that remain undeveloped. FL Senate Three weeks before the election, incumbent Senator Marco Rubio leads Democrat Val Demings by just two points. Demings, former Orlando police chief and Congresswoman in Florida’s 10th district, has consistently out-fundraised Rubio, more than doubling his donations in the second quarter of 2022. While in the House of Representatives, Demings helped manage Donald Trump’s impeachment trial, served on the Judiciary and Homeland Security committees, and recently passed the VICTIM Act — a bipartisan bill to increase local police force funding to solve homicides and gun crime. Florida, often referred to as a swing state, has seen an increase in conservative voters over the past few years. Donald Trump won the state during his 2016 and 2020 presidential campaigns, and endorsed governor Ron DeSantis during his 2018 gubernatorial campaign. Additionally, both Florida senators are Republicans. This race will signify the Democratic party’s potential in Florida — are these expensive campaigns still worth the fight, or should they dedicate their attention to other states and districts? Gubernatorial Texas In Texas, the largest Republican-led state in the country, incumbent governor Greg Abbott will face off against Democratic challenger Beto O’Rourke in the general election. Due to his 2018 attempt to unseat Senator Ted Cruz and his short-lived 2020 presidential campaign, O’Rourke is a familiar name to many voters on the national stage. But despite this national notoriety, Abbott currently leads by seven points, with 31 percent of likely voters naming immigration as their top voting priority. Potential deciding issues in Texas include Greg Abbott’s restrictive stance on abortion, immigration policies, and infrastructure developments — a 2021 winter storm in Texas forced a large portion of the state to live without power, running water, or heat for a week, killing an estimated 246 people. Texas is the only state with an independent power grid, and O’Rourke heavily criticized the Electric Reliability Council of Texas for corruption and lack of oversight — he has called for Texas to connect to the national power grid to prevent future tragedies. Kansas In Kansas, Governor Laura Kelly is up for reelection against Republican Attorney General Derek Schmidt in a close race with one key issue missing: abortion. Kansas is a pro-choice state — in July, Kansas residents overwhelmingly voted against the “Value Them Both” amendment, which would have removed the state constitution's enshrined right to abortion . However, the state voted for Donald Trump in 2020, and Kelly is the only Democratic governor of a Trump-voting state to run for reelection this year. Kelly has avoided almost all mention of abortion in her campaign, focusing on education and economic issues. Sources close to Kelly have said this is an intentional decision to retain her moderate, bipartisan public image in a purple state. She currently polls only two points ahead of Schmidt — will her avoidance of the abortion controversy lead her to victory in November? Ballot Measures Colorado - Initiative 58 In Colorado, the Natural Medicine Health Act would allow citizens 21 or older to use psychedelic mushrooms privately or in regulated “health centers” with trained facilitators. Proponents of the initiative argue that psilocybin offers healing potential to those suffering from mental health issues — Colorado has been ranked as the worst state for adult mental health, and numerous studies show benefits from psilocybin for symptoms of depression, anxiety, and PTSD. However, some critics, including the founder of the Denver-based Society for Psychedelic Outreach Reform and Education, argue that the initiative’s “healing center” framework is purely a way for large corporations to take control of the psilocybin market and put profits over health. California - Proposition 30 This proposition would increase the income tax by 1.75 percent and use the additional money to support zero-emission vehicle initiatives and wildfire suppression, allowing California to increase firefighter staffing by ⅓ as wildfires grow more intense every year. However, Governor Gavin Newsom has gone against his party to oppose the measure — although he supports a full state transition to electric vehicles by 2035, he has called the bill a “trojan horse” at the hands of rideshare giant Lyft. Te State of California ordered Lyft to transition entirely to electric vehicles by 2030, and Newsom says this bill is an effort to make taxpayers fund these new cars. Nevada - Equal Rights Amendment In Nevada, voters will have the option to amend Nevada’s constitution to adopt a modified version of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), which guarantees equal rights regardless of sex. Effectively, this would end distinctions between men and women in matters of divorce, unemployment, property, and more. The ERA was passed by Congress in 1972 and required 38 state legislatures to ratify the amendment by 1979 to be adopted. Only 35 states ratified the amendment by the deadline, but Virginia, Illinois, and Nevada symbolically approved it in the 2010s as the pro-ERA movement began to regain traction. Takeaways Although the next presidential election will not occur until 2024, the midterms will serve as a telling referendum on the presidency of Joe Biden after a tumultuous two years in office. His approval rate reached a yearly high of 46 percent this month — his predecessor Donald Trump ranged from 34 to 49 percent throughout his presidency. Midterms tend to experience vastly lower voter turnout than general elections, with 113 million Americans voting in 2018 compared to 157 million in 2022. Most of this gap comes from young voters and Democrats. Young, progressive voters must learn that midterms are crucial and the ambitious policy proposals of their presidential picks cannot be accomplished without the legislative work of Congress. American Sciences Pistes, apply for your absentee ballot online before the election.

