On the one hand, the eleventh of November is a day during which many people in the world reflect on the horrors that ancestors had to endure during the four years of World War One, reminding us that our freedom should not be taken for granted. On the other hand, this day has also become not just an anniversary of the end of the war, but also a celebration of militarism itself, leading to debates on whether it has not evolved into a day of military glorification instead of a day for reflection. < Back When does a celebration become an indoctrination? Viktorie Voriskova November 30, 2024 Each year, on November 11th, at eleven in the morning, the world goes silent for a minute, in commemoration of the anniversary of the signing of an armistice in Compiege in the region of Picardy, France. This agreement took effect at 11:00 am, ending the war on the Western Front and, with it, the First World War. This anniversary is celebrated mainly in the United States but also France, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Nigeria, Germany, Australia and New Zealand. Every year, these countries organize parades, their citizens wear the symbolic red poppy flowers, and heads of state give speeches at war memorials. Is there a line at which it becomes too much? On the one hand, the eleventh of November is a day during which many people in the world reflect on the horrors that ancestors had to endure during the four years of World War One, reminding us that our freedom should not be taken for granted. On the other hand, this day has also become not just an anniversary of the end of the war, but also a celebration of militarism itself, leading to debates on whether it has not evolved into a day of military glorification instead of a day for reflection. The duality of this internationally celebrated and appreciated holiday highlights the thin line between reminiscing about our past and glorifying it. Therefore, while the original aim of the celebrations of the Armistice Day war peaceful reconciliation and remembrance, these days there seems to be a shift towards militarism and glorification of military action, which has sparked discussions—even controversies—around the values the Eleventh of November embodies and its role in modern society. In the years following 1919, Armistice Day ceremonies were used to promote the message that “never again” should we engage in the brutality and futility of war. At this time, the grief caused by war was raw. People felt real loss—one fourth of the population in the Western world lost at least one family member during this conflict—and the need to have a collective ceremony to mourn nationally was understandable. Over decades, this anniversary has evolved into a day of solemn reflection for those lost in all conflicts. In the early 1950s, the celebrations underwent another change in their symbolism: in 1954, in the U.S., Armistice Day was renamed Veterans Day to honor all veterans, not just those who have fought in World War One. Some advocates argue that this change diverted attention from the original peace-oriented message, leading to a rise of glorification of military intervention, meandering away from the initial intention of reflecting on the war and remembering those who have lost their lives during the conflict. One of these critics is the professor of Environmental Health from Boston University School of Public Health, H. Patricia Hynes, who claims that the renaming of Armistice Day to Veteran's Day led to the discarding of “ all public ideals of peace with all other peoples.” She goes on to add that “the rebranding of Armistice Day to Veterans Day [is] enabling militarists and war profiteers “ to celebrate and promote militarism … misrepresent war members of the military as heroes, and encourage the enlistment of cannon fodder for future war for profit.” Controversies surrounding the nature, which often tends to be rather militaristic of Remembrance Day, the official name of the Armistice holiday in the United Kingdom, have a long history too: participants in Armistice Day events have almost always worn or displayed red poppies in English-speaking territories, cornflowers in France and Belgium since the poppy became associated with the holiday because of the popularity of the poem, “ In Flanders Fields ,” written in 1915 by Canadian soldier John McCrae. However, as early as the 1930s, people began wearing the white poppy instead of the original red one to reject the perceived militarism associated with Remembrance Day. Other scholars corroborate this view on the significance of Armistice Day: Olivia Abbott, a writer for the Organisation for World Peace, wrote an article titled: “ Rethinking Remembrance Day: Unpacking Memory, Identity And War” in 2019, where she voices her opinion as follows: “Remembrance Day prevents us from moving forward. We should not forget our national history, but the rhetoric of “keep calm and carry on” and “lest we forget” focuses on the past and stops us from looking forward. […] The longer we hold onto the emphasis on remembrance, the longer we will hold back from pursuing a brighter future.” Abbott’s criticism of Britain’s approach to Remembrance Day celebrations is yet another example of the controversies that this holiday creates—it represents a controversial focus on the past and its glorification instead of a reconciliation that would help the nation in moving forward. Furthermore, there is also a very recent example of the November 11th celebrations being controversial: the pro-Palestinian protests that took place in central London. Many people think that protesting on Remembrance Day as a sign of “ disrespect ” towards the fallen. Others talk about the dangers of militarism as one of the core values of this holiday and the glorification of war that is perpetuated through the celebration of this anniversary. On November 11th last year, Clément Voule, the UN’s Special Rapporteur for the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, discouraged painting the protests as “ hate marches .” He argued that it could risk public disorder and more public disagreement on the validity of Remembrance Day. Commemorating an anniversary of the end of a war or another military action will always spark controversies because of the thin line between appreciation and glorification. There has been a major shift in the symbolism of the Eleventh of November—renaming of this holiday in America or the rise of unrest these ceremonies bring about in the present exemplify this. Despite the shift in the values and importance of this holiday, which should be reflected upon during this anniversary, the core idea that led to its establishment is still relevant: the horrors of the past cannot be forgotten. Otherwise, we run the danger of repeating them.

In such delicate moments as those that engulf the West right now, its position is far from being unitary and clear. It hesitates to help Ukraine and to have a rigid position about the Israeli-Palestinian situation. It quarrels with itself to the highest degree and it always finds a way to take a stance too late. In this context, the West is divided as never before in recent history. < Back The Fall of the West Amer El-Ibrahim November 30, 2024 In recent times, the idea that the West is declining has repeatedly been vehiculated in media, articles and books. Such timidly apocalyptic visions have always plagued the West, especially when it finds itself in periods of crisis, be it moral or economic. Nonetheless, one can wonder: is today’s presupposed decline a real threat to our civilization, or is it just paranoia? The idea of the decline of the West was born during the Enlightenment. Rousseau was one of the first to raise concerns about civilization's debilitating effects with his idea of the “noble savage.” Later in the 19th century, thinkers such as Karl Marx and Nietzsche expanded on this idea. Nietzsche regarded European culture to be in spiritual decline, undermined by a Christian morality that, according to him, outlived its utility. Marx and Engels offer a materialistic interpretation, attributing this deterioration to the exploitative forces of capitalism, which should at one point bring the societal collapse that would be followed by socialism. In the 20th century, two other writers delved into this presumed perpetual downturn: Oswald Spengler and Arnold Toynbee. Spengler predicted the fall of Western society by comparing it to a living organism that is subject to growth, maturity, and decay. Meanwhile, Toynbee, in his book “A Study of History,” examined cycles of rise and fall across civilizations, regarding Western decline as part of a cyclical pattern of history. Both theoreticized that this fall is not temporary and curable, but an inevitable stage within a broader system. Additionally, there was a growing pessimism that took hold of post-WWII Western thought, marked by two World Wars, the Holocaust and nuclear war anxieties. Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer were key figures in establishing a culture of critique of modernity and the West, with phenomena such as mass consumer culture, technological alienation and bureaucratic rationalism being seen as dehumanizing forces. In the 1970s and 80s, a new declinism made its way onto the stage—present until now—which critiques Western industrial progress for leading to ecological destruction. All of these iterations of decline across centuries show that declinism has become a mode of Western thought, not lacking in biases. However, this declinist outlook usually displays the spiritual, cultural or economic turbulences of an epoch and not the whole West across centuries. Writers who critiqued the West were driven more by subjective perceptions than objective realities. Nonetheless, the “idea of decline” is serving as a mirror into anxieties of each era rather than an inherent decay of Western civilization. Moreover, the West’s obsession with its own deterioration seems to be a self-fulfilling prophecy, born of philosophical pessimism that blinds us to our achievements. On another note, Hegel noted 200 years ago, civilizations perish not because of external reasons, such as war, famine or economic crisis, but due to internal disputes. Enemies from the outside, regardless of their nature, cannot prevail if there does not exist a profound internal scission. Petty rivalries and endless scandals drain the spirit of a particular nation and not wars. In such delicate moments as those that engulf the West right now, its position is far from being unitary and clear. It hesitates to help Ukraine and to have a rigid position about the Israeli-Palestinian situation. It quarrels with itself to the highest degree and it always finds a way to take a stance too late. In this context, the West is divided as never before in recent history. Even though the West has far more economic power than its main opponents—Russia, Iran, China, Syria, etc—this power is useless if it is not animated by a combative spirit that fights for its values and principles. An example can be given by the US, which struggled for months on end to vote for a package of 60 billion dollars aimed mainly for the aid of Ukraine, but also for Taiwan and Israel. This postponement stemmed from the petty rivalries between the Democrats and the Republicans. Meanwhile, the EU was blocked from supporting Ukraine by Viktor Orban’s opposition, a giant blocked by an ant. Amidst this air of hesitancy, the West’s main rivals, namely, Russia, Hamas, Iran and China, seem to have no such impediments or ideological hiccups. They arm themselves, violate existing treaties, launch themselves into war economies, as seen in the case of Russia, and control their population—evident in all but especially China. The West, on the other hand, seems to be lost spiritually in its own auto-critic frenzy. Is the West really in decline, as countless others have hypothesized? Others’ belief that it is in such a state, then, does not matter. What matters is if the West itself believes it.

As a Muslim living in France, it has been difficult facing the day to day reality of an extremely charged and hostile political discourse that targets my community. This election has chosen our community as the scapegoat, and while the elites run free from their corruption scandals and the cost of living crisis slaps the most underprivileged communities hardest in the face. Here we are debating my mother’s right to wear a scarf over her head. < Back It’s a Good Day to Fight the System: Students Protest Zemmour By Ismaeel Yaqoob March 30, 2022 ‘’It’s a good day / To fight the system,’’ the famous lyrics by Shungudzo blared out as we stood together, on the Franco-Italian border, in solidarity with the everyday mistreatment of refugees in this exact place. We stood in solidarity with the women, the Muslims, the Jewish people, the disabled, and every minority that Zemmour has targeted in his bigoted campaign for presidency. Sciences Po Menton students did not disappoint, responding avidly to our call out, by in two days, mobilizing a coalition of students, local residents, trade unionists and activists from Italy through Nice. The crowd was a diverse tapestry of people from all around the world, all political colors, races, and languages coming out to reject the visit of Zemmour in Menton. There was something powerful about the moment where hundreds shouted towards the border police that formed a wall between us and Zemmour who was interviewing officers at the frontier post, “Solidarité avec les réfugiés.” We demonstrated that we were not turning a blind eye to the humanitarian crisis at this border and view justice as the right of passage for refugees. Our chants echoed through the town of Menton that day, from “Riviera Antifa,” to “On est tous contre le racisme,” to “solidarité avec les sans-papiers.” Music blared from campus anthems like “C’est la vie” to the Zemmour remix of “Ne reviens pas” to Stormzy’s “Shut Up” to “Boushret Keir.” We brought an energy that older activists told me they had never seen in Menton. They thanked us for giving them hope that the university was producing conscious students with initiative, energy, and drive. As a Muslim living in France, it has been difficult facing the day to day reality of an extremely charged and hostile political discourse that targets my community. This election has chosen our community as the scapegoat, and while the elites run free from their corruption scandals and the cost of living crisis slaps the most underprivileged communities hardest in the face. Here we are debating my mother’s right to wear a scarf over her head. The reality of Eric Zemmour’s discourse is not polemic or controversialWith his plans to force Muslims in France to change their names to something more “french-sounding,” his essentialist view on gender roles, and criticisms of so-called LGBT propaganda, it is outright fascism. Let’s not forget that he has also been convicted twice now on charges of provocation of racial hatred for his numerous discriminatory comments against Muslims. He has also sought to rewrite history, talking up part of France’s collaboration with the Nazis under Petain. This rhetoric is setting France back generations on the progress it has made at the political and legal level when it comes to discrimination and minority rights. A day before the protest we hosted a sign making session, in which students demonstrated their solidarity and disgust at the candidate’s visit with phrases such as “Zemmour rentre chez toi;” “On est tous les enfant d'immigrés;” “Solidarité avec les femmes du monde entier;” “les jeunes contre fascisme;” “LGBTQI fièrement contre Zemmour” “Plus d’amour, pas Zemmour.” The colors, creativity, and designing skills were all a perfect demonstration of the artistic flair and talent within our student body, that was truly activated in this beautiful show of solidarity with all marginalized groups. The truth is that Menton is a beautiful place, where some very ugly things happen. Menton is a town where the streets are perfect and the sun is always shining, but just a few kilometers away, a humanitarian crisis is taking place with daily police violence at the border. It is often easy to turn a blind eye to these things —that is the nature of these operations. They exist, so we do not see anything. This time our small town where the far-right typically flourishes sent a clear message that there is no place for fascists here. Eric Zemmour spends his days running a campaign that targets any and every minority that exists. We marched in solidarity with refugees, Muslims, women, Jews, the LGBT community, immigrants, people of color, and all other minorities to say that we will not let his presence be normalized. We will fight against his politics of hate. We shouted for solidarity with refugees, we shouted to condemn racism and misogyny, we shouted for our community from all around the world. We have taken up space, been loud and unapologetic in our sleepy university town, uniting locals and the international student body alike in a beautiful display of hope, peace and love that we can be very proud of.

