Search Results

War is war. No matter when it starts, where it is or who ends up carrying its weight. I’m usually the first to argue that suffering should never be compared, but in the cases of Sudan and Yemen, comparison becomes almost unavoidable. Not to decide who suffers more nor to rank tragedies, but to confront the world’s selective outrage and the chilling apathetic silence that allows some wars to disappear from collective memory. < Back The Invisible Wars: Yemen, Sudan, and the Selective Outrage of the World Amena Elkayal War is war. No matter when it starts, where it is or who ends up carrying its weight. I’m usually the first to argue that suffering should never be compared, but in the cases of Sudan and Yemen, comparison becomes almost unavoidable. Not to decide who suffers more nor to rank tragedies, but to confront the world’s selective outrage and the chilling apathetic silence that allows some wars to disappear from collective memory. Some conflicts dominate global headlines for months, shape foreign policy debates, saturate our screens and even household conversations. Others, equally brutal and equally tragic, barely surface. Yemen and Sudan stand among the world’s worst humanitarian disasters of our time, yet they remain trapped on the margins of global attention. Their absence reflects a deeper hierarchy of suffering, one where geopolitical interest, emotional convenience and media priorities determine whose suffering is worthier of visibility. When wars are not seen, they are unfelt. And when they are unfelt, they are abandoned. Since April 2023, Sudan has recorded more than 20,000 deaths and 4.9 million displaced people. That is besides 25 milions facing hunger and at least 36 women and girls raped only between April 2023 and October 2024. Yemen, meanwhile, has seen at least 1,742 civilians killed since late 2022, alongside 4.8 million internally displaced people and 17.1 million people living in acute food insecurity. Despite these figures you could count on one hand the number of times you’ve stumbled upon these crises in global headlines—especially when measured against the omnipresent coverage of Gaza or Ukraine. The inequality of attention becomes impossible to ignore. To readers around the world, Sudan and Yemen’s violence often feels distant, confusing, or inaccessible—and that is partly by design. These conflicts are frequently described as “invisible wars”, a label rooted in the chronic absence of sustained human-centered coverage. Yemen, for example, receives consistently low global media attention. This pattern is documented by outlets such as the BBC, who examined why the country’s humanitarian catastrophe fails to appear in headlines. Humanitarian agencies operating in both countries have long warned that donor fatigue, shrinking aid budgets and the near-impossibility of accessing active conflict zones make it difficult to draw global attention to unfolding crises. Doctors Without Borders note that in Sudan, warring factions regularly restrict the movement of aid workers and journalists Further, they frequently cut communications, diminishing visibility in international media. The result is that these wars become “uncoverable,” and therefore, unseen. By contrast, conflicts like in Ukraine and Palestine receive sustained attention, while Sudan and Yemen fall into a blind spot shaped by power dynamics rather than humanitarian urgency. This is not because the former conflicts are inherently “more tragic”, but because they benefit from clearer political narratives, stronger advocacy networks and direct Western involvement. Wars that intersect with Western foreign policy priorities are more likely to receive sustained attention and sympathy than those unfolding in regions perceived as geopolitically peripheral. Coverage follows power. Outrage follows proximity. And empathy follows the stories people are given the chance to see. Analyses of global news patterns repeatedly show how conflicts tied to Western interests remain amplified, while others quietly fade into the background, marked by a general feeling of less humanitarian urgency. The imbalance is staggering. Media monitoring platform Meltware found that between Jan. 1 and Sep. 30, 2022, Ukraine received five times more media coverage than all ten of the most dangerous conflict zones for children combined. Sudan— now considered the world’s worst humanitarian crisis—occupies only a narrow and fragile space in international news reporting. This isn’t just a media gap; it’s a moral one. Emotional engagement itself is greatly shaped by the narratives people encounter. An article by Prismreports.org points out how the public’s capacity to care is directly influenced by the stories they are offered: when journalists don’t cover these wars, audiences don’t feel them. And when audiences don’t feel them, governments don’t act. Silence becomes distance. Distance breeds apathy. The consequences are not abstract. They are fatal. In Sudan, most hospitals in active conflict zones have collapsed or shut down, leaving entire cities without medical care. In Yemen, famine, cholera outbreaks, and widespread infrastructure collapse continue unabated, as detailed by the U.N.’s humanitarian updates. Despite the severity of these crises, the flow of aid remains insufficient and inconsistent—an outcome that might result from their invisibility . The disparity becomes even more glaring through the legal and humanitarian lens presented by Opinio Juris . Their analysis shows that Sudan’s civil war, which resumed in April 2023, has resulted in more than 150,000 deaths, displaced over 12 million people and left nearly half of its population facing famine. Across the African continent, over 45 million people were displaced by conflict in 2024 alone—an astonishing 14% increase from the previous year—yet these crises rarely dominate international headlines. This selective attention creates a “hierarchy of suffering,” where victims of high-profile wars are perceived as more deserving of empathy than those trapped in the invisible conflicts of the global south . Data from the 2025 Global Peace Index confirms these patterns. Vision of Humanity report that civil conflicts—like those in Yemen and Sudan— receive dramatically less coverage than interstate wars. On average, interstate conflicts generate roughly 870 news articles per civilian death, while intrastate conflicts (which make up the majority of global wars) generate only 37. The least visible are internationalised intrastate conflicts, at just 18 articles per civilian death. Notably, even when comparing 2014 coverage, the Gaza war and the Russian-Ukrainian conflict received far more attention than the Central African Republic’s civil war, despite the latter experiencing higher mortality rates. This disparity does not arise in a vacuum. While the imbalance is stark, it is also shaped by the geographic and political orientation of major news organisations: the Russian invasion of Ukraine, as a European war, directly implicates European security, economies, and populations—the primary audience these outlets serve. The pattern nonetheless endures: attention follows geopolitical proximity and interest more readily than human need. The report also highlights rising negativity in news consumption, audience fatigue from long-term crises, and a growing tendency to avoid emotionally draining topics—all of which contribute to the systematic erasure of certain wars from public consciousness. Addressing this erasure requires far more than fleeting sympathy. Humanitarian groups like CARE note that sustaining global attention demands innovative media strategies. For example, local partnerships, long-form reporting and storytelling rooted in lived experience rather than abstract geopolitics. Coverage that prioritizes people over politics can counter public fatigue, a point echoed across reports from NPR, showing how individual narratives can revive empathy. Similarly, analyses by the International Crisis Group call for increased foreign aid, renewed focus on forgotten conflicts, and diplomatic pressure tied to civilian protection. Media watchdogs such as the Committee to Protect Journalists urge deeper investigative work and collaboration with local reporters who can safely document realities on the ground. Advocacy organizations including Human Rights Watch add that supporting grassroots campaigns and independent digital platforms—especially those operating from within Sudan and Yemen—is essential to bypass censorship and ensure these wars are not erased simply because they fall outside geopolitical priorities. Because at its core, selective outrage isn’t just a failure of the press. It is a failure of our shared moral imagination. Yemen and Sudan are not invisible because their people are less worthy of empathy. They are invisible because the world has chosen to look elsewhere. If international law, governments, the media and global institutions are to retain integrity and maintain any moral consistency, they must dismantle the hierarchy of suffering that governs which lives are seen and which are allowed to simply fade into silence. Every war demands to be witnessed. Every victim deserves to be mourned. Until all human suffering is met with equal urgency, justice will remain uneven and peace will remain painfully out of reach. The world cannot claim ignorance. It can claim only silence. And silence, in these wars, kills . Photo Source: UNMISS, Flickr

Jean Cocteau est inextricable de l’héritage artistique de la Côte d’Azur. Après un brunch dans un des petits restaurants sur le bord de mer, la chapelle Saint-Pierre est un incontournable de toute visite à Villefranche-sur-mer. < Back La Chapelle Saint-Pierre: Un Chef d’Oeuvre à Villefranche-sur-Mer By Maria Azadian April 29, 2022 “Car il ne s'agit plus de créer une belle oeuvre, mais de créer la plus belle des œvres et que sa puissance secrète rayonne avec une douceur pareille aux rages dévastatrices d'un explosif (...) Toutes les courbes doivent être des arcs qui tirent directement leurs flèches dans le cœur." -Jean Cocteau Tout a commencé quand une enseignante d’arts de mon école s’est débarrassée d’un vieux tas de cartes postales. Ayant commencé ma collection depuis quelques semaines seulement , cette pile de supposés détritus m’a attirée. J’en ai piqué deux ou trois, un peu au hasard. L’une des cartes postales représentait l’affiche du Testament d’Orphée : le dernier film du réalisateur Jean Cocteau. Je l’admets, celle-ci est restée affichée sur mon mur pendant quelques mois, sans que j’y pense réellement. Ceci, jusqu’à un fameux jour l’an dernier où j’ai pris la décision que ma quarantaine passée à visionner The Office pour la onzième fois m’ennuyait un peu trop. J’ai jeté un autre coup d'œil à ma carte postale, et j’ai tapé les mots “ Jean Cocteau Orphée” sur le clavier de mon portable. Depuis, comme j'ai eu la chance de m'installer sur la Côte d'Azur, je tiens à visiter ses traces dans la région où il a passé la dernière partie de sa vie. La visite de la Chapelle Saint-Pierre est une étape essentielle pour mener à bien cette mission. Mais qui est Jean Cocteau? Pour commencer, il faut dresser un portrait de Jean Cocteau. Un homme de haute moyenne classe qui a perdu son père par lesuicide, homosexuel dans une societé qui ne l’acceptait pas mais également apolitique pendant une periode où il ne fallait peut-être pas l’être: Cocteau est un personnage compliqué. L'artiste publie son premier recueil de poèmes, La Lampe d’Aladdin , inspiré des Mille et Une Nuits, à l’âge de 20 ans. Au début de sa carrière, il se lie d'amitié et participe à la création des Six, un groupe musical néoclassique d'avant-garde. Cocteau et les six musiciens se font connaître pour passer de nombreuses soirées au cabaret-bar parisien Le Boeuf sur le Toit . Cocteau devient un artiste extrêmement prolifique. Dans ses livres, films, et pièces de théâtre, son style néo-classique le démarque et le révèle comme anti-moderniste. Un thème récurrent dans ses œuvres reste l’intersection entre le désir et le pouvoir, surtout à travers ses représentations de l'homme "idéal", “héroïque” – des représentations naïves – qui font écho à l’art grec classique antique. Il passe également du temps au Moyen-Orient. Sa tournée de trois mois, de mars à mai 1949, pour la représentation de plusieurs de ses pièces l'amène, entre autres, à Beyrouth et en Égypte. Il documente son voyage dans un journal, qu'il publie plus tard sous le titre de Maalesh . Sa trilogie Orphique, composée de Le Sang d’un poète (1930), Orphée (1950) et Le Testament d’Orphée (1960), qui met en vedette Jean Marais, constitue une merveille du cinéma avant-garde du vingtième siècle. Un mélange magistral du mythe et de la réalité au point que l'un ne se distingue pas de l'autre, une étude de la logique du rêve, alliés à une esthétique irréprochable font de ceux-ci des classiques du film français. Cocteau est décédé le 11 octobre 1963 dans son château à Milly-la-Forêt, quelques heures après avoir appris la mort de son amie proche, Édith Piaf. Il est enterré sous la Chapelle Saint-Blaise dans cette même ville. Jean Cocteau à Villefranche-sur-Mer Cocteau a séjourné plusieurs fois à l’hôtel Welcome , à Villefranche-sur-Mer. Son ami Albert Lorent, délégué au tourisme de la ville, l’invite d’abord à exposer une œuvre à l’entrée de la chapelle. Pour ceci, Cocteau dessine un visage en face de la fameuse rue Obscure. Suite au grand succès de ce dessin, Lorent lui offre la chance de décorer la Chapelle Saint-Pierre, qui deviendra par la suite l’une de ses œuvres les plus remarquables pendant ses années sur la Côte d’Azur. Il repeint cette ancienne chapelle de pêcheurs datant de la fin du 16ème siècle en 1957, alors qu’elle était encore utilisée comme remise à filets. Aujourd’hui, à moins d’une dizaine de minutes de marche de la station de train de Villefranche-sur-Mer, elle représente un des plus grands chefs-d'œuvre de la Côte d’Azur. Bien que l’entrée soit quelque peu coûteuse – trois euros pour une visite qui dure à peu près une vingtaine de minutes – soyez rassuré ! Celle-ci en vaut réellement la peine. Malheureusement, vous ne serez pas autorisé à photographier l'intérieur de la chapelle. Par contre, dès l'instant où vous poserez les pieds à l'intérieur, vous serez transporté dans une réalité autre et lointaine, séparé de la rue animée seulement par un mur d’une épaisseur de quinze centimètres. Les yeux dorés et présents à chaque côté de la porte sont répliqués sur deux chandeliers sur l’autel, se trouvant eux-mêmes à chaque côté d’une statuette d’un oiseau en envol. Ils vous donnent l'impression d'être observé pendant que vous vous promenez dans la chapelle. Ils vous tiennent responsable des endroits où vous choisissez de vous arrêter, de ceux que vous choisissez d'examiner plus en détail comme ceux que vous manquez. Les murs sont décorés de fresques représentant des scènes de la vie méditerranéenne et de l’apôtre Saint Pierre. Le plafond, quant à lui, est recouvert de représentations hypnotisantes d'anges. Les couleurs douces et les lignes peu définies des fresques sont intentionnelles, pour donner l'impression d'être dans un paradis nuageux, brumeux - comme dans un rêve. Le style de Cocteau est simple, presque naïf - représentatif de la mentalité de l’artiste. Cependant, il reste évocateur et puissant. Jean Cocteau est inextricable de l’héritage artistique de la Côte d’Azur. Après un brunch dans un des petits restaurants sur le bord de mer, la chapelle Saint-Pierre est un incontournable de toute visite à Villefranche-sur-mer.

For most of us, the French-Italian frontier in Menton is a concept, a sort of imaginary line of cheaper groceries and good pizza. One could possibly remain oblivious to this privilege as long as they never venture towards the Ventimiglia train station, where some are desperately trying to cross a very real border in the hopes of a safer life. To try to alleviate their struggles, SciencesPo Refugee Help and Cinementongraphe decided to team up and organize a screening of Lebanese director Nadine Labaki’s film, “Capernaum.” < Back Thou Shall Not Be Indifferent: Nadine Labaki’s Wake Up Call to the West By Krzysztof Kaluzny October 30, 2021 For most of us, the French-Italian frontier in Menton is a concept, a sort of imaginary line of cheaper groceries and good pizza. One could possibly remain oblivious to this privilege as long as they never venture towards the Ventimiglia train station, where some are desperately trying to cross a very real border in the hopes of a safer life. To try to alleviate their struggles, SciencesPo Refugee Help and Cinementongraphe decided to team up and organize a screening of Lebanese director Nadine Labaki’s film, “Capernaum.” All the proceeds funded food distribution for refugees and immigrants in Ventimiglia. The film’s title refers to the biblical city of Capernaum, a place damned and abandoned by God. The protagonists of the film are also forgotten, not necessarily by any form of divine power, but by the Western world and the international public. We follow the life of a 12-year old Zain, whom we meet in court as he tries to sue his own parents, through retrospections of his childhood on the streets of Beirut. Labaki’s decision to cast herself as Zain’s lawyer was purely symbolic. After all, just like her character, the director is giving a voice to the voiceless by providing them with a floor to share their stories. The main character is played by a Syrian refugee who himself grew up in Beirut’s slums, Zain Al Rafeea. The name used in the film was no coincidence: Labaki had changed it after casting the boy, highlighting that the protagonist’s experience in the film reflects the reality of children living in Lebanon. Neither of the Zains had received any schooling. Al Rafeea had to learn his lines by having them read to him as he was illiterate at the time of the shooting. It is impossible to tell that Al Rafeea is not a professional actor throughout the film. He lived that life, he did not have to act. It is perhaps the profound sadness in his eyes that shows the hardships he has been through despite his young age. After having run away from his parents, we witness Zain trying to survive in a hostile urban jungle. Long, stunning shots resemble a fairytale-like child’s odyssey, however, the story is far from The Little Prince’s narrative. The boy interacts with a lot of strangers who all have their problems and shattered dreams of a better life. One of them is a young girl, a refugee from Syria. She tells Zain she received food and is going to move to Sweden. Zain asks her how he could receive the same benefits, and she answers point-blank: you are not a Syrian refugee. This one sentence struck me, especially looking at the girl’s t-shirt which reads “I am Lebanese.” That’s precisely how selective the West is when it comes to providing help. When Zain is referred by the girl to a human trafficker, he receives another blow - he lacks any documents, or as the trafficker describes it, ‘a proof you’re a human being.’ The issue of undocumented people is a recurring theme over the course of the film. Those in power expect a birth certificate from people who can’t afford medical aid in a life-threatening emergency,much less to deliver an infant in a hospital. The film’s somber atmosphere was amplified by a haunting score by Khaled Mouznar, Labaki’s husband who collaborated closely with her in the production of the film, making it, as Labaki called it in her acceptance speech of the Jury Prize at the Cannes Film Festival, a “family film created at home.” Given how heart-breaking the story was, it would be simply cruel if the film ended without some positivity or a glimpse of hope. We saw how Zain posed for a camera to have a picture taken for his ID card. Finally, Zain was recognized as a ‘human being.’ What we consider to be a rather inconvenient chore every few years was a life-changing moment for him. The real Al Rafeea also moved forward; his family has been granted asylum in Norway. When Labaki called Al Rafeea to share the news that the film was nominated for an Oscar for Best Foreign Film, Al Rafeea was in school with teachers and new friends. Labaki might not have won the Academy Award, but I believe the opportunity to make a difference in Al Rafeea’s life was the biggest prize she could gain for this film. As her own character in the story, she was not able to change the system. The best she could do was help an individual. The rest, as for judges in a courtroom, is for the audience to reflect on and decide.