< Back 36 hours in Menton, France Maia Zasler The Pearl of France is situated between sprawling, sparkling sea and ample green mountain peaks, entre bières roses pétillantes monégasque et Aperol Spritz . Menton is a relatively quiet town known for its historically largest export: lemons—most of which, nowadays, come from Spain in preparation for the annual Fête du Citron . In the summer, Menton’s cobbled streets come alive with tourists eager to enjoy the man-made beach at Sablette , try “ Michelin-star ” ice cream, and take aesthetic TikTok videos and photos along the picturesque Rue Longue . For the 300-ish students who attend the local university, Sciences Po , Menton is colored with further value; insight into the town’s off-season gives its brand a darker dimension. Once the smell of sunscreen fades, tan lines along with it, and the restaurants and shops begin to close, one wonders how to spend 36 hours in a place so desolate. This itinerary is here to help you for when the weather starts to make you question what you’re doing here. Itinerary Friday 3 p.m. Menton has always been balanced along a border; it has straddled the frontier of Nice County and the Republic of Genoa since 1860 , when France purchased the town from the Royal Grimaldi family of Monaco. Your entry into Menton from the Centre-Ville train station exemplifies its Italian roots; you’re welcomed by a spray-painted rendition of Michaelangelo’s David, “ Slay-vid .” The 2-dimensional statue’s voluptuous curves create an impeccable ambiance to the ongoing construction outside of the station. Spend a few minutes exploring the so-called “New Town.” Walk straight down the street, past the Casino Barrière and out to the beach. Stroll along the coast and take in the breeze; the views are truly magnificent. Matimello by Atelier Boulanger is the best for baguettes; replenish your strength with some carbohydrates. Enjoy it on the go or outside on the beach. You should continue until you get to the Jean Cocteau Museum. Although the modernist version is (also) continuously under construction, the smaller display of Cocteau’s art is cheap and worth the visit. Cocteau, a resident of Saint Jean Cap Ferrat, fell in love with this little lemon town and illuminated it and its residents with vibrant pastels and dynamic sketches. 5 p.m. You’ve got your culture in! You can conveniently continue walking and taking in the views by venturing up the stairs and walking along the fort. Alternatively, make a right turn out of the museum doors and head behind the wall. Sit on the large rocks and listen to the waves crash as sky slowly deepens into orange and pink hues. If you're feeling particularly European, this is the opportunity to indulge in a picturesque cigarette. You can make your way back around towards the Casino, by the Carrefour grocery store on Avenue Félix Faure. Sit in the Chapelle Saint Roch for some more quiet, or rest in Noailles for a cozy cup of tea—strawberry is the best. 6:30 p.m. Although it may be a bit early for dinner by CET standards, restaurants will (possibly) start to open around 7 p.m. There are several options for non-French or Italian cuisine, which you may or may not have tired of. Indian Delices , Eventail , and Coté Sud present delectable albeit pricey choices. Vulcano is a fan-favorite—although Pizza Express is arguably better. Both maintain the added benefit of a flexible dining location. It could be chilly, but consider heading back to the beach, by Sablettes, or going to the square adjacent to Rue de la République. 9:30 p.m. It’s no secret: by evening time, the only place to go is Le Retro. Request some delicious olives along with your drink and great company! Saturday 8 a.m. Get an early morning! The crisp air during a morning walk is especially refreshing. After drinking the obligatory espresso at any number of convenient cafés, buy some fruit or goat cheese and take it on your way to the Olive Grove, also known as Parc du Pian. Spend some moments searching for sheep, resting and reading under the trees. Once you’re ready to go, walk across the street to the Jardin Botanique . For 2,50€ you can enter and wander around, enjoying the luscious greens and peaceful atmosphere. 11 a.m. At this point, you’ve probably had enough of the outdoors. Should you need to study, you can make the Odyssean trek over to the New Town and settle into Menton’s library . If you prefer to do your work in a café, Lagom, Edwige, O’Petit Corner and Eunoia Coffee are all worth the 30 seconds it takes to search on your phone to confirm their opening hours. You can also take a quick train ride to another “town” lined with contrived-looking streets: Monaco. The Starbucks outside of the train station is a quality study spot. 1 p.m. Saturday afternoons can be slow. Quicken the pace by catching a film at Cinema Eden. Sneak in some of your own snacks to sweeten the experience. Stop in the thrift store across the street to browse the (limited) racks of clothes. You could instead walk the other direction, towards campus, and venture into the antique shop adjacent to the Darty. Get lost in rows of dusty plates and posters; let yourself be charmed by the cramped space and piles of useless—yet endearing—items. You could even treat yourself to yoga ( two studio options!) or getting your nails done. 3 p.m. You’ve made it through 24 hours! More than halfway there. Use this time to explore Menton a bit more. Walk to the cemetery; if you ascend upwards, weaving through the familiar corridors of Rue Longue, you’ll find yourself at the base of the Cemetery of the Old Chateau . If you’re artistically inclined, take a sketchbook. The crowded aisles juxtaposed by the solid blue sky and sea provide unparalleled inspiration. Or instead, stop into the multiplicity of art galleries in Menton. Local residents—when caught in a good mood—are happy to share their work. From paintings to ceramics to postcards, consider picking something up as a keepsake. Along this artistic vein, you can stop to admire the many mosaics that are assembled in plain sight (e.g., in front of the Basilique Saint Michel Archange ). If you find history more engaging, take a self-led walking tour of the town. Search for the many plaques scattered around the Old Town that provide information about Menton’s past and relevant “landmarks.” If you do not read French, be sure to take your phone equipped with a photo translator—or a francophone friend. 6:30 p.m. For dinner, there is again a wide array of options. By the train station, O’Sole Mio is fantastic for a sit-down meal—a place to take family and friends! Across the street, Citron d’Or may be less popular, but maintains a solid To Good to Go dining experience. Les Enfants Terribles is an iconic destination, situated perfectly on Place du Cap and the entry point to Rue Longue. 8:30 p.m. + Advertisements online will portray Menton as this quaint, sunshine-y town; at its best, it’s a summer spot, an elevated after-thought to a trip to Nice. But Menton is more than that. What makes the town special is not its views or activities, its cafés or restaurants, but the people in it. The best way to “pass the time” is to spend it with friends, the unique connections we make on campus and outside of the classroom. Potluck dinner parties, karaoke or movie nights, cups of tea over games of chess or backgammon, scoops of Picard ice cream during late night study sessions… It's the small moments that make 36 hours seem like no time at all. Previous Next

October’s association events, summarized for you. < Back October Associations Recap By Celeste Abourjeili October 31, 2021 Cinementongraphe x SPRH “Capernaum” movie screening In a collaboration, Cinementongraphe and SciencesPo Refugee Help hosted a movie screening-turned-fundraiser featuring the Lebanese film “Capernaum” on Wednesday, October 10. Debate Society drunk debates In its second annual drunk debate on Saturday, October 9 the Debate Society kicked off its season discussing the topic of hookup culture in Menton. The opposing side (arguing against hookup culture) won, led by 2A Ada Baser and 1A Felipe Boitard. The society’s drunken spectators eventually ended up at Bastion, and those who lasted till the end of the night found themselves at Sablettes. Philosophical Society discussions The brand new Mentonese Philosophical Society, led by a team of six, kicked off its first year with two insightful events. On October 3, it organized a discussion on personal ethics at student house Soundproof, and on October 24, an investigation of the alt-right at student house Brothel. TASA movie screening The Thracian andAnatolian Student Association screened the mini-documentary “Coğrafya Kader” (Geography is Destiny) on Saturday, October 9 which features the wife Selahattin Demirtaş, a politician in the HDP who is currently incarcerated. Later on, the group discussed the status, treatment, and rights of Turkish Kurds. Amnesty movie screening On Sunday, October 10, Amnesty International held a screening of the movie “l’État du Texas contre Melissa” (the state of Texas vs Melissa). The movie discussed the case of Melissa Lucio, a mother charged with killing her daughter. Melissa was charged with the death penalty and is currently on death row. The movie focuses on the ambiguity of the case and the lack of a concrete story and evidence regarding the crime. The movie was chosen in remembrance of the abolishment of the death penalty in France 40 years ago and focuses on the danger of the death penalty when ones guilt is not fully sure. Environnementon Spa Night Following midterms for 1As and many 2As on Saturday, October 16, Environnementon hosted a spa night at 1A-run student house Gar Hira. Students were able to unwind with face masks and by making their own healthy and sustainable deodorant. La Fabrique Politique: Politiquerie La Fabrique Politique a organisé sa deuxième politiquerie le dimanche 17 octobre. C'était l'occasion fortuite pour échanger idées, réflexions et propositions sur un thème à la couleur chaude, “la cancel culture : une censure bénéfique?” Les participants se sont engagés dans un débat de plus d'une heure, ponctué par deux passionnants et éloquents plaidoyers. Babel Museum The Babel initiative presented the Babel museum: an event to highlight the past trips of the Babel board and researchers on Friday, October 22. The event included the Babel wall, now located in Espace Étudiant, with pictures of these different experiences. Videos showing off the immersive experience of past Babel trips alongside an off-campus MENA bake sale perfectly kicked off the Babel initiative’s cultural events. BDE Halloween Fair As one of the many Halloweekend activities, the Bureau des Élèves held a Fall Festival on the SciencesPo Menton campus on Thursday, October 28. Students were able to play games such as bean bag toss, ring toss, pin the hat on the witch, etc. and partake in activities like pumpkin painting after a few stressful weeks of midterms and projects. SSA: Homesickness The Student Support Alliance hosted an event on homesickness on Thursday, October 7 filled with cozy vibes and autumn treats. The group talked about what it means to be away from home for them, and about the parts of home that they carry with them. October Rose Run (BDS x FU x RacingClub) In a mega-collaboration, the Bureau Des Sports, Feminist Union, and Racing Club brought awareness to the battle against breast cancer on Sunday, October 3. UNICEF On Sunday, October 10, UNICEF held a yoga session on Sablettes to kick off Mental Health Week and help students unwind. The session was led by 2As Lilinaz Hakimi and Daniel Santana.

