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On quitte rarement le Liban, on s’en sépare, souvent contre sa volonté. Et pourtant, dans cette séparation, une étrange alchimie se crée: plus le pays sombre dans le chaos, plus il semble s’effondrer sous les poids du temps et de la guerre, et plus l’attachement et le patriotisme de ses enfants, même à l’autre bout du monde, se fait viscéral. Ce phénomène est particulièrement visible parmi les étudiants libanais en France, pour qui ce patriotisme se nourrit de la résistance face à un contexte tendu, marqué par les tensions et les conflits internes. < Back Loin des yeux, près du coeur: les Libanais de la diaspora face au chaos Christy Ghosn December 31, 2024 « Si le Liban n’était pas mon pays, je l’aurais choisi pour pays. » Gibran n’est pas mort, il vit à travers chaque mot, chaque pensée, de ceux qui, loin de leur terre natale, l’embrassent encore dans leur âme. On quitte rarement le Liban, on s’en sépare, souvent contre sa volonté. Et pourtant, dans cette séparation, une étrange alchimie se crée: plus le pays sombre dans le chaos, plus il semble s’effondrer sous les poids du temps et de la guerre, et plus l’attachement et le patriotisme de ses enfants, même à l’autre bout du monde, se fait viscéral. Ce phénomène est particulièrement visible parmi les étudiants libanais en France, pour qui ce patriotisme se nourrit de la résistance face à un contexte tendu, marqué par les tensions et les conflits internes. Des interviews avec de jeunes expatriés ont permis de comprendre ce paradoxe et comment le patriotisme, loin des frontières du Liban, devient un acte de résistance, comme une promesse de ne jamais oublier ceux qui sont restés. Un patriotisme renforcé par la distance Avant de quitter le Liban, une grande majorité des Libanais interrogés ressentaient une relation ambivalente avec leur pays. L’amour pour leurs proches était entaché par une frustration intense face à la situation politique et économique. Quitter le pays était souvent perçu comme un soulagement, une échappatoire au danger quotidien, mais ce choix était aussi teinté de culpabilité: partir signifiait abandonner un foyer en crise et laisser derrière des proches plongés dans l’incertitude. Une fois à l’étranger, la distance géographique semble paradoxalement rapprocher émotionnellement les expatriés de leur pays d'origine. L’une des étudiantes interrogées a partagé son expérience: bien qu’étant partie très jeune, elle n’avait jamais ressenti un lien aussi fort avec le Liban qu’à la suite des récents affrontements entre le Hezbollah et Israël. Ces événements ont ravivé un sentiment d’appartenance malgré la distance, un sentiment alimenté par la solidarité partagée avec d’autres Libanais dans la même situation. Ensemble, c’est comme s’ils avaient formé une sorte groupe émotionnel de support. De plus, face à la pression d’intégrer les valeurs françaises, beaucoup ont éprouvé un besoin urgent de se rattacher à leur identité libanaise, comme une manière de se réapproprier une partie essentielle et profonde d’eux-mêmes qu’ils sentent parfois menacée. La diffusion et la promotion de la culture libanaise Ce besoin se traduit par une redécouverte de leur culture et une fierté renouvelée d’être Libanais. En effet, les étudiants libanais à l’étranger deviennent souvent des ambassadeurs de leur culture. De la poésie libanaise à Fairuz, en passant par le houmous ou la dabke, ils partagent activement leurs traditions et contribuent à façonner une image positive du Liban, malgré les crises. Cette diffusion culturelle est perçue comme un acte de résistance morale: dans un contexte où leur identité est menacée, préserver et promouvoir leur culture devient une manière de la protéger. Ce sentiment se renforce notamment à Sciences Po où, face au conflit, beaucoup ressentent la nécessité de se positionner et de défendre leurs valeurs. Comme le résume une étudiante, « Le simple fait d’exister, de vivre, devient une forme de résistance. » Des événements culturels organisés par les étudiants libanais illustrent cet engagement, suscitant souvent l’admiration de leurs camarades internationaux, qui se disent inspirés par les récits et les valeurs partagés. Alors que certains, touchés par ces portraits envisagent de visiter le Liban, d’autres, déjà influencés par le temps qu’ils passent avec leurs amis libanais, intègrent inconsciemment des éléments de cette culture dans leur quotidien, ponctuant leurs phrases de mots comme "Saraha" (Honnêtement) ou "Chou?” (Quoi?). Le rôle de la diaspora dans l’avenir du Liban La diaspora libanaise a toujours été un pilier économique et social pour le pays. En 2023, la diaspora a envoyé 6,7 milliards de dollars au Liban selon la Banque mondiale . Ces transferts représentent 30,7 % du PIB libanais, soit le troisième ratio le plus élevé au monde. Les envois d’argent soutiennent des familles entières. Cependant, il ne s’agit pas seulement de contributions économiques pour soutenir le Liban; depuis la révolution de 2019 jusqu'à aujourd'hui, la voix des expatriés libanais a permis de sensibiliser la communauté internationale à la crise libanaise. Pour les Libanais, il ne s’agit plus de se reposer sur un gouvernement, qui s’est déjà montré incapable de répondre à la crise, mais de compter sur le soutien de la communauté internationale. Toutefois, peu de Libanais vivant à l’étranger envisagent un retour au pays. L’absence d’opportunités, combinée