About two weeks ago, blissful and ignorant, I decided to research the upcoming Lemon Festival. Immediately, I found a stream of articles announcing the revolutionary involvement of non-fungible tokens (NFT) in this Mentonese tradition. After a couple more searches, I found myself on the official page for the sale of John Lemon NFTs; it was horrifying. < Back The NFT-fication of La Fête du Citron Spells Environmental Disaster By Saoirse Aherne February 28, 2023 As February approaches, those familiar with Menton wait in anticipation for the event of the year, a UNESCO recognized expression of Intangible Cultural Heritage, a citrus celebration like no other: La Fête du Citron. Since 1934, the Lemon Festival has drawn in visitors from far and wide. In typical fashion, this absurd carnival began as a cash grab. Back when Menton was a popular winter getaway for the European bourgeois, a group of local hotel owners decided to host a Menton carnival to entertain their wealthy clients. This first Menton parade in 1875 was a great success, but it was not until 1929 that the humble lemon got involved. That year, an exhibition of citrus fruits and flowers was showcased as part of the festivities. By 1928 the Menton area was the biggest lemon producer on the European continent, even acquiring the nickname “Rocher du citron.” Quickly, the lemon became the star of Menton’s annual parade and in 1934 the city officially named the event “La Fête du Citron.” Today, the Menton lemon proudly claims protection of geographical indication (PGI) — official recognition at the European level of its unique properties. Menton’s micro-climate makes it the perfect place to grow this golden fruit, which is said to be larger and less bitter than the standard. Currently, there are 15,000 trees which produce lemons that meet the PGI requirements, though this number is swelling with the help of the Association for the Promotion of Menton’s Lemons (self-explanatory organization, very specific mission). Presently, the lemon festival hosts 240,000 spectators each year, with 100 percent of tickets selling out in 2021. The event uses 140 tons of citrus fruit to adorn floats, decorations and gardens. Best of all, a charming character by the name of John Lemon has become emblematic of the event. But this year, for Menton’s 89th Fête du Citron, our favorite yellow mascot has had quite the digital facelift. Menton 3.0 - NFTs, Holograms, and Crypto: Oh my! About two weeks ago, blissful and ignorant, I decided to research the upcoming Lemon Festival. Immediately, I found a stream of articles announcing the revolutionary involvement of non-fungible tokens (NFT) in this Mentonese tradition. After a couple more searches, I found myself on the official page for the sale of John Lemon NFTs; it was horrifying. Unsure whether to laugh or cry, I scrolled through page after page of John Lemon NFTs; chunky yellow ovoids wearing stupid little top hats, ugly goatees pasted on their non-existent chins, strumming poorly rendered electric guitars. It was sick. The entire collection includes 5,000 designs — so far 18 have been purchased. The standard John Lemon NFTs are priced at 0.02 Ethereum coin, the equivalent of 30 euros. If you have even less self-respect and taste, however, you can purchase rare animated (moving) versions for 60 euros. Rock-Opera John Lemon will also perform every evening on the facade of the Palais de l’Europe in the form of a hologram. According to Nice Matin, this will mark the first NFT concert in the world. It will also apparently “enrich the intangible heritage of the city of Menton.” I'll just leave that there. Why? How? Why? This scheme is the brainchild of Mayor Yves Juhel and Stephanie Jacquot, second assistant to the mayor and deputy of events. Ms. Jacquot seems to be especially invested in the project, and reasonably so; on the Menton municipal council website, the description of her projects reads “city of tomorrow” and “digital.” According to Jacquot, incorporating modern technologies into the Fête du Citron will demonstrate that Menton is dynamic and innovative. A bold rejection of the image Menton has long cultivated as a quaint Riviera town frozen in history, Jacquot wants to revolutionize this “sleeping beauty,” as she puts it. The enthusiasm for NFTs is perhaps inspired by a project recently carried out by another Riviera town, the city of Cannes. In June of 2022, Cannes sold at auction 10 “digitized versions” of real locations within its jurisdiction. The event brought in 330,000 euros and marked the first sale of real estate through NFTs. According to Arnaud Oliveux, the auctioneer of the digital property, this opens the door to a future where buyers and investors can truly “live in the metaverse.” Whatever Jacquot and Juhel’s motivations, the duo were not alone in the mission to digitize Menton. The 5,000 rock-opera John Lemons were designed by a street artist from Nice who goes by the name Faben. The artist, whose real name is Benjamin Fabris, has recently engaged in a number of NFT-related projects and believes his work will “take the mascot of the Lemon Festival into the metaverse.” The other actor responsible for this dystopian saga is MyHologram, a company founded by Vanessa Rigaud. MyHologram has worked on a number of collaborations with museums, and has notably already collaborated with Faben to release a line of NFTs in September of 2022. For the Lemon Festival, MyHologram has worked closely with Faben, creating digital sculptures of his designs. MyHologram is also responsible for marketing the NFTs, however, they remain the city's property until sold. According to Yves Juhel, this is just the beginning. When speaking to Nice Matin, the Mayor promised many more NFT-related projects to come, declaring, "We already have ideas for next year... We will reveal the theme of the next edition at the end of it." https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hiZEfnCVzr0 “We must not be afraid of NFT’s” announced Stephanie Jacquot to the Nice Times. Controversy! Beyond aesthetic sin, this project is also an “ecological disaster,” according to a representative from the Menton-based group Stand up for the Planet. In a rant posted to Facebook, this association proclaimed that “A single NFT represents a journey of about 800 km by car,” which is equivalent to 200 kilograms of carbon dioxide. The environmental impact of NFTs is mainly due to the large amounts of electricity required to facilitate Blockchain, the technology through which NFT transaction and ownership is recorded. However, identifying the exact carbon footprint of an NFT is quite difficult as each time an NFT is produced or sold, another carbon cost is endured. Digiconomist estimates that one Ethereum transaction demands 33.4 kilograms of CO2, though an NFT can undergo infinite transactions over its lifetime. Artist and programmer Memo Akten calculates that an NFT transaction produces 14 times more emissions than mailing a piece of artwork. With regards to the John Lemon collection, I have high doubts that all 5,000 will sell. Nonetheless, the carbon footprint of their creation — or “minting” as it's called — was significant in and of itself. If adding one NFT to the blockchain uses about 83 kilograms of CO2, as many cryptoblogs have informed me is the case, then this collection is already responsible for 415,000 kilograms of carbon emissions. That is the equivalent of flying from London to New York about 421 times . The looming threat of climate change has been more evident than ever over the past year, especially in the Cote d’Azur. Droughts across the region during the summer stunted the local lemon crop, and many citrus farmers will thus not be able to claim official Menton lemon status for their fruit. In the coming years, rising sea levels will pose significant challenges to this coastal town as increasingly heavy storms will bring about landslides. The city itself recognizes the need for environmental action, having recently pledged to transition Menton into a “Green city.” In light of this, the creation of John Lemon NFTs is not only unnecessary and laughable, but it is also a sign of the city’s hollow commitment to environmental action. La Fete du Citron is already wasteful by many metrics. The festival consumes a sizable chunk of the city budget on displays and decorations, purchasing thousands of fruits which are often destined to rot rather than be eaten. At a time when such events should be reimagined in a more sustainable fashion to preserve both tradition and the environment, it is disappointing to see the city of Menton do quite the opposite.

The situation in Northern Ireland threatens the existence of the United Kingdom during what should be a celebration of the Union’s centennial. < Back ‘Till Death Do Us Part: Protests in Northern Ireland Threaten the Existence of the United Kingdom By Hugo Lagergren September 29, 2021 The Issue of Northern Ireland has been at the center of British domestic politics ever since its creation exactly 100 years ago. From the 30-year period of violence and guerrilla warfare dubbed “The Troubles” — which claimed over 3,000 Irish and Northern Irish lives — to the more recent riots caused by the post-Brexit trading arrangement that the United Kingdom agreed to sign, it has become clear that Northern Ireland’s socio-political situation has again become extremely precarious. Many believed that the Good Friday agreement of 1998 had resolved the issues, however, the rapid reemergence of tension post-Brexit show that the Good Friday agreement was a ticking time bomb. The violent nature of the recent protests in Northern Ireland has prompted the UK Government to seek a renegotiation of the Northern Ireland protocol with the European Union. The protocol prevents checks on goods travelling between Northern Ireland and Ireland, and instead introduces checks on goods moving from Great Britain to Northern Ireland, thus maintaining the soft border which has played a key role in maintaining the fragile peace between Northern Ireland and Ireland. The EU has since stated that it has no intention of renegotiating the protocol. However, it believes a solution can be found within the constraints of the existing protocol, thus creating a new de facto border between Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK. The protocol aims to protect the integrity of the EU’s single market, whilst avoiding any form of a hard border between Ireland and Northern Ireland, which was the central point of tension during The Troubles. Therefore, checks on certain goods, including chilled meats and eggs, were instead introduced between Great Britain and Northern Ireland. While this deal may have appealed to nationalists and republicans, who favor a united Ireland, it simultaneously created a feeling of marginalization and frustration among unionists and loyalists, who believe that Northern Ireland should remain a part of the UK. According to 19-year-old Joel Keys, an emerging loyalist figure, the violence is “all about maintaining [the] right to remain British,” and the physical barrier created by the checks on certain goods passing into Northern Ireland from Great Britain is representative of British feelings towards Northern Ireland. This sense of having been forgotten by the British Establishment is what sparked many of the riots across Northern Ireland. As the EU continues to reject the UK’s renegotiation offers, many Brexiteers have used this as an excuse to blame the EU for what is happening in Northern Ireland. However, this blame is misplaced as the EU has a duty first and foremost to its own members so maintaining a strict policy regarding its high food standards is essential, both for the safety of its citizens and the maintenance of its reputation as a major international player. Any relaxation of custom checks on goods going into Northern Ireland from Great Britain would make it far easier for banned goods, such as chlorinated chicken, to make its way into the European Market. This is a particular risk if Britain agrees a trade deal with the US, which would undoubtedly result in lower food standards in Britain. The EU has, however, made it abundantly clear that it is willing to open a dialogue with Northern Ireland. For instance, it has halted the legal proceedings it had launched against the UK for unilaterally extending the grace period (a period of transition before the EU’s tougher customs checks come into existence) which was originally meant to finish in March. The demonization of the EU by certain members of the Conservative Party is simply an attempt to distract the British public’s attention from the strain and tension that the Union is currently undergoing. The apparent stalemate between the UK and the EU threatens to engulf the two into a full-scale trade war in which the UK would undoubtedly come out worse. Furthermore, the increasing tension inside the UK, as a result of the disaster that is Brexit, threatens the very existence of the United Kingdom as a political and economic union. One wonders, during this year that celebrates 100 years of union, how much more can such a fragile union endure.

For the past 15 years, viewers have been led to associate Bella Swan's life as the primal example of success, consequently becoming a victim of the myth of the American Dream. < Back How Twilight Reshaped the American Dream By Pedro Meerbaum January 31, 2024 On July 4, 1776, the values of "life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness" were declared as the basis for the newly independent United States of America. The Declaration of Independence assured that all men, despite their origins, would have a fair shot at attaining their goals in the "land of the free." And thus, the American Dream was born. While originally designed to attract immigrants and formulate a sense of a nation disconnected from its European origins, the myth has taken on new roles; it became a beacon of hope for development post-WWI, seen in the uncurbed festivities of the roaring twenties. It had a crucial role in maintaining American nationalism during World War II; it worked as a cultural weapon during the Cold War. The American Dream has undeniably been the ethos for the development of capitalism and consumerism throughout history until the arrival of the 21st century. The years following the turn of the millennium were marked by events that shook the core on which American culture stood: 9/11 put to question the "untouchability" and security of American life; The disastrous invasion of Iraq bolstered political distrust; and the 2008 financial crisis challenged the very idea that one could, under the present financial system, achieve prosperity. Yet, the American Dream still prevails and has adapted itself to the needs of the modern American citizen. The survival of this myth is highly dependent on cultural aspects; it needs to find popular means to both be exposed and be ingrained in the imagination of the Americans. So, what saved the American dream from falling apart during the 2000s? While some analysis might point to the rise of the internet and the first expressions of social media, I find a more intense emphasis on the popularization of one piece of media — a single release that had both a national and international impact, setting standards for an entire generation of literature, cinema, and popular culture, becoming a modern American classic: The 2008 film adaptation of Stephenie Mayer's Twilight. The five-movie saga follows Bella Swan, a high schooler who, according to the IMDb description, "has always been a bit different." She moves to Forks, a small, gloomy town in Washington state, to live with her dad. While trying to adapt to the new city and school, she meets Edward Cullen, a 17-year-old who looks and acts exceptionally older and bears an uncanny amount of wealth. While Robert Pattison's mature appearance might add to Edward's distinction amongst students, it is also connected to the fact that he is, actually, a vampire. Bella falls for him while also dealing with her passion for Jacob, her childhood friend who happens to be a werewolf (the vampire's nemesis). Her uncommon high school experience is also marked by the fact that she has a gift, she is not affected by the uncommon powers of the vampires, and she is immune, raising the attention of the vampirical gran-coven of the Volturis. While in conflict with the ancient Volturis and her personal affairs, Bella decides to marry Edward and eventually transformes into a vampire. The saga ends with her achieving immortality, looking forever like she is 18, owning a big house, and raising a successful family. In other words, Twilight is about a girl gaining the life that every American wants. One particular trope that characterizes Bella's progression throughout Twilight is that of the "Chosen One." She carries different assets that other humans do not possess: she is immune to the vampirical powers and is bound by predestination. As she puts it in the final movie, "I was born to be a vampire." This trope is not the driving force that changes Bella's life, as it receives little significant screen-time discussion, but is rather something she capitalizes on. The audience understands Bella's predestination as not simply a supernatural advantage but also the reason why she is deserving to marry a hysterically handsome man, move up social classes by entering an extremely bourgeois family, and be able to own a luxurious cottage without having to work a single day in her life. Likewise, America has been founded upon the Weberian understanding of predestination: the rich and their advantageous lives on Earth, are God's chosen ones to go to heaven. As a result, the American dream is structured around one's wishes to become the chosen one. Twilight's impact on the American Dream becomes evident compared to other popular pieces of media that utilize the trope of the Chosen One. Take Harry Potter and Star Wars, for instance. The two sagas had a similar impact to Twilight, if not stronger worldwide, becoming pop-culture phenomena, and are both shaped around a main character that was the "chosen one." What differentiates Twilight from its counterparts is how Bella is raised. Harry Potter and Luke Skywalker begin their journey pitifully; Harry is abused by his uncle and aunt in the suburbs of England and then is sent to an Oxbridge-like institution, while Luke lives on a desert planet and experiences the death of his family by extraterrestrial forces. These two premises lack expressions of American life; they become entertaining but deeply unrelatable. Bella, however, is a simple high schooler moving into a classical American small town to begin her American studies and attempting to engage with her American friends. Even when faced with abnormality, the vampires, it is revealed to her that they experienced different periods of American history. Bella is, then, an extremely relatable character with an experience that is pitiful but not too far-fetched. She could easily be your chemistry partner or your best friend from junior year. Truly, she could be any of us. As she achieves different levels of success in life, the audience is led to think that they, too, are able to achieve those. It isn't atypical, then, that following the release of Twilight, a wave of young Americans desired to find a partner who "looked just like Robert Pattison." Nor is it unsettling that American culture became obsessed with procedures to look young, seeing as the new standard of beauty was deeply connected with a desire to look 20 forever. Additionally, within a housing crisis, viewers found comfort in the idea that Bella could simply receive a cottage as a "marriage gift." The final expression of Twilight's impact on culture lies in its impact on the media. Every Young Adult novel published after it, every romantic comedy, and piece of popular media targeted towards young people was, in a way, impacted by the format of Twilight. For the past 15 years, viewers have been led to associate Bella Swan's life as the primal example of success, consequently becoming a victim of the myth of the American Dream.