Le refus de Netanyahu de démissionner laisserait son gouvernement extrémiste au pouvoir, prolongeant la guerre et limitant la possibilité d’une pacification post-guerre. < Back Après la guerre, quel futur pour l’Israël? By Anna Halpern January 31, 2024 La guerre entre l’Israël et le Hamas, nous en entendons tous parler. Que se soit pour le procès de l’Afrique du Sud contre l’Israël, accusé de génocide à la CIJ (Cour Internationale de Justice), pour des questions humanitaires ou sécuritaires, le gouvernement Israélien est critiqué très fortement non seulement par la communauté internationale, mais aussi par les Israéliens eux-mêmes. En effet, le pire manquement sécuritaire de l'État Hébreux depuis une génération et même depuis sa création a secoué la scène politique Israélienne. Du gouvernement dont les positions violentes se sont trouvées confortées dans leur haine de l’autre, aux pacifistes pointant du doigt les problème liés à un conflit de plus de 75 ans, aux opposants du gouvernement attaquant Netanyahu pour ses problèmes judiciaires et son incapacité à prévenir les événements du 7 octobre, cette guerre est perçue comme un tournant. La question reste la suivante à ce carrefour de l’histoire Israélienne: quelle voie va-t-elle emprunter quand la guerre sera finie? Tout d’abord, pour comprendre la situation politique Israélienne il est important de revenir sur les événements du 6 octobre 1973 et leurs impacts. En effet, on ne peut manquer de faire le parallèle avec la guerre de Kippour déclenchée exactement 50 ans et un jour avant. Les forces armées Israéliennes s’étaient retrouvées prises au dépourvu quand une coalition de pays Arabes menés par l’Egypte et la Syrie ont attaqué l'Israël le jour de Yom Kippour, le jour le plus sacré pour les juifs. Ce grave manquement sécuritaire avait à l’époque été reçu comme un choc. L'Israël, malgré sa victoire militaire, y avait perdu de son image de puissance militaire sans faille et le gouvernement avait failli en ignorant des informations qui leur avaient été transmises et en manquant cruellement de préparation face à cette attaque. L’impact de cette guerre sur la politique Israélienne ne peut être ignoré. En effet, l'Israël ayant perdu de sa confiance en son système défensif s’est engagé dans une voie de pacification avec les accords de Camp David avec l’Egypte. De plus, le désastre sécuritaire subi par l'Israël mène Golda Meir (la première ministre Israélienne) à démissionner le 11 avril 1974 et à la création de la commission Agranat créée pour enquêter sur ces manquements de la part des forces de défenses Israéliennes et de la Première Ministre. Dans le cadre de la guerre Israël-Hamas et de l’attaque du 7 octobre, il est plus que probable que l’on voit un processus similaire se produire, étant donné que non seulement l’opposition politique, mais la grande majorité de la population Israélienne exige la démission de Netanyahu (Selon un sondage mené par l'Institut démocratique israélien paru début janvier, seulement 15% des Israéliens se disent favorables au maintien du Premier Ministre au pouvoir après la guerre). Il semble donc que dans un futur post-guerre les Israéliens soient très motivés à rejeter le gouvernement Likoud en faveur probablement de Yair Lapid, le leader de l’opposition, ou de Benny Gantz. Selon la proposition de Lapid, le futur de Gaza pourrait être une administration par une coalition d’États Arabes tels que l’Arabie Saoudite et les Emirats Arabes Unis, mais incluant l’Autorité Palestinienne (AP). Néanmoins, la paix ne serait pas facile, surtout avec le maintien de sa position sur une déradicalisation nécessaire de l’AP avant sa participation. En outre, le futur reste encore très flou. Le refus de Netanyahu de démissionner laisserait son gouvernement extrémiste au pouvoir, prolongeant la guerre et limitant la possibilité d’une pacification post-guerre. D’autre part, chaque instant que la guerre se prolonge, l'Israël perd du soutien international, et il est impossible de nier que cela impactera forcément le déroulement du processus de paix.

Alors que les pays occidentaux et leurs soutiens s’enferrent à nier les fondements de l’ordre international qu’ils ont proclamé du haut de leur puissance, il apparaît qu’une nouvelle impulsion risque de renverser l’inconséquence complice des pays du Nord. En effet, le ‘Sud global’ entend bien chasser les marchands du Temple. < Back Au Sud global, rien de nouveau à l’horizon Lubin Parisien December 31, 2024 La France s’est félicitée du mandat d’arrêt de la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) contre le président russe Vladimir Poutine, pourtant elle a fait grise mine quand ce fut au tour du premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu d’être recherché par la CPI. La France a critiqué l’argument de la Mongolie, qui, se basant sur l’article 98 du Statut de Rome fondateur de la CPI et dont la Mongolie est partie, a refusé d’arrêter Vladimir Poutine en visite dans le pays sous prétexte que la Russie n’est pas partie du Statut de Rome. Cependant, la France a ensuite mobilisé l’article 98 pour justifier son refus a priori de procéder à l’arrestation du premier ministre israélien car Israël n’est pas partie non plus de la CPI. Quelle différence entre MM. Netanyahu et Poutine au regard du droit international? Aucune, si ce n’est que le premier est l’allié de la France et le second son ennemi. Alors que les pays occidentaux et leurs soutiens s’enferrent à nier les fondements de l’ordre international qu’ils ont proclamé du haut de leur puissance, il apparaît qu’une nouvelle impulsion risque de renverser l’inconséquence complice des pays du Nord. En effet, le ‘Sud global’ entend bien chasser les marchands du Temple. L’expression est chic, elle est commune et elle semble depuis 15 ans avoir une utilisation constante . L’incurie de l’Occident au regard du droit international—l’Irak en 2003 et les Palestiniens peuvent témoigner des manquements des pays du Nord—n’est plus à prouver. Pour autant, est-ce un fait exclusif au Nord? La Mongolie aussi a dû mobiliser des trésors de mauvaises fois pour accueillir Vladimir Poutine : l’affirmation des Etats du Sud global ne se conjugue manifestement pas par une perspective meilleure pour un ordre international plus juste. Les bons vieux instruments de l’hypocrisie et de l’indignation sélective sont appropriés sans modération par un Sud global pourtant porteur de promesses évanescentes. 80 ans dans les marges du monde Avant même de définir le Sud global un fait révélateur s’offre à nous: le Sud se définit séparément ou contre le Nord, contre un Occident composé de pays indéniablement puissants, dominateurs et riches, en premier lieu les Etats-Unis, les Etats européens, le Canada, quelques pays d’Asie ainsi que l’Australie et la Nouvelle-Zélande. Le reste, c’est le ‘Sud.’ Quand il y a un Sud, il y a un Nord, le truisme n’est pas révolutionnaire, mais il montre bien ce qu’induit l’expression de Sud global, c’est-à-dire une partie du monde autre, différente des puissances dominantes et dominatrices occidentales. Ainsi, le Sud global se définit en premier lieu par ce qu’il n’est pas. De tous ses ancêtres, le plus fameux est le concept de « Tiers-monde » énoncé pour la première fois par Alfred Sauvy en 1952, lequel dresse le parallèle avec le Tiers-Etat de l’Ancien Régime et son état de servitude. Les pays dont parle M. Sauvy sont en effet à peine sortis de la colonisation et de la sujétion aux puissances européennes déchues. En Afrique, après 1960, les pays anciennement colonisés par la France tombent souvent dans son escarcelle par une tutelle de fait et un ‘paternalisme’ pudiquement appelé « Françafrique. » Politiquement, la manifestation la plus ‘pure’ de l’originalité de ce Tiers-monde réside dans le mouvement des non-alignés. Alors que la Guerre froide sépare le monde en deux, des Etats comme la Yougoslavie de Tito, l’Indonésie de Soekarno ou l’Egypte de Nasser sont à l’initiative de nombreuses conférences de non-alignés, à Brioni en 1956 ou à Bandung en 1955 . En somme, deux faits sont à retenir: ces Etats non-alignés sont souvent portés par des figures et des membres plus éminents et importants comme l’Inde ou l’Egypte. En outre, il y a toujours la question du leadership et des batailles pour se l’accaparer. Tout parallèle avec l’Inde ou le Brésil aujourd’hui est purement fortuit. De uxièmement, ces pays se conçoivent à l’écart du grand jeu international, et c’est sur cette base qu’ils légitiment leur positionnement et leurs tentatives d’affirmation. Mais cette posture ne doit pas cacher des dissensions et la réalité des luttes de pouvoirs internes: en effet, un Nasser s’est singulièrement rapproché de l’URSS, la conférence des non-alignés de 1966 à La Havane est tout aussi singulièrement liée à l’URSS. A côté, des pays comme la Yougoslavie s’en sont toujours tenus à une prudente neutralité depuis 1948, bien que Tito soit communiste. Ces pays sont donc bien souvent totalement imbriqués dans les querelles de pouvoirs internationales structurantes, ils ne sont pas véritablement une alternative unique et réelle à l’ordre qui se construit alors sur la terreur du feu nucléaire. Le Sud global se nourrit aussi de la bipartition que font les géographes et les géopolitologues entre les pays du Nord et les pays du Sud, qui, en réalité, provient de la définition donnée précédemment. Cette bipartition séparait les pays sur un critère de développement, sur des données comme l’IDH ou le PIB par habitant. Dans les années 1980, une telle classification avait une certaine pertinence, les pays du Nord étant riches et développés, les pays du Sud étant mal classés sur la base des mêmes critères. L'Occident a beau jeu d’apparaître comme la pointe avancée du développement alors que le Sud est là encore dans les marges. Pourtant, cette ligne, dont le manichéisme a toujours été critiqué, est largement abandonnée aujourd’hui: un dossier publié par l’institut Géoconfluences de l’ENS de Lyon affirme ainsi que de « nettes et spectaculaires recompositions géographiques de l’architecture mondiale du développement [sont] intervenues ces quatre dernières décennies. » En outre, des pays comme la Russie sont désormais intégrés au Sud avec le Sud global au titre de son opposition à l’Occident et de sa participation au BRICS, non pas en raison de critères de développement, tandis que la Chine et l’Amérique latine demeure dans le Sud avec l’Afrique et les îles océaniennes malgré des écarts bien plus vastes avec ces derniers qu’avec l’Occident. Toutes ces dénominations—Tiers-monde, non-alignés, fracture Nord-Sud—ont précédé l’appellation de Sud global. Un point commun les réunit: être dans les marges de l’ordre international établi. Mais en fonction du vocable, ces termes peuvent sous-tendre une volonté politique subversive ou plus clairement anti-occidentale: ‘Sud global’ réunit tout cela. Pourtant, la subversion, si elle est proclamée, reste relative. Tout changer pour rien changer L’ordre occidental est démodé. Ses deux poids deux mesures en Palestine et en Ukraine ont récemment confirmé sa décrédibilisation. Sa propension aux guerres sans fin notamment au Moyen-Orient l’a affaibli. Sa prétention universelle ne tient pas longtemps face à l’affirmation de nouvelles puissances. Une formule du président turc Erdogan résume bien un esprit qui court dans les chancelleries du Sud global : « le monde est plus que cinq , » une allusion aux cinq membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité et à l’absence de raisons valables à leurs privilèges en premier desquelle figure le droit de veto. Le concept de Sud global cristallise les critiques légitimes que l'on peut exprimer à l’égard de l’Occident dans le concert des nations. Mais les pays du supposé Sud global ne valent pas mieux. En discutant du Sud global, de son histoire, de ses espoirs, on en oublie un fait essentiel: une imposture fondamentale se cache dans les discours. Pour être honnête, il faut bien cadrer le propos. Il consiste à dénoncer le vernis moral dont se pare l'expression Sud global, un vernis qui se nourrit de la juste contestation de l’incurie occidentale. L’objet n’est pas de discuter de la réalité effective du concept et de sa pertinence dans la description des relations internationales— un article de Bertrand Badie dans la revue du conseil scientifique de l’ONG Attac Les possibles en 2014 résume bien la réalité géopolitique du concept. Notre objectif est plutôt de pointer du doigt les faussaires qui utilisent la dénomination de Sud global dans un discours de justification de politiques étrangères qui doivent nous inquiéter. Erdogan déclare que “le monde est plus que cinq” depuis 2016, mais il a ressorti la formule dans un communiqué du ministère des affaires étrangères en 2023 pour soutenir l'ajout de l’Inde comme membre permanent du Conseil de sécurité. Ce serait un grand changement, mais seulement superficiel, car cela ne s’attaque pas à la racine du problème: l’existence de membres privilégiés. Le but pour l’Inde et la Turquie par derrière est simplement de s’emparer de plus de pouvoirs, un objectif bien cynique et qui ne laisse entrevoir aucune voie de progrès dans le concert des nations. Dans un communiqué commun avec la Chine lors d’une rencontre à Astana en 2024, la Turquie affirme que: « en tant que grands pays en développement et membres du “Sud global,” la Chine et la Turquie [...] [s’inscrivent dans] le maintien des normes régissant les relations internationales. » La norme défendue est celle de la course à la puissance, et non pas un droit vigoureux et égalitaire entre les Etats, puisque la Turquie a approuvé de facto l’existence d’une hiérarchie des États qu’il souhaite simplement élargir. De plus, la question du leadership du Sud global présage d’une vision toujours plus prédatrice des relations internationales. Ainsi, les pays des BRICS (Brésil, Russie, Inde, Chine et Afrique du Sud, avant l’élargissement), se disputent le rôle du chef de file ou simplement pour affirmer sa propre influence, d’où l’ aide apportée par Lula pour pousser la candidature, acceptée, de l’Argentine. La rivalité entre l’Inde et la Chine qui se cristallise au Cachemir ou dans le financement chinois du port de Gwadar au Pakistan est un exemple de ces rivalités au sein de la fausse unité qu’est le Sud global. Or, pendant ce temps, certains de ces chefs de file perpétuent de vieilles techniques de domination. Le ‘piège de la dette,’ bien que souvent fantasmé, demeure révélateur des techniques employées par la Chine pour s’assurer le soutien d’Etats fragiles peu regardants sur les taux d’intérêt de la dette et la bonne gestion des finances publiques, à l’instar du Sri Lanka sous la férule du clan Rajapaksa. Il mena le pays à la faillite notamment en acceptant des contrats d’entreprises chinoises telle que le port de Hambantota, dont l’utilité reste à démontrer. Le pays, exsangue, a dû accepter la cession d’un bail de 99 ans à la Chine en 2019. Les pays puissants du Sud global semblent faire peu de cas d’une quelconque éthique vis-à-vis des autres pays du Sud lui-même. Dans la construction d’un récit autour d’un Sud global, il y a la dénonciation du double-standard des Occidentaux quant au respect du droit international, visiblement optionnel quand il s’agit de M. Netanyahu ou de Georges W. Bush sur les actes commis par l’armée américain à Abou Ghraib par exemple. L’Afrique du Sud a décidé d’y remédier en décembre 2023 au sujet de la guerre menée par Israël à Gaza, dénoncé comme un génocide auprès de la Cour internationale de justice. Certains parlaient du pays comme du “ fer de lance ” du Sud global—toujours la question du leadership de ce Sud global. On peut toutefois croire que le motif de la plainte n’est pas qu’humanitaire, cet intérêt à être le “fer de lance” semble être déterminant. En effet, l’Afrique du Sud n’a eu aucune gêne d’accueillir sur son sol en 2015 Omar al-Béchir, dictateur à l’époque du Soudan, recherché par la CPI —dont l’Afrique du Sud est membre—pour notamment des faits de génocide durant la guerre du Darfour en 2003. Il y a eu environ 300 000 morts selon Amnesty international . Le deux poids deux mesures, loin d’être le fait propre de l’Occident, est aussi utilisé par des pays du Sud global qui profite du discours favorable induit par l’expression, une rhétorique d’atmosphère rudement pratique quand il s’agit de dissimuler ses propres contradictions et hypocrisies. Le Sud global incarne à bien des égards les espoirs pour un ordre international débarrassé des impérialismes et des néo-colonialismes. Pourtant, il y a une tension fondamentale entre l’usage qui en fait et l’image positive que l’on peut avoir de ces pays avec la réalité plus inquiétante de la politique de ces pays, renversant la table pour mieux jouer au même jeu que les grandes puissances d’antan. Ces espoirs sont nécessaires, mais il est illusoire d’attendre beaucoup du Sud global en tant que fausse unité. Tant que les ambitieux, les tribuns et les leaders autoproclamés d’un quelconque monde ‘libre’ seront aux commandes, le cynisme sera le gouvernail du concert des nations. En Occident comme dans le Sud, et comme le montre les protestations mondiales contre l’inaction occidentale par rapport à la politique israélienne en Palestine, c’est aux peuples de s’emparer des questions géopolitiques, c’est à eux de rappeler la nécessité d’un ordre mondial uni pour la paix, du Nord au Sud.