While we all seek to enjoy the comfort as well as the aesthetic pleasures coffee shops offer us, we seldom stop and think about how the coffee we drink got here, how many people suffered to get it to us and who profited off of our momentary enjoyment. < Back Coffee Shop Vulture? Melissa Çevikel September 30, 2024 As the weather is slowly getting gloomy, many students start to count on coffee shops to foster their get-togethers, study dates and warm feelings. Coffee shops have undoubtedly become an irreplaceable part of most Western individuals’ everyday lives. Before or after class, prior to everyday tasks, when you actually want to drink coffee or when you simply want a part of your day to feel productive; coffee shops are the place to go in order to satisfy these cravings. Renowned British sociologist Anthony Giddens notes that chances are when two people arrange to meet for coffee they are most likely more interested in getting together and conversing than in what they’re drinking. While we all seek to enjoy the comfort as well as the aesthetic pleasures coffee shops offer us, we seldom stop and think about how the coffee we drink got here, how many people suffered to get it to us and who profited off of our momentary enjoyment. Coffee shop culture first emerged in Istanbul, Turkey , in the 16th century. While those coffee shops only served a specific demographic of males of a certain social class, they became popular during the 17th century thanks to their ease and affordability to upkeep. This allowed for the working class to socialize and voice their opinions on a budget in the age of enlightenment. While these coffee shops allowed for many—with the exception of women—to engage in social encounters and enjoy all the freedom these intellectually thriving places had to offer, those sourcing the coffee unfortunately lived under much worse circumstances. Tracing the origins of Turkish coffee—an issue that underscores the longstanding significance of coffee shop culture—reveals that coffee beans were first sourced from Yemen . Though coffee was first found in Kaffa, Ethiopia, it was brought to the coffee shops in Istanbul by the Turkish Ambassador in Yemen who was mesmerized by the drink there. When told this way, the story may seem as an innocent cultural exchange, yet we must not forget that around this time the Ottoman Empire had made the conquest of Egypt , during which Yemen had entered Ottoman domination. Keeping this in mind, we are safe to assume that even at that time, coffee symbolized exploitation and colonialism in vulnerable counties compared to the social and intellectual symbolisms it served in Europe. Nowadays though, if you were to think of the coffee shop you spend most of your time at, you would most likely think of some sort of aesthetically pleasing third generation coffee shop—with a very hard-to-pronounce name—which serves coffee in ceramic mugs a random white woman/hippie couple made in their weekend ceramics class. In reality, another vital type of coffee shops is ignored or simply forgotten: coffee shop chains. Acknowledging that this can easily differ from region to region; from the moment you step down from a plane in any western region, the first thing greeting you after the passport control or the luggage collection point will most likely be a Starbucks. When you leave the airport you will see at least two more (possibly smaller and more localized but still under the same category e.g. Caffe Nero, Gloria Jean’s, Costa Coffee) coffeehouse chains, and if you don’t feel like going to any of them it will only take you a single trip to any shopping mall to be surrounded by tens of them and enter an inescapable loop of becoming their client. At first glance, there is nothing wrong with satisfying your craving for coffee at such cafes. After all, not only are you a single individual who probably does not have much influence on the overall economic scheme surrounding the chain, you’re also just a tired and thirsty person who wants to have a rest with a side of coffee. After you get your Starbucks, you will soon realize that it’s both tasty and accessible—and-in certain areas—even budget friendly! You will no longer want to try out other coffee shops; not only will the dim lights, comfortable couches and business-casual aesthetic of Starbucks suit you well for your meetings, solo study dates and meet ups, they will also serve good and arguably affordable coffee and have an aesthetically pleasing interior. In the early-to-mid 2010s, what made Starbucks appealing to the general public was that it was very recognizable and that its cups and labels created a sense of community and feeling of elitism in middle class citizens. Nowadays, I would disagree with this argument—with the exception of the U.S.—due to the amount of hate Starbucks and its consumers have received because of the company’s indirect economic links to Israel. I find the argument that people are simply too lazy to go out of their way to search for a more ethical coffee shop, which they might like just as much, more likely. Besides the boycott Starbucks is facing following their alleged indirect funding of Israel, Starbucks has also received backlash due to suing a workers union because of their support of Palestine which, in theory, contradicts with their Global Human Rights Statement . Lastly, Starbucks representatives have claimed to have never made any comments in support of Israel in their concerningly short statement , which you may read and choose whether to believe or not for yourself. There are also many incidents, which could be counted as local, surrounding the controversy of the brand, such as their lack of cooperation during the Gezi Park protests in Turkey. While all these are equally important aspects to consider while choosing a coffee shop, the main characteristic of coffee shop culture discussed in this article is related to its production and sourcing. Looking back at the Starbucks example given to illustrate a general image of coffee shop chains, their ethical sourcing policies have been a topic of concern for many consumers and organizations,more specifically about how deceptive they are. Lawsuits have been filed against Strabucks, pointing towards the fact that they source their coffee from coffee farms located in Guatemala, Kenya and Brazil, which are known for their human rights abuse. Moreover, they have actively tried to deprive governments of profit e.g. the government of Ethiopia— the birthplace of coffee—could have provided an extra $88 million (USD) per year to the coffee farmers. All of this information piled up in one place does pose the question: What should I do to ethically live out my aesthetic fall coffee shop dreams? The answer is quite simple: just your research! The information that coffee shop chains have unethical principles at their core—they're called "chains" for a reason—is in no way near revolutionary. Howeverbeing reminded that certain chains are boycotted not because of “cancel-culture” but because of how their actions and decisions actively affect people’s lives can certainly be useful. There shouldn’t have to be a lawsuit for one to choose a small family-owned coffee shop over a multi million dollar coffeehouse chain. And while there are certain arguments against local coffee shops, such as them not serving iced coffees or having very limited seating, this could be seen as an opportunity to engage with the owners and introduce ideas they could consider implementing. So, the next time you’re in search of a great meet up or study spot, try to discover new places and take the risk of possibly not drinking the best coffee of your life. After all, what Anthony Giddens said is more often than not true. Therefore, take your time and get to know the century old stories of your coffee, the coffee shop owners and the farmers who had to give up many things to be able to source it.