Reciprocal sounds from a boisterously anticipatory audience scratch at my ear. “Walls work…” reverberates between the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. I believe I’ve heard it somewhere before.  < Back An Age of Political Narcissism: What We Gain in Insight (but Lose in Principle) by Drawing Parallels between Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump By Maia Zasler Reciprocal sounds from a boisterously anticipatory audience scratch at my ear. “Walls work…” reverberates between the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. I believe I’ve heard it somewhere before. … Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former United States President Donald Trump seem to have cultivated a symbiotic relationship, one that has had poisonous consequences for their constituents and for the rest of the globe. Although the U.S. and Israel differ immensely in their histories and inceptions, their population sizes and geographic territory, and their production and trade capacities, the countries’ political trajectories in the last couple of decades have converged. The rise of Netanyahu and the rapid popularization of Trump’s political doctrine and animated persona generate legitimate concerns for the future of modern democracies, for the efficacy of present-day political parties, and for the capacity that geopolitical conflicts may still be addressed. These two politicians are almost mirrored images of one another, employing nearly identical rhetoric at times, supporting one another in a perverse game of political strategy fueled by gall and greed. Netanyahu gained traction in the Israeli parliament—the Knesset—in 1993, when he was appointed Leader of the Opposition, the Likud party. He is currently in his third term as Prime Minister. His cumulative 16 years of public service have, at this point in time, amounted to just 15 percent of Israelis supporting him retaining his position following the current war in Gaza, according to a recent poll by Reuters . Despite this career objectively piling up to be, in large part, a political failure , Trump—a former businessman who was elected the 45th President of the U.S. in 2016—remains committed to modeling Netanyahu’s behavior and capitalizing on the xenophobic, right-wing extremist politics Netanyahu helped trailblaze. They both exist in contradiction, spending much of their charismatic capital on convincing the public of their brilliance. They insist on being the sole saviors of their respective nations, playing on fears and stereotypes to justify discriminatory policies, whether it be blurring separation of powers or espousing expansionist narratives. The pair have been known to claim “fake news,” to violate traditional political norms, and to employ islamophobia in both their speeches and policy. Trump’s ban of nationals emigrating from several Muslim / Arab countries proves to be a salient example. Netanyahu and Trump have been champions of dividing their parties and governments. Last year, Netanyahu’s plan for a complete judicial overhaul disrupted and divided Israeli society for more than nine months. With support from religious and far-right party members, Netanyahu was able to impose significant curtails on Israel’s judges and courts, consolidating his own power and undermining a fundamental tenet of the liberal democratic system: separation of powers. Trump has left his own mark on the American judicial branch, appointing three of the nine Supreme Court justices currently serving. This proportion is staggering, particularly so for a president who did not win the American popular vote. In fact, in his time as president, he did not once receive above a 50 percent approval rating (reaching 49 percent, at its highest). This calls for concern as the ideological justices that Trump selected—who serve life terms interpreting the highest laws of the land—do not hold the confidence of the American public. As it relates to dividing his own party, one must first understand that Trump’s ascension in the political world was largely in part due to a particular voter base, one who was comforted by an “outsider,” a man who set himself apart from the corrupt Washington elites. Thus, “trumpism” differed from conservatism, and following Trump’s term as president, the Republican party was left to salvage the pieces scattered about in part due to this inherent difference, to scramble to figure out ways to gain seats in the House and the Senate, to maintain relevance in a country historically Republican voters would go on to condemn Trump’s ways. The GOP was—and still remains—lost, diverging focuses leading to the spouting of nonsense on social issues and, more dangerously, the instituting of bans on abortion, the targeting of transgender youth, and the banning of books. Both Netanyahu and Trump are facing ongoing corruption charges—colloquially dubbed “witch hunts,” thanks to Trump’s language precedent. Amidst the ongoing war in Gaza, Netanyahu’s corruption trial persists, adding a sour note to an already stale leadership streak. He has been accused of bribery, fraud, and breaching of trust—all charges that he continues to deny. Trump, on the other hand, faces a whopping 91 felony counts including but not limited to charges of fraud, defamation, sexual assault, and election subversion. The question as to which states will allow Trump’s name on the ballot, or if his theoretical election in November would even be valid, remains unanswered. However, it is clear that his popularity surges: despite a lack of participation in Republican primary debates, he stays far ahead in the polls. One may speculate that the similarities between Netanyahu and Trump remain coincidental, rather than correlated or contextual. Analyzing Netanyahu’s appeal to a growing religious population and settlement enthusiasts, or his strategy in dismissing slowly accumulating minor charges alleging bribery as an excuse to crack down on his country’s judiciary may not, at first glance, provide insight into American democracy post-Trump… not to mention the 2024 presidential election. Conversely, Trump’s unfiltered commentary and, for a time, uninhibited social media posting, or his refusal to participate in the Paris Agreement and general denial of the climate crisis may not evoke thoughts of the leader of a country halfway across the world. But, Netanyahu and Trump are inextricably linked. Beyond the relationship they forged and their shared rhetoric, the two fit into a larger pattern of populist leadership. The company they keep, from Vladimir Putin in Russia to Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, illustrates a growing, global web of cult of personality leadership. Upon a close analysis, it is clear that their political careers highlight the corrosion of 21st century democracies. Perhaps all that more importantly, though, there exists a glaring difference between Netanyahu and Trump. Trump’s trajectory is solidified. Netanyahu still has a shot at a semblance of redemption. The irony cannot be lost; Trump has, to this date, been a single-term president. Netanyahu has held office as Prime Minister for more than a decade. But, the fact remains. Trump’s political legacy is an embarrassing, shameful one. He desecrated the respect for one of the most powerful political positions in the Global North. He fueled divides between Americans, on racial lines yes, but also purely on political orientation. The “all-or-nothing” mentality is a central characteristic of populist leadership; one must fully rally behind this irrational, charismatic spokesperson and part-time policy maker… or else why bother? Netanyahu is less abrasive than Trump. For many years, his rhetoric was easier to swallow, more likely to convince opposition of his “rightness.” Much like Trump, his modus operandi has been to conduct business-as-usual, ignoring—or exacerbating—fundamental issues that threaten the fabric of society. For Trump, this was racial discrimination, climate change, and an increasing urban versus rural divide. For Netanyahu, climate change has indeed been a part of the issue, but, more pertinently, it has been the Israel-Palestine conflict. Following the massacre on October 7, the dismal situation could no longer be ignored. Israelis remain shocked and angry. Many are angry at Netanyahu for failing them, for prolonging the war in Gaza, and for failing to make significant militaristic advantages and freeing hostages. If Netanyahu alters his strategy, if he chooses his people and humanitarian action as opposed to desperately attempting to extend his political career, he can gain more control over his legacy. He has the chance to set a different precedent, to diverge from populist leaders past and present. Maybe then there will be hope for change, and opportunity for further push back, for criticism. Hatred is cultivated, not innate. We are complicit in inaction when we are paralyzed by fear, and we cannot allow populism to paralyze us. A future where Netanyahu stays in office, or where Trump is re-elected, is not a sustainable one. But, the critical reflection must not stop there. What matters most, now, is looking for avenues forward. Apologies for the past can only go so far in rectifying action, and serves as an impediment for re-building democracy and repairing public trust. We should not look at the similarities between Netanyahu and Trump or other populist leaders with despair, but rather with reassurance of understanding, with a drive to draw up a blueprint for better leadership.

Neo-Baathism finds its roots in the thought of the Syrian intellectual Michel Aflaq, who was able to inspire generations of anti-imperialist revolutionaries and radicals. < Back Arab Intellectuals that Every Sciences Piste Should Know: Michel Aflaq By Emilia Kohlmeyer November 30, 2022 Michel Alflaq’s Baathism is difficult to recognize in contemporary Baathist ideology that still occupies Syrian and Iraqi thought. However, neo-Baathism finds its roots in the ideas of the Syrian intellectual Michel Aflaq, who inspired generations of anti-imperialist revolutionaries and radicals. Michel Aflaq was born to a middle-class Greek-Orthodox family in Damascus. He received western education during his childhood under the French Mandate and later studied on a scholarship at the Sorbonne. His politics were strongly influenced by the instability Syria experienced during the Great Syrian Revolt of 1925 and post-WWII Europe, which brought uncertainty to the Middle East. During his time in Paris, he first interacted with ideologies such as communism, Marxism, socialism and nationalism. He formed the Union of Arab students, which called for the decolonization of Arab lands. Upon his return to Syria, Aflaq and Salah al Din al Bitar, a Sunni Muslim, co-founded the Baath “renaissance” party, which would extend to many other Arab countries, most notably Iraq. Michel Aflaq’s principles are embodied in the Baathist slogan, “unity, freedom and socialism.” Aflaq’s quest for unity stems from his conception of the Arab nation. The essence of the Arab nation unveils itself through an eternal Arab revelation, which experienced its last rise when Islam unified the Arab world. The Arab nation is primarily bounded by its common language, which Aflaq regards as its primary source of social norms and perception. Restoring the glory of the Arab world, in his view, was only possible by a complete structural transformation achieved only through a revolution, “inqilab,” on the foundation of nationalism and socialism. Nationalism, as an ideology, was to be the key vehicle in unifying the lower classes against the political elites. Aflaq, a Greek Orthodox Christian, pursued a secular pan-Arab nationalist vision, which regarded religion as a force of division within the Arab nation. However, he regarded Islam by its “intense moral” nature to have inspired Arabs to “break through their entrenched reality,” as he outlined in a lecture in 1943. According to him, Islam represents an innate part of Arab culture, and he asserted that “Islam was an Arab movement. Its meaning was Arab renewal and its perfection. So the language that Islam descended with was Arabic. Its outlook and understanding were of an Arab mind. The qualities it encouraged were apparent or hidden Arab values, and the faults it addressed were faults the Arabs were to vanquish.” Furthermore, his writings were known to contain numerous Quranic references. The second pillar of his strategy of transforming the Arab world was socialism. During his studies in France, he was particularly exposed to Marxist thought, although he later declared communism to be “Western and alien to everything Arab.” Instead of relying solely on pure ideology, Aflaq drew on certain Marxist tenets, such as dialectical materialism. However, he translated the struggle of the working classes into the united Arab struggle against Western capitalists. While supporting inheritance rights and private ownership, Aflaq advocated for wealth redistribution, greater public ownership of key industries, and workers’ participation in profit-sharing and managerial matters. His socialist vision envisaged economic justice as forming the foundation of the new Arab nation-state, which should be democratic and a defender of fundamental rights such as free speech. However, despite supporting these values, he considered it necessary for the Baath party to claim the required authority to create the conditions where individual ideas could flourish after decades of imperialism and elitist ideology. Only then would the people be capable of forming their demands. His politics have been described as many things, from radically leftist to fascist, although in practice, they were rather vague and formulated to appeal to the masses. After the split of the United Arab Republic, a union between Syria and Egypt under Nasser that Aflaq had cautiously advocated for, the influence of the original Baathist generation began to decline. Successive military coups during the 1960s and a humbling defeat against Israel in 1967 culminated in a neo-Baathist coup instigated by Hafez al-Assad, whose son remains president today. Aflaq fled Assad’s Syria to Iraq under the protection of his follower Saddam Hussein and his Iraqi branch of the Baath party. Michel Aflaq died in Paris in 1986 and was buried in a mausoleum in Iraq, which, upon the American invasion, was repurposed as a gym for US soldiers and is now a shopping mall.