à l’instabilité persistante, empêche beaucoup d’imaginer un avenir viable au Liban. Pourtant, ils continuent d’espérer que leur engagement culturel, intellectuel, voire même émotionnel contribuera, à long terme, à un renouveau du pays. A présent, permettez-moi de me glisser dans le rôle de ma propre interviewée, et de conclure par cette réflexion. Être un Libanais étudiant à l’étranger, c’est avant tout un mélange d’émotions: une colère sourde face à la détresse de notre pays, mais aussi une impuissance déchirante, celle de ne pouvoir rien changer—pire—de ne même pas pouvoir être là, physiquement. C’est souffrir face à cette pile incessante de nouvelles, se sentir pris au piège face à cette sensation écrasante de n’être qu’un observateur distant. Et pourtant, malgré cette distance qui déchire, vivre loin de chez soi, c’est porter chaque jour en nous une parcelle du Liban, et s’efforcer de la garder vivante.

< Back Armed Militias vs Aid: The Extremity of U.S. Disaster Response Pracheth Sanka November 30, 2024 In Rutherford County, surrounded by demolished towns, downed trees and upturned roads in the wake of late September’s Hurricane Helene, Federal Emergency Management Agency officials had a new concern : a gun-wielding group of Western North Carolinians out for their blood. It was not just the aid that concerned them now; it was also their lives. At the command of the National Guard and FEMA administration, they were forced to evacuate the county, halting progress in their distribution of necessary material in a post-Helene North Carolina. Ultimately, only one person was arrested in connection to the report and the threat was not as dire as it first seemed. It shows, however, the startling and worrying distrust and menace some Americans hold toward their government. Even during an emergency, which is supposed to be a time of peace, coordination, and unity, disaster relief can become the catalyst for radicalism and resentment. As this case shows, hurricane response is a hotbed for political games, aid mismanagement and misinformation in the United States. Hit by two major storms in the fall of 2024, the American South is still reeling from Hurricane Milton and Hurricane Helene. Both wrought extensive and costly damage, especially to Florida, Georgia and the Carolinas. As of late October, FEMA has approved more than $2 billion for those affected by the storms. This money aids in house and personal property replacement, as well as in opening Disaster Centers that provide meals and housing to those in need. These are all ostensibly helpful programs, so why is there so much distrust coming from storm-affected Americans? Part of the reason lies in politics. Former President and now President-Elect Donald Trump and other high-profile Republicans have been very openly critical of the federal response, even at points lying about to whom and to where monetary aid went. Trump falsely stated that most of FEMA money was going to illegal immigrants, a continuation of his largely xenophobic anti-immigrant rhetoric. Georgia Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, whose state was directly impacted by Helene, made the ridiculous claim that the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, a federal agency tasked with weather forecasting and monitoring, had directed the storm toward conservative-leaning areas to disrupt the upcoming presidential election. Her claims were aided by the real data that showed Republican districts and Trump strongholds being disproportionately hit compared to liberal areas. Far-right and Trump-aligned internet conspiracy theorists also posited that FEMA would use storm response as a facade to bulldoze and replace rural towns, which they saw as an expansion of the central state. Instances of real political discrimination also stoke the fire of skepticism towards FEMA. In November, a FEMA worker from Florida was fired after directing employees to withhold aid from houses that displayed support for Trump. Their action was strongly condemned by Governor Ron DeSantis, who himself has distanced the state from federal assistance. DeSantis notably skipped a meeting with President Joe Biden, stating that a state-led response would move much more quickly than the Biden administration could. Trump also added fuel to the political fire by criticizing Democratic North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper, falsely asserting that Cooper’s administration deliberately blocked aid to the western part of the state, an area that was left in ruin by Helene-related flooding and which has historically leaned Republican. The politicization of what should have been an apolitical response highlights how the growing partisan divide and spread of misinformation creates mistrust toward the federal government. Conservatives, who are typically wary of large central states, now see FEMA’s disaster response as another possible means for government overreach, or in the eyes of some conspiracy theorists, a real means of harm. Liberals thus see Republican outrage as a hindrance to disaster response, further separating the two groups. But this politicization is by no means a new phenomenon, nor is it restricted to just natural disasters. Take for instance the Covid-19 pandemic. Americans signaled a marked decrease in trust in the Centers for Disease Control, which is responsible for pandemic regulation and guidance. Confidence