La pensée de Gramsci n’a rien d’une abstraite bataille des idées. , Iil s’agit tout au contraire de permettre la réalisation effective de la révolution et de l’émancipation en balisant son parcours. Aujourd’hui, plus que la vieille révolution prolétarienne dont on connaît les dérives possibles—c’est un euphémisme—il faut retenir de Gramsci son souci de préparer le changement radical. < Back Gramsci: la politique est une guerre de position Lubin Parisien April 29, 2025 « C’est l’écrivain communiste italien Gramsci qui écrit: les victoires idéologiques précèdent les victoires électorales » déclare Jean-Marie Le Pen le 1er mai 2007. La nécessité de gagner la bataille des idées est devenue une banalité des commentaires politiques notamment quand il s’agit d’expliquer la prééminence des thèmes de l’extrême-droite pour diffuser son racisme. Antonio Gramsci serait le créateur de cette vulgate des idées. Antonio Gramsci est pourtant un homme politique et un intellectuel qui peut nourrir d’une façon singulièrement plus heureuse la gauche et son projet émancipateur dans un contexte de montée de l’extrême-droite. Antonio Gramsci est un penseur de cette adversité, mais surtout de la stratégie pour changer en profondeur la société. De Turin à Moscou, un communiste original Né à Ales en Sardaigne en 1891, Antonio Gramsci « appartient à une famille de petits fonctionnaires ruinés » rapporte Hugues Portelli dans l’article consacré à Gramsci dans l’encyclopédie Universalis. La révolution russe de 1917 est un tournant pour Gramsci car elle suscite dans toute l’Europe des événements que certains ont cru pouvoir être le prélude de la révolution du prolétariat tant attendue. Dans le Nord industriel de l’Italie—à Turin notamment—commence le Biennio rosso , une période d’instabilité après la Première Guerre mondiale où les mouvements ouvriers s’organisent pour demander des droits, et font des grèves et des occupations pour reprendre le contrôle de la production. A Turin, Gramsci est le grand défenseur des conseils ouvriers et du conseillisme avec son journal Ordine Nuovo , ce qui consiste en la reprise en main de l’appareil de production par les travailleurs qui décident collectivement de l’allocation des fruits du travail sans le corporatisme syndical dont Gramsci se méfiait. Le Parti socialiste italien (PSI) ne soutient pas l’expérience qui échoue à terme et la rupture est consommée en 1921 avec la fondation du Parti communiste italien (PCI ) par Bordiga et Gramsci notamment. Le moment du Biennio rosso est perçu par Antonio Gramsci comme précédant soit la révolution soit un moment réactionnaire particulièrement violent: Gramsci prend très vite conscience du danger du fascisme de Mussolini qui monte auprès des élites désireuses du retour à l’ordre ancien grâce à la violence des chemises noires. De fait, après la Marche sur Rome des fascistes et l’accord entre les élites libérales et Mussolini, le PCI est interdit en 1923 et devient clandestin, les arrestations sont nombreuses et Gramsci est menacé. Il bénéficie du soutien de Moscou malgré des divergences progressives de fond, notamment au vu de la bureaucratisation du régime bolchevique. Arrêté et écroué, Gramsci ne peut que constater avec dégoût le tournant encore plus autoritariste et rigide de l’URSS de Staline—même s’il l’avait soutenu face à Trotsky. C’est en prison qu’il écrit ses Quaderni , ses Cahiers de prison où il fait le bilan du début des années 1920 en en tirant les leçons pour le mouvement communiste. Quatre jours après être sorti de prison, Antonio Gramsci meurt en 1937 suite à ses mauvaises conditions de détention. Le procureur fasciste ayant envoyé Gramsci en prison voulait « empêcher ce cerveau de fonctionner pendant vingt ans » a donné à son insu du temps à Gramsci pour approfondir une pensée qui n’a pas perdu de sa pertinence. Où est l’hégémonie ? L’idée gramscienne la plus connue est sans doute celle d’hégémonie culturelle, mais, c’est sans doute, aussi son idée la plus manipulée par l’extrême-droite. Il ne s’agit pas en effet d’un matraquage idéologique afin d’imposer partout sa ‘conception du monde.’, Ll’hégémonie résulte plutôt d’une guerre politique de position où il s’agit de rendre commun sa ‘conception du monde’ dans tous les lieux et instances de la vie sociale: dans l’entreprise et la politique, mais aussi dans les associations. En effet, la présence en Europe de l’Ouest d’une forte société civile avec ses Églises et ses œuvres de charité nécessite un travail plus patient pour les révolutionnaires occidentaux que pour les Russes. Dans un article du Monde diplomatique , Razmig Keucheyan explique que pour Gramsci, la société civile « détient une part importante de la somme totale du pouvoir, si bien qu’il ne suffit pas de s’emparer de l’Etat. » Pour résumer, les bonnes œuvres, au lieu d’afficher la fausse bienveillance des bourgeois, devraient dénoncer en parallèle de leurs activités les méfaits de ces bourgeois qui rendent la charité nécessaire. Nicolas Truong dans un article du Monde précise bien que l’idée d’hégémonie dans les mouvements communistes recouvrent concrètement et principalement « l’alliance des classes paysannes et ouvrières sous l’égide du prolétariat. » Gramsci a justement beaucoup travaillé sur la question dite méridionale, c’est-à-dire l’inclusion des paysans pauvres du Sud de l’Italie dans la lutte des ouvriers du Nord du pays. Ce n’est donc pas forcément la voie express vers le totalitarisme malgré la connotation du mot hégémonie. L’hégémonie est avant tout un travail de « persua[sion] permanente » où il faut susciter le consentement de la société en faisant émerger un « sens commun » réellement émancipateur. Pour cela, il ne faut pas partir de zéro mais plutôt s’appuyer sur les opinions banales du moment pour les canaliser et en extirper la dimension aliénante. Jean-Claude Zancarini, qui a beaucoup écrit sur Antonio Gramsci, résume l’idée en ces termes « le prolétariat, pour être hégémonique, doit se comporter en classe dirigeante, (qui montre le chemin, la direction à suivre,) et non en classe dominante qui impose ses points de vue. » Ce n’est pas un matraquage, car il y a une exigence de souplesse que doit satisfaire le mouvement révolutionnaire cherchant son succès: il ne faut pas imposer une idéologie préconçue. Gramsci applique cette grille de lecture pour analyser l’échec du Biennio rosso . La situation des capitalistes est chancelante mais les partis communistes et socialistes échouent car, selon Gramsci, ils ont méprisé la spontanéité populaire et ont laissé le mouvement couler entre leurs doigts. En face, la bourgeoisie s’abandonne aux fascistes, c’est-à-dire, toujours selon Gramsci, qu’elle renonce à être la « classe dirigeante » pour rester la « classe dominante » grâce à la propriété des moyens de