Imaginez regarder les aventures de meurtres comme ceux de Jeffrey Dahmer ou l’affaire des frères Menendez. C’est ce que propose la série Netflix Monsters qui, malgré les polémiques, a tout de même enregistré 12,3 millions de vues lors des quatre premiers jours du lancement de la deuxième saison. < Back Le True crime: quand l’horreur devient divertissement Elsa Uzan February 23, 2026 Imaginez regarder les aventures de meurtres comme ceux de Jeffrey Dahmer ou l’affaire des frères Menendez. C’est ce que propose la série Netflix Monsters qui, malgré les polémiques, a tout de même enregistré 12,3 millions de vues lors des quatre premiers jours du lancement de la deuxième saison. Cette série relève du genre des documentaires true crime même si la série reste très largement romancée. Ces programmes sont des reportages sur des affaires réelles de meurtres, ou de manière plus générale, d'événements violents et traumatisants. Ces œuvres adoptent un format documentaire et un style d'investigation, en présentant des récits de ces crimes et de leurs conséquences. La criminalité apparaît dans ce contexte selon l’historien Daniel LaChance et le professeur de justice pénale Paul Kaplan comme « à la fois comme très proche et assez étrangère, une menace perpétuelle pour la vie quotidienne, mais extrêmement lointaine dans son origine et ses motivations, à la fois banale et exotique dans le milieu où elle se déroule. » Pourtant l'intérêt pour les crimes n'est pas un phénomène nouveau. En effet, les premiers récits criminels circulaient dès le XVIe siècle en Europe sous la forme de brochures de comptes rendus de crimes et d'exécutions. Le genre est caractérisé par un style sensationnaliste, présentant les informations policières à travers des détails mentionnés afin d’effrayer et de choquer le public. Les narrateurs décrivent de manière extensive la violence en mettant l'accent sur les détails techniques de la scène du crime, grâce à des explications d'experts. Ce genre hybride mêle des aspects de l'actualité, avec des instruments et des objectifs de divertissement. Les émotions des spectateurs sont en quelque sorte manipulées grâce à des preuves issues de l’enquête et à un langage audiovisuel. Le côté sensationnaliste du genre entraîne l’émergence de plusieurs problématiques. D’abord, la diffusion de documentaires de true crime s’accompagne généralement d’une perte drastique de la vie privée des victimes due à l’intérêt médiatique. Les fans de true crimes sont décrits par celles-ci comme des individus ayant un attachement malsain pour ces affaires, ce qui entraîne parfois des interactions étranges voire nuisibles particulièrement avec les proches ou les victimes. Il faut tout d’abord remettre ces discussions dans leur contexte: elles interviennent généralement dans un cadre d'imposition des fans dans la vie privée des victimes qu’elle soit physique ou virtuelle. Cela se traduit aussi par un sentiment de dépossession de leur histoire et de perte de contrôle qui l’accompagne notamment lorsque les fans partagent leurs théories sur l’affaire, bafouant de fait les limites personnelles des victimes. Les interactions vont bien au-delà des relations sociales traditionnelles : elles créent de l’anxiété, un sentiment de malaise et d’impuissance des victimes. Il faut toutefois noter que de tels documentaires ont permis de rouvrir des affaires comme celle de Catherine Harron, résolue en 2016. De plus, ces documentaires suscitent des débats sur la représentation des femmes. Les victimes y sont généralement des femmes, ce qui accentue les stéréotypes de vulnérabilité féminine. Ces documentaires sont aussi décriés pour leur tendance à donner une représentation manichéenne des criminels qui sont soit glorifiés, soit présentés comme des monstres. Pourtant un grand nombre d'entre eux ont eu une enfance difficile qui, loin d’excuser leurs comportements, peut au moins partiellement expliquer leur recours à la violence. En effet des études démontrent que les personnes ayant subi des maltraitances infantiles présentaient des niveaux d’agressivité plus élevés. Une notion plus contemporaine émerge, théorisée par Daniel LaChance et Paul Kaplan : celle de « crimesploitation. » Elles qualifient les émissions de téléréalité combinant à la fois le « true crime, » qui narrent des affaires criminelles réelles, et les films dit « exploitation, » soulageant le désir voyeuriste d'assister à la violation de tabous. La crimesploitation est caractérisée par une expérience particulière de domination du criminel. L’arrestation, l’humiliation et la condamnation des criminels est l’occasion pour les spectateurs s’assimilant aux figures d’autorité de sentir une forme de liberté dans la position de sauveur. Les spectateurs éprouvent une forme de domination physique avec les scènes d’arrestation du criminel mais aussi psychologique par l’humiliation et la perte de contrôle de celui-ci. Cette expérience procure une sensation d’exaltation: le spectateur vit un mélange de puissance et de sécurité, ressentant l’excitation du contrôle tout en étant à l’abri des conséquences. Pour d’autres spectateurs, la crimesploitation est aussi une manière de se rebeller de manière légale contre l’autorité. Le criminel est souvent présenté comme débarrassé des contraintes psychologiques de la discipline propre à la vie moderne. Les films d'exploitation criminelle ont offert aux Américains la capacité d’avoir un sentiment de contrôle, particulièrement dans un contexte où la sécurité personnelle semble inatteignable. En effet, le pays se caractérise par une préoccupation continue pour la criminalité et la sécurité personnelle, que ce soit dans les médias ou dans les discours publics. Cette inquiétude est accentuée par des taux de criminalité localement élevés dans certaines zones et surtout par la médiatisation intensive des crimes violents dans la culture populaire américaine. La crimesploitation procure aussi un plaisir de transgression autant qu’un plaisir lié à la répression du criminel. Ces émissions montrent comment le monde agit à travers les autorités pour contrôler les déviants. Par la représentation des actes criminels en omettant certains détails, les documentaires peuvent influencer négativement l’opinion publique et affecter la légitimité associée aux policiers et aux autorités judiciaires selon Emily Jane Wade, chercheuse spécialisée dans l’étude du true crime . Le plaisir de la transgression criminelle risque ainsi de devenir aux yeux de certains téléspectateurs plus attractifs que le plaisir de vaincre le criminel. Le chaos véhiculé par ces émissions peut possiblement devenir incontrôlable. En effet, la théorie de la cultivation de Gerbner et Gross démontre que l’exposition prolongée à la violence médiatique structure nos perceptions du monde réel. Les contenus très dramatiques ou violents cultivent ainsi une vision du monde exagérément menaçante. La crimesploitation procure un sentiment de contrôle tout en répondant à l’ennui. La crimesploitation mêle deux mécanismes d’affaiblissement de l’ennui: une consommation des médias de masse et la perpétration d’actes criminels. L’ennui n’est pas seulement un manque d’activité: c'est un sentiment existentiel de vide ou de stagnation que la crimesploitation comble en donnant l’illusion d’agir et de s'identifier au criminel. La crimesploitation est une forme particulièrement puissante de média de masse, car elle capte le désir de consommer du contenu et de s'approprier le criminel pour satisfaire ses propres besoins. Les fans de true crimes sont selon la chercheuse à l’université de Lancaster Judith Fathallah « absolument mainstream, un élément incontournable, infiniment rentable et parfois respectable du paysage médiatique. » Le public doit toutefois selon elle « constamment négocier et surveiller la frontière qui le sépare d'un mauvais fan présumé, c'est-à-dire le fan obsessionnel d'un criminel. » Elle affirme que la consommation même régulière est devenue culturellement acceptable en raison de sa popularité. Cette popularité pose question sur l’état de notre société actuelle : si nous consommons autant ce genre de divertissement, qu’est-ce que cela dit de notre société ? Cette fascination pour le crime révèle autant notre désir de comprendre le passage à l’acte que notre appétit pour l’extrême, la violence. Photo source: Pexels, kat wilcox

Tout le monde connaît les phrases toutes faites. On les répète comme si elles allaient de soi : « Civilisation contre barbarie », « Les Kurdes sont les pions des Occidentaux », « Les Arabes n’ont jamais accepté la modernité »… À force d’être répétées, ces formules finissent par s’imposer comme des évidences. On ne les vérifie plus, on les suppose. La question israélo-palestinienne n’échappe pas à ce mécanisme. < Back Les Palestiniens l’ont-ils bien cherché ? La nécessaire chasse aux mensonges sur le conflit israélo-palestinien par Sandrine Mansour-Mérien Selma Boufaroua April 1, 2026 Tout le monde connaît les phrases toutes faites. On les répète comme si elles allaient de soi : « Civilisation contre barbarie », « Les Kurdes sont les pions des Occidentaux », « Les Arabes n’ont jamais accepté la modernité »… À force d’être répétées, ces formules finissent par s’imposer comme des évidences. On ne les vérifie plus, on les suppose. La question israélo-palestinienne n’échappe pas à ce mécanisme. En fait, elle en est même le terrain privilégié. Dans L’histoire occultée des Palestiniens , Sandrine Mansour-Mérien s’inscrit précisément dans cette démarche de remise en question. Publié dans un contexte d’assez fortes tensions autour du conflit, l’ouvrage propose un retour aux archives, et ce qu’il révèle fissure plusieurs idées largement admises sur la naissance d’Israël et la Nakba. Ainsi, son travail s’apparente à une véritable entreprise de vérification, tant ces idées reçues se sont imposées de manière durable dans les discours médiatiques et politiques. Les régimes arabes ont tout fait pour défendre les Palestiniens Si les populations arabes manifestent massivement leur solidarité avec les Palestiniens, b oycottent les produits israéliens et soutiennent les grèves, les gouvernements, eux, restent en retrait. L’historien et j ournaliste palestinien Aref al-Aref est catégorique : ils ont beaucoup parlé, mais peu agi. États nouvellement indépendants, ils privilégient les promesses occidentales d’avantages économiques. Le mufti de Syrie refuse d’armer les villageois palestiniens. La plupart s’engagent à ne pas intervenir tant que le mandat britannique n’est pas officiellement caduc, ce qui laisse aux sionistes le temps de conquérir du terrain. Plus grave encore : l’armée transjordanienne, officiellement envoyée défendre les Palestiniens, est dirigée par des officiers britanniques dans le cadre d’un accord secret avec les sionistes. Cet accord prévoit que la Jordanie se contente de défendre la frontière du partage onusien, ce qui revient à l’accepter, puis annexe la partie arabe de la Palestine. L’Égypte, de son côté, adopte des lois interdisant l’emploi de réfugiés palestiniens, les cantonne dans des camps à Gaza et leur interdit tout retour après un départ. Le Liban refuse de conserver une population majoritairement musulmane qui déséquilibrerait son système confessionnel. La France, dans ses notes diplomatiques, constate qu’il ne reste guère que la Transjordanie et la Syrie pour accueillir les réfugiés. Ainsi, le mythe des pays arabes comme défenseurs ultimes de la Palestine manque cruellement de nuance et omet que la solidarité populaire ne s’est pas toujours traduite en action étatique efficace. Source: flickr , Protester carrying Palestine flag, Tahrir Square (Egypt, Cairo), 6 May 2011 La violence a commencé du côté arabe Une idée largement dominante est que la violence a commencé du côté arabe, que les milices juives n’ont fait que se défendre. Plus radical encore, certains clament que le terrorisme est un phénomène exclusivement arabe dans ce conflit. Sandrine Mansour-Mérien explique que ces positions manichéennes ne sont ni vraies ni utiles dans l’analyse d’un conflit qui dure plus de 80 ans aujourd’hui. En effet, la Haganah, créée en 1920 comme bras armé de l’Agence juive, voit émerger des scissions plus radicales. L’Irgoun, issu d’une rupture en 1936, mène des attaques terroristes dans des marchés arabes bondés, notamment à Haïfa en 1947. Deux de ses membres, Begin et Shamir, deviendront respectivement Premier ministre en 1977 et ministre des Affaires étrangères en 1980. Le Lehi (Groupe Stern) va jusqu’à proposer une collaboration à l’Allemagne nazie, qui la refuse. Le 28 décembre 1947, le Lehi et la Haganah tirent sur un café à Lifta, village de 2 500 habitants près de Jérusalem : 6 morts, 7 blessés. Ils attaquent également les voyageurs d’un bus et le village de Beit Safafa. Ces actions ne peuvent être qualifiées de défensives : aucun de ces habitants n’avait été hostile. Le massacre de Deir Yassin du 9 avril 1948, perpétré malgré un accord de non-agression avec les colonies juives voisines, reste le plus tristement célèbre. L’enquêteur britannique Richard Catling, mandaté par son gouvernement, confirme que des violences sexuelles ont été commises contre les femmes palestiniennes. L es milices ne sont officiellement dissoutes que progressivement, après la proclamation de l'État d’Israël le 14 mai 1948. Leurs combattants sont intégrés dans Tsahal, la police, la diplomatie, pratique que l’on peut qualifier d’amnistie par l’intégration , effaçant les crimes en réintégrant leurs auteurs dans le système. Le départ des Palestiniens : seulement une conséquence involontaire de la guerre ? La Nakba n’est qu’un simple effet collatéral du conflit de 1947-1949 : la population, prise dans le chaos, a fui les combats et la guerre. Voilà le discours martelé à de multiples reprises pour expliquer les catastrophes de 1948 et la suite des événements. Certains historiens eux-mêmes reconnaissent l’existence d’expulsions tout en les présentant comme inévitables. Dans une interview accordée en 2004 au journal Haaretz, l’historien israélien Benny Morris affirme ainsi que, dans le contexte de 1948, il n’y avait parfois « pas d’autre choix » que de déplacer des populations. Folke Bernadotte, diplomate suédois respecté pour avoir sauvé des détenus des camps nazis, est nommé médiateur de l’ONU au printemps 1948. Sur place, il est bouleversé par la condition des réfugiés palestiniens, qui sont en majorité des enfants, et demande l’aide internationale. Il constate le pillage systématique des biens palestiniens par les forces juives et estime qu’Israël est juridiquement responsable. Il obtient une trêve de trois mois, réclame le retour des réfugiés. Les groupes sionistes rompent la trêve par de nouvelles attaques tout en se réarmant massivement : France, États-Unis, Tchécoslovaquie continuent leurs livraisons malgré l’interdiction. La « campagne des murmures » terrorise les villages : des soldats déguisés en Arabes, parlant parfaitement l’arabe, propagent des rumeurs de massacre imminent pour provoquer l’exode. À Acre, la Croix-Rouge soupçonne la Haganah d’avoir injecté des bactéries de la typhoïde. Bernadotte est assassiné en septembre 1948 par des membres du Lehi, alors qu’il rentre de Syrie où il a présenté ses propositions. Ben Gourion arrête une cinquantaine de personnes, puis les gracie quelques mois plus tard. Plusieurs sont nommés à son gouvernement dès 1949. L’assassin présumé meurt en Israël en 2009 sans jamais avoir été jugé. La plupart des travaux historiques citent le nom de Yehoshua Cohen, bien qu'il n'ait jamais reconnu officiellement l'assassinat de Bernadotte dans un cadre juridique. Source: wikimedia commons , Palestinian refugees during Nakba Le nationalisme palestinien était exclusivement musulman Contrairement aux tentatives de présenter le conflit comme interreligieux, les communautés chrétiennes palestiniennes se sont constamment solidarisées avec leurs concitoyens musulmans. En mars 1948, les représentants de toutes les Églises chrétiennes de Palestine (arménienne catholique, orthodoxe…) adressent une lettre aux consulats européens. Ils « dénoncent en termes non équivoques le projet de partage » et affirment que « la communauté arabe chrétienne de Palestine de toutes les dénominations est en complet accord tant en principe qu’en fait avec ses frères musulmans pour résister à toutes violations de leurs droits ». Et ce n’est pas un épisode isolé. Après les armistices, l’archevêque grec catholique d’Amman lance un appel aux pays européens : « Devant de pareilles atrocités, devant des actes si inhumains qui se commettent au milieu du XXe siècle, prétendu siècle de la civilisation, et en temps prétendu de trêve, nous ne pouvons qu’élever hautement la voix. Il est nécessaire que la conscience humaine mette fin à de pareilles atrocités en Palestine . » Ainsi, le conflit ne peut être réduit à une rivalité religieuse, et on ne peut en aucun cas affirmer que les chrétiens auraient été plus proches des puissances européennes et donc moins solidaires des musulmans palestiniens. Plus encore, une idée existe selon laquelle les chrétiens auraient vu dans le partage une forme de garantie contre une domination musulmane. En citant ces évènements, Sandrine Mansour-Mérien prouve le contraire : les chrétiens palestiniens ont justement pris position publiquement à de multiples reprises pour s’opposer au projet sioniste. Source: Flickr , Greek Orthodox Christian Church of Saint Porphyrius in Gaza « Les Palestiniens ont soutenu Hitler » Un récit persistant accuse les Palestiniens d’avoir soutenu Hitler. L’histoire nous montre très rapidement que cette affirmation est à la fois fausse et malhonnête. Les ruraux palestiniens, qui représentent alors 80 % de la population, sont farouchement opposés à une politique qui est la cause indirecte de l’immigration juive, de l’achat des terres et de leur propre dépossession. Quant aux nationalistes arabes des villes, politisés et minoritaires, qui ont pu approcher l’Allemagne nazie, l’ont fait par opportunisme politique, selon la logique « les ennemis de mon ennemi sont mes amis ». Réduire la position du peuple palestinien à celle de son leader religieux relève du même sophisme que celui qui consisterait à faire du peuple français un soutien d’Hitler parce que Pétain a collaboré. La France, pour sa part, s’engage activement contre les Arabes palestiniens en raison du soutien de ces derniers aux mouvements indépendantistes nord-africains. Elle forme des militaires israéliens sur son sol et leur fournit des armes. Source: wikimedia commons , Amin al-Husseini and Adolf Hitler Source: wikimedia commons , Henri Philippe Pétain and Adolf Hitler En relisant l’histoire et en se confrontant aux archives, on se rend compte que beaucoup de récits répétés depuis des décennies simplifient énormément la réalité. Ces simplifications s'inscrivent en réalité dans un rapport de force politique et international. Un diplomate français constate en 1949 un sentiment partagé dans les sphères influentes israéliennes : « les puissances n’oseront pas, dans les circonstances actuelles, prendre des mesures véritablement efficaces pour ramener Israël au sens réel des forces ». Cette conviction, hélas, s’est révélée juste. Les archives et les témoignages existent bel et bien et sont conservés notamment à l’Institut d’études palestiniennes de Beyrouth. Soixante-quinze ans après la Nakba, le travail d’occultation que Sari Hanafi nomme « spaciocide », c’est-à-dire la volonté de détruire un peuple non seulement sur le plan physique mais aussi symbolique, n’a pas seulement concerné la terre palestinienne, mais aussi sa mémoire . Le travail de Sandrine Mansour-Mérien est précieux pour déconstruire un certain nombre de contrevérités. Mais il met aussi en lumière les limites du fact-checking dans un contexte aussi politisé. Corriger, ça ne veut pas forcément dire convaincre. Dès lors, le livre ne peut pas, à lui seul, défaire des représentations répétées depuis des décennies. Photo Source: Wikimedia Commons