in the organization dropped amongst all groups, but the most notable drop occurred amongst conservatives and Trump voters. Government trust was not the only political shift that was noted. Leaders of Democratic states complained that under the Trump administration, typically Republican states were given more favorable aid due to their electoral support. Analysts also raised concerns that Trump would use pandemic-era subsidies to farmers in important swing states in an attempt to gain voters. Trump is not shy about using federal aid as a political tool. He famously threatened Democratic California Governor Gavin Newsom by promising to withhold federal aid until he was told how many people in certain California counties voted for him. Trump also tried to leverage future wildfire disaster aid to get Newsom to sign a favorable freshwater drainage plan, though Newsom did not buckle. This has forced California to create its own disaster aid plans to “Trump-proof” the state, which is prone to severe wildfires, earthquakes, and floods. In a world of increasingly violent and frequent natural disasters, the nation is following a similar trajectory. Political storms and partisan divides mar the should-be peaceful process of relief and aid distribution. Two decades ago, the most extreme reaction to federal disaster response came when Kanye West, in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, appeared on television to proclaim that then-President George W. Bush “doesn’t care about black people.” Now, with armed militias and conspiracy theories rampant, West’s statement would be a politically tame and almost neutral response. As divided as the United States is now, polarization and political threats as a response to tragedy and disaster are likely to become much more radical and extreme. Both with administrative actions, like that of Trump’s, and individual instigators, like Rutherfordton’s armed militia, tensions between political actors and government agencies can have lasting consequences and could cost people their lives. These ramifications have no immediate solution and require long-term easing of the country's struggle. For her sake, the citizens of the United States should hope they can unite once again, facing disasters as the threat they are, not as pawns in a political game.

By largely ignoring women or portraying them in stereotypical roles of victim or consumer, the mass media has symbolically annihilated women. < Back Women’s Annihilation by the Mass Media: How Words and Language Help Shape Our Reality and Perpetuate Power Dynamics By Francesca Di Muro January 31, 2024 Words are more than simple combinations of letters displayed on a blank piece of paper. Words are woven into our social and political lives. Words can be weapons wielded by the powerful or tools for social resistance and change. As stated by linguist Sally McConnell-Ginet, " Words (and meaningful silences) matter enormously in our lives. They enable us to cooperate, collaborate, and ally with one another and exclude, exploit, and subordinate one another. They script our performances as certain kinds of people in certain social locations. They are politically powerful, both as dominating weapons that help oppress and as effective tools that can resist oppression’’. Violence against women, femicide, and gender discrimination pervade every area of contemporary society without geographical and cultural limits. Even today, an alarming number of women are targets of physical and psychological violence at the hands of their male counterparts. Direct violence, often fatal, is accompanied by linguistic violence, which is more hidden and spread implicitly at multiple levels. Media framing plays a pivotal role in the social construction of reality and, consequently, in the reproduction of power dynamics and imbalances. Browsing the pages of national and international newspapers, one can see that many, if not all, newspapers that report on violence against women employ a lexical and discursive structure that indirectly justifies the executioner and blames the victim, in a scheme s based on the concurrence of blame and distorts the real nature of the crime. Violence is multifaceted, and the ways it can be reproduced, expanded, and extended are so. Language is one. ‘How can the media be changed? How can we free women from the tyranny of media messages limiting their lives to hearth and home?’ This is how sociologist and feminist philosopher Gaye Tuchman ends her celebrated essay “The Symbolic Annihilation Of Women By The Mass Media,” encapsulating the concerns that continue to drive much feminist media analysis worldwide. Despite enormous transformations in national and global media landscapes, the fundamental issues that preoccupied Gaye Tuchman in 1978 are still prevalent: power, violence, and hegemony in the narration of violence itself. By largely ignoring women or portraying them in stereotypical roles of victim or consumer, the mass media has symbolically annihilated women. This destruction has further strengthened the patriarchal vision that classifies women as dependent and incapable of living their own lives without male ‘guidance’. Women’s magazines once focused on domestic pursuits such as marriage, household chores, and childcare. What made this pattern even more problematic was the media's role in shaping young girls’ wants and aspirations. Media coverage has created