production. Pour gagner la guerre de position, Mussolini incorpore les ouvriers dans le fascisme dans des corporations et des mouvements de jeunesse; c’est ainsi qu’il avance ses positions et garantit son hégémonie. Il y a quelque chose d’assez autoritaire dans la vision de l’action pré-révolutionnaire de Gramsci dans la mesure où les intellectuels doivent transformer le ‘sens commun’ pour le rendre émancipateur. Gramsci a conscience de ce biais en promouvant un rapport entre ces intellectuels et les ouvriers différent de celui entre le professeur et l’élève, il propose quelque chose de plus horizontal où, selon une comparaison revenant souvent, les intellectuels sont comme Machiavel conseillant le prince qu’est le prolétariat. Dans un entretien accordé à L’Humanité , Jean-Claude Zancarini affirme que « le parti bolchevique [tel que conçu par Gramsci] est un parti de révolutionnaires professionnels. Le parti, selon Gramsci, se situe entre la spontanéité des masses et le travail politique. » Il ne faut donc pas de coupures avec la base et la politique demeure une pratique nourrie par la réflexivité—et non pas une pratique justifiée après coup par une idéologie forcément implacable comme en URSS. Et de fait, c’est seulement dans les geôles de Mussolini que Gramsci se décide enfin à se distancer effectivement du bolchevisme Staliniste. Gramsci n’est pas mort On ne peut pas nier la liberté intellectuelle dont Gramsci a su se saisir face au PSI et même vis-à-vis d’une IIIème Internationale à laquelle il s’est pourtant rallié. Aujourd’hui, la complexité de sa pensée que nous avons effleuré est souvent réduite à une vague conquête—idée en soi problématique et peu gramscienne—du pouvoir par les idées—comme si les idées avaient une force en soi à laquelle Gramsci n’a jamais cru. Pourtant, la gauche, si elle veut être ambitieuse, ferait bien de relire Gramsci sans passer par l’intermédiaire de Jean-Marie Le Pen pour en retenir trois leçons. D’abord, il faut retenir de Gramsci l’idée d’une guerre de position. L, la victoire ne passe par l’acceptation de la tiédeur de la société face à un changement radical et par la modération de son propos mais plutôt par la diffusion de ses idées dans le ‘sens commun,’ en s’appuyant sur les structures en place pour faire ce changement radical. Les soutiens du mouvement #metoo , en manifestant, en communiquant sur les réseaux sociaux ou en utilisant des tribunaux connus pour leur mansuétude face aux délits et crimes sexistes, ont utilisé les méthodes et les canaux déjà existants pour insuffler dans l’espace publique et privé un souffle émancipateur pour les femmes, qui reste certes chancelant face aux attaques réactionnaires. A l’inverse, le naufrage électoral du mandat social-libéral du Président Hollande entre 2012 et 2017 où le PS a courtisé le patronat illustre l’inanité et l’inefficacité d’une volonté de recentrage politique au prix du mépris de la défense des intérêts des travailleurs. La seconde leçon consiste à ne pas délaisser le travail de fond idéologique que doit effectuer une gauche qui se veut ambitieuse, notamment en posant la question du système économique et en réfléchissant aux alternatives. Le travail des intellectuels est conçu par Gramsci comme une condition pour l’élévation des travailleurs et leur transformation en une classe dirigeante—et non pas dominante comme nous l’avons déjà fait remarquer. Le plein exercice de la démocratie par tous les citoyens devrait donc passer avant par ce moment de réflexion sur tous les espaces échappant à cette démocratie, en premier lieu l’entreprise et le travail. Enfin, Antonio Gramsci a une conception « jacobine » du parti qui doit mener la révolution, le parti reste une ‘centrale’ pour coordonner et ordonner tout le mouvement social. Avant de réfléchir à un parti unique pour la gauche, il faut plutôt retenir la nécessité de l’union des gauches dont le NFP est le dernier rejeton. La réflexion gramscienne sur le lien à nouer entre les paysans méridionaux et ouvriers du Nord rappelle la difficulté contemporaine à concrétiser la convergence des luttes en une seule lutte commune. L’unité est le problème majeur dans le parcours de Gramsci, notamment dans le rapport entre intellectuels et ouvriers en évitant que les premiers aient un ascendant sur les seconds. La division artificielle entre le social et le sociétal, ou les élucubrations de Fabien Roussel sur le racisme anti-blanc, menacent ainsi la cohérence du combat politique émancipateur que doit porter la gauche en acceptant le cadrage et le ‘sens commun’ faisant le lit au mieux des libéraux, au pire des vrais racistes. La pensée de Gramsci n’a rien d’une abstraite bataille des idées. , Iil s’agit tout au contraire de permettre la réalisation effective de la révolution et de l’émancipation en balisant son parcours. Aujourd’hui, plus que la vieille révolution prolétarienne dont on connaît les dérives possibles—c’est un euphémisme—il faut retenir de Gramsci son souci de préparer le changement radical. Fa ce aux arcs et autres figures géométriques républicaines, il faut construire concrètement une liberté pour tous, une égalité effective et une fraternité non-négociable et faire avancer partout où on le peut ces boussoles morales et politiques, sans craindre de reprendre la société à ceux qui jouissent de son iniquité et s’inquiètent à juste titre pour leurs positions et leurs privilèges. Photo source: Wikimedia commons

The word ‘desert’ creates an image of desolation and emptiness. These spaces are not empty; there is huge potential for growth, nourishment and vibrancy. It is rather the obstacles of settler colonialism, white supremacy and segregation that stand in the way of food justice. < Back Death by Design: Food Apartheid from Nunavut to Palestine By Huda Javed for Environnementon November 30, 2023 In Nunavut, North Canada, home to the indigenous Inuit communities, 70 percent of homes face severe food insecurity in one of the richest nations in the world. A liter of milk in Nunavut costs over CΑΝ$7 and a handful of fresh vegetables costs almost CΑΝ$40. The few grocery stores scattered across the territory predominantly sell unhealthy and non-nutritious food. The remoteness of the territory requires fresh produce to be flown in due travel restrictions by boat and road. By the time fresh produce makes it to grocery store shelves, it is often expired, sold at extremely inflated prices and situated amongst multiple rows of processed foods that are considerably cheaper and higher in caloric energy. Territories like Nunavut are often referred to as ‘food deserts’ – places where access to affordable, healthy and nutritious food is restricted by social and geographical constraints. The term ‘food swamps’ is often used alongside this to describe areas where highly