To my fellow 2As, I suggest we have the most care free, amazing, and crazy semester yet. To the 1As, I encourage you to take a look at the spirit and culture of this town passed down by many before us, to keep the MENA soul of this student body alive, and to get ready for a party filled semester. < Back Three Down, One to Go: The 2A’s Fear the End of Their Time in Menton By Lilinaz Hakimi January 30, 2022 When 1As ask, “how was it coming back and being a 2A?” The answer differs from one Mentonese SciencesPiste to another. Although we all share a common identity as members of the same tiny campus family, we also have different personal relationships and experiences. Despite this, we all adjust one way or another. The transition from 1A to 2A, from freshman to senior, is so stark and comes as a quick hit that no one can truly prepare for. But this is not the only transition we endured from 1A to 2A. From Zoom to in-person classes, from no association events to three to four a week, and from nothing but house parties to clubbing in Nice and Monaco on the weekends, we are learning alongside 1As, much like our 2As were learning alongside us during the age of COVID. Now a semester has gone by, and as the resilient, overly opinionated, and loud political science students we are, we have adapted and enjoyed some of these changes. Looking back at our third semester in Menton, I would like to bring to light different assessments from 2As I heard throughout the semester, and explore what it may be like to head into our final semester in this beautiful and surreal town. Coming to Menton, we knew we were on borrowed time. Unlike the four years we get in high school, these two years end with the departure of all our peers from this small town. People come and go, but experiences seem forged in one as we pace our tiny town with views that, as many have said before, make us feel like we are on a movie set. Upon entering their second year, some students struggled with the overwhelming nature of running the show. Some contended with the departure of their own 2As. Others tried hard to remind themselves not to take these views for granted. Many others loved and cherished this semester, for the reunions, the in-person education, and, of course, the parties. In the end, I think most would agree that it flew by. What is more worrying is the speed with which this following semester will come and go. It is a common fact that when you are having fun, time escapes you. So now, we are all settled into our new roles, our town in this new light, and have made bonds with our new arrivals. Like 2A Markus Vaher, I hope we all are ready to “have life coursing through our veins for the next half a year.” And as it does, let us take moments to take it all in as each day goes by. This semester, 2As took on associations fearlessly and led in positions they were not trained for. They struggled with what the identity of the Ummah should be, as some traditions were never truly passed down. We dealt with our administration as it attempted to make this transition to having students and events on site. It was all a mess, but one that we endured together through the partying, clubbing, beach meetups, and brunches. A semester of rebuilding our identity on a personal level or exploring new (and old) friendships. Now that we have adapted and the overwhelming nature of becoming a 2A day has subsided, we are left with these beautiful remaining months together. Menton has been the most eye opening and amazing home for the past year and half. Many have their reservations about this place. But I will say I am sure we all have a small dread in our hearts to leave the friends we love so dearly, the community that embraces everyone’s culture so strongly, and a town so beautiful our eyes sometimes need to adjust. So, to my fellow 2As, I suggest we have the most care free, amazing, and crazy semester yet. To the 1As, I encourage you to take a look at the spirit and culture of this town passed down by many before us, to keep the MENA soul of this student body alive, and to get ready for a party filled semester. Below I have written an ode to this town. I hope it sits well with you as we take on one final go in this remarkable reality, we get to call the final semester at this university. And that is enough of me overly romanticizing this little town on the Riviera. An ode to 06500: What defines something as heaven? Is a utopia something we build or live in? What luck have we to come upon the sea? To see a bell tower ring so randomly? Who am I to have such luck? To meet students from every nook and muck? Ummah embraces its new arrivals Year in and year out with its disciples Memories made in rocky beaches and Sablettes sands With an administration that makes us rip our hair into our hands Not enough time to soak up all the perfect imperfections And all the time to criticize and rebuild our affections So 2As hearts quack as we approach the end Knowing our memories will always extend A smile on our faces, a bond we will keep Mentonese know this loss will make us weep From cold to warm, from Jan to May Let's put away the drama, worry and dismay To have a blast every damn day Singing our songs and dancing away Grab your favorite ghalibaya And scream proudly, Mentoniya Mentoniya

En Amérique latine, l'héritage de l'Espagne «a été d'apporter l'espagnol et, à travers les missions, le catholicisme et, par conséquent, la civilisation et la liberté au continent américain»... il faut avoir des nerfs pour défendre une position aussi absurde. < Back l'État Espagnol: Une mémoire sélective By Amalia Heide October 31, 2022 En Amérique latine, l'héritage de l'Espagne « a été d'apporter l'espagnol et, à travers les missions, le catholicisme et, par conséquent, la civilisation et la liberté au continent américain » ... il faut avoir des nerfs pour défendre une position aussi absurde. Je propose de reformuler cette phrase de Isabel Díaz Ayuso, présidente de la Communauté de Madrid, pour se débarrasser des euphémismes inutiles : « En Amérique latine, l'Espagne, malade de son arrogance / eurocentrisme, a IMPOSÉ sa langue, sa religion ainsi qu'une vision du monde où les populations non-européennes avaient un rôle forcé d'assujettissement, de soumission et d'esclavage » . Que quiconque m'explique comment l'Église catholique de l'Inquisition a favorisé le développement de la « civilisation » en Amérique latine colonisée (civilisation que nous associons au XXIe siècle au monde de la science, de la raison, du respect de la diversité, du droit, de la liberté et de l'égalité). Lue hors contexte, j'aurais logiquement pensé que cette phrase très démodée, chargée d'eurocentrisme à l'extrême, datait d'au moins un demi-siècle. À ma grande déception, elle a été exprimée avec un dépit irritant par Isabel Díaz Ayuso, membre du Parti populaire, le 29 septembre 2021 à Washington. Voulant croire que seul ce spectre politique, de plus en plus qualifié de « conservateur » , défendait cette position, j'ai été à nouveau déçue de lire un article dans la colonne d'opinion d'El País, journal prétendument progressiste, où Jaime de las Heras Gordon déclarait : « La plupart des Latinos avancent l'argument typique selon lequel "les Espagnols ont volé notre or", et ils ont raison, mais allons-nous nous le jeter à la figure 500 ans plus tard ? » Il faut saluer la légère, mais significative, amélioration des barbaries exprimées par notre chère Isabel : Jaime de las Heras Gordon ne nie pas que certains crimes ont été commis contre les peuples d'Amérique latine. De toute manière, ses tentatives de réinterprétation historique s'arrêtent là. Malheureusement, il commet la faute de minimiser à la fois les crimes commis (il faut rappeler que l'activité espagnole ne se limitait pas au vol d'or) et la part de responsabilité actuelle de l'État espagnol. On sent une volonté semblable à celle de Pilate de se laver les mains de ce qui s'est passé « il y a 500 ans » . Je suis mauvaise en mathématiques, mais même en utilisant une calculatrice, je n'arrive pas à obtenir les bons chiffres : les indépendances atlantiques datent du XIXe siècle, c'est-à-dire de moins de deux siècles pour de nombreux pays d'Amérique latine. Il semble également que l'État espagnol ait une mémoire sélective. En ce qui concerne Gibraltar, cédé à l'Angleterre par le traité d'Utrecht en 1704, l'État espagnol se prétend victime de l'impérialisme ou de colonialisme britannique, ou du moins l'était-il jusqu'à très récemment. Ce qu'il faut retenir ici, c'est que pour l'État, il s'agit d'une question d'actualité et qui le concerne. Cependant, lorsqu'il s'agit de parler des actions de l'Espagne en Amérique latine au XVIIIe siècle, « l'État espagnol moderne n'existait pas encore » , « ce sont les élites qui ont décidé, le peuple n'avait rien à voir avec cela » , « aucun citoyen de cette époque n'est vivant pour être jugé » . Si l'État espagnol peut se retourner contre d'autres États pour des événements survenus au début du XVIIe siècle, il doit également assumer la responsabilité de sa propre politique étrangère à cette époque. Il est très facile de pointer du doigt sans faire de mea culpa. Ainsi, certaines institutions témoignent d'une volonté de réconciliation historique avec l'Amérique latine et ont la décence de faire leur mea culpa. Le pape François, par exemple, a récemment présenté des excuses au nom de l'Église catholique romaine pour des « erreurs » commises il y a plusieurs siècles. Les fonctionnaires du Vatican d'aujourd'hui n'étaient pas en vie à l'époque de la colonie, et ils ne sont donc pas responsables des décisions prises par les autorités il y a des centaines d'années. Cependant, l'Institution qu'ils représentent l'est. Suivant la même logique, personne ne blâme les citoyens espagnols pour ce qui s'est passé il y a des siècles. La responsabilité n'incombe pas à la population espagnole mais à l'État espagnol, qui a le devoir moral d'assumer la responsabilité de ce qui s'est passé. Mais le grandiose Ponce Pilate espagnol, incarné dans ce cas par notre pauvre ami Jaime de las Heras Gordon, ne s'arrête pas là. Ce dernier affirme également que "toutes les nations colonisatrices ont volé, humilié et tué les conquis. Les Aztèques n'ont-ils pas décimé la population maya, ou les Incas les Mapuches ?" C'est pitoyable comme défense. Supposons que je tue une personne demain et que, devant le tribunal, ma défense pour échapper à la condamnation consiste à accuser mon voisin d'avoir tué deux personnes : cela me rend-il moins responsable de mes actes, moins coupable devant le juge ? C'est totalement incongru. Néanmoins, la cerise sur le gâteau, c'est que l'Espagne, en tant qu'État, montre des signes clairs de fierté à l'égard de son ancien rôle de colonisateur. Sur quoi puis-je me baser pour affirmer cela ? Je vous propose l'exemple suivant : la fête nationale espagnole. Quelle est la date ? Le 12 octobre. Quand Christophe Colomb est-il arrivé en Amérique ? Le 12 octobre. Coïncidence ? Bien sûr que non. La loi 18/1987 stipule : "La date choisie, le 12 octobre, symbolise l'événement historique au cours duquel l'Espagne, sur le point de conclure un processus de construction de l'État fondé sur notre pluralité culturelle et politique, et l'intégration des royaumes d'Espagne dans une monarchie unique, entame une période de projection linguistique et culturelle au-delà des frontières européennes". Cette projection (retour aux euphémismes) est-elle une source de fierté ? Il semble que Isabel Diaz Ayuso se soit inspirée de cette loi pour entretenir ses convictions. Pour être fier, l'État est présent, pour s'excuser, il disparaît. Ce que l'on réclame aujourd'hui, c'est avant tout une justice symbolique. J'admets qu'il n'y a pas de vérité absolue, qu'il y a des nuances et des circonstances atténuantes. Mais les faits restent les faits. L'Espagne a commis des crimes imprescriptibles. Pour qu'il y ait une véritable réconciliation, l'État espagnol doit faire preuve d'un minimum de repentance. Faire de la "découverte des Amériques" un jour férié pour célébrer l'époque de la colonisation espagnole ou permettre aux politiciens de diffuser les avantages de la colonisation n'est pas la meilleure approche. Peu importe le temps écoulé. Les ancêtres occupent une place culturelle centrale en Amérique latine : les générations vivantes cherchent à honorer, à se souvenir et à maintenir le lien avec les générations passées. La nuit des morts au Mexique en est un bon exemple. C'est peut-être la raison pour laquelle, bien que "beaucoup de temps" se soit écoulé, la blessure est encore ouverte et l'amertume n'est pas éteinte. La douleur d'une injustice se transmet donc de génération en génération, et il arrive qu'elle soit si profonde qu'elle embrasse même l'identité entière d'une communauté. L'identité latino-américaine est marquée au fer rouge par cette douleur. Je ne défends pas pour autant l'attitude violente et populiste de certains politiciens latino-américains de gauche, comme Manuel Lopez Obrador, par exemple, qui ont la fâcheuse tendance à utiliser ce trait identitaire pour expliquer tous les maux qui accablent le continent. Il est inadmissible d'utiliser l'Espagne, et le colonialisme/néo-colonialisme en général, comme bouc émissaire pour justifier les crises économiques, l'autoritarisme et la corruption qui ne cessent de secouer l'Amérique latine. En revanche, il me semble légitime qu'aujourd'hui, les communautés latino-américaines ressentent le poids de cette douleur et cherchent à trouver un minimum de respect et de considération de la part de l'État espagnol et de ses représentants.

K-pop, kimchi and Samsung likely come to mind when one thinks of this small country of 52 million in East Asia. I recently traveled to the country of my heritage to rediscover the nation my family had left over half a century ago. < Back South Korea: A Colorful Nation of Contrasts By Colin Lim September 28, 2022 K-pop, kimchi and Samsung likely come to mind when one thinks of this small country of 52 million in East Asia. Similar in size to Iceland and Indiana, the Republic of Korea is perpetually dwarfed by its larger neighbors — China, Japan and Russia — and its hostile and secretive, estranged northern brother. I recently traveled to the country of my heritage to rediscover the nation my family had left over half a century ago. Then, it was an impoverished, war-torn country whose citizens faced both repression and tremendous economic growth under a series of military dictators. It was a country that, amid its post-1945 recovery from Japanese colonization, was forcefully and arbitrarily divided by outside forces with little understanding of the peninsula or its people. Today, however, as a result of the relentless development pursued after the Korean War armistice, signed in 1953, South Korea is among the most developed nations in the world and produces countless cultural exports, including K-pop, K-dramas and K-beauty. In traveling to Korea, I hoped to reconnect with my heritage and acquaint myself with the country beyond the borders of its shining megacity capital. Across Eurasia The twelve-hour flight from Warsaw to Incheon was uneventful, although the circuitous flight path that avoided Ukrainian, Russian and North Korean airspace was a poignant reminder that not everyone has the privilege of living in a peaceful country. Although I had visited South Korea before, I was still mesmerized by the endless subdivisions of plain, identical twenty-story concrete apartment buildings that dominate the skyline as I arrived at my grandfather’s apartment on the outskirts of Seoul. For lunch, we had Korean barbecue — something every visitor must experience. Seeing the ajumma (an archetypal middle-aged woman) swiftly and expertly cooking strips of samgyeopsal (pork belly) on the table’s built-in grill made me truly feel like I had arrived in Korea. The refreshing bowl of naengmyeon (icy Pyongyang-style noodle soup) that accompanied the meat provided respite from the heat and humidity. Seoul Seoul is built for efficiency, and yet, it is a city of unique contrasts. It manages to blend tradition and modernity almost seamlessly. Centuries-old Buddhist temples and royal palaces abut glass skyscrapers and congested city streets. Citizens demonstrate against their government when they are dissatisfied, while, 30 kilometers to the north, doing the exact same would consign three generations of one’s family to a lifetime of hard labor at a Soviet-style gulag. Advertisements featuring K-pop singers with flawless makeup and surgically perfected facial features overlook Seoulites as they métro-boulot-dodo and while farmers tend to their rice paddies just beyond the city limits. The Seoul metropolitan area houses 25 million residents — half the country’s population — and is one of the most densely populated cities in the world. It inundates the senses. Even as a repeat visitor, I was overwhelmed by the city’s cleanliness and efficiency, given its size. The low violent crime rates allow neighborhoods to buzz with people at all hours of the day and night. One could spend a lifetime in Seoul and still not have explored every one of its neighborhoods in depth. Sokcho: Seaside Sleepiness As a non-resident, I could not buy a ticket to Sokcho online. I showed up at the bus terminal in Seoul, clueless yet unfazed, and managed to purchase a ticket. An hour later, I was on a luxurious coach bound for Sokcho, a city on the northeastern coast of South Korea. Upon arrival, I wandered around the central market — a massive seafood and produce hub with dozens of varieties of live fish, handmade kimchi and dalgona, the saccharine toffee-like snack introduced to the outside world by “Squid Game.” I ended the day by enjoying grilled seafood and sikhye, a refreshing beverage made from rice and pine nuts, as I overlooked the sea. The pace of life was slower than Seoul’s, but it was nearly impossible to escape the urban hustle and bustle. The next day, I boarded a bus bound for Seoraksan National Park, which houses Sinheungsa, a large seventh-century Buddhist temple complex, and congregations of jagged granite peaks that jut defiantly toward the sky. The lush mountainsides and perilous vertical drops provide the perfect scenery for the 10-meter-tall bronze Buddha statue and the colorful wooden temple buildings with intricately painted eaves. When I entered the temple, it felt as if time had stopped; the only audible sounds were chirping birds, bowing Buddha-followers and streaming spring water from the temple’s granite fountain. A stone lion guards the bridge over the parched riverbed below as the unrelenting sun beats down on visitors. Busan, Boseong, and Jeonju: A Southern Adventure After a few days back in my home-base and the country’s transportation hub, Seoul, I boarded a high-speed train to Busan. Nestled in the southeastern corner of the peninsula, Busan is only 50 kilometers from Japan’s Tsushima Island. After a swift two-and-a-half-hour journey, I visited Haeundae Beach. It was a typical sandy beach, replete with families, high-rise resort hotels and palm trees. I did not linger for too long since I had gone to Korea to experience Korean culture, not Miami Beach. In pursuit of this, I headed to Jagalchi Market, the largest seafood market in the country. The utilitarian five-story building with fluorescent lighting is full of live and dried seafood, along with dozens of restaurants that prepare seafood however the customer desires. I was in a less adventurous mood, so I settled for some hearty pork bone broth soup, the regional specialty. The next day, I boarded a bus bound for Boseong, a small village along the rocky southwestern part of the peninsula. The bus exited the freeway and sped down charming country roads lined with rice paddies. The roads grew narrower and the towns smaller. Four hours after departing the seaside metropolis of Busan, I arrived at my accommodation and prepared for the next day’s journey. Boseong is renowned for its green tea; its mild climate and location along the coast supposedly create distinct aromas in the tea leaves. The green tea fields did not disappoint; dozens of rows of lime-emerald green tea tree terraces line the hillside, teeming with city-dwelling weekenders hunting for the perfect selfie spot. After having some green tea ice cream and extremely bitter tea leaves, I headed to Jeonju — a city where the authentic Korea is still proudly on display. I slept in a hanok (traditional home) in the Jeonju Hanok village — a massive collection of minimalist yet elegant wooden homes with curved roofs and handmade paper windows. The juxtaposition of the traditional houses and the modern city surrounding it are quintessentially Korean. U.S. Army Yongsan Garrison and the DMZ: A Country Divided One of the most impactful parts of my visit to South Korea was my trip to the U.S. Army’s Yongsan Garrison. The two-square kilometer facility in central Seoul served as the headquarters of the Imperial Japanese Army from 1910 to 1945. Subsequently, it housed the U.S. Army until 2018, when the American base migrated to a site outside of Seoul. Despite the garrison not being active anymore, the barbed wire and threatening signs stating “U.S. government property, no trespassing” have still not disappeared. A small residential part of the army base was open to the public. It was bizarre to see people so eager to pose for photos inside a former military base that had been off-limits to everyday Koreans for seven decades. Blackhawk Village’s rows of two-story brick townhouses, parks and a Little League baseball field enclosed by a chain-link fence were somewhat reminiscent of an American suburb. A few days later, I visited the Odusan Unification Observatory, located at the confluence of the Han and Imjin Rivers to the northwest of Seoul. Being only 2.1 kilometers from one of the most secretive countries in the world was a surreal experience. South Koreans used binoculars to catch glimpses of their brethren in the north, separated by a forgotten proxy war. Visitors took selfies on their Samsung phones and sipped on iced Americanos while gazing at the North Korean farm workers who would never be able to experience the capitalist, consumerist lifestyle of the south. As students in Menton, we cross borders regularly — be it from France to Italy or France to Monaco . But it will be decades, if not an eternity before the people of the Korean Peninsula will be able to cross the Demilitarized Zone that strangles their homeland with the same sort of relative ease and convenience. The duration of the separation — over 70 years — and the extreme disparity in development between the two countries make a German-style reunification ever less likely. Final Thoughts This trip was a sort of homecoming that was not truly a homecoming. At times, I felt at home in a country I had only visited twice before; after all, the cuisine and the traditions — and to some extent, the language — were the ones I had grown up with in cosmopolitan California. But, being told by Koreans that I am a foreigner and repeatedly experiencing people in Europe telling me that I am not really American leaves me in an uncomfortable position. Those who are part of a diasporic community are perpetual foreigners in their birth countries and ancestral lands. My mediocre Korean language skills, combined with the general dearth of English proficiency in Korea, frequently impeded communication and often elicited confused looks from locals. It took some time for me to adjust to the Korean “ppalli-ppalli” (quickly-quickly) lifestyle — a far cry from the azuréen lifestyle that blends the French “joie de vivre” and Italian “dolce far niente” philosophies. The ppalli-ppalli growth mindset caused the country to develop at a breakneck pace under military dictator Park Chung-hee’s series of five-year plans in the 1960s and 1970s. However, this same attitude, combined with a deeply ingrained Confucian hierarchy, creates the conditions for acute inequality — where the upper class lives in posh Gangnam apartments and the less well-off struggle to make ends meet. Intense academic pressure, long working hours, and dominance of the economy and government by too-big-to-fail conglomerates (chaebols) — including Samsung, LG, and Hyundai — contribute to South Korea having the highest suicide rate in the first-world. These societal dynamics were portrayed in “Parasite” (2019) and “Squid Game” (2021), and while people have a tendency to romanticize other cultures, they often fail to recognize that nowhere is perfect. The tremendous growth South Korea has experienced is incredible, and I genuinely enjoyed spending three weeks there earlier this summer. I appreciated being able to reconnect with my heritage and experiencing what several provinces had to offer. I highly recommend it to those who wish to visit Korea—you will enjoy this gem of a country. Don’t be afraid to go beyond your comfort zone, especially with food, learn some of the history before visiting and have an open mind!