expected roles and perpetuated inequality through the reproduction of stereotyped discourses and sexist narratives and a mediated invisibility that is achieved not simply through the non-representation of women’s points of view or perspectives. Even though this narration has slightly changed nowadays, where women are ‘visible’ in media content, their representation still reflects the biases and assumptions of those who define the public agenda and, consequently, the mediatic one: men. Even when covering cases of femicide, specific language and discourses chosen by the media obscure the gendered and sexist basis of the violence taken out on women's bodies, portraying it as a mere homicide. A dominant patriarchal discourse implicit in newspaper coverage and a representation of femicides that ignores its structural and ideological foundations have been prevalent, as well as the recurrent use of a psychiatric discourse to label the femicide as an act of pure madness of the man, reducing such phenomenon within the predictable framework of a normal homicide, caused by mental illnesses, emotivity or monstrous impulses. Here, redefining language and recreating it in feminist terms can be a form of resistance. To conclude, it is not enough for the media to report how the femicide dynamics developed and focus on turbid details to feel like they satisfied one’s duty of informing the public. It is not enough to represent only those legal and political institutions that want to treat femicide as an isolated case. It is not enough to give an account to friends and relatives of the killer who claimed he loved the woman he just assassinated. It is not enough and never will be to address the system of oppression and latent subjugation that women experience in their daily lives, even in the narrations of violence themselves. The media helps shape society’s perception and public opinion of victims and offenders. Femicide is the result of a deeply embedded and rooted ideological structure, which shapes one’s beliefs and one’s behaviors, not only in femicide itself but also in the narration of it. As Sally McConnell-Ginet once stated, ‘words matter so much precisely because so little matter is firmly attached to them,’ and they do matter — especially when they have the power to annihilate, violate and underpin one’s safety, and, consequently, one’s empowerment.

< Back Non-State Universities in Greece: A Privatization of Higher Education? By Lydia Ntourountou April 30, 2024 “No to private universities” and “Free education for all” read some of the signs seen in the protests that shook numerous cities of Greece from the beginning of January until the end of March. Students and teachers took to the streets to express their opposition to the proposition of a legislation titled “Free university,” aiming to improve Greek higher education, all while hiding some important contradictions. The education system in Greece might not be fundamentally different from other European countries, however it does present a major particularity: foreign and non-state universities are prohibited from opening branches in the country. According to Article 16 of the Constitution: “Education at university level shall be provided exclusively by institutions which are fully self-governed public law legal persons. These institutions shall operate under the supervision of the State and are entitled to financial assistance from it.” And while a couple of private universities do exist (such as The American College of Greece) , they are seen as inferior in terms of recognition and are not necessarily as appreciated by the population. This stems from the belief that the diploma acquired by someone who studied hard to pass the Panhellenic (university entrance) exams and got into a public university, should not be considered equal to someone who did not put in the same effort, but had the financial means that helped them get into a private one. While this might sound absurd to most, considering that private and branches of foreign universities exist almost everywhere around the world, in a country such as Greece, ensuring that higher education remains public has been a fundamental goal. So, the question remains: will the new law passed by the Parliament put at risk public higher education, or will it reshape the education landscape in Greece, attracting foreign students, and possibly, investments? The Ministry of Education defines the term "Free University" to describe, on one hand, the strengthening and additional autonomy of public academic institutions and, on the other hand, the liberation of higher education from an anachronistic state monopoly. According to the new Bill, students enrolling at private branches of private universities, will have to meet certain criteria, such as going through Panhellenic exams and achieving a minimum pass mark for the subject they intend to study. However, couldn’t this still be criticized as unconstitutional, given the fact that the law directly violates Article 16? To answer this concern, the Ministry of Education underlined the importance of not considering the Constitution as a series of legal principles frozen in time, but rather as something that needs to be interpreted according to the context and the changes that a country must go through to evolve. Since this topic has caused polemic reactions in Greece, I decided that it was necessary to ask the opinion