All of these realities are undisputable, and for many women, especially those living in displacement camps, they shape everyday life. Yet this framing, while alarmingly accurate, is incomplete: it captures what is done to these women, not how they respond to it. It reduces their lived experience to suffering alone, overlooking the many forms of agency they cling to, their organization and leadership that persist even in the most fragile of conditions. < Back There is a woman in Somalia Ibtissem Remdane September 16, 2026 Women in Somalia are majorly described through the language of weakness: conflict, displacement, violence and loss. Somalian women make up 49.9% of Somalia’s total population. The country ranks among the worst for women’s rights , with a UNDP Gender Inequality Index score of 0.776, where a score of 1 indicates complete gender inequality. Furthermore, a startling 99 percent of women between the ages of 15 and 49 years have undergone Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) . All of these realities are undisputable, and for many women, especially those living in displacement camps, they shape everyday life. Yet this framing, while alarmingly accurate, is incomplete: it captures what is done to these women, not how they respond to it. It reduces their lived experience to suffering alone, overlooking the many forms of agency they cling to, their organization and leadership that persist even in the most fragile of conditions. In displacement camps, life is governed by uncertainty. Families arrive after fleeing drought or war zones, only to find spaces that offer limited protection and scarce resources. For these women, this instability translates into a constant negotiation for survival. Each day begins with urgent, practical questions: how to access water, how to feed children, how to secure small amounts of income, how to maintain safety in spaces where privacy is minimal and protection is inadequate. The risks are particularly acute and routine tasks such as collecting firewood or fetching water expose women and girls to harassment and violence. Overcrowding, weak infrastructure and limited access to healthcare actively deepens that vulnerability. Moreover, the economic pressure forces difficult choices, sometimes pushing families toward early marriage for daughters or precarious forms of labor. Yet focusing solely on vulnerability obscures an important truth: women are the ones who make survival possible. Within camps, they are the ones rationing food supplies, caring for children, and attempting to find stability when there has been none since 1991. This work is constant and demanding, but is rarely recognized as such. It is dismissed and reduced as background even though it underpins every aspect of the daily lives in these camps. Beyond individual households, women also act collectively, which is where their strength lies. In many camps, they build informal networks that sustain entire communities. These networks are practical and immediate, again, sharing food, rotating childcare, exchanging information and offering emotional support. They are not the formal institutions which were promised to them for protection, and they remain invisible in official accounts, but still they are essential. When those formal systems fail, it is these structures of solidarity that fill the gap. They demonstrate a form of social organization that is both adaptive and incredibly resilient. This collective dimension challenges the claim of passivity often associated with certain humanitarian narratives attributed to women in Somalia. They are not simply the recipients of aid, they are active participants trying to rebuild their country. While organizing around necessity, they at the same time respond to gaps in services and develop systems that allow families to endure. Their agency, in this context, does not mean freedom from constraint. It means acting within these very constraints and making decisions, however limited, that influence outcomes for themselves and others. There is also a broader political dimension to women’s roles in Somali society. As even when excluded from formal positions of power, they have long contributed to community mediation and peacebuilding. Especially in local disputes where they commonly help to maintain dialogue or reduce tensions. By championing cohesion across certain families and clans, writing about Somalia or advocating for it, their influence is unofficial but significant. Displacement camps are not isolated spaces, they are embedded within wider social and political dynamics. And the same women managing daily survival are also participants in these larger processes of negotiation and stability. One of the most persistent challenges in writing about women in Somalia is the issue of visibility. Even finding enough resources to write this article proved tricky. The facts are acknowledged and talked about extensively, but more often than not without centering their own trauma and voices. Their leadership is evident in practice, but rarely recognized as political. This gap between reality and representation conditions how their experiences are understood, and therefore, misunderstood. A more accurate account must therefore hold two truths simultaneously. Women in Somalia face serious and devastatingly brutal forms of violence, displacement and have to live with longstanding grievances. It hinders any choices they could ever make, and creates an ever-present system of ongoing harm. But the most important point there is to emphasize is that within these constraints Somali women are not passive. They act, organize, react and lead . Yes, their agency may be constrained, informal or unrecognized, but it is nonetheless very real. This dual reality is especially visible in the displacement camps and local communities in Somalia. They are spaces of hardship but also of social persistence. Again, these women hold communities together, sustain networks of support and care and create forms of order where little exists. They do not simply endure crisis, they shape how it is lived. Writing about women in Somalia in this way does not diminish the severity of the challenges they face. Rather, it tries to provide a fuller picture, one that recognizes not only vulnerability but also tenacity. Not only loss but also the capacity to respond. It is an active survival where agency exists not despite crisis, but intrinsically and fervently within it. Photo Source: Ilyas Ahmed

September 16, 2026 There is a woman in Somalia All of these realities are undisputable, and for many women, especially those living in displacement camps, they shape everyday life. Yet this framing, while alarmingly accurate, is incomplete: it captures what is done to these women, not how they respond to it. It reduces their lived experience to suffering alone, overlooking the many forms of agency they cling to, their organization and leadership that persist even in the most fragile of conditions. Read More March 31, 2026 Interview with Lenka Králová for the International Trans Day of Visibility Lenka is a trans woman, an activist, a parent, a podcaster with two shows called V Tranzu and TLK–Talkshow with Lenka Králová, a person with an incredible sense of fashion, an artist, former IT developer and a new member of the Czech Pirate Party. Read More March 15, 2026 The Question of Palestine as a Feminist Issue Palestine is often discussed as a geopolitical conflict. Yet it is fundamentally a feminist issue. Palestinian women face violence due to the genocide Israel is committing, seen through reproductive violence and healthcare deprivation. This leads Palestinian women to be disproportionately affected by different forms of violence fundamentally shaped by the occupation Read More February 20, 2026 The Art of Becoming: How Movies Help Us Grow Sometimes growth begins in places we do not expect. Not after a life changing event, or a dramatic turning point, but during a movie scene that lasts only a few seconds. A moment so small that, if you were distracted, you could miss completely. Yet for those of us, these seconds can stay with us for longer than entire conversations. They settle in quietly, becoming part of how you remember, feel, and reflect. They touch something inside you before you can understand what is happening. And those few seconds, those tiny pieces of art, can become the beginning of who you are slowly becoming. This is how movies have helped me grow, not through dramatic lessons, but through quiet moments that slowly shape who I am becoming. Read More February 15, 2026 The Iranian Judicial System: Institutionalizing Fear and Repression As mass protests continue to spread in Iran, understanding how the system of arbitrary detention is maintained is crucial in order to determine how it can be addressed. Arbitrary detention encompasses not only illegal detentions but also deprivations of liberty that, even when lawful, are disproportionate, unreasonable, or lack due process. Read More December 5, 2025 Renewal of the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. Read More November 26, 2025 What Women Learn to Endure: How Early Socialization Shapes the Structural Roots of Intimate Partner Violence On average, 24% of women within the EU face Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). In Finland this figure rises to 30% with Denmark being even higher at 32%. In the context of the Nordics, 28% and 27% of Swedish and Norwegian women experienced IPV respectively. These relatively high statistics are described as the Nordic paradox, which explores why countries that are often described as models of egalitarianism face the highest rates of IPV. Read More November 15, 2025 Syria's Invisible Wounds: When Justice Must Rebuild What Violence Destroyed During Human Rights Week, I had the opportunity to hear from Noura Ghazi, a Syrian human rights lawyer and founder of Nophotozone. Her reflections centered on the wounds that linger beneath the surface — wounds inflicted by years of arbitrary arrests, torture, and enforced disappearances. At the conference “Syria in 2025 : Justice, Memory, and the Road Ahead,” Ghazi addressed one of the most painful chapters in Syria’s recent history. She spoke about the chaotic and sudden opening of prisons controlled by the regime and the dark consequences that followed. Read More November 13, 2025 Beyond Ceasefires: Building Lasting Peace with Art From Shatila to Menton, artist Maryam Samaan turns puppets and knitting into spaces for healing and dialogue. Read More November 11, 2025 Quand le Caire faisait rêver le monde arabe, l’âge d’or du cinéma égyptien. Dans son ouvrage Arab Cinema : History and Cultural Identity (1998), Viola Shafik affirme que l’Egypte était le premier pays arabe à produire une industrie cinématographique dont la production était supérieure, en quantité, à celui des autres nations arabes. Read More April 30, 2025 The Price of Blood: Syria’s Alawites and the Cost of Power Syria’s post-Assad experiment will be judged not only by who governs, but by how it treats those on the losing side of power. Will justice be pursued through institutions, or through revenge? Will Syria embrace unity, or settle into division? These are not abstract questions. They are matters of life and death, national identity and regional balance. Read More April 30, 2025 Syria Today: Post-Assad Turmoil and Efforts to Rebuild Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. Read More April 30, 2025 The Future of Air Warfare: Sixth-Generation Aircraft & the Race for China, Europe & the U.S. Just as the early 20th century saw an arms race over battleships, today’s world is entering a new era of aerial arms competition, where superiority is not only measured by performance but also by how well systems communicate, adapt and dominate. Ultimately, the effectiveness of these next-generation systems will not be fully known until they are tested—not in simulations, but in war. Read More April 30, 2025 « Tombez amoureux de l’Europe ! » Le message d’espoir du président Enrico Letta Il y a un siècle les Français et les Allemands se battaient pour déplacer leur frontière, aujourd’hui celle-ci ne semble même pas exister quand on la croise. » raconte Letta à l’ouverture de l’interview. Il faut trouver une histoire globale européenne, et comment cette institution bénéficie à tous les citoyens. Read More April 30, 2025 Sanctions: The Key to a Longstanding, Powerful, Authoritarian Regime Sanctions do more than empty out grocery aisles and indirectly kill the innocent recipients. While the proposed intention is to combat autocratic regimes through economic means, rather than traditional uses of violence, the effect is often counterintuitive, propping up the very regimes they aim to weaken. Read More March 31, 2025 From Paradise to Perimeter Defence: What Making the Pacific a Military Playground Means for its Indigenous People It's a smart idea—if you’re the US government. Get rid of all your pesky hazardous material on an irrelevant island 6,607 miles away from the land of the free. Burn it up, blow it up, it’s all the same. Unfortunately for everyone else, the cost-benefit analysis is slightly less clear-cut. Read More March 31, 2025 Marseille, toujours une ville d’immigration? Marseille, deuxième ville de France, port phare de la Méditerranée, permet de comprendre la complexité du rapport entre la France et l’immigration. Une sorte de « je t’aime, moi non plus », d’une réécriture de la véritable histoire de l’imigration, ou encore d’un profond melting pot urbain. D’un côté, Marseille est une des villes les plus cosmopolites de France, avec une partie de la population favorable à plus d’immigration. D’un autre, un électorat de plus en plus séduit par les discours anti-immigration du Rassemblement national (RN). Read More March 31, 2025 Hey Chat! How sustainable are you? When we speculate about the takeover of artificial intelligence, we envision robots and robots with human-like abilities toppling the human race. However, as humans continue to deplete their own environment without regard to the rights of others, it becomes more and more clear that the revolution of artificial intelligence is already underway. At this rate, it is not the machines that will destroy us, but rather ourselves. Read More February 28, 2025 America First, Migrants Last: Trump’s New Southern Border Policy Trump’s new border policy isn’t as simple as just closing the border and getting “terrorists the hell out” of the United States. It encompasses a myriad of endeavors, each dealing a blow to the U.S.’ immigration program, which comprises one-fifth of the entire world’s international migrants. Read More February 28, 2025 Corps et Conscience: L’Écriture révoltée de Nawal El Saadawi La liberté implique-t-elle nécessairement la solitude? Ou bien avons-nous, malgré tout, besoin d’un témoin, d’un appui, d’une présence pour exister pleinement? Read More