Domenico Lucano was the mayor of the small Italian town, Riace. Now he is facing up to 13 years and 2 months in prison and a €700,000 fine for his lifelong devotion to the integration of migrants and refugees. < Back ‘If Humanity and Solidarity Have Become Crimes, He Is Guilty’: The Case of Dominico Luciano By Viola Luraschi November 29, 2021 On October 1, Maurizio Zavaglia started a message to his friends with “ti rispondo ora perché non ho più lacrime da cacciare fuori” — I am only answering now because I no longer have any tears in me . This message came following the events that took place in the small town of Riace, a commune of the city of Reggio Calabria, south of Italy. Since 1998 the community of Riace has been practicing what has come to be called “l’ospitalitá diffusa,” or widespread and spontaneous hospitality . The term describes the system of inclusion and integration that the community has implemented with regards to migrants and refugees; the hosting of families and individuals in the infrastructures available. In fact, one afternoon in 1988, the arrival of a boat overcrowded with Kurdish refugees first mobilized the town. The community made itself available to host the people who had abruptly arrived. For this reason, the concept of hospitality was not seen as a choice but rather as part of daily life in the town of Riace and its neighboring area. This initiative was led by Padre Giancarlo Maria Bregantini, who built all possible housing structures, and allowed Mimmo Lucano to start volunteering as a child. Zavaglia then refers to the period that followed as a time during which “no ci si é farmati” — they couldn’t stop — and for many years until 2004, they practiced “l’ospitalitá diffusa,” not only through housing but also through craft workshops that gave the refugees and migrants a chance to become involved in the community with a form of employment. Migrants and refugees were making glass utensils, ceramics, clay and textiles, and people started using Riace as a travel destination, making the town grow in numbers. In 2004, Riace became part of the system of accoglienza (hospitality) of the state, the same year Mimmo Lucano became mayor. Riace experienced a turnaround: it went from a town at a very high risk of being underpopulated, to a town that was full of life. In fact, in Riace and the contouring areas, the ‘ndragheta (organized crime specific to the region of Reggio Calabria), “il malaffare” ( ill deal ) and violence had been causing young people to flee towards other areas of Italy. As the years passed, more migrants as opposed to refugees started arriving in Riace, and with the integration of young people into the town, the school — previously at risk of being closed — was kept open. Schools and shops became areas of local development. The more Riace became known as “il luogo dell’anima e dello spirito,” or the place of the soul and the spirit , the more the place, which was previously depopulating, had a growing population of young people working for the local economy. For many, Riace stood as a symbol of hope, and potentially a new and improved life. The town became a place that housed more migrants than local citizens, and Maurizio described the older citizens coming back out onto the streets to sit and interact as a community. Statistics showed the rates of robberies, and general violence to have decreased, and the word “tranquilitá” ( tranquility ) was the one used by Maurizio to describe the town. It was not long before Riace had attracted national attention that, according to Maurizio, it started bothering some because it did not adhere to the notion that “gli immigranti rubano il lavoro,” or that migrants steal jobs ; the attacks against Riace and Mimmo Lucano began. The judiciary case that has been ongoing since 2016, when Mimmo was first arrested, came to a decision in September of this year when the sentence of 13 years and two months, along with 700,000 euros, was announced. The first degree sentence came as a shock to many as 13 years was seven more than the prosecution had asked for from the court. Judges within Italy have also disagreed with the sentence imposed on Mimmo Lucano, and it is a shared belief that the sentence was too harsh. In fact, the prosecution had asked for seven years less than what was given in the final sentence, creating dispute on the fairness of the judges and the judicial system in Italy. Journalists, magistrates and the public were all shocked by the sentence awarded. The sentence claimed that Mimmo misused public resources, these resources being 35€ awarded by the state, daily, per migrant. Mimmo believed this amount to be too much and said that hospitality could have been granted with a lot less money. Therefore, part of this budget was used for projects that he believed would better lead to the inclusion of migrants, including artisanal shops, collection of recycling, and fattorie didattiche, which is an educational program which attempts to promote a connection between the city and countryside. With this money, an oil sanctuary was also realized, and Maurizio said that, “i soldi sono stati usati per includere, no separate” — the money was used to unite, not separate . Mimmo was also accused of organizing a marriage of convenience between an Italian citizen and a refugee woman in order to help her obtain citizenship. Furthermore the accusations included a belief that he gave a four year-old an identity card. Maurizio describes Mimmo as “una persona che ha dedicato la sua vita agli altri, ai piu deboli, a chi non ha voce, a chi arriva dalle guerra, fame, poverta, a chi scappa da situazioni terribili rischiando la loro vita in mare, povera gente,” or a person who has dedicated his life to others, to those weaker, to those who have no voice, to those who come from war, hunger, poverty, to those running from terrible situations risking their life at sea, poor people . To Maurizio, Mimmo is a person who “ha dedicato la sua vita in termini di stabilità del suo nucleo familiare” — has dedicated his life in terms of familial stability . Maurizio says that Mimmo lives a spartanic lifestyle, at the limit of poverty but “é un idealista, una persona che ha sempre inseguito i valori della pace, del’egualianza, lui non ha mai commesso reati; l’unico reato commesso è il reato del’umanita” ( he is an idealist, a person who has always followed the values of peace, of equality, he has never committed any crime; the only crime committed is the crime of humanity ). Today, Riace is a community which has been bent but which wants to react, said Maurizio. Riace is not to be spoken of in the past tense, Riace is a part of the present and future. The current idea that holds the 60 people who decided to stay in Riace is that of not letting hope die. Maurizio finished the interview with this message: “Se l’umanitá e la solidarietá diventano un reato, lui è colpevole" — If humanity and solidarity have become crimes, he is guilty .

During this time of the year, the internet is always full of unsolicited advice on surviving the holidays with our families without harming either them or ourselves. As someone who enjoys a good “tip from a therapist” video on Instagram, my for-you page is always full of posts like this. Although I sometimes find the advice too vague or unfitting to my situation, I almost always watch it. So this year—purely to entertain myself and without any real hope for getting along better with my relatives—I decided to implement, besides my real-therapist-approved tricks, some of the advice that the gurus on Instagram had revealed to me. < Back Christmas: The Cheerful Holiday of Stress Viktorie Voriskova January 31, 2025 The Christmas Break. Although a long-awaited time for many, it is rarely the happy, calm and peaceful time that we wish for it to be. Despite being able to hit pause on academia and work, kicking back with a cold glass of eggnog and luxurious Christmas candy, many people experience stress and anxiety during this time. Oftentimes, the capitalistic whirlwind is what goes hand in hand with Christmas—making sure that you are giving a present to everyone who is giving one to you, ensuring that the gifts are nicely packed and ready to be exchanged at an appropriate time. However, for better or worse, our families also create stressful and anxiety-filled atmospheres that embody the opposite of what the ideal Christmas spirit represents. Be it contrasting political opinions, intrusive questions about personal life, unhelpful comments on how much one is eating, or just the overall stress of having so many people in one room. As a child of divorce, I have what some might call the luck—and others the horror—of getting to celebrate Christmas twice. Although I do not consider any of my relatives my lethal foe and have a working relationship with all of them, sometimes (too often) I find myself in interactions that make me question the sanity of both of us and have me searching for same-day flights to anywhere else on earth. During this time of the year, the internet is always full of unsolicited advice on surviving the holidays with our families without harming either them or ourselves. As someone who enjoys a good “tip from a therapist” video on Instagram, my for-you page is always full of posts like this. Although I sometimes find the advice too vague or unfitting to my situation, I almost always watch it. So this year—purely to entertain myself and without any real hope for getting along better with my relatives—I decided to implement, besides my real-therapist-approved tricks, some of the advice that the gurus on Instagram had revealed to me. “To engage or not to engage?” That is the question. A classic, and one of my family’s favorite conversation starters, is the “Oh, but have you heard?!” These arguments are usually kicked off by a relatively innocent “They want to increase taxes!” which then turns into “They are stealing our jobs!” and which can spiral as far as “There are chips in vaccines!” Most of the time I have just answered with: “Sure, Grandma, I am too convinced that the government has a deep desire to know what we talk about at Christmas dinner.” Not that telling her this has ever stopped her from conspiring further. I tried. Multiple times. Personally, these interactions have always been painfully irritating because it is obvious to me that these fears and anxieties are the result of populist and extremist propaganda they have encountered and naively trusted. For someone who has always tried to check my sources and stay as objective as possible, this has always been hard to deal with. For years, I used to argue, trying to show them that they were being manipulated and free them from their fabricated illusions. Unsurprisingly, this has never worked. It only made them resent me or laugh at me. This year, I tried out the Instagram advice: “ Don’t engage, don’t reply, change the topic.” Although at first this was very difficult and frustrating since I felt that it was my responsibility to try to help them see things as they were, once I embraced this strategy, I felt better. At the end of the day, if they were open to hearing me out and changing their opinion, they would have done so many Christmases ago. Me trying to argue with them made no difference. Even though it was frustrating, it felt freeing. 9/10. “Your body, your choice” Food is one of the core elements of any holiday for my family, deeply rooted in all our celebrations. Therefore, unsurprisingly, it—specifically the amount which we consume—is a common topic around this time of the year. “ Are you sure you really want to eat another piece?” is repeated like a broken record. For many years, these types of questions sent me into a spiral. But, yet again, Instagram therapists rushed in with advice on how to deal with this. Besides applying the previous advice of not engaging, “I will honour my cravings” and “I will respect my hunger cues” became my daily mantras. Even though I was not capable of fully enjoying my Christmas candy after someone commented on me eating it, I mostly managed not to spiral or have my day ruined. To be completely unaffected by these comments, I would need to practice setting my boundaries for longer, but I was pleasantly surprised nonetheless. 8.5/10 (+0.5 if you eat the candy while keeping intense eye contact with the relative who asked the question—that did actually make me feel pretty great). “Fighting the crazy opinion with an even crazier opinion” As I already mentioned, some of my relatives are, unfortunately, easily manipulated by populist and extremist politicians, making my Christmas full of radical opinions. Arguing with them is pointless, as well as trying to debate with facts and reason. Therefore, although not a therapist but a comedian , Dan Donohue shared the advice “If they say something crazy, say something even crazier” on Instagram a couple of days before the holidays. As already made clear in earlier parts of this article, I am not above teasing (i.e. making fun of) my relatives, and so I did try this advice out a couple of times. Mostly, I was successful in ending the discussion, which felt quite gratifying. However, once or twice, I just spurred my relatives on, which was quite horrifying. Nevertheless, it was quite entertaining and effective. 7/10. The long-awaited happiness, calmness and peace At the end of the day, I love my family, and I was happy to get to spend Christmas with them, although, like most of us, I did not enjoy every single minute of our time together. Despite everything, I did manage to relax this Christmas, watch all my favourite fairytales and savor all my favorite traditional foods. My ability to set my boundaries and not be affected by the emotions and opinions of others is still developing, occasionally leading to frustration and upset during the holidays. Nevertheless, some of these tips did make a difference when the conversations got too heated or when I felt too overwhelmed. Although I do not know how I feel about having to thank a social media platform for making my holiday break more survivable, the tips I gathered there did make a difference; I am obliged to give credit where it is due. Thank you, Instagram Gurus. Photo credits: Creative Commons