processed ‘junk’ foods are densely concentrated, namely in low-income urban neighborhoods with majority racialized or minority groups. While these terms certainly recognize the pressing issue of food accessibility and adequacy, they are severely ignorant and passive to the fact that these so-called ‘deserts' and ‘swamps’ are not naturally occurring phenomena, but they have emerged through a discriminatory process and deliberate government policies. Even so, the word ‘desert’ creates an image of desolation and emptiness. These spaces are not empty; there is huge potential for growth, nourishment and vibrancy. It is rather the obstacles of settler colonialism, white supremacy and segregation that stand in the way of food justice. So, food apartheid seems the appropriate term. In the U.S., the majority of farming subsidies go to white farmers. White neighborhoods have at least four times as many grocery stores as African-American neighborhoods. Housing subsidies largely go to rich, white Americans, while ‘redlining’ policies have also restricted mortgage lending to minority homebuyers, preventing those in low-income areas from moving to neighborhoods with adequate access to nutritious food. This has created the knock-on effect of ‘supermarket redlining’ as companies view wealthier neighborhoods as more profitable and safer from crime. As with the spatial segregation of minority and racialized communities in the US, the isolation of the indigenous Inuit communities in Canada is a product of forcible expulsion and land theft. The traditional food systems, environments and ancestral crop lands indigenous communities depended on, were destroyed by settlers. Consequently, native communities were forcibly relocated to isolated reservations, which are currently being impeded upon as well. Offshore oil exploration in the Arctic by major companies, endorsed by the Canadian authorities, threatens marine life. In 2008, seismic testing caused the death of up to 1,000 narwhals . Rising global temperatures due to climate change are also impacting the migration patterns of these marine animals, which the Inuit depend on for food. The Navajo Nation, spanning 17 million acres and the largest reservation in the U.S., has a total of 13 grocery stores, where the average resident has to drive three hours one-way to reach a grocery store that predominantly sells processed and non-nutritious products. The USDA’s Food Distribution Programme on Indian Reservations supplies some food to indigenous communities. However, the products tend to be highly processed and have little nutritional value. Along with the few job opportunities and the rarity of affordable fresh food in indigenous reservations, this leads many to resort to cheap, unhealthy processed foods. It does not stop there. As a result of limited access to healthy and culturally appropriate foods, health issues, in particular type 2 diabetes, are becoming increasingly prevalent in Black, Indigenous and other minority and low-income communities. On top of this, harsh discrimination and negligence within healthcare systems are a regular occurrence for these groups, and as a consequence, they experience higher fatalities and poorer overall well being . Achieving food justice and sovereignty for communities of color is more than simply living near a grocery store, but rather about having agency over their local food systems. Similarly to Black, Indigenous and minority communities in the US and Canada, Israel’s system of apartheid has wholly denied Palestinians their right to food sovereignty. Forced displacement, land expropriation, restrictions on free movement or even access to markets have led to severe food insecurity. The control of 80 percent of West Bank water reserves is one crucial way that Israel enforces food apartheid upon Palestinians. Israeli authorities, between 2012 and 2021, demolished 572 Palestinian water structures in the West Bank. These structures are often small-scale traditional rainwater cisterns and wells. The demolition of an entire water system severely impedes the ability to cultivate land and create a sustainable food system. Other discriminatory policies include requiring Palestinians, under military orders 1015 and 1039 , to be granted permission to plant certain crops like eggplants, tomatoes, and onions. Additionally, Israeli agricultural policies enforce the use of commercial seeds in an effort to erase Palestinian agricultural heritage. The traditional Jadu’i watermelon has been lost due to this. Simply foraging for Palestinian diet staples, such as zaatar, sage and akoub, is punishable by fines and three years in prison . Taxing ‘legal’ requirements and restrictions are piled one on top of the other, not only creating huge economic losses but hindering even basic subsistence agriculture within Palestinian communities. In 2020, Israel rejected 73 percent of farmer permit requests to access their farmland and tend to crops. The crops that are able to grow in spite of all this, as well as the increasingly dry and scorching summers, are often ruined by Israeli military aerial spraying of herbicides . Simultaneously, cheaper, ‘second-class,’ and harmful produce is introduced by Israel into markets across the West Bank, undermining the efforts of Palestinian farmers. In 2020, 72 percent of vegetables sold to Palestinians by Israeli producers were found to contain high levels of harmful pesticides. The Israeli destruction of up to 1 million olive trees since 1967 and the continuous vandalism and theft of harvests defines the nature of food apartheid as the deliberate effort to occupy or erase a people and their cultural heritage, regardless of environmental damage. Israel has even banned the Union of Agricultural Work Committees, which protects traditional Palestinian heirloom seeds that have the potential to increase biodiversity and minimize the environmental impacts of farming. The examples are endless. Food apartheid is one of the most instrumental ways in which the Israeli government has been slowly starving Palestinians. There is no question that this is all by design, from every policy and legal measure to the outright destruction and expropriation of land, it is as deliberate as North America’s utilization of food apartheid against racialized communities. Efforts of localized agroecological organizations among these communities are growing – farmers markets, community gardens and food sharing are autonomizing marginalized populations from their oppressors. However, complete food sovereignty, the right to affordable, fresh and culturally appropriate food for African Americans, the Inuit people, Palestinians, and marginalized communities all over the world, cannot be fully achieved without recognition of their humanity first.