of a student currently studying in the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens (UoA), who could share their view on a decision that directly impacts them and their education. Why do you think the new bill allowing the establishment of branches of foreign private universities in Greece has caused such strong reactions from students and professors equally? A: There was a severe lack of information on the law and what changes exactly it would bring, which aggravated the situation. But most importantly, the bill “Free university” could depreciate the diplomas obtained from state universities, as well as “reduce” the effort that students put in, in order to get into university. As far as the value of the diploma goes, so far having graduated from a state university has been appreciated more than graduating from a private one. Do you think that this law would deteriorate public higher education, or do you consider that certain progress might come out of it? I personally believe that it’s extremely important that as a country we have maintained and protected our right to free higher education for all. Also, it is true that students put in a lot of effort to get into university and the depreciation of their diploma is a real risk. However, it’s possible that more international students might choose Greece to study thanks to the availability of English taught classes. Even if universities such as UoA already have classes taught in English, these universities might have a more organized approach. Problems might arise however, if the State reduces even more the funding that it provides to public universities, in order to benefit foreign ones. While this law remains extremely contradictory, it is important to highlight the fact that having branches of foreign universities and non-state ones, could contribute to the effort of reducing the Brain drain that the country has long suffered, by attracting international students and foreign investments. However, could this necessarily be considered the best solution, considering state universities in Greece are already facing numerous problems, such as a lack of funding and academic staff, hampering their ability to meet the demands of students seeking quality higher education?

Secularism is a valid outlook and a reality for many 21st century states; however, we often fail to consider the fact that states in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia can have a different perspective on this separation, with different traditions and political systems. This creates the question of what is and what should be the role of religion in the world of politics. < Back Religion and Politics: Always at War By Angeliki Vytogianni October 30, 2021 The topic of religion is always a hot one, fueling debates and conversations both in politics and in individuals’ behavior. For many with European and North American influences, the answer is easy: religion should be 100 percent separate, never involved in domestic politics or international relations. Secularism is a valid outlook and a reality for many 21st century states; however, we often fail to consider the fact that states in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia can have a different perspective on this separation, with different traditions and political systems. This creates the question of what is and what should be the role of religion in the world of politics. Religious extremism and fanaticism around the world have sparked many tragedies throughout the centuries. From the Crusades in the 11th to 13th century, to European wars on religion in the 16th to 18th centuries, to the Indo-Pakistani wars, to the Israeli-Pakistani conflict, to the Sudanese conflict, to Bush’s “war on terror,” religion is a common denominator in almost every conflict, the dividing factor, an urge to extremism and the development of paramilitary groups. We have seen the extent to which terrorist organizations like the Islamic State (ISIS) and Al Qaeda will go in order to fulfill their religious/political aims. We have seen the number of countries divided not because of nationalities, but because of religion, or religious branches, denominations, movements. We’ve seen the damage done by religion-related hostilities. So why are we not abolishing religion completely? Why not ban its involvement in foreign and domestic politics? Separate the Church from the State, should we not? For a historian studying these events, religion seems like the absolute worst subject to include in policy drafting, as it has made the people, the land, and the army suffer in every case it was involved. However, this view is rather ignorant for countries that have religion at the heart of their organization and their identity. Until the era of imperialism, most parts of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia organized themselves into groups according to religion. Religion was the most significant part of their identity and culture. To this day, it plays a much bigger role than the West understands. After the Second World War, the decolonization period brought several changes to most former colonies and/or occupied territories of the Great Powers. To avoid and contain uprisings or conflicts that developed, artificial borders and states were created. A prime example of the West’s treachery and imperialism, the areas were divided according to such preferences rather than the