In January 2022, the United States Supreme Court announced that it would hear two cases, one against Harvard University and one against the University of North Carolina, seeking to ban affirmative action in university admissions. The potential end of affirmative action would dramatically transform the framework of college admissions. < Back The End of Affirmative Action? By Magdelena Offenbeck March 30, 2022 In January 2022, the United States Supreme Court announced that it would hear two cases, one against Harvard University and one against the University of North Carolina, seeking to ban affirmative action in university admissions. The conservative Supreme Court majority is likely to overturn a legacy of race consideration in college admissions. The history of race as a factor in college admissions begins in the 1960s when Harvard University announced concrete measures to increase the percentage of African American students in its cohorts. Harvard’s plan of action was then adopted by many of the major institutions for higher education in the United States. Aiming to counter the inequality caused by the history of racial segregation, the policies have effectively promoted upward social mobility and diversified cohorts at US universities. Since its implementation, affirmative action has faced criticism by those who favor admission procedures that are entirely based on academic merit. In the landmark 2003 Supreme Court case Grutter v. Bollinger , the constitutionality of affirmative action was confirmed in scenarios when race is one of many factors considered in the admission process. However, in the same year, the court declared points-based admission systems that grant extra points to minority applicants unconstitutional and contrary to the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourth Amendment. Both Harvard University and the University of North Carolina are now accused of discrimination by giving race overwhelming importance in admission procedures. The difference between the cases is that Harvard is charged with discrimination against Asians while the University of North Carolina is accused of favoring Black and Hispanic applicants. The plaintiff, Students for Fair Admissions,' argued that Harvard’s disproportional consideration of race violates the Equal Protection Clause and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act. The case was tried in 2018 in the state of Massachusetts but, after a 15-day bench trial in 2018, a lower court in Massachusetts found Harvard not guilty of “race balancing,” otherwise known as admission quotas for racial groups at the university. Many consider it unlikely that the Supreme Court has taken on the case to reaffirm the ruling of the state court. What would the end of affirmative action mean for university communities in the United States? Deans of Yale, Columbia, and Harvard University have spoken out against the lawsuit. In a statement released on the Columbia University website, President Lee Bollinger Broad asserted that “public awareness of the unrelenting impact of racism demands a recommitment to affirmative action, not its abandonment,” deeming affirmative action essential considering the nation’s history. He further described a ban on affirmative action as “calamitous for universities and for the ideals embodied in the Constitution.” The end of affirmative action could significantly decrease the number of Black students admitted to elite universities in the country as Black and Hispanic students have lower average standardized test scores and are subjected to structural obstacles that are not encountered by their white counterparts. However, the plaintiff argues that affirmative action comes at the expense of Asian students, who have lower chances of admission with equal or higher test scores and are consistently ranked lower on the personality scores of the admissions process. Public opinion seems to confirm the plaintiff’s view. A 2019 survey by the Pew Research Center concluded that 73% of Americans think that race should not be considered in college admissions. However, there is stratification between racial groups, with 78% of Caucasians opposed to affirmative action compared to 65% of Hispanics and 62% of Blacks. This gap persists with political leanings. While 88% of Caucasian Republicans are against the consideration of race, this number falls to 66% among Caucasian Democrats. The consideration of other factors such as legacy status, gender, or athletic ability is equally deemed inappropriate by the majority of survey participants. Therefore, the case puts into question a number of controversial admission practices, especially the elitist concept of legacy admissions. If affirmative action is found to be unconstitutional, the question of feasible alternatives arises. The benefits of diverse student cohorts in university environments and the positive effect of upward social mobility in the larger society have continually been emphasized by university administrations and the Supreme Court. Especially the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg was a major proponent of the policy. Yet, a similar degree of diversity could be achieved by taking into account the socio-economic background of applicants. Black and Hispanic communities are generally more socio-economically disadvantaged. According to a US government census, the median income of Black households in the United States is $28,000 and $41,000 below that of White and Asian households, respectively. The gap is slightly smaller for Hispanics. Considering household income and access to education resources would hence have similar effects on student diversity to affirmative action. This is not to deny the intersectional experience of members of the Black or Hispanic communities that face disadvantages compared to whites with a similar socioeconomic background. Rather, it acknowledges that the individuals who experience similar levels of poverty equally merit a chance in the higher education system. It further takes into consideration the racism and systemic discrimination that Asian communities are victim to, and counters stereotyping in admissions where the achievements of Asian students are not valued equally because of their ethnic background. While the official judgment will only be released in 2023, the end of affirmative action will bring changes to the framework of college admissions. However, it may not be necessary to equate this to the end of student diversity in higher education. A range of alternative tools could continue to protect the interests of socially disadvantaged students.

What really is the role of a journalist, a war journalist in particular? Well, on a basic level of analysis, war journalists offer information—factual updates on a conflict and an analysis of evolving situations. Scraping beyond the surface, a war journalist’s role is far greater. War journalists are the torch-bearers of the truth, chronicling human suffering, influencing public perception and shaping historical memory. With that, almost inevitably, journalistic pieces offering unique insights will often be underscored by biases; after all, that’s why we get all sorts of different headlines on a given event. < Back A Delicate Balancing Act: Journalism in Conflict Zones Maria Eirini Liodi December 31, 2024 My recent experiences both in the Youth4Regions program for young journalists, as well as last month’s event I coordinated with Sciences Défense, have prompted me to really think about the role of journalists, particularly in war-struck regions. Before delving further into it, I should give some context for the above. Youth4Regions is a unique journalism program happening in Brussels every year, presenting young journalists the opportunity to hone their craft and expand their network. The former event refers to Sciences Défense’s first virtual conference of the year, hosting Ukrainian war journalist Alyona Martiniuk and presenting a great chance to gain insights into the background of the war in Ukraine through a personal perspective of a citizen and journalist experiencing the war. It was very interesting to learn about her role as a journalist during the war in Ukraine, aiming to bring to light stories of soldiers who were killed during the war or those left disabled. Her work’s artistic and literary style vividly captures the human aspect of war—a necessity in a world where information overload often strips the humanity from the political realities of conflict. Both of these experiences got me thinking: what really is the role of a journalist, a war journalist in particular? Well, on a basic level of analysis, war journalists offer information—factual updates on a conflict and an analysis of evolving situations. Scraping beyond the surface, a war journalist’s role is far greater. War journalists are the torch-bearers of the truth, chronicling human suffering, influencing public perception and shaping historical memory. With that, almost inevitably, journalistic pieces offering unique insights will often be underscored by biases; after all, that’s why we get all sorts of different headlines on a given event. Take these two headlines covering the events of October 7th of last year: ‘History Didn't Begin or End on October 7th’ or ‘October 7: A terrible day, a tragic year.’ Same topic, different message; we can tell that just from the title. Some would argue this a malady of modern media, others an inevitability, or perhaps a vital component of modern media. For me, it begs the question: do journalists owe it to their audiences to be objective, or is subjectivity important in giving different perspectives? Is subjectivity inevitable either way? This comes to mind especially in light of the conflict in Gaza, which has drawn a lot of attention to controversies over media bias in the reporting of the war. I agree that media bias is something we should be aware of and wary of. Yet, I also wonder whether any media can truly be stripped of bias, and whether it is desirable to strive for ‘objectivity’ in media at all. I think as long as the information delivered is factual, and reflective of the true reality of the conflict, receiving news from various sources offering different perspectives is valuable; it can be even more informative of the nature of the conflict, as the news itself reflects political ideologies and hence the biases often at the root of the conflict. Beyond this idea of journalistic perspective and bias, I also pondered over the ethical weight of the role of a war journalist, as the bearer of information. If you think about it, aside from information delivered or leaked directly from independent individuals on social media platforms, journalists directly deliver the information we have on current affairs in war zones. That reality comes with great power in shaping global perspectives, making the role of a war journalist a double-edged sword of privilege and burden. Reporting on war zones, particularly for on-site reporters, demands great courage. It also demands an acute awareness of how news stories are delivered. Accounting for the impact their stories have on audiences, policymakers, and potentially even the course of the conflicts themselves, are crucial. Hence, there are a lot of questions journalists must ask themselves when publishing stories for the whole world to see, but also scrutinize: how much detail is too much? When does a story cross the line from informative to sensational? Is this reporting serving the public good through its transparency, or is it exacerbating existing tensions and perpetuating harm? These are things I thought about a lot during Youth4Regions, where I delved into the ethics of journalism. Although I do not hold the exact answers to these questions, they certainly helped me appreciate the delicate balance journalists, particularly those working in conflict zones, must strike in their work. For instance, according to the Society of Professional Journalists Code of Ethics , a journalist must “balance the public’s need for information against potential harm or discomfort,” avoiding unnecessary intrusiveness where possible. This principle can be relevant when deciding whether it is ethical to post images or videos depicting violent content, showcasing individuals who may not have consented to their private person being used for public distribution, or when considering the consequences of posting unverified accusations—both of which we have seen a lot of this year. Finally, the role of a journalist, especially during times of war, is not simply to inform people but to provoke critical thinking, evoke empathy and inspire action. To restate this once more, a war journalist holds great power and responsibility. Their stories not only shape the present understanding of conflicts but also the way they are remembered. We, as consumers of news content, also carry a responsibility: we ought to be critical of what we read and seek out diverse perspectives that can challenge our preconceptions, not merely confirm our beliefs. By doing so, we can be active participants in the political discourse of global developments, and hopefully foster a more nuanced, critical and empathetic understanding of the conflict-ridden world we live in.

At the start of the 1920s, although hard to imagine today, the Riviera was practically deserted during the summer months. Hotels and restaurants catering to the European elite would close shop after spring, as their wealthy patrons would leave for colder climates. The Murphys were the first to convince hotels in Antibes to stay open during the summer months, as a way to host their American friends. Thus beginning the transformation of the Riviera into the summer destination it is today. < Back Americans on the Riviera Kerem Demir Karahan September 28, 2025 The French Riviera may seem far too beautiful to inspire the Valley of Ashes , yet Scott Fitzgerald’s timeless classic “The Great Gatsby” was partially written here. Another one of his books, “Tender is the Night” is set in the French Riviera, around Cannes, telling a story far more dramatic than the feuds between modern movie stars who convene there every year. With the conclusion of American isolationism thanks to the American intervention in the First World War, members of the American gentry began to resettle in the Old World, especially Southern France. Brilliant mansions began to appear across the French Riviera, coupled with wonderful gardens, rivalling the splendor of British villas, such as Eilenroc in Antibes, dotting the shore from Cannes to Menton. The forerunners of American migration to the Riviera were Gerald and Sara Murphy. Their home in Antibes, Villa America , hosted parties and was the centerpiece of a social circle composed of not only Americans such as Ernest Hemingway, and Zelda and Scott Fitzgerald, but also European artists like Jean Cocteau and Pablo Picasso. They embodied what was the “Jazz Age” in the United States, importing the Charleston for the French “Années folles.” At the start of the 1920s, although hard to imagine today, the Riviera was practically deserted during the summer months. Hotels and restaurants catering to the European elite would close shop after spring, as their wealthy patrons would leave for colder climates. The Murphys were the first to convince hotels in Antibes to stay open during the summer months, as a way to host their American friends. Thus beginning the transformation of the Riviera into the summer destination it is today. With that, the “Lost Generation” , the group of authors who became adults during the First World War, found themselves a home on the French Riviera. Ernest Hemingway, the Fitzgeralds and John Dos Passos, among others, all took refuge on the Riviera from their personal woes that they hoped to leave behind in the States. Still, it is hard to say that the Riviera was without its share of the signature decadence of the Jazz Age . Fitzgerald does not shy away from showing the echoes of that decadence on the Riviera by telling the story of the lavish lives of his two main characters, based on the Murphys, in “Tender is the Night . ” On the other hand, Hemingway takes a contrasting approach, exhibiting the Lost Generation as more resilient than decadent in his book “The Sun Also Rises , ” telling stories of his Parisienne days. This convening of great minds in such a small region helped build relationships between flag-bearers of American literature and European art. They vacationed, ate, partied, and drank together for many years, influencing one another. Gerald Murphy’s time with Picasso even led Murphy to pick up painting as a pastime. The lives of the Murphys provided ample material for Fitzgerald and Hemingway when reflecting on their own experiences in France. Fitzgerald’s “Tender is the Night ” acknowledges the Murphys’ inspiration, beginning with the dedication “To Gerald and Sara, to many fêtes.” The American experiment on the Riviera was cut short in 1929, when the Great Depression hit stock markets across the world. At the same time, the secondborn child of the Murphys’ was diagnosed with tuberculosis, which proved to be the end of the Murphys’ time in the Riviera. They would then go to Switzerland and then back to the States. The Villa America, whose poolside sunbeds inspired Picasso, Fitzgerald, Cocteau, Hemingway and many more, would fall into disrepair during those years until its purchase by a Russian oligarch. The Riviera’s influence on American literature and art is hard to exaggerate. Both Hemingway and Fitzgerald, two of the most consequential writers of the 20th century, wrote arguably their most impressive works while at the Riviera. However, Americans were not the only ones savoring the Riviera. France’s vanguard of the avant-garde, Jean Cocteau, called Menton his home. Likewise, Pablo Picasso continued spending his summers on the Riviera long after the Murphys left. However, the allure of the Riviera didn’t end with the departure of Villa America ’s patrons. In 1960, perhaps the most influential author of the civil rights movement in the United States, James Baldwin, followed in the footsteps of the great writers before him and came to the Riviera to escape the social woes at home. Baldwin, like the Lost Generation, was on the lookout for a breath of fresh air. However, whereas the Lost Generation enjoyed the riches of life on the Riviera, Baldwin was there on a mission to continue his advocacy. Disillusioned by the way colored people were treated in the States, Baldwin found a much needed base in the Riviera where he could continue focusing on his commentary on American society. His time in France and the Riviera brought American social problems to the public's attention across Europe, and also helped him see America from an outsiders' lens. The Riviera is now more characterized by its famed and rich residents rather than the famed writers and painters it has inspired. Grace Kelly’s highly publicized marriage to the Prince of Monaco, Rainier the Third, brought the Riviera to the public consciousness across the world, identifying it with luxury. Similarly, Sean Connery, the first and most iconic of all James Bond characters, took up residence in the Riviera, purchasing a Belle Époque villa in Nice. Parties whose luxury would put Jay Gatsby to shame are held every summer in St. Tropez, showcasing how vacationing and residing on the Riviera turned into a status symbol. Still, the streets of Menton and the wider Riviera are filled with tiny ateliers with wonders inside, inspiring those who are willing to take on the challenge to match the beauty of the world around them. With its cosmopolitan SciencesPistes, vibrant BDA, and a breathtaking view of the Old City, perhaps 11 Place Saint Julien today embodies the spirit of Villa America: brave, unapologetic, and dangerously creative. Photo Source: Unknown Author, Wikimedia Commons