Secularism is a valid outlook and a reality for many 21st century states; however, we often fail to consider the fact that states in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia can have a different perspective on this separation, with different traditions and political systems. This creates the question of what is and what should be the role of religion in the world of politics. < Back Religion and Politics: Always at War By Angeliki Vytogianni October 30, 2021 The topic of religion is always a hot one, fueling debates and conversations both in politics and in individuals’ behavior. For many with European and North American influences, the answer is easy: religion should be 100 percent separate, never involved in domestic politics or international relations. Secularism is a valid outlook and a reality for many 21st century states; however, we often fail to consider the fact that states in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia can have a different perspective on this separation, with different traditions and political systems. This creates the question of what is and what should be the role of religion in the world of politics. Religious extremism and fanaticism around the world have sparked many tragedies throughout the centuries. From the Crusades in the 11th to 13th century, to European wars on religion in the 16th to 18th centuries, to the Indo-Pakistani wars, to the Israeli-Pakistani conflict, to the Sudanese conflict, to Bush’s “war on terror,” religion is a common denominator in almost every conflict, the dividing factor, an urge to extremism and the development of paramilitary groups. We have seen the extent to which terrorist organizations like the Islamic State (ISIS) and Al Qaeda will go in order to fulfill their religious/political aims. We have seen the number of countries divided not because of nationalities, but because of religion, or religious branches, denominations, movements. We’ve seen the damage done by religion-related hostilities. So why are we not abolishing religion completely? Why not ban its involvement in foreign and domestic politics? Separate the Church from the State, should we not? For a historian studying these events, religion seems like the absolute worst subject to include in policy drafting, as it has made the people, the land, and the army suffer in every case it was involved. However, this view is rather ignorant for countries that have religion at the heart of their organization and their identity. Until the era of imperialism, most parts of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia organized themselves into groups according to religion. Religion was the most significant part of their identity and culture. To this day, it plays a much bigger role than the West understands. After the Second World War, the decolonization period brought several changes to most former colonies and/or occupied territories of the Great Powers. To avoid and contain uprisings or conflicts that developed, artificial borders and states were created. A prime example of the West’s treachery and imperialism, the areas were divided according to such preferences rather than the will of the people. Especially because of the Cold War and conflict occurring primarily through proxy, areas of great geopolitical importance such as the Middle East, Africa and Asia (Yemen, Afghanistan, Vietnam, Myanmar in particular) became the tennis courts for a match that never truly mattered to them. In most cases, the borders do not even come close to the pre-existing divisions between ethnic, cultural, and religious distinctions in the area. The political and humanitarian crises, civil wars, and uprisings the world faces today are results of those deep-run divisions. Many conflicts have arisen due to religion-fueled hatred that spiked when distinct groups were forced to co-exist within specific borders. Those who drew the lines between the artificially created states failed to consider the pre-existing conditions in the region and placed power interests above the locals’ right to self-determination. Many groups place religion at the core of their identity and culture, so it is inevitable that it should play a role in politics and international relations. We cannot ban or prohibit something so fundamentally important for these people, nor should we really try to. There is a way to meet in the middle and respect the traditions in every part of the world. It is the only way to hold effective negotiations and resolve the apparent issues. The first papal visit in Iraq, back in March, gives a hint of hope, pushing tolerance, understanding, and inclusion of different cultures. A historic moment for the Christian and Muslim communities, Pope Francis’ visit to the former Islamic State occupied territories should not be a symbol of Christian saviors healing the land and the people, but rather an act of co-operation, a step towards mending the conflict. 2021 also brought the re-establishment of Taliban rule in Afghanistan. An oppressive, authoritarian regime that uses its own interpretation of religious beliefs to persecute women, erase their accomplishments, and forbid their existence. How does the world deal with these violations of rights and freedoms in the name of religion? And how does one find the balance between preventing this oppression of the people but also practicing religious tolerance? Since offensive and aggressive behavior occurs both in the name of religion and in the name of secularization, it is imperative that we work on such issues collectively, and not solely through a Western point view. Only by listening to the people and the countries involved can we reach a point where politics, religion, and different forms of self-determination can peacefully coexist.

Qui sont ces étudiants, et comment leurs actes du 17 novembre 1973 ont-ils acquis une portée profondément démocratique et déterminante pour l’avenir du pays? En quoi ces réponses nous illuminent-elles quant au rapport contemporain de la société et de l’univers politique grecs vis-à-vis des valeurs démocratiques et des mouvements étudiants? < Back « Pain, Éducation, Liberté! » Un Regard Sur Le Soulèvement De Novembre 1973 En Grèce Margarita Kopsia January 31, 2025 Qu’est-ce que, vraiment, résister ? Et quelle signification ce mot acquiert-il en fonction du contexte socio-politique d’où on se place? Si les réponses qu’il est possible d’apporter à cette question sont nombreuses, la position de la Grèce en la matière mérite d’être étudiée. Sujet d’abord sanglant et délicat, le soulèvement de l’université polytechnique d’Athènes du 14 au 17 novembre 1973 est progressivement devenu une commémoration nationale, célébrée chaque 17 novembre. Moment violent, il fut aussi—et demeure—un événement profondément symbolique et porteur d'espoirs; à présent honoré, il est impossible d’en parler sans l’associer à la fin de la dictature militaire qui était au pouvoir depuis le coup d’État du 21 avril 1967. Mais plus qu’emblème de résistance face à cette parenthèse dure et autoritaire pour le pays, agissant en tant que catalyseur du démantèlement de la dictature des colonels, le soulèvement du 17 novembre est aussi celui d’un profond renouveau . Car luttant pour « le pain, » « l’éducation » et « la liberté, » le combat acharné des étudiants a aussi signé l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère démocratique, marquée par une