will of the people. Especially because of the Cold War and conflict occurring primarily through proxy, areas of great geopolitical importance such as the Middle East, Africa and Asia (Yemen, Afghanistan, Vietnam, Myanmar in particular) became the tennis courts for a match that never truly mattered to them. In most cases, the borders do not even come close to the pre-existing divisions between ethnic, cultural, and religious distinctions in the area. The political and humanitarian crises, civil wars, and uprisings the world faces today are results of those deep-run divisions. Many conflicts have arisen due to religion-fueled hatred that spiked when distinct groups were forced to co-exist within specific borders. Those who drew the lines between the artificially created states failed to consider the pre-existing conditions in the region and placed power interests above the locals’ right to self-determination. Many groups place religion at the core of their identity and culture, so it is inevitable that it should play a role in politics and international relations. We cannot ban or prohibit something so fundamentally important for these people, nor should we really try to. There is a way to meet in the middle and respect the traditions in every part of the world. It is the only way to hold effective negotiations and resolve the apparent issues. The first papal visit in Iraq, back in March, gives a hint of hope, pushing tolerance, understanding, and inclusion of different cultures. A historic moment for the Christian and Muslim communities, Pope Francis’ visit to the former Islamic State occupied territories should not be a symbol of Christian saviors healing the land and the people, but rather an act of co-operation, a step towards mending the conflict. 2021 also brought the re-establishment of Taliban rule in Afghanistan. An oppressive, authoritarian regime that uses its own interpretation of religious beliefs to persecute women, erase their accomplishments, and forbid their existence. How does the world deal with these violations of rights and freedoms in the name of religion? And how does one find the balance between preventing this oppression of the people but also practicing religious tolerance? Since offensive and aggressive behavior occurs both in the name of religion and in the name of secularization, it is imperative that we work on such issues collectively, and not solely through a Western point view. Only by listening to the people and the countries involved can we reach a point where politics, religion, and different forms of self-determination can peacefully coexist.

It was then that the ceremony began with the traditional words, “we are gathered here today... ” but it wasn’t before long that a telenovela unfolded on the steps at Bastion. < Back Weddings: A Menton Tradition By Viola Luraschi September 29, 2021 If you were to walk past Bastion on Tuesday the 7th of September at around 9pm, you would notice a large group of people suddenly go quiet and arrange themselves in two neat rows. At this odd time of the night, the formally dressed rows lined with students and wine bottles appeared eager and impatient. It was not until the arrival of Jessica Cheng and Stavriana Delipetrou that “Dancing Queen” began to play, initiating an upheaval of excitement. Confused, Jessica and Stavriana were led down the aisle and placed in front of Ada Başer, the officiant for the night. It was then that the ceremony began with the traditional words, “we are gathered here today... ” but it wasn’t before long that a telenovela unfolded on the steps at Bastion. Lilinaz Hakimi and Barbara Kuza Tarkowska were the first to interrupt the ceremony. Yelling at the top of their lungs, they declared their love for each other in front of the whole crowd. This was followed by the intervention of Nikola Avramovic and Frida Hellen, who played the roles of parents deeply opposed to the marriage. Luckily for the reader, the story would not end there. The plot later thickened. First, it was revealed that Stavriana and Jessica had a hidden child. This news was met with a great deal of shocky by the crowd, but by no means did it receive the loudest reaction from the crowd. The interruptions continued with an astrologist objecting to the match, and Jessica’s mother revealing her affair with Stavriana. Regardless of all the scandals that unfolded, the night came to an end with a newly-wed couple: Stavriana Delipetrou and Jessica Cheng, along with some empty bottles of wine and a group of drunk students screaming and moving to the rhythm of the music. The night not only marked the wedding as a Mentonnaise tradition, but also the final opportunity for many to say goodbye to an important member of the Menton family: Stavriana, or “the queen of Menton.” Jessica only stayed in Menton for a short amount of time last year, and she was Stavriana’s iDaughter. She was married to Stavriana because of the stark contrast in their Mentonnaise experiences, with Stavriana being one of the longest student-residents of Menton as a 3A, and their completely incompatible star signs. While this wedding was a new tradition for the 1As, those who were in Menton last year will remember the two weddings organized by Ysabella Titi, a current 3A student. After contracting COVID-19 and quarantining with her two roommates, Audrey Kost and Olivia Jenkins, Ysabella decided to bring an American university tradition