June 3, 2026 Être élève à SciencesPo quand son pays est en guerre 65% des étudiants du campus de Menton de SciencesPo sont des étudiants internationaux, dont une partie est originaire de pays du Moyen Orient touchés par des conflits ou des crises profondes. Si certains conservent l'espoir d'un retour, d'autres font état d'une « relation difficile avec le pays pour lequel il porte de l’amour mais qu’il a à la fois toujours voulu quitter », ne souhaitant plus y vivre. Ce paradoxe entre attachement et répulsion marque le quotidien de ces étudiants, partagés entre leur cursus en France et les instabilités qui touchent leur pays d'origine. Read More February 25, 2026 Why I Drag a Suitcase to Italy for Groceries Everyone loves the convenience of a quick grocery store run. I, too, once lived that life of luxury. Living a mere two-minute walk from Carrefour, I thought I had made it. I could roll out of bed, grab a pain au chocolat and be back before my coffee cooled. Read More February 25, 2026 The Art of Domestic Failure: An Anthology of Apartment Mishaps You can analyze political theory and debate international policy, but nothing in the Sciences Po curriculum prepares you for the true test of intellect and will: surviving your own apartment. I learned this the hard way, one domestic disaster at a time. Read More December 22, 2025 Menton’s Senior Citizens Won’t Bite: Go Talk to Them! Shortly after arriving in Menton this August, I got the sense that the town’s older residents are not particularly fond of Sciences Pistes. For many students, this might not come as such a shock. After Integration Week, complaints echoed through the Old Town. As one woman eloquently put it, “Sciences Po drove us crazy until 3 in the morning !” The objections vary in subtlety, from frustrated sighs and muttered grievances to water-pouring incidents on the heads of unsuspecting Le Rétro-goers. Read More September 30, 2025 How I Survive the Walk to School Without Losing my Will to Live Everyone loves to brag about how they can roll out of bed five minutes before class and still make it to class on time. (Good for you, king. May your alarm never betray you.) Meanwhile, some of us are out here having our own daily Olympic event—a 20-30 minute trek to campus. Every. Single. Day. Character-building, they say. Trauma, I reply. Read More September 30, 2025 On Becoming Mentonnais Yet, for much of my first few days, the town seemed quite impersonal to me: I felt disconnected. Because for all its beauty, I felt as if Menton always found a way to avoid intimacy. It pushed me to ask, what does it mean to be a part of this town anyways? Read More September 29, 2025 There's No Place Like Home I have always felt that way because “home”, to me, has always been a patchwork. There’s the place you were born, the one you grew up in, the countries tied to your heritage, and now a campus far away from everything you ever knew. Each one of them feels like “home,” but then again none of them quite do. They overlap and argue with each other—they coexist like siblings fighting over the bigger room. Read More September 28, 2025 Locals Versus Students: One Town, Two Communities When you search Menton on the internet, you’re greeted with pictures of lemon trees, sparkling blue water, and beautiful multi-colored buildings dotting the coast. It seems like a no-brainer when choosing your Sciences Po campus – who wouldn’t want to live in one of the most beautiful towns in the world? But as students arrived in August, they began to realize that living in Menton might not be as pleasant as it seems online. Read More September 27, 2025 A Year in Retrospect Accepting that “leaving one place does not mean that I leave my problems behind” is the biggest lesson this place has, accidentally or not, taught me. Being content where one is is a choice, although not an easy one. Life can be a lot of work, even when living on the Riviera. Read More April 30, 2025 An Ode To Menton: Notes From the Edge of France As we 2As prepare for our departure, I wonder what my biased memory will frame my time in Menton to be. Is living in the Côte D’Azur really as luxe as Instagram stories sell-it to be? This is my little reflection to remember the highs and the lows while they're still fresh in my memory. Here are ten lessons (from the 100s) from Menton Read More April 30, 2025 Cocteau’s Azur: Exploring Queerness in Menton At first glance, Menton appears to be a quaint and peaceful town on the French Riviera—a place of leisure, history, and, of course, lemons. But is Menton truly as fruity as it seems? Read More March 31, 2025 Choose Your Fighter: Dual Degree Edition Though they are both great, one has to be better, right? Is being a Lion superior to being a Golden Bear? Are the views of the Bay more attractive than the sights of the Big Apple? Read More

Student associations were especially active in the month of February, hosting a variety of exciting events throughout the month. Click the link in our bio to read more about events hosted by Babel, MEDMUN, LFP, Environnementon, BDA, SSA and more! < Back February Associations Recap By Celeste Abourjeili March 31, 2022 Vegan Barbeque & Veganuary For the month of February, Environnementon was active in promoting a belated Veganuary. Students were encouraged to give up meat and become vegetarian, pescatarian, or vegan for the entire month. Besides recipe recommendations and TikToks on its Instagram, the association hosted a vegan barbeque with a plentiful menu at the Zoo on February 20. Sciences Palestine book club Throughout the month of February, Sciences Palestine held its second book club of the year. Every Sunday, participants discussed the short poetic novel "Touch" by Adania Shibli, combining literary analysis with insight on the Palestinian struggle. The next book club will be about "Salt Houses" by Hala Alyan — it's not too late to join! BDA Valent’art week BDA's Valent'art Week was both online and on campus. While the board members presented each day some of their favorite artworks on love via Instagram, the week was full of events. Monday was kicked off by an Acoustic Romantic Jam Session by our Music Club in Espace Etudiant, as well as the opening of poem submission. On Wednesday was held a workshop on "the art of Healing" in which our participants talked and drew their representation of love. The week finished on Friday with the final poem display in collaboration with SciencesPoésie to read, talk, and share thoughts about love. LFP x MEDMUN simulation On February 10, students came together in the big amphitheater to watch a collaborative simulation between LFP and MEDMUN. A collaboration between La Fabrique Politique and MEDMUN, the event ended with XX. Philosophical Society x UGE event: what kind of leftist are you? Students gathered together in the Soundproof living room on February 12 to find out what kind of leftist they are. With interactive activities, the event led to fruitful discussions about ideology, and more specifically, what constitutes a leftist ideology. Prix Richard Descoing On the 19th of February, students from each of the various campuses gathered in the conveniently-named Richard Descoing amphitheater to witness candidates compete in the prestigious ‘ Prix Richard Descoing ’ competition. The yearly competition celebrates the eloquence and rhetorical skills of Sciences Po students. Menton’s own Raphaël Phanor took home the prize for enthusiasm. MEDMUN drunk crisis MEDMUN’s crisis team gathered students together at Soundproof on February 19 to simulate the Menton administration in a battle against lemon-robbing students. The simulation ended student autonomy, the death of the evil dog of Rue Longue, and immense student wealth — in real life, the event ended with drunk (and happy) participants. BDE x Babel valentine’s day party BDE and Babel collaborated to host a party at Soundproof on February 19, which was moved to Sablettes and Bastion as the night progressed. The party included students from other campuses who were visiting for the Prix Richard Descoings. SSA Relationships Talk On February 22, the Student Support Alliance hosted a spa night and screening of Inside Out. Students channeled the spirit of Valentine's Day into self-love with nail-painting, homemade face masks, and a classic feel-good movie. Babel culture week In the build-up to Babel’s trip to Tunisia, the team organized a week full of cultural events ranging from a cooking session, to a henna station, to a movie night at the Eden cinema. The Tunisian-themed events got students excited for the spring break. Columbia Dual BA Event On March 19, Foxes & Lions did a “hazing” night to officiate 1A dual BAers into the program. It featured trivia questions about Columbia and a push-up contest, among other fun activities. Mafia remembrance protests On March 21, Understanding the Mafia collaborated with several other associations to march to the Franco-Italian border bearing the names of victims of the mafia. They were met at the border by a partner association from Italy.

Marseille, deuxième ville de France, port phare de la Méditerranée, permet de comprendre la complexité du rapport entre la France et l’immigration. Une sorte de « je t’aime, moi non plus », d’une réécriture de la véritable histoire de l’imigration, ou encore d’un profond melting pot urbain. D’un côté, Marseille est une des villes les plus cosmopolites de France, avec une partie de la population favorable à plus d’immigration. D’un autre, un électorat de plus en plus séduit par les discours anti-immigration du Rassemblement national (RN). < Back Marseille, toujours une ville d’immigration? Raphaël Guermonprez for SPRH March 31, 2025 Ce mois de janvier 2025, le Premier ministre français déclarait que les Français avaient très largement un « sentiment de submersion migratoire. » Pour beaucoup, ce type de métaphore est inhéremment lié à l'extrême droite, qui, depuis toujours, fait des immigrés un réel bouc-émissaire. Dans un contexte politique au point mort, pointer du doigt les migrants comme la faute de ce marasme paraît idéal, surtout dans un pays où près de sept Français sur dix partagent l’impression de Monsieur Bayrou. Marseille, deuxième ville de France, port phare de la Méditerranée, permet de comprendre la complexité du rapport entre la France et l’immigration. Une sorte de « je t’aime, moi non plus », d’une réécriture de la véritable histoire de l’imigration, ou encore d’un profond melting pot urbain. D’un côté, Marseille est une des villes les plus cosmopolites de France, avec une partie de la population favorable à plus d’immigration. D’un autre, un électorat de plus en plus séduit par les discours anti-immigration du Rassemblement national (RN). De nos jours, à Marseille, il n’est pas rare d’entendre, comme ce qu’explique Sarah à France Bleu Provence , « J'ai des collègues qui disent 'Moi, j'en ai marre de tous ces Arabes, de tous ces Noirs, il faut le RN ... Moi, on m'a dit 'Mais toi ça va, tu es intégrée'! Mais pourquoi on me parle d'intégration? Je suis née en France, je suis autant Française que toi! » . Mais quel serait le problème? Qu'est-ce-qui dérange avec l’immigration à Marseille? Y a-t-il une vraie ‘submersion?’ Marseille a-t-elle oublié son histoire faite de récits migratoires? Entre Marseille et l’immigration, une longue histoire Depuis l’Antiquité, la cité phocéenne est sujette à des circulations de populations étrangères. Des Grecs aux Francs en passant par les Italiens, la ville s’est construite avec l’immigration. Néanmoins, il convient de nuancer cette vision, et comprendre que l’immigration telle qu’on la connaît de nos jours s’est amorcée bien après. Même si la Marseille antique connaît des circulations de populations en raison de sa position stratégique dans le bassin méditerrannéen, c’est à partir du XIVème siècle que des individus migrent en Provence pour répondre à la demande de main d'œuvre. Le point fort de la ville, c’est son port. Ce dernier permet un développement commercial de la région et entraîne également une progression de mouvements migratoires et de brassages culturels, issus d’Europe du Sud mais également d’Orient, du XVIème au XIXème siècle. C’est le long des XIXème, XXème et XXIème siècles que l’immigration telle qu’on la connaît de nos jours émerge réellement à Marseille. Cette immigration est liée à deux facteurs. Le premier est le besoin de main d'œuvre. Étant une ville commerciale en développement, des populations italiennes, corses, espagnoles, maghrébines, sud-asiatiques ou encore subsahariennes vont affluer progressivement dans la cité phocéenne. En second lieu, plusieurs populations se sont implantées à Marseille en quête de refuge, fuyant des discriminations, des conflits, voire des génocides, tels que les Arméniens, les Juifs ashkénazes ou encore les pieds-noirs. Une ville tourmentée entre hospitalité et hostilité, pauvretés et richesses Ce qui surprend à Marseille, c’est l’ambivalence qu’il y a vis-à-vis de l’immigration. Étant donné sa proximité avec la mer, mais également son cosmopolitisme déjà très marqué, Marseille est un endroit privilégié d’implantations de la part des populations migrantes, issues surtout de couches défavorisées, par exemple, venant d’Afrique du Nord ou des Comores. C’ est pourquoi plus de 10% de la population du département des Bouches-du-Rhône (Marseille) est immigrée. La pauvreté les entraîne dans les quartiers les moins favorisés de la ville. A titre indicatif, l’écrasante majorité des immigrés Algériens et Comoriens, qui représentent les plus grandes communautés étrangères de la cité phocéenne, habite dans les arrondissements les plus précaires, tels que le 16ème ou le 3ème arrondissements. A l’inverse, Marseille est symbole de réussite et d’insertion pour d’autres immigrés. Des populations d’origine étrangère, étant présentes depuis plusieurs générations à Marseille, habitent dans les zones les plus favorisées de la ville. C’est notamment le cas des Arméniens, ou encore des Italiens. L’homme d’affaires Alain Manoukian en est l’exemple parfait: issu d’une famille ayant fui le génocide arménien, il est fondateur d’une entreprise au chiffre d’affaires à plusieurs dizaines de millions d’euros. Même pour les personnes à l'installation plus ‘récentes’, certains brisent le plafond de verre et connaissent une ascension sociale considérable. C’est le cas du quinquagénaire Karim Loufti , issu d’une famille d’origine marocaine, aujourd’hui à la tête d’un important groupe d’agroalimentaire halal. Marseille est ainsi à la fois une terre propice et une terre hostile au phénomène migratoire. Nous observons d’abord que Marseille, au niveau de l’immigration récente, reste une ville qui accueille. Face à une demande croissante en main d'œuvre, notamment dans les secteurs du bâtiment et des travaux publics, de la sécurité et du gardiennage, ainsi que de l'hôtellerie-restauration , l'immigration est une nécessité au développement économique de la ville. L’économie marseillaise tourne grâce à aux professionnels étrangers, ou aux individus ayant acquis la nationalité française depuis peu. Néanmoins, face aux discours anxiogènes du flanc droit de la scène politique, certains Marseillais s’avèrent de plus en plus hostiles aux immigrés, qu’ils accusent directement de tous les maux, tels que l’insécurité ou encore l’« invasion culturelle », avant même de cerner les raisons de leur déviance et de leur spécificité. La mairie de Marseille, d’orientation socialiste, s’efforce, malgré des désaccords avec d’autres acteurs politiques, comme le gouvernement ou des députés plus à droite, et malgré certaines politiques publiques controversées, de faciliter, à son niveau, l’intégration des immigrés dans l’environnement francoprovençal. En août 2021, d’après Nelly Assénat pour France Bleu Provence, « Deux jours après la prise de pouvoir des talibans en Afghanistan, le maire de Marseille assure que les personnes qui “viennent de Kaboul ou d'ailleurs” auront “toujours une place” à Marseille. » La scène culturelle marseillaise est également engagée pour mettre de la lumière sur la réalité de l’immigration dans la région. Cette réalité est à la fois une chance et une nécessité, mais également souvent une blessure pour ces mêmes migrants, devant quitter leur terre natale en raison de problèmes multidimensionnels, à la recherche de meilleures opportunités. C’est d’ailleurs ce que met en valeur la nouvelle exposition du Musée des civilisations de l’Europe et de la Méditerranée (MUCEM) intitulée « Revenir. » De plus, plusieurs quartiers de la cité phocéenne regorgent d’affiches, de peintures murales et de commerces solidaires, célébrant le cosmopolitisme à la marseillaise, tel que le Cours Julien, ou encore Noailles. Affiche de l’exposition « Revenir » // Graffiti au Cours Julien de Mahn Kloix rendant hommage à l’activiste aidant les migrants Cédric Herrou. La vérité sur les problèmes de la cité phocéenne Bien que la municipalité de Marseille fasse beaucoup d’efforts quant à la régularisation, l'intégration et l’insertion professionnelle des immigrés, il existe une réelle ghettoïsation des quartiers connaissant une forte population immigrée. C’est ce que décrit Philippe Pujol—journaliste de renom international originaire de Marseille. Pour lui, nous assistons à un abandon de la part des pouvoirs publics de ces zones, ce qui crée une réelle isolation, et par conséquent, une tendance significative au banditisme, ce qui explique la forte criminalité de ces endroits. C’est ce que Pujol montre d’ailleurs dans son documentaire « Péril sur la ville » datant de 2020, racontant la dure réalité de la vie dans le quartier défavorisé de la Belle de Mai. L'effondrement de la rue d’Aubagne en 2018, en plein quartier de Noailles, révèle aussi ce manque de prise en charge de ces quartiers, et de leurs habitants, souvent laissés pour compte. Paradoxalement, ce n’est pas la « submersion » qui est réellement préoccupante à Marseille (ni d’ailleurs autre part en France), mais plutôt la mise en péril des couches les plus précaires de la population marseillaise, souvent issues de l’immigration. L’influence des politiques hostiles à l’immigration et à l’aide sociale ne fait qu’aggraver la situation qui, à termes, entraîne une exclusion sociale, elle-même propice à la délinquance et aux incivilités. Dans une recherche approfondie, l’association Ritmo révèle la ségrégation socio-spatiale à Marseille, où le manque d'infrastructures de sport, de culture ou encore de mobilité, dans les quartiers nords (quartiers les plus précaires) est flagrant. Ainsi, le lien entre l’immigration et la cité phocéenne se détériore, du fait d’une précarisation des conditions de vie des populations immigrées et d’un relent xénophobe et raciste de la part d’une partie des Phocéens—adhérents aux idées phares de l'extrême droite française. La seule solution pour réparer ce lien, pourtant nécessaire à la prospérité de la ville, semble être celle d’une meilleure gestion, à une échelle nationale, voire européenne, de la question migratoire, afin d’éviter l'exclusion sociale et favoriser l’intégration socioprofessionnelle. En fin de compte, la seule vague qui semble submerger les Français n’est pas une vague migratoire, mais une vague de radicalisation de la scène politique. Photo source: Jeanne Menjoulet on Flickr

Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. < Back Syria Today: Post-Assad Turmoil and Efforts to Rebuild Maria Eirini Liodi for Sciences Defense April 30, 2025 The fall of the Assad regime in December 2024 marked the end of a dictatorship, leaving Syria free from Assad family rule after 50 years. Surely that’s a cause for celebration... However, Syria finds itself at a new crossroads. It is tasked with establishing stability and security in a nation on the brink of collapse. Today, the landscape remains bleak: 90% of Syrians in the country live below the poverty line. Bread prices have skyrocketed since the new regime lifted subsidies, electricity is available for just a few hours a day, the public sector remains largely unpaid, and banknotes are scarce, leaving the cash-reliant economy in a stranglehold. Adding to its financial constraints, the country remains one of the most heavily sanctioned in the world, second only to Russia and Iran. While the United States has paused its proposed 41% tariffs on Syrian goods, within the general 90-day sanctions pause, the future remains uncertain. Sanctions relief has been alluded to by both the EU and Washington, however, policy ambiguity persists, trapping the country in a precarious limbo. Where does that leave Syria in terms of safety? The country is facing both internal and external threats. Internally, local security has been jeopardized by sectarian violence in recent months, especially from March onwards. Alawites, an ethnoreligious group and Shiite sect living predominantly in Syria, have increasingly been the target of attacks by armed groups supporting the Sunni-Islamist government, who are thought to be carrying out ‘revenge killings’ against those associated with the previous regime. The reasons behind these attacks can be attributed to the Assad regime's legacy, given that Bashar al-Assad himself was an Alawite, and the sect made up a central part of the Shabbiha, an Assad-loyalist paramilitary force that carried out deadly attacks against Sunni civilians during the civil war. Aside from the historical origins of the grievances, an immediate trigger occurred on March 6 when Assad loyalists attacked a local patrol of security forces in the Latakia province, killing at least thirteen people and prompting consequent anti-Alawite attacks and revenge killings. In early March alone, at least 1,000-2,000 civilian casualties, mostly Alawites, were reported by monitoring groups in the regions of Latakia, Tartus, Hama and Homs. More recently, in late April of this year, fourteen Alawites were reportedly abducted and killed in the Homs region. As noted by UN Envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen, “every step towards establishing the rule of law—and moving on transitional justice—will help reassure all components of the Syrian society.” Grievances persist amidst both the Assad loyalists and those in support of the new regime. Additionally, external threats continue to compromise security, as Syria finds itself at the heart of growing Israeli-Turkish tensions. Since December 2024, Israel has carried out repeated airstrikes on Syrian bases, incurring several casualties, while also deploying troops in a UN-patrolled buffer zone in the Golan Heights. The true target of these attacks is Turkey, with Israel’s foreign minister raising concerns of Turkey playing an increasingly “negative role” in Syria. Turkey’s vested interests in Syria are multifaceted. For one, Turkey has been hosting the largest number of Syrian refugees since the start of the civil war. Aiding in the establishment of stability in the country would allow for the repatriation of some Syrian refugees, alleviating pressure on Turkey from hosting 3.2 million Syrian refugees. Turkey’s primary interest, however, lies in sustaining a ‘security corridor’ in northern Syria, tackling counterterrorism linked with Kurdish insurgency on its home grounds, and expanding its soft power through a growing military presence. This comes at a time when Turkey is preparing to deploy air defense systems in Syria’s T4 air base, concurrent with negotiations with the new government for a defense pact . This would increase Turkish presence in the country and bolster Syria’s military. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s response has been clear : Turkish bases in Syria would pose a “danger to Israel.” According to Israeli Defense Minister, Israel Katz, Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa’s new government would “pay a very heavy price” for allowing Turkey to further establish itself in the country. Given the various conflicting external pressures, President Sharaa is called to tread carefully in navigating Syria’s next steps. Despite the turmoil taking Syria by storm, there are some glimmers of hope on the horizon. The new Syrian leadership is taking a cautious stance diplomatically, committed to balancing ties between competing regional powers and positioning itself strategically. Experts suggest that Syria’s transitional government has a rare window of opportunity to reclaim its agency and stability. As such, the government’s next steps are of special importance, especially if sanctions relief is contingent upon counterterrorism cooperation and minority protections. If Syria can leverage its current relative freedom from Irania n dominance and can secure support from international actors and allies, the country may be en route to a sustainable transition away from its years of violence. Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. Photo source: upyernoz on Flickr

Division colors our everyday existence, but do we understand it? From where does the phenomena of polarization arise? In what way does the human psyche interact with digital platforms? How is technology being harnessed to sustain conflict and control the spread of information? And how does this impact our society at large? All this and more will be discussed in the upcoming Student Agora TEDx conference on April 9. < Back The Event of the Year: Student Agora Brings TEDx to Menton By Saoirse Aherne March 31, 2022 Our generation has witnessed the world become increasingly polarized. We were raised on technology which drives conflict, swings elections, fractures families, and facilitates the manipulation of millions. Division colors our everyday existence, but do we understand it? From where does the phenomena of polarization arise? In what way does the human psyche interact with digital platforms? How is technology being harnessed to sustain conflict and control the spread of information? And how does this impact our society at large? All this and more will be discussed in the upcoming Student Agora TEDx conference on April 9. We hope that in the process of understanding these issues, the means by which they can be overcome will begin to take form. Division. Dilemma. Dialogue. The Student Agora has been a presence on the Menton campus since 2016, though it has since gained the TEDx logo. However Agora has always aimed to create a platform for honest dialogue pertaining to contemporary issues. Agora president, Orianna Merer, underlines that the association connects actors within the Menton campus, drawing in artistic talent and consulting expertise from other student-led organizations. But beyond this, Agora aims to involve the community of Menton as a whole by inviting local residents to the April 9th event. Agora - The marketplace in Athens, used for popular meetings, or any similar place of assembly in ancient Greece. The name of this organization encapsulates its mission to create a meeting space where ideas can be explored and developed. In this pursuit, Agora emulates the values of our campus community; we aim to question all that we perceive, we seek to challenge our worldviews, and we build spaces in which productive and authentic discussion flourishes. Each year, the Student Agora organizes a conference, drawing in external and internal speakers to discuss a common theme. The first Agora conference was hosted in 2017, centered on the theme “Dare to Know.” This event showcased a Nobel prize nominee, a Middle East Broadcasting Center spokesperson, and a Syrian online celebrity among other impressive internal and external speakers. Since then, the Agora has continued to facilitate discussion surrounding topics such as “Walls and Shadows” in 2018, “Tales of Expression” in 2019, and “(R)evolutions: Motions for Change” in 2021. Moreover, the Agora has brought the world to Menton and Menton to the world by connecting a network of activists, journalists, filmmakers, politicians, correspondents, and even a Nobel peace prize winner, with the students of our campus. Though the mission of Agora has been interrupted by the presence of COVID-19 over the past two years, Agora returns in 2022 stronger than ever. This year, the conference will be centered around the theme of “Division, Dilemma, and Dialogue,” with a focus on the role of digital platforms in the phenomenon of polarization. Merer notes that what makes Agora so special is the diverse array of internal and international speakers who participate in the conference. She underlines the value of providing an equal platform on which both students and experts can share their experience. According to Merer, an excellent roster of internal speakers has been selected to present at the upcoming conference, from Ismaeel Yaqoob, who will discuss the means to create productive dialogue on campus, to Ferida Altun and Carmen Guintrand, who will explore the instrumentalization of political identities in the upcoming French election. Attendees of the Agora conference can look forward to six thoughtful and provocative speeches from some of our very own Mentonese SciencesPistes on April 9. This year's external speakers are equally as impressive, coming from across the MENA region, North America, and Europe. Each of the external speakers is described in greater detail below: Daoud Kuttab Daoud Kuttab is a Palestianian journalist, media activist and former professor of journalism at Stanford University. Currently, Kuttab is the director general of a non-profit organization dedicated to preserving and advancing independent media in the Arab world. At Agora 2022, Daoud Kuttab will be discussing how journalists in the MENA region can overcome censorship. Remy Dandan Remy Dandan is a French lawyer and YouTuber. On this platform, Dandan provides legal and personal perspective on fundamental rights and freedoms in French public law. Makram Rabah Makram Rabah is a lecturer in the Department of History at the American University of Lebanon and author of a number of books, notably “A Campus at War: Student Politics at the American University of Beirut, 1967-1975.” At Agora 2022, Rabah will be discussing the assassination of his friend at the hands of Hezbollah and the subsequent efforts of cyber armies to silence calls for justice. Rabah will explore threats to freedom of speech in the digital sphere in the context of Lebanon, pairing his insight as a seasoned professor with personal anecdote. Gary Klein Gary Klein is a senior scientist at MacroCognition LLC and a research psychologist. He has developed several research and application methods such as the critical decision method and the knowledge audit for doing cognitive task analysis. Klein was a pioneer in the development of the field of naturalistic decision making. At Agora 2022, Klein will help to contextualize the psychology behind polarization and decision making in conflict situations. Amanda Montell Amanda Montell is a linguist and the author of two acclaimed non-fiction books; Cultish: The Language of Fanaticism and Wordslut: A feminist guide to taking back the English language . Cultish was named one of best books of 2021 by NPR. Montell is also the creator and co-host of a podcast, “Sounds Like A Cult,” which peaked at #20 on Spotify’s top podcasts in the USA. At Agora 2022, Montell will delve into the power of language as a tool for indoctrination and polarization. Ezzedine Ghlamallah Ezzedine Ghlamallah is a teacher, researcher, and doctoral student in management sciences at CERGAM. After eight years of experience in the world of finance insurance, he decided to add an ethical dimension to his career by co-founding SAAFI in 2014. SAAFI provides consulting services relating to the legal and financial feasibility of structuring insurance solutions. Ghlamallah has contributed to “ethical finance” sections in newspapers such as the Tribune, the Argus de l’Assurance, and the Huffington Post. At Agora 2022, he will provide insight into Islamic finance. Join us this April! Agora is sure to offer one of the most enriching on-campus events of the year. What makes it stand out, by Merer’s account, is the centrality of storytelling. Agora provides a place for educational growth, but in a medium that is personal and vulnerable. Agora aims to evaluate issues through the lens of human experience; an approach sometimes forgotten as we study the technicalities of social sciences here in Menton. Indeed, Merer is optimistic that the Agora event will humanize what we explore every day in class, deepening our understanding issues in the MENA region and beyond by providing a portrait of the individual experience. Places are limited so be sure to book your tickets now to partake in a true celebration of exploration and curiosity. Aid us, the Student Agora, in our mission to foster productive discussion regarding topics which have long acted as a source of conflict on our campus and in the world at large.

As Sciences Po students and young individuals, living in a world riddled with conflicts, human rights crises, inequalities, and climate change disasters; the quest for peace can often feel like an unattainable ideal. < Back Celebrating World Peace Day: A Campus Initiative for Awareness and Unity By Naïa Berliocchi for MEDMUN October 31, 2023 As Sciences Po students and young individuals, living in a world riddled with conflicts, human rights crises, inequalities, and climate change disasters; the quest for peace can often feel like an unattainable ideal. Every day, we are bombarded with news of conflicts and suffering, increasing devastation for the world’s tumultuous state. In this context, World Peace Day, observed on Thursday, Sept. 21, emerges as a poignant reminder of the ongoing struggles communities face world wide. It serves as a beacon of hope, urging us to reflect on the significance of peace, recommit to global goals, and take collective action toward a more peaceful world. Our studies at Sciences Po, and in particular our interest in the Middle East and Mediterranean region, have made us aware of the numerous areas where peace remains elusive. In a region marked by complex geopolitical dynamics and persistent conflicts, peace often feels like a distant dream. The Collaboration: MEDMUN and the BDA In recognition of the importance of World Peace Day, MEDMUN (Model United Nations) and the Bureau des Arts at Sciences Po Menton came together to create a unique collaboration. Their joint efforts emphasized the significance of this day and fostered a sense of unity and activism among the student body. An Artistic Workshop for Peace The centerpiece of their collaborative initiative was an artistic workshop held on campus, featuring multiple paintings that depicted various peace-related issues. Art has always been a powerful means of political expression,, and this event aimed to harness its potential to engage students in advocating for peace. Four considerable topics were chosen as the focus of the paintings: Women's Rights in Iran: A powerful reminder of the ongoing struggles for gender equality in the region. The Refugee Crisis: Highlighting the plight of refugees and the urgent need for solutions. The LGBT Community in the MENA Region: Shedding light on the challenges faced by this marginalized group. The Situation in Palestine: Reflecting on the enduring conflict and the hopes for a peaceful resolution. Each painting served as a visual testament to the pressing issues that demand our attention and action. Through these artworks, students were encouraged to confront uncomfortable truths and consider the role they can play in promoting peace. Bake Sale for a Cause In addition to the artistic workshop, the event also featured a bake sale organized by MEDMUN in collaboration with Sciences Maroc. Delicious treats such as Msemen, brownies, cookies, and cakes were available for students on the campus forecourt. Fifty percent of the funds generated from the bake sale went towards supporting initiatives in Morocco, struck by the recent earthquake, underlining solidarity existent in the global community. A Call for Collective Effort This initiative underlines the importance of collective efforts in supporting peace-related causes. Through this collaboration, students and the broader community can contribute to the promotion of peace and understanding. It reinforces the idea that peace is not solely the responsibility of governments and diplomats; it is a goal that requires the active involvement of individuals and communities. World Peace Day serves as a poignant reminder that the dream of universal peace is far from realized. Yet, events and activities such as: collaborative painting sessions and bake sales, provide a platform to educate, raise awareness, and inspire individuals to engage in the pursuit of peace. It is a day to reflect on the existing challenges and to renew our commitment to a world where peace is not just an ideal but a reality worth fighting for. In the face of overwhelming odds, students at Sciences Po have demonstrated their eagerness to embrace this responsibility and work together for a more peaceful future.

For a week, we explored Israel’s historic sites, met with members of Israel’s civil society, and enjoyed spending time in the region that us Mentonese students have been studying so passionately. < Back Visiting Israel with the UEJF By Lionel Chambon April 30, 2022 In early February, I was approached by the Union des Étudiants Juifs de France (UEJF) Menton Chapter president, 2A Cécile Toussaint, about a potential week-long trip to Israel. I was both surprised and honored. I quickly found that nothing stood in the way of embarking on what would become an amazing week of visits, events, talks, and time spent with a wonderful group of people, many of whom I had not met before. The trip was organized by the national board of the UEJF in conjunction with Sciences Po’s UEJF Paris and Menton chapters. UEJF had invited campus associations, be they political, cultural, or environmental, to send one or two representatives to take part in the trip. For a week, we would explore Israel’s historic sites, meet with members of Israel’s civil society, and enjoy spending time in the region that us Mentonese students have been studying so passionately. On February 28, early in the morning, the whole group met for the first time in Orly Airport. Traveling alongside the Sciences Po students was a group of students from Sorbonne-Paris I. By the early afternoon, we arrived at Ben Gurion International Airport. Despite one of us having Lebanese stamps in our passport, we all managed to clear customs, pass a mandatory PCR-test and get to our first destination, Neve Shalom, by the early evening. A village situated between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, Neve Shalom was founded in 1969, designed to accommodate inhabitants from all backgrounds. In 2006, Roger Waters (Pink Floyd) held a concert there, attracting a crowd of around 40,000 people. Neve Shalom presented a great opportunity for us to settle in and get to know each other. There, we were introduced to our guide for the week, Moty Likwornik, who has been a guide in Israel for several decades and has even accompanied foreign government delegations. Moty talked to us about Israel’s history, its ancient civilizations, and geography. We got to appreciate the countryside and excellent Middle Eastern food. Not only would Moty stick with us the entire week and share his expertise on the region, but also entertain us during bus rides with anecdotes and gossip he accumulated over the years. We spent the following Tuesday, our first full day in Israel, in Jerusalem. In the morning, Moty guided us across Mount Zion into Jerusalem’s holy sites, which we were fortunate enough to visit in great weather and not too much commotion. From the Al-Aqsa Mosque and Dome of the Rock to the Wall of Lamentations and the Holy Sepulcher, it was incredible to walk across the historical sites which have been at the root of civilization for thousands of years. Visiting these holy sites was a touching experience for many of us, especially Muslims and Jews. For many, this was the first time they were able to visit their religions' holy sites. The Wall of Lamentations is allegedly all that is left of an ancient Jewish temple destroyed by the Babylonians, located not far from what is left of Mount Golgotha, where Jesus was once crucified. During the day, we also had some time to dive into one of Jerusalem’s Souqs, and discovered more of the local cuisine and arts scene. For many Jews in the group, it was their first time visiting Israel, making the exploration of the holy sites all the more special. In Jerusalem, we also had the opportunity to meet a Palestinian lawyer specialized in human rights law and an Israeli peace activist to discuss challenges Palestinian populations face within Israel, segregation, inequalities, and possible avenues for dialogue. For our final step of the day, we visited Jerusalem’s Hadassah hospital and met a French-Israeli surgeon. It was enriching to hear from actors within Israeli civil society who experience all kinds of difficulties and conflicts, but also opportunities to work together to complete meaningful work in the hospital on a daily basis. The following morning, we were greeted at the Hebrew University, one of Sciences Po’s Israeli partner institutions. There, we commemorated the victims who died during a Hamas bombing of the university cafeteria during the Second Intifada, including David Gritz, who was a Sciences Po exchange student at the time. We listened to testimony from Dror Even-Sapir, who sat only a few chairs down from David and survived the attack. Today, he works as a journalist in Israel and France. We also met Benjamin Canet, a former president of the UEJF Sciences Po and Israeli citizen. After leaving the university, we were supposed to visit the Israeli parliament, the Knesset. But, this was unfortunately cut from our agenda as an important vote took longer than expected and the deputies that had agreed to meet with us were no longer available. Nevertheless, we were able to look at the Knesset from the outside before we moved on to our visit of Yad Vashem, Israel’s Shoah remembrance site. There, we met Shlomo Balsam, our museum guide and Shoah survivor, who shared his own story with us, as well as that of many other survivors he had met — stories of lives destroyed, immeasurable loss, suffering, and desperation. Yad Vashem explained the Shoah through the perspective of those who had lived it by exhibiting artifacts and possessions that survivors had donated to the museum. No newspaper article could do justice to the thoughts and emotions that washed over us at Yad Vashem. Upon leaving, the mood among our group was despondent. The drive from the remembrance site into the Negev desert was the only outing in the entire week during which the bus remained silent. Nevertheless, we finished the day with a warm welcome in the Negev by a Bedouin tribe that hosted us. We were fortunate to enjoy some traditional coffee, tea, and foods by a campfire. But, it was only after the sunrise that we truly grasped the breathtaking scenery that surrounded us. The Negev surrounds the Dead Sea and stretches across Israel and Jordan. That Thursday, we woke up at 3:30 a.m. to climb Mount Masada in time for the sunrise. Masada is a very mythical place in Israeli and Jewish history, having been one of the last bastions of the Jews against Babylon. Up there, the view across the desert into Jordan and the Dead Sea is breathtaking, and Moty guided us through Masada’s ancient ruins. Next, we descended Masada and relaxed by the Dead Sea for the rest of the morning, which was surprisingly cold, yet very enjoyable under the desert’s beaming sun.From the Dead Sea, we headed West to the Arab-Israeli village of Abu Gosh. We were greeted by the town’s mayor, a Chechen Imam, a Catholic priest, and the French Consul-General of Jerusalem. Abu Gosh is known to host all religious communities. The mayor of the village stayed with us and shared insights on what governing such a diverse city was like before we departed for Tel Aviv later that night. Tel Aviv is Israel’s economic center. It is barely 100 years old and was built with socialist inspirations before gradually growing into a booming metropolis. Moty showed us Tel Aviv’s historical center and places such as Dizengoff Avenue, named after Tel Aviv’s first mayor, and Ben Gurion House, home of Israel’s founder and first prime minister. We also had the chance to discover Tel Aviv’s Souq before meeting with the French ambassador to Israel, Eric Danon. He talked to us about the war in Ukraine, changing dynamics in the Middle East following US disengagement, the signing of the Abraham Accords, and France’s role in the region. We also met Denis Charbit, a leading French political scientist on Israel and the history of Zionism. We concluded the day by celebrating Shabbat together, an opportunity for many to learn more about Jewish traditions and customs. During Shabbat, the day of rest, most of us used the opportunity to freely walk around Tel Aviv and discover other parts of the city. Some headed to Yaffa, where the beautiful coastline along the Mediterranean Sea could be admired. On the walk to Yaffa, our surroundings shifted to more heavily reflect the Palestinian and Arab culture and lifestyle. After Shabbat was over, we had the occasion to dive into Tel Aviv’s nightlife, which is also one of its most popular attractions. On our last day in Israel, we met students from Tel Aviv University and paid tribute to Ytzhak Rabin, a former prime minister murdered by an Orthodox nationalist in 1994, who was heavily involved in the signing of the Oslo Accords. After six days packed with experiences and memories, it was time for us to head back to the airport for our flight back to Paris. When studying the Middle East, it is always enriching to visit the region to build on what we have learned in the lecture room. Visiting Israel has definitely contributed to my understanding of the region, its dynamics, and its conflicts. I would like to thank the UEJF France and the UEJF of Sciences Po, especially Cécile Toussaint, for their hard work and dedication in making this trip possible and accessible to all of us. It was definitely a week to remember!

My best friend passed away from brain cancer when I was in middle school. I felt as though my Parcours Civique would be the perfect opportunity to honor her life. < Back Do Not Fear the Emotional Toll: A Reflection on a Children’s Cancer Center Parcours Civique By Riwa Hassan September 26, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? My civic engagement took place at the Children’s Cancer Center in Lebanon, where I mainly interned in public relations and external affairs. Once a week, I acted as a friend and a support system for children undergoing chemotherapy. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? My best friend passed away from brain cancer when I was in middle school. Her vigorous fight inspired me never to waste time. I always felt like I wanted to reward her, so I wrote paragraphs about her, mentioned her in most of my conversations, and always remembered her. I felt as though my Parcours Civique would be the perfect opportunity to honor her life. The children’s cancer patients I worked with never ceased to fill my heart with happiness and hope. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? In Lebanon, we have a civil society directory called “Daleel Madani” which I used to find my Parcours Civique. As such, I selected and applied to my internship on my own. Even before applying, I already had NGOs in mind. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? My Parcours Civique was unpaid. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? I benefited a lot from my Parcours Civique because I not only experienced field work and helped my community, but I was also introduced to a new field in my major at Sciences Po, Politics and Government. This helped me expand my career vision and my master’s program choices. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? Do not overwhelm yourself; always prioritize thinking of the people you are helping before what you get from your work. Do not fear the emotional toll of doing certain jobs because once you start working, you will put your emotions aside.