meilleure ouverture politique, ainsi que par un développement plus conforme au respect des droits et libertés de la population grecque. Qui sont ces étudiants, et comment leurs actes du 17 novembre 1973 ont-ils acquis une portée profondément démocratique et déterminante pour l’avenir du pays? En quoi ces réponses nous illuminent-elles quant au rapport contemporain de la société et de l’univers politique grecs vis-à-vis des valeurs démocratiques et des mouvements étudiants? La démocratie, confisquée et asphyxiée En plein cœur de la guerre froide, le contexte politique de la Grèce est extrêmement agité; suite à la victoire des forces royalistes lors de la guerre civile grecque de 1946 à 1949, opposant les dirigeants soutenus par le Royaume-Uni et les États-Unis aux grecs communistes, plusieurs gouvernements instables se succèdent. Les « élections législatives anticipées » qui étaient censées avoir lieu en 1967 sont la conséquence directe de la dissolution parlementaire qui était entraînée par le manque de soutien à M. Canellopoulos, nommé par le roi suite à l’échec des accords législatifs et gouvernementaux passés entre celui-ci et les autres partis majoritaires. L’avenir politique du pays se voit particulièrement menacé par le putsch du 21 avril 1967. Réalisé par trois militaires—les colonels Georges Papadopoulos , Nicolaos Makarezos et le général Stylianos Pattakos—l’épisode est intimement lié à l’appartenance de la Grèce au « bloc de l’Ouest » dans le contexte des alignements géopolitiques de l’époque. Le coup d’État est ainsi réalisé sous prétexte de protéger le pays de la « menace communiste » et afin de préserver l’alliance du pays avec les États-Unis, sachant que la Grèce avait rejoint l’OTAN en 1951. Il faut noter cependant, que la présence de cette « menace » est largement injustifiée, ce que n’ont manqué de préciser de nombreux médias de l’époque, y compris a l’international. Ainsi, Le Monde déclare dans ses publications datant de l’année 1967 que « l’intervention [...] allait au-delà du but invoqué au début, » cherchant notamment à assurer la victoire de la droite malgré l’ascension de l’Union du centre. Pour le journal L’Humanité , il s’agit même d’une « dictature absurde et criminelle qui s’est imposée par peur des élections. » Car sur la période 1967-1973, la vie sociale et politique du pays est « paralysée . » « Rythmée » par l’« enfermement » et la « torture » dont les opposants politiques sont systématiquement victimes, la dimension autoritaire du régime écarte la perspective d’un espace de dialogue ouvert, pluriel et engagé. Parallèlement, l’emploi généralisé de la censure constitue une autre sombre réalité, entravant les libertés d’expression et d’opinion des citoyens. Avec l’arrivée au pouvoir des colonels, « les garanties constitutionnelles des droits de l'Homme sont suspendues, » obstruant toute tentative de critique du régime et interdisant même les « grèves . » Mais si la majorité de la population grecque est poussée à la « passivité » par le régime des colonels, les voix des opposants exilés continuent de retentir et alimentent fortement les animosités populaires envers la junte, ainsi que l’opposition de divers gouvernements de l’étranger. Pour certains exilés, il est même question de « militer contre la junte sur le territoire français » à travers leur implication dans des « réseaux de la résistance, » à l’instar de Melina Mercouri —ancienne ministre de la Culture grecque—et Mikis Théodorakis, célèbre compositeur et futur ministre d’État grec de 1990 à 1992. Étudiants: voix ou moteurs légitimes de la construction démocratique ? Pendant la junte, les étudiants souffrent tout particulièrement. Leur sévère manque de représentation se matérialise tout d’abord à travers « l’ impossibilité » pour les étudiants « d'élire des représentants au sein des institutions universitaires. » Sont mis également en place des « tribunaux de discipline, pouvant expulser tout étudiant ayant des activités jugées non convenables, » tandis que la loi 1347 oblige « au service militaire immédiat » tous ceux qui s’organisent et s’engagent au sein de syndicats. La forte présence syndicale dans l’enseignement supérieur grec fait par ailleurs que, selon un point de vue sociologique, les universités grecques deviennent des « institution[s] sociale[s] » à « caractéristiques politiques. » Bénéficiant d’un « statut symbolique comme espaces de défense des valeurs démocratiques, » cela explique en grande partie par les dynamiques de rassemblement et de politisation des étudiants qui se sont progressivement construites et exacerbées depuis 1973. La vague de manifestations s’opposant à la junte militaire est entamée par les étudiants de la Faculté de Droit d’Athènes le 21 février 1973 , date à laquelle ceux-ci se barricadent à l’intérieur de leur établissement pour appeler à la fin de la dictature. L’insurrection des étudiants de l’école Polytechnique qui survient quelques mois plus tard s’étend jusqu’à d’autres universités telles que celles de Patras ou de Thessalonique, entraînant également de nombreux autres civils désireux de décrier les modalités d’exercice du pouvoir du régime en place. La création d’une station de radio étudiante, adressant « un appel [...] à la population » participe également à la propagation de leur message, tout en cultivant un profond sentiment de solidarité parmi tous ces manifestants. L’occupation de l’université polytechnique elle-même fut aussitôt sévèrement réprimée par l’armée, dont l’intervention consista notamment en l’envoi de chars militaires. Le bilan est celui d’au moins 27 morts et de dizaines de blessés, faisant de cet épisode une véritable « plaie » de l’histoire contemporaine grecque. Son sillage, celui de la ‘ Metapolítefsi ’—soit la transition démocratique grecque qui s’en suivit—rappelle néanmoins les mérites du fervent maintien et de la défense des idéaux démocratiques, notamment au vu des difficultés que ces derniers ont eu à s’imposer et à véritablement former part de la réalité politique et constitutionnelle grecque. Cela ferait-il des étudiants les « garants » de la démocratie en Grèce à l’époque contemporaine, régime ayant su s’extraire de sa trajectoire fragile, tumultueuse et menacée? Les étudiants sont-ils capables de changer le cours de l’histoire? Jour partiellement férié, durant lequel les établissements scolaires restent fermés, le 17 novembre constitue aujourd’hui un moment de « fierté nationale. » Les étudiants ayant participé aux soulèvements de novembre 1973 s’étaient auto-proclamés ‘ Eleftheroi Poliorkimenoi, ’ soit une référence directe à la lutte pour l’indépendance grecque et à l’œuvre de Dionysios Solomos—poète dont émane l’hymne national grec. Sous la plume de nombre de poètes et d’écrivains tels que Pour Yánnis Rítsos—poète et militant du Parti communiste grec, emprisonné pendant la dictature des colonels—les étudiants du 17 novembre deviennent des figures héroïques et inspirantes, portant en elles les fruits et les symboles de la bravoure et de la détermination. À eux seuls, les soulèvements du 17 novembre n’auraient pas entièrement rétabli le sort démocratique du pays, mais il demeure que les efforts des étudiants y ayant pris part aient été des mécanismes déclencheurs de la ‘ Metapolítefsi. ’ Portant avec ardeur et conviction l’ espoir et la promesse démocratiques, le pouvoir qu’a eu la jeunesse à influencer le cours de l’histoire en 1973 reste incontestable.