to Menton with some added Mentonnaise drama in order to celebrate the end of isolation. So nearly a year before this year’s wedding, on the 21st of September 2020, a group of people, unsure of what to expect, gathered together at Bastion and surprised Audrey and Olivia into a marriage. At the wedding, Ysabella explained that although in reality the American tradition isn’t quite as chaotic as that which she set in Menton, since the Menton campus never has a quiet week, it just didn’t seem right to have a standard wedding without any drama. The wedding was therefore nothing short of chaotic, with shouting and arguing between groomsmen and bridesmaids, familial disputes, clothing and spouse choice disapproval. There were even drinks thrown in people’s faces. Because the wedding took place on the 21st night of September, the night couldn’t end in any other way than with Lilinaz, Lena, Moira and Zain singing “September” by Earth, Wind, and Fire. Ysabella organized a second wedding after this one, uniting Nour Aljowaily and Joseph Moussa. Combining cultures in creating the Mentonnaise wedding tradition, this wedding was conducted in the Arab tradition. Due to their brother-like relationship, described by Ysabella as a love/hate relationship, the wedding was “chaotic and amazing.” The way I see it, this Mentonnaise tradition stands as a representation of our community — one big dysfunctional family that, through thick and thin, will always choose itself.

Despite their multiculturalism and being accustomed to living far from home, several third-culture kids expressed that moving to Menton provoked a closer connection to their culture of origin. < Back Third-Culture Kids Navigate Identity in Menton By Sarina Soleymani “In Sciences Po, your nationality becomes your entire personality.” This is a phrase I have heard ceaselessly throughout my first year in Menton; it is one I relate to as I started to embody the title “Iranian girl.” I became e ager to share our culture, whether by constantly discussing Iranian cinema or by sharing our food on rare occasions where I have the energy to spend four hours in the kitchen making our khoresht stews but, more realistically, just bringing Shirazi salad to potlucks. Holding onto my heritage began to have the utmost importance, manifesting in small ways. For instance, I noticed myself listening to Persian music alone for the first time as I performed mundane tasks. The specific moment I realized the growth of my ties to Iranian culture was during Nowruz, or Persian new year. All my life, Nowruz was just another holiday that I would celebrate with my parents and the Persian community of the country we lived in. Despite moving to different places, we were grounded by tradition; we would still set up the haft sîn (the seven objects starting with an “s,” each with their own signification) and call our extended family for hours. Yet, I never put much thought into the holiday. This year, however , I began counting the days, nervous about how I would spend it and carefully discussing how to make it special. As time passed in Menton, I began speaking up more about my hometown, our double lives, the small resistance, the restrictions, the role of religion and more. I would try to share insights on my country's political situation or its history while depicting my experiences or observations within my homeland. I started informing myself more and more about our history and politics, and, ironically, as I frequented more sources, the reality that I had lived abroad for most of my life began to unnerve me. I questioned this strong link that I adapted towards my Iranian heritage and whether or not my insights — based on the summers and winters spent in Tehran and the stories ingrained in our family — were enough to realistically embody the “Iranian girl” I felt I had to be. In reality, my upbringing was not strictly Persian but had influences from the Chinese and French cultures that were present in my youth. This shift in my perception of my cultural identity led me to ponder the experiences of other students on campus — whether those living in the diaspora for the first time or other third-culture kids. To better understand the factors leading to my cultural identity crisis, I started having various entrancing conversations and interviews with the student body, which I would love to share. It is no secret that Menton is a multicultural hub, with students coming from across the globe. This makes each of us stand out; we each have our specificities which we are excited to share. Simultaneously, we are curious about the various lifestyles, art, language, food and traditions across the differing seas. In such an atmosphere where everyone has something to offer, we bow to the fate of distinguishing ourselves as the Iranians, the French, the Lebanese, the Moroccans, the Italians… Indeed, despite the amazing opportunities created through the diversity of this campus, one can also recognize that — as expressed by an anonymous 2A, “It's a lot of weight to represent a whole country, especially if you're the only one or one of the only ones from there.” As pointed out by an English track 1A, our field of studies — such as political science or sociology — brings a hyper-awareness regarding national and cultural identity questions. This sense of awareness extends the boundaries of the classroom, as she brilliantly pointed out, and lingers