Si l’on peut dire que le cinéma est l’art d’enregistrer des vues tirées de la réalité, c’est aussi et surtout celui d’exacerber ces images en leur donnant un sens plus saisissable par le public. < Back « It Must Be Heaven » ou quand l’absurde démonte les préjugés de l’altérité By Zohra Riahi for Cinémentongraphe October 31, 2023 Si l’on peut dire que le cinéma est l’art d’enregistrer des vues tirées de la réalité, c’est aussi et surtout celui d’exacerber ces images en leur donnant un sens plus saisissable par le public. Explosions, violence, suspense ou simplement paysages époustouflants : autant de moyens qui tentent de séduire un public en faisant valoir l’émotion, au détriment parfois d’un travail rigoureux d’authenticité. Dans cette continuité de pensée, je souhaite aborder le sujet de la représentation de l’Autre. Un sujet qui fait sensation, autant dans le cinéma dédié au « bourgeois Gaze » en France, comme vu dans « Le Brio » (2017), ou ce cinéma fait à l’étranger qui souhaite « exotiser » les salles françaises. Nous nous interrogerons alors sur la production de films « réalistes » commandés aux cinéastes provenant de l’étranger, et en particulier à ceux du Monde Arabe. J’ai rencontré la notion de Néo-Orientalisme au cinéma pour la première fois au travers de l’article de Wissam Mouawad : « Petite réflexion sur le néo-orientalisme, Le cas Nadine Labaki » dans Les Cahiers De l’Orient. Sa thèse est la suivante : « Le néo-orientalisme est beaucoup plus dangereux, beaucoup plus sournois que l’orientalisme car de par sa structure même il tente de bloquer tout discours critiquant l’authenticité de l’œuvre en question. Il est commode de faire porter par un « artiste » autochtone (consentant) un discours exotique. Par là, tout le monde trouve son compte : l’Institution, qui réussit ainsi à insuffler un peu d’authenticité à l’objet de culture qu’elle veut promouvoir comme œuvre d’art ; le producteur, qui est certain d’amortir ses coûts en donnant à la fois l’impression de financer des auteurs ; le fabricant-réalisateur, promu au rang d’artiste (au sens fort) ; le grand public qui a l’impression d’avoir accès à des films d’arts à moindre frais (et à moindre effort intellectuel) ; le public des cinémas d’art et essai, toujours à la recherche de l’authentique, et qui confond souvent authenticité et exotisme… » Ici il décrit la logique de l’offre et de la demande, qui selon lui aboutit forcément au commerce des clichés. Il questionne la façon dont les cinéastes adaptent leur histoire au public. Ainsi, financés par un acteur extérieur, les cinéastes doivent adapter leur histoire aux goûts du public occidental, qui auront la confirmation illusoire que cette œuvre est authentiquement orientale. Si Wissam Mouawad analyse « Et Maintenant On Va Où? » (2017) de Nadine Labaki dans son article, j’ai choisi d’illustrer cette théorie avec le film de Elia Suleiman : « It Must Be Heaven » (2019) . Lors d’une rencontre avec une boite de production française, lorsqu’il est à Paris, Elia Suleiman se voit refuser une offre pour un film, car celui-ci est considéré comme « pas assez Palestinien ». Lui même palestinien voulant représenter la Palestine, comment un film peut ne pas être assez Palestinien? Ma déduction personnelle est que ce sont les clichés habituels : la guerre, l’oppression, la souffrance, l’islamisme; un parti-pris qui servirait à essentialiser son pays. Un film du Moyen-Orient montré en France doit dénoncer. Elia Suleiman, refuse ce parti-pris facile, ou plutôt tente de représenter l’absurdité de ce concept en analysant la France et les Etat-Unis sous le même prisme. Son film montre ses voyages et impressions dans ces sociétés dans un triptyque de la Palestine, de Paris et finalement de New York. Non loin d’un film muet, qui laisse beaucoup de place à la contemplation, on observe avec la même ironie que celle que possède le personnage principal (joué par le réalisateur lui-même) qu’il n’y a pas forcément de lieu où il fait meilleur vivre. Si la Palestine connait son propre désordre absurde, avec ses tumultes quotidiennes comme le voisin du narrateur, voleur de citrons ; elle est aussi représentée comme un théâtre aux récits mystiques, dévoilés par une iconographie typique du pays que sont les cactus, les oliviers ou encore l’apparition énigmatique d’une femme dans la nature sauvage. Plus tard, à Paris, le protagoniste ne s’attend pas à voir que la ville est vide de ses habitants pendant le 14 juillet. Au lieu d’être un moment de fête et de vie pour la nation, ce n’est que le vain défilé de la majestuosité et de l’armement du pays. Dans les belles rues de la métropole, la seule présence est celle des tanks et des avions de chasse. Et lorsque le SAMU apporte un plateau repas gastronomique à une personne sans domicile fixe, on ne retient que l’irrationalité et l’idéalisme de la société. Après tout, que pourrait un SDF vouloir de plus? Finalement, à New York, les mères déambulent avec une poussette pendant qu’elles pratiquent la gymnastique synchronisée dans Central Park, car selon la logique capitaliste tout doit être rentabilisé et exploité. De même, tout le monde fait ses courses avec une mitraillette accrochée sous le bras, dans la totale normalisation de cette atmosphère d’anxiété omniprésente. Pourtant, malgré le dépaysement, où qu’il aille le narrateur rencontre la même présence de la police et des points de contrôle, comme chez lui. Ce film ne tente pas de donner des réponses, il fait surtout émerger de nouvelles questions au spectateur. Selon moi, il souhaite montrer que l ’exotisme renvoie au spectateur. La différence que l’on tente de projeter, contraste-t-elle nécessairement avec soi? Qu’y a-t-il de si étrange dans l’Autre?

Eastern Europe is often viewed as an exotic, mystical land by those who have neither lived there nor visited the region. < Back The Phenomenon of the Slavic Girl Winter By Nadia Taylor Sol for European Society January 31, 2024 Eastern Europe is often viewed as an exotic, mystical land by those who have neither lived there nor visited the region. The ideas of the brutalist buildings, post-communist memorials and cold, sometimes rude people, seem to be the standard perception people have in their minds when any European country behind the former Iron Curtain is mentioned. While these stereotypes might already ignite some uncomfortable conversations and can easily make any Eastern European start a quick historical-cultural crash course explaining the differences between our countries, I now would rather focus on the often-overlooked harms and dangers of one particular issue: the fetishization of Eastern European women and the standardized image created of them. While Eastern Europe is an extremely diverse region with a vast range of cultural and physical differences between the population, the media fails to do it justice by highlighting Soviet heritage and painting them solely as a political mass of blonde and blue eyed people. This indifference towards distinguishing one nation from another serves as perfect soil for creating the image of the typical Eastern European woman. The idea of a tall, blonde, timid housewife with the perfect beauty of a Barbie-doll, mixed with the image of a fur-wearing gold digger has been circulating in the media for decades. More importantly it is currently experiencing its renaissance thanks to freshly popularized TikTok and Instagram trends. Looking at the videos of people glamorizing the so-called “Slavic girl winter” and decreasing the multiple cultures the ethnicity encompasses to the modern mob-wife aesthetic, with fur coats, hats and expensive jewelry, made me consider how harmful this portrayal is. Especially since the whole stereotype comes from historic roots that are based on the fact that most people, especially women, could not afford to look the way the trend tells us they do. The aesthetic of the trend is the image of women who were either born or married into families and relationships with men that have either gained their wealth through living off the general public or engaging in crime. Just before explaining the problems with the trends, I shall state that there is no problem with people finding the women of the region beautiful or complimenting them for their efforts to look “perfect.” The negatives become more visible when we understand the traumatic past that has led to the creation of this image and the dangerous future these often backhanded compliments hold. The phenomenon itself can be closely linked to the fall of the Soviet Union and the socioeconomic shifts the post-Soviet states and the countries of the Soviet bloc have experienced. The 90s brought poverty and, especially for women, a drastic change in people’s status within the society. During the Soviet years, every adult was obliged by the law to work, meaning women were not tied to their husbands or male guardians to provide for themselves and their families. The collapse of the Union brought both unemployment and an influx of Western, more conventional beauty and patriarchal media, collaboratively resulting in women creating a new approach to wealth and survival. The idea that women have to be beautiful to be appealing to strong and successful men, who were often their only chance to get over the poverty line, became a widespread concept in society. The approach created an ever-lasting and strong duality between the expectations posed towards women and men. While men should be strong, wealthy and successful to be able to provide for their wives, women have to be easy on the eyes and should be ready to serve their men in any way they can. The international image of the Slavic and Eastern European sex workers can also be closely tied to the above-mentioned logic. When the Soviet Union fell, people tried to leave to the West in a hope of starting a new life. We do not have to look much further to understand the unfortunate turnout of events many women had to go through to be able to support themselves in a new, foreign society far from home. With no other way out of poverty many turned to sex work and the jump in the number of Eastern European women in the industry created a new, fetishized image in the minds of many. Women from the region are now viewed as either parts of the sex work industry or overly attainable in exchange for a high-value life and money. And thus, the image of the expensive-looking gold digger was created. An image that we still struggle to distance ourselves from. These stereotypes, while clearly holding an ugly mirror towards the reality of the history of the post-communist Eastern bloc pose dangers in the modern day as well. First, they discredit any attempt by regional feminist movements or just women in general to make people focus on anything but their appearance. One of the greatest examples of this is how online communities reacted to images of Ukrainian women fighting for their country. While some did praise them for their strength and bravery, and made an effort to educate themselves about the ongoing invasion, others decided to stick to the fetishization of Ukrainian women – particularly unacceptable during times of war, when violence against women is used to assert power – compounding the harassment women have to experience both in the virtual and real spheres of their lives. The second most prominent result of these widespread stereotypes is the high number of women from the region becoming victims of human trafficking. It is not unusual for people coming from lower income households to strive to leave their hometowns or countries in the hopes of a better future. While doing so they often fall victim to targeted advertisements, focused on women with certain physical traits. Both the online distributed easy to access work or study opportunities and the seemingly helpful people at the airports can pose grave dangers, as they can end up being linked to organized human trafficking with a special focus on women from the region. The already existing stereotypes and the sometimes-re-emerging fascination with the imagined submissive nature of Eastern European women, a good example of which can be the leaked messages of Andrew Tate and his claims on preferring women from the region, escalate the growth of the market and make women even more vulnerable to the dangers of human trafficking. Currently, the trend of the Slavic girl winter, when not used by members of the ethnicity to regain control over certain elements of their own culture, does nothing more than accelerate an already existing prejudice against Slavic and Eastern European women. It pokes holes into the efforts of reducing discrimination and elevating them to a higher level in the public eye than gold diggers and submissive housewives. As with every other fetishized ethnicity, instead of playing into the general stereotype, the public should rather educate themselves about the diverse and captivating histories and cultures of the region, make efforts to celebrate those representatives of the Eastern European women who deserve the most praise and be aware of the harm generalization brings about.

Individuals, as a group, have power. We can work for ocean protection on different scales. May it be respecting the sea and its ecosystems by disposing of your waste and cigarette butts at the beach, signing petitions or working with associations. < Back A Blue Planet: Let’s Talk About the Oceans Maud de Boysson for Environmenton February 28, 2025 As Menton students, there is one constant in our lives: the Mediterranean Sea. We go to class, we see it, we party, we see it, we work in the library, we see it, we go to the beach for a swim, well, we’re in it. The Mediterranean is the highlight of our days more often than not. But what do we know about its ecosystem and the risks it faces less than 200 meters from where we live? When one is talking about the environment, our first thought is often about land, animals, forests or pollution. This is quite reasonable since those are the parts of our planet that we are most in contact with and are able to capture our attention on a global scale. We have witnessed it recently with the gigantic fires that engulfed the city of Los Angeles in January 2025, turning everything to ashes in its wake. However, today, I would like us to explore a quieter part of our planet. A part that we rarely think about but is as vibrant and important in the fight against climate change as the rest of our world: the oceans. Bodies of water represent 72% of our planet, as well as half of the oxygen we breathe every day. They produce 15% of the animal protein we consume, regulate the temperature of the planet and absorb carbon dioxide (CO2), making our air breathable. They are vital to our survival as well as the survival of all species. Yet we know very little about them, as 80% of the oceans remain unknown to humans and some claim that we have more knowledge about the moon’s surface than about the ocean. Like the rest of our planet, oceans are affected by climate change. They are slowly getting hotter and are, as a result, less efficient in their task of regulating the earth's temperatures. They are getting more polluted and more acidic, and marine and coastal ecosystems are victims of overexploitation and are unable to renew their resources. One of the main problems is that, as for every climate change-related issue, all these variables are connected. Indeed, oceans absorb carbon dioxide and regulate our planet's temperature. However, as they absorb more and more CO2 and the temperatures get warmer, the oceans also become more acidic and are less efficient in their absorption of CO2. Moreover, the warming of the ocean, while nice for a dive in the middle of the winter, has tragic effects on sea organisms desperately needing cool water to survive. The combination of decades of overfishing and the decrease in fish’ survival rates are crisis factors that are also linked to the oceans because we are trying to fish more each year while the populations are not able to keep up with our consumption. Indeed, according to the United Nations (UN) Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), in 2020 more than 25% of the fish population was overfished . To sum up, the situation of the oceans is as dire as its emerged counterpart and actions must be taken to protect them. Diverse activists, NGOs and foundations work on it, trying to be heard by decision-makers. Next June, the United Nations Convention for the Ocean (UNCO) will be hosted by Costa Rica and France and will happen in Nice. It is only the third convention of this type and will be similar to the Conference of the Parties (COP), a place for exchange between countries, NGOs and scientists. The conference will be held from the 9th of June to the 13th, providing a place to discuss ocean-related issues such as the development of marine protected areas, the protection of ocean floors against deep mining as well as the protection of marine biodiversity in international waters. One of the main goals of the conference is for the “high seas treaty” to be ratified before its grand opening. This treaty is a text promulgated by the UN that wishes to protect international waters’ biodiversity, of which 1% are currently protected, by creating important Marine Protection Areas (MPA) all over the world. This text aims to protect at least 30% of the oceans’ surface. However, as of now, only seventeen countries have ratified the treaty, which is 43 countries short of the necessary 60 to have it transformed into formal international law. In the context of climate change and the latest revelations that we are already over the 1.5-degree threshold that was indicated as a clear limit in 2015 during COP21, marine environments, now more than ever, need to be protected. Nevertheless, this protection seems unlikely, as countries and companies do not cease exploiting our planet. Deep sea mining, for example, is the latest initiative to gain access to resources, such as copper, nickel, cobalt and manganese, that are necessary for technological production and are becoming rarer in traditional mines. However, the extraction of metals in zones that are often thousands of meters deep under the surface of the water and have never seen the faintest trace of humanity will have an impact on ecosystems and biodiversity that are among the purest (by which I mean they have not been damaged by humans’ action) in the world. Moreover, similar to the COP, many are wondering about the efficiency of these new initiatives, especially after the second withdrawal of the United States of America from the Paris Agreement following Donald Trump’s investiture. The latest COP has been unsatisfactory and who is to say that we will get better results with yet another instance of simple discussions with no concrete action? Multilateralism and collaboration against climate change on an international scale seem more fragile than ever, and it does not seem like we are getting any closer to efficient measures. However, this does not mean that we are powerless since individuals, as a group, have power. We can work for ocean protection on different scales. May it be respecting the sea and its ecosystems by disposing of your waste and cigarette butts at the beach, signing petitions or working with associations. I am a firm believer that when the situation seems desperate, we have to take action one step at a time. Actions, as small as they can seem, can have an important impact. The “look down action” for example, rallied activists from all over the world to oppose a deep sea mining project in Norway and won. This shows us once again that activism has results, if enough people put pressure on government officials and companies. So next time you feel anxious about climate change, I recommend taking a deep breath, looking at the sea and letting yourself be engulfed by its infinity. Wait a bit in the silence of the waves and then call a fellow ecologist to resume working together. This is now our only path forward. Photo credits: Pedro Meerbaum