Le 25 novembre 1992, aux États-Unis, environ 1,5 million de personnes quittent leurs  domiciles un jour de week-end pour se rendre au cinéma le plus proche. Et pour cause : c’est la première diffusion du film Aladdin, production tant attendue du  groupe Disney. Une histoire d’amour entre un voleur pauvre surnommé « Diamant brut » pour son cœur en or, et une princesse prisonnière de son statut, qui rêve de se  rebeller contre les traditions… Quoi de mieux pour faire rêver les amateurs d’amour impossible ?  < Back Comment Hollywood a façonné la figure de l’Arabe Selma Boufaroua June 3, 2026 Je viens d’un pays, d’un fort lointain pays où les chameaux des caravanes flânent Où ils vous tranchent l’oreille s’ils n’aiment pas votre tête, Oui, c’est barbare, mais c’est chez moi ! Le 25 novembre 1992, aux États-Unis, environ 1,5 million de personnes quittent leurs domiciles un jour de week-end pour se rendre au cinéma le plus proche. Et pour cause : c’est la première diffusion du film Aladdin , production tant attendue du groupe Disney. Une histoire d’amour entre un voleur pauvre surnommé « Diamant brut » pour son cœur en or, et une princesse prisonnière de son statut, qui rêve de se rebeller contre les traditions… Quoi de mieux pour faire rêver les amateurs d’amour impossible ? Le public s’installe, les lumières s’éteignent, et l’écran s’allume. Une douce mélodie se fait entendre : on reconnaît d’abord la basse électrique, puis la conga, cet instrument afro-cubain qui revient en boucle. La même phrase rythmique se répète encore et encore, créant une base hypnotique en arrière-plan. Derrière ce pattern rythmique, le spectateur aperçoit un désert vaste, tandis qu’une mélodie – que Nasser Al-Taee comparera au balancement régulier des caravanes de chameaux – s’élève. Sur ces treize premières secondes viennent s’ajouter des appoggiatures ainsi qu’une gamme musicale inspirée du maqam ou du genre Hijaz. Très vite, toute intuition se confirme : un colporteur enjoué entre en scène, chantant de vive voix : « Oh, amenez vos tapis volants ! » Bienvenue en Arabland, cet Orient mystique, désertique et oisif, où nomades et marchands criant dans les rues sont monnaie courante. Un Orient qui suscite les passions depuis des siècles, objet de fantasmes, d’images et de clichés. Dès 1992, ce monde attire déjà toute l’attention : la Guerre du Golfe est devenue le premier grand événement international suivi par un public planétaire. La course à l’audimat pousse les journalistes à chercher la meilleure image, celle qui fera le plus sensation, à l’instar de la célèbre photo de La Petite Fille au napalm . Cette stratégie fonctionne : à la fin du XXᵉ siècle, la domination de la société par la culture visuelle et l’écran conduit des chercheurs comme Pierre Robert Baduel à parler de « civilisation des images ». Pour comprendre le monde, les populations se tournent vers la télévision : 68 % des Français passent plus de temps devant l’écran, et aux États Unis, l’audience des journaux télévisés explose. Hollywood l’a bien compris : c’eût été une erreur commerciale que d’ignorer cet engouement pour le Moyen-Orient. Le studio renouvelle ainsi ses idées de production pour coller à la tendance du moment : La Momie (1999), Gladiator (2000), Hidalgo (2004)… et tant d’autres encore. On aurait pu imaginer qu’en ces temps de conflits, ces œuvres cherchent à dépeindre la culture, la langue ou les modes de vie arabes de manière à pacifier les relations tendues entre la région et les pays occidentaux. En somme, à arranger les pots cassés, ou du moins à participer à un mouvement d’accalmie entre les peuples malgré l’agitation grandissante. Pourtant, après avoir examiné mille films, des débuts hollywoodiens aux plus récents, l’ancien journaliste américain Jack Shaheen en a conclu que « les Arabes forment le groupe ethnique le plus dénigré de toute l’histoire d’Hollywood. Dans tous les aspects de notre culture, l’Arabe tient le rôle du bandit. C’est un fait, il n’y a aucune exception. » Ainsi, dans Aladdin , au-delà des signaux musicaux, que Jean-Pierre Bartoli définit comme les éléments sonores évoquant automatiquement quelque chose de non musical, on retrouve une distribution racisée des rôles, aussi bien dans les films que dans les dessins animés. C’est d’ailleurs ainsi qu’Adrien Malemprez, doctorant à l’Université de Liège, introduit son mémoire La représentation musicale du monde arabe à travers les bandes originales hollywoodiennes . Il relève plusieurs phénomènes intéressants : la bande musicale vue plus haut, teintée d’ornements exotiques rappelant le mysticisme du monde arabe, n’apparaît que lorsque des personnages arabes sont à l’écran. Et ces personnages sont systématiquement dépeints négativement : Jafar, le manipulateur sadique et violent, sans clémence envers les animaux ou ses serviteurs, ou encore les habitants d’Agrabah, à l’accent marqué et aux traditions oppressives. Jasmine et Aladdin, eux, sont – à l’image de l’Occident – évolué et respectueux des droits humains : ils se préoccupent tous deux des animaux, se soulèvent contre le régime répressif de la cité et contre le mariage imposé à Jasmine. Quant au Génie, il incarne, selon Alan Nadel, l’allégorie des États-Unis salvateurs, venus au secours de l’Arabe opprimé. De plus, la musique d’arrière-plan associée à ces personnages n’a rien à voir avec celle des autres : elle s’inspire du jazz de Harlem, berceau du jazz américain. Les scènes stéréotypées, elles, ne manquent pas. Dans l’une d’elles, un marchand arabe menace Jasmine de lui couper la main si elle refuse de payer la pomme qu’elle a eu le malheur d’offrir à un petit garçon pauvre. Le professeur américain Walter Denny souligne d’ailleurs que « les trois ou quatre premières minutes du dessin animé Aladdin de Disney sont, en substance, très problématiques. Elles véhiculent une image extrêmement fausse et stéréotypée du monde islamique. » Mais Aladdin est loin d’être le seul à porter cette responsabilité. Bien avant lui, une multitude de films ont représenté le monde arabe de manière stéréotypée, avec des images si répétitives qu’elles finissent par s’inscrire dans l’imaginaire collectif. Comme l’indique le titre du documentaire de Jack Shaheen, Hollywood et les Arabes : comment Hollywood avilit un peuple , on devine sans peine les rôles auxquels la communauté est systématiquement cantonnée, et dont on efface par ailleurs toute diversité. D’abord, les Arabes sont souvent dépeints comme des obsédés sexuels, fascinés par la belle Américaine blonde aux yeux bleus, qui leur échappe toujours. Dans le film d’action Cannonball Run II (1981), un homme arabe vêtu d’un thawb et d’un ghutra ne peut s’empêcher, en voyant le décolleté d’une serveuse américaine, de lui lancer d’un ton lascif : « N’avez-vous jamais pensé à rejoindre un harem ? ». Encore une fois, le fameux harem : espace familial intime réservé aux femmes, loin du regard des hommes étrangers, mais transformé par les voyageurs européens du XIXe siècle en lieu fantasmé d’érotisme, de désir et de domination masculine. La figure de la femme occidentale aux mains du grand méchant Arabe est d’ailleurs centrale : elle revient sans cesse lorsqu’un protagoniste doit enlever ou séquestrer l’une d’entre elles pour assouvir ses désirs. Jamais plus jamais (1983), Sahara (1983), Le Diamant du Nil (1985) ou encore Protocole (1984) ne font que rejouer le même schéma, encore et encore. Dans les années 1980 et 1990, Hollywood s’est en effet aligné sur les politiques de Washington : selon l’ancien chef de cabinet de la Maison-Blanche Jack Valenti, ils partagent le « même code génétique ». Après la création de l’État d’Israël en 1948 et le soutien massif des États-Unis à ce projet, l’image du Palestinien dans les films devient caricaturale, dévalorisée, et réduite à celle du « terroriste ». Aucune mention n’est faite de la souffrance palestinienne ni de celle causée par l’occupation, à l’inverse, le peuple israélien bénéficie d’un traitement bien plus empathique. Dans La Mort avant le déshonneur (1987), un militaire américain est envoyé au Moyen Orient pour former une armée locale. Il finit par désobéir aux ordres afin de sauver des otages attaqués par des terroristes arabes. Dans une scène marquante, un homme palestinien massacre une famille israélienne attablée, kidnappe et torture des Américains, brûle leur drapeau et fait exploser une ambassade américaine lors d’un attentat-suicide. Dans certains films, les dialogues ressemblent davantage à des tribunes politiques qu’à des récits historiques neutres. L’Ombre d’un géant (1966) en est un exemple frappant : le film retrace la création de l’État d’Israël à travers le destin du colonel Mickey Marcus, vétéran de la Seconde Guerre mondiale recruté par les sionistes pour organiser une défense face aux pays arabes. Dans une scène emblématique, le colonel déclare avec ferveur : « Il y a un pays entouré de cinq pays arabes qui ne désirent que le rejeter à la Méditerranée. Sans fusils, sans chars, sans amis, sans rien ! Ce peuple combat avec ses mains nues pour un morceau de désert. ». Évidemment, il finit par se sacrifier héroïquement (d’où le titre L’Ombre d’un géant, puisqu’il laisse “l’ombre” de son courage derrière lui). Les Arabes, eux, restent des obstacles, jamais des personnages ; les Américains et les Israéliens incarnent la civilisation et la liberté. Ainsi, les travaux de nombreux chercheurs sur la représentation du monde arabe dans les productions cinématographiques, en particulier celles d’Hollywood, qui demeure le centre le plus influent du cinéma mondial, démontrent que le groupe ne se contente pas de produire des films : il produit une vision du monde. Parmi les mille films analysés par Shaheen, seulement douze dépeignent le monde arabe de manière positive, cinquante-deux de manière neutre, et neuf cent trente-six de manière négative. Et les stéréotypes ne s’arrêtent pas au cinéma : ils s’étendent à la musique populaire, aux jeux vidéo, aux livres, aux dessins animés. Dans le clip Bodak Yellow de Cardi B, le monde arabe est encore réduit à un vaste désert où la chanteuse, couverte, traverse la contrée à dos de chameau. Les jeux de tir contemporains en sont un autre exemple : Modern Warfare 2 fait tirer les joueurs sur des insurgés en Afghanistan, tandis que Battlefield 2 et Battlefield 3 plongent dans des combats contre des Iraniens en Irak. La liste est longue, mais le constat est clair : la plupart des Arabes et des musulmans y apparaissent comme des extrémistes religieux, ou charismatiques, mais toujours dangereux. Pour la professeure américaine Muniba Saleem, les personnes jouant à des jeux dépeignant les Arabes ou musulmans de manière péjorative sont plus enclines à les associer aux stéréotypes terroristes. Dans les années 2000, l’industrie du jeu vidéo et l’armée américaine se rapprochent, soit pour recruter (America’s Army, 2002), soit pour justifier la « guerre contre la terreur » (Kuma/War, 2004). Des jeux qui, selon William Audureau, jouent le même rôle que le cinéma des années 1940, « celui d’un instrument de propagande ». La figure de l’Arabe terroriste devient dès lors « l’ennemi autorisé ». Bien qu’apocryphe, la célèbre citation attribuée à Voltaire « Mentez, mentez, il en restera toujours quelque chose », continue de circuler depuis près de trois siècles comme une référence familière. Dans ce contexte, répéter les mêmes images, les mêmes clichés, les mêmes stéréotypes forment un imaginaire collectif qui devient normatif. Dennis Rice le dit : « Pour parler au monde entier, le nouvel Hollywood, tellement mondialisé, doit faire des films universels ». Il semble qu’au final, à défaut de « parler » à cette partie du monde, Hollywood n’a rendu universelle que sa propre vision stéréotypée du monde arabe. Photo source: HarshLight, flickr

In the face of Brazil’s largest corruption scandal to date, Brazilians directed their rage at the once beloved former president, Lula, whose entanglement in the scheme paved an easy path to victory for the fringe right-wing candidate, Jair Bolsonaro. < Back Has Brazil’s Largest Corruption Scandal Irreparably Damaged Democracy? By Lara-Nour Walton April 29, 2022 Something sinister was afoot in 2012 Brasilia. Money was moving unnaturally — streaming in and out of a local gas station in abnormally large quantities. Officials believed that they had flagged a routine case of laundering in the nation’s capital and zeroed in on the usual suspect: small-time doleiros (black market dealers). What their investigation uncovered was even bigger and far more unsettling. What they found imprisoned presidents, bankrupted billionaires, and paved the way for Jair Bolsonaro’s election. In 2014, Operation Lava Jato (Car Wash) was formally launched when police discovered a suspicious email correspondence in doleiro Alberto Youssef’s inbox. Youssef had been involved and apprehended on laundering counts in the past, but had proven to be quite the recidivist. The email in question discussed a Range Rover that the doleiro had recently bought. But, this was no above-board car purchase. Youssef had bought a Range Rover for none other than the high profile Petrobras petroleum company executive, Paulo Roberto Costa. Under questioning, a somber Youssef informed police, “If I speak, the Republic is going to fall.” And fall it did. Operation Car Wash is Brazil’s largest corruption scandal to date. The operation earned its name from being hatched at the Brasilia gas station and car wash. The scheme began as a way for the construction conglomerate, Odebrecht, to secure constant and overly-lucrative business at the national petroleum company, Petrobras. To accomplish this, Odebrecht, the ringleader of the scandal, developed a cartel of engineering companies which set inflated contract prices for petrochemical complex building projects. In custody, Costa revealed how this intricate scheme functioned: first, Petrobras directors intentionally overpaid cartel contractors for construction, drilling, exploration vessels, and refinery. Then, 1% to 5% of the profit from those shady contracts was funneled into clandestine slush funds. Elected politicians (who incidentally appointed Petrobras officials) were the beneficiaries of the funds and used them to finance personal agendas and election campaigns. Bribes were the currency of Brazil’s elite. Everyone involved in the scandal was paid off in cash, luxury automobiles, art, Rolex watches, yachts… Money cascaded into Swiss accounts, a bevy of oversea properties were purchased, elderly mules, strapped with bricks of cash, flew from city to city, inconspicuously distributing bank notes. By the time Operation Car Wash was on law enforcement’s radar, Petrobras and Odebrecht had paid off over 16 companies, 1,000 politicians, 50 congressmen, and four former presidents (including Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, better known as Lula) with a whopping sum of $5.3 billion. The victims of this kafkaesque scheme? Average Brazilians. Not only was the potency of their vote diluted by this operation, but their own tax dollars were funding it. No strangers to institutional corruption, Brazilians directed the entirety of their rage at the once beloved former president, Lula, his successor, president Dilma Roussef, and other members of the Workers’ Party. The party was not the only culpable entity implicated in the scandal, but received the most popular backlash — and perhaps justifiably. The political group ascended to power to fight Brazil’s seemingly untreatable case of corruption. Yet, the disease only seemed to have metastasized in the Lula administration. Elected in 2002, Lula suffered from having a minority Workers’ Party in congress. Although he denies any knowledge of involvement in the scheme, Operation Car Wash would have allowed for the president to buy the support of small parties, thus permitting him to pass legislation through congress. The Lula administration improved the condition of working class Brazilians through policies that reduced poverty and increased social safety nets and environmental controls. He left office with an unprecedented approval rating of 80%. Lula attributes his success to securing a symbolic majority in congress through political allegiances. Instead, the immense progress he made was found to have a morally and legally unsound infrastructure. These findings eventually culminated in his 2018 arrest. Brazilians have a complex relationship with Lula — they continue to reap the benefits of his presidency while lamenting his hypocrisy. The true test of national sentiment will be reflected in the result of the upcoming October presidential elections, which the now-released Lula has announced his candidacy for. The imprisonment of Lula created an easy path to victory for the fringe right-wing candidate, Jair Bolsonaro. Due to the elimination of his main opponent and his anti-establishment, anti-corruption platform, Bolsonaro, sometimes referred to as the “Trump of the Tropics,” waltzed into office in spite of his notoriously racist, homophobic, and misogynistic public persona. However, the comparison to Trump is misleading. Despite sharing some qualities with the former United States president, Bolsonaro is more akin to the Philippines’ Rodrigo Duterte. And this makes him all the more dangerous. Unlike Trump, Bolsonaro and Duterte actually followed through with their alarming campaign trail claims. Similarly to Duterte, Bolsonaro has an affinity for militarizing state police, cracking down on crime, and green-lighting extrajudicial killings. He waxes nostalgic for Brazil’s military dictatorship and has been openly threatening Brazil’s increasingly tenuous checks and balances. According to United Nations human rights activist, Clément Nyaletsossi Voule, the Bolsonaro administration encourages violence towards women, favela community leaders, journalists, quilombolas (Afro-Brazilians), and indigenous peoples. Bolsonaro shamelessly intimidates the Supreme Court, which has active investigations into his conduct, threatens his critics' freedom of speech, and makes baseless claims about fraud in the Brazilian electoral system. To Voule, it is clear: the world’s fourth largest democracy hangs by a thread. On September 7, 2021, Brazilian Independence Day, Bolsonaro proclaimed, before tens of thousands of supporters, “Only God will remove me from power.” This ominous statement follows months of disinformation, propagated by Bolsonaro himself, about Brazil’s supposedly “fraudulent” electronic voting system. It has been speculated that such allegations intend to lay the groundwork for canceling the upcoming October 2022 elections or to contest a potential presidential loss. With the president trailing behind his perennial foe Lula in the polls, fears that Bolsonaro will refuse to accept defeat have increased. As such, Brazil’s top election authority, Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE), has invited the European Union and other international bodies to monitor the validity of the October elections. The EU plans to send a mission to Brazil this May to assess whether it can fulfill the duties of official observer. From the outside, Operation Car Wash is a juicy scandal indeed. But at its core, it is a tragic case of government inefficiency. Lula was charged with serious crimes, to be sure, but the consequences of his alleged actions should not spell another Bolsonaro victory. Brazil might not survive it. Democracy becomes more fragile every day that Bolsonaro presides. His record-level deforestation is leaving the Amazon more vulnerable than ever. Climate expert, Marcio Astrini, has determined that the forest will not be able to withstand another four years of a Bolsonaro presidency. Brazilians are at a critical crossroads. On October 2, 2022 they may sow the seeds of their own destruction or secure their survival. But if Brazil has learned anything from its past, it is that the power should and must, lie in the rightful hands. The people must be the final deciders — not between Lula or Bolsonaro — but rather life or death.