After the European Union High Foreign Affairs Representative Josep Borrell delivered one of the worst diplomatic speeches of recent years, the international community is left to wonder about how Europe plans to face the increasing challenges of modernity in a time where once again, war, violence and division are on the rise. < Back No, Mr. Borrell, This Is Not the Image We Want the EU to Project! By Pau Carbonell November 30, 2022 Things are not going well for the European Union High Foreign Affairs Representative Josep Borrell. After delivering one of the worst diplomatic speeches of recent years, Borrell remained stoic amid the flurry of criticism that has fallen upon him in the European Parliament. On Oct. 13, Borrell made Eurocentric and inauspicious statements during his inauguration of the new European Diplomatic Academy in Brussels. His opening speech was supposed to encourage European diplomats to act with humility and respect towards global denizens. Instead, he communicated the opposite message: “Europe is a garden… Most of the rest of the world is a jungle, and the jungle could invade the garden… Keep the garden, be good gardeners. But your duty will not be to take care of the garden itself but [of] the jungle outside… they will not protect the garden by building walls. A nice small garden surrounded by high walls in order to prevent the jungle from coming in is not going to be a solution. Because the jungle has a strong growth capacity, and the wall will never be high enough in order to protect the garden.” Even as Borrell was delivering his speech tinged with racist and imperialist overtones, people in the audience felt uncomfortable, realizing how such a metaphor would damage European diplomacy. The fact is that his remarks mirror the age-old distinction between European “civilization” and the “barbaric” lands beyond. Since the 19th and 20th centuries, the garden analogy has been used by writers like John Stuart Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville to justify global European colonization and temper resistance to expansionist sentiment. The danger of Borrell’s speech lies in the reappearance of neo-colonial rhetoric in a century wherein Europe’s foreign policy is officially committed to aiding postcolonial economies and institutions. The implications of this speech are not and should not be diminished in the scope of their importance. In the modern world, people and nations are constantly listening and Borrell’s words have been heard worldwide. Apart from harsh criticisms of the speech spouted by politicians, journalists and columnists globally, Borrell has alienated European allies and strengthened its enemies. The United Arab Emirates summoned the interim head of the European Union mission in the country, Emil Paulsen, to discuss the “racist” inauguration and Russia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergei Lavrov said that “the garden Borrell talks about was built by plundering the jungle of the rest of the world during the colonial regime.” A piece in The New York Times has best summarized the gravity of the situation. Matina Stevis-Gridneff reported that Josep Borrell’s comments opened colonial wounds at a time when the European Union was working on ameliorating its legacy internationally. But this new scandal should not surprise those knowledgeable about European affairs — Borrell, who has served in his role since December 2019, has been involved in numerous diplomatic scandals during his tenure. Yet, this was a new low. With an ever-expanding divergence between the Central European and Eastern European member states, tense global multipolar outlooks and, in particular, Russia’s Ukrainian invasion, European policy cannot afford this type of discourse. Borrell’s paternalistic smugness, vainness, conceit and supremacism will hinder Europe from reinforcing old alliances or forging new ones. In her work “The European Union, Foreign Policy in a Changing World,” London School of Economics professor Karen E. Smith asserts that the European Union should pursue three foreign policy objectives if it wants to remain a global superpower. Firstly it must encourage regional cooperation and integration. Secondly, it should promote human rights. Thirdly, the union ought to bolster democracy and good governance. According to Smith, these factors are important since they all legitimize the European Union’s instruments to leverage in future international economic, diplomatic or military relations. Niccolò Machiavelli’s quote, “politics have no relation to morals,” does not seem to resonate with 21st-century European foreign policy — at least not nominally. Europe can only operate so long as it remains legitimate in the eyes of the governed. The notions of cooperation, integration, democracy, good governance and human rights included in the 1993 Maastricht Treaty demonstrate how union leaders have embraced the issues that its citizens seem to find important. That is precisely why Borrell’s speech is surprising — it is not only the type of discourse that Europe has been feverishly trying to avoid since the advent of unipolarity in the post-Cold War era, but because it was the face of European Foreign Policy, who said it. This blunder is representative of two situations that could be surfacing in the department of European Foreign Affairs. On the one hand, one could hypothetically consider this statement as merely the personal opinion of Josep Borrell. On the other hand, one could interpret it as a damning glimpse into the ideological core of European foreign policy. I hope that reality is closer to the former of the two explanations. Borrell’s garden allegory adds to a lengthening laundry list of statements showcasing the unmodern outlooks of European foreign policy movers and shakers. It is indicative of the growing feeling of wonder and uncertainty as to how Europe plans to face the increasing challenges of modernity in a time where once again, war, violence and division are on the rise.

The right to education is enshrined in the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and even during wartime, under the Fourth Geneva Convention. Why, then, is the world turning a blind eye as schools in Gaza crumble, students are targeted and entire institutions collapse? The gradual normalization of educational violence is deeply troubling, highlighting a deeper decay of global values and human rights. < Back The War on Gaza’s Impact on Education: Scholasticide in Modern-Day Conflict Loowit Morrison for Amnesty Menton November 30, 2024 “[A] new way has been found to kill children.” Such was the remark on the Israeli Knesset’s October 28th decision to ban operations of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), from James Elder, UNRWA spokesperson. The parliamentary decision moved to ban the UNRWA’s operations within Israel, including occupied East Jerusalem, where the organization’s headquarters lie, as well as eliminating contact between Israeli authorities and the UNRWA. Justified by Israel on the grounds of terrorist involvement in the agency, this decision threatens the UNRWA’s humanitarian operations , which include healthcare and infrastructure development, social services, loans, and more, to Palestinian refugees. An especially crucial responsibility of the UNRWA is providing Palestinians with primary and vocational education. The agency offers free basic education to approximately 550,000 Palestinian refugee children, including almost 300,000 in Gaza and 46,000 in the West Bank. They also assist child refugees in Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. This education is key to providing children with hope and stability, nurturing a new generation of Palestinians. According to United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, the October 28th decision poses an acute threat to these efforts, potentially resulting in the breakdown not only of education systems for 650,000 Palestinian children but the peace process as a whole. The banning of UNRWA is only one example of the destruction of educational systems in Palestine, a process which has been conceptualized as “scholasticide”. Initially defined by Karma Nabulsi, Oxford University Professor of Political Science and International Relations, during the assault on Gaza in 2008-2009, scholasticide refers to the “willful demolition of educational infrastructure.” The term includes an array of aggressions, including the killing of teachers and students, mental harm to students, physical demolition of educational buildings and materials, obstruction of rebuilding efforts, prevention of scholarly exchange and more. It has also been extended to the destruction of archives, libraries, museums, and other sites of cultural heritage, assaulting efforts to maintain Palestinian culture, history or identity in an attempt at cultural erasure. The relationship between scholasticide and the war on Gaza could not be more evident. It fundamentally lies at the core of Israel’s destructive strategies against Palestinians. A report from Scholars Against the War on Palestine holds that during the war on Gaza, scholasticide has grown exponentially, expanding from physical attacks on schools to a “total annihilation of education.” Scholasticide has manifested itself in Gaza in a myriad of ways, through the physical damage of buildings, the deaths of students and teachers, the growth of learning poverty, and the destruction of constructive educational curricula. A September report from the UNRWA, Cambridge University, and the Centre for Lebanese Studies highlights the threat of the ongoing war on education and its potential to create a “lost generation” of traumatized children. The study projects that under current conditions, education could be set back by five years. According to a prior report from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in August, over 10,600 children and 400 teachers have been killed thus far in the war, and an additional 15,300 students and 2,400 teachers have been injured. This killing and maiming of children is a blatant violation of International Humanitarian Law. Furthermore, a UNRWA report has estimated that over ten children per day have lost one or both of their legs, underlining the rise of disabilities among Palestinian children. This concern, coupled with the destruction of medical care, counseling and support systems in schools, will cause children with disabilities to face even more barriers to education during and after the war. Damage to physical buildings cannot be ignored. As of early September, 92% of all school buildings in Gaza were demolished or damaged, and every university had been destroyed . Satellite images from the Occupied Palestinian Territory Education Cluster have verified the extent of damage, which continues to grow by the day. This development means that even when the combat ends, children will not have a school to return to . “ Learning poverty ”, or the inability to read a basic text by age ten, has skyrocketed in Gaza over the past 14 months, increasing by at least 20%. Already disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic, lost learning in Gaza poses an urgent threat. Not only is scholasticide in Gaza affecting concrete educational qualities for children, such as literacy, but it also carries dire psychological consequences. Traumatized and lacking adequate educational and emotional support, Gazan children are losing faith in concepts such as human rights, equality and tolerance. A humanitarian aid official remarked that “it will take a generation to overcome” this trauma, severely setting back educational efforts. The destruction of educational institutions in Gaza, coupled with the deprioritization of education and the lackluster efforts to rebuild schools, will have consequences that last for years to come. UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini has stated that the neglect of education will “sow the seeds for future hatred and extremism,” leading children to fall victim to exploitation and armed groups. Children in Gaza are not shown empathy, respect for human rights and hope, and without schools to convey these crucial values, children cannot learn them. This trend would not only threaten the rights of Palestinian children today but global stability and international humanitarian efforts as a whole. For years, Palestine has prided itself in its educational systems, investing in academic institutions with the hopes of sowing the seeds of progress. During the First Intifada, Palestine experienced an “educational revolution,” seeing mass efforts to promote popular education. Education, to Palestinians, was, and still is, a form of resistance to attacks on their identity. Israeli efforts to block education have been linked with attempts to suppress this Palestinian intellectual development, perpetuate dependency upon Israel and block the spread of a Palestinian narrative. By attacking schools and organizations such as the UNRWA, Israel aims to set Palestine’s educational efforts, which they prize so greatly, back to an underdeveloped stage. The right to education is enshrined in the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights , and even during wartime, under the Fourth Geneva Convention . Why, then, is the world turning a blind eye as schools in Gaza crumble, students are targeted and entire institutions collapse? The gradual normalization of educational violence is deeply troubling, highlighting a deeper decay of global values and human rights. Children’s rights are being increasingly ignored, pushed aside as less important than other issues. Education is simply not considered relevant enough in discussions of humanitarian needs, a neglect that ignores the glaring manifestations of educational violence used to further wartime means. In Gaza, Israel has purposefully targeted education to further displace and marginalize Palestinians. This conflict isn’t the only example of scholasticide; in fact, attacks on education represent a growing military tactic worldwide. A report from the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack found that in 2022 and 2023, incidents that targeted education and the military use of schools worldwide increased by nearly 20%, as compared with the previous two years. In sum, there were roughly 6,000 attacks on educators, schools and universities, averaging at eight attacks per day. Over 625,000 children still live in Gaza. Nonetheless, their rights, including those to education, are consistently pushed aside and ignored in discussions among experts and politicians. We are slowly “accepting the unacceptable,” says Sonia Ben Jaafar of Al Jazeera, referring to the troubling normalization of violence committed against children and their education. The international community has chosen to turn its backs on Palestinian children—their lives are targeted, their schools are destroyed and any humanitarian efforts to aid them are blocked. Scholasticide is bleeding into Gaza in a multitude of faucets, posing an immediate and dire threat to the livelihoods of Palestinian children today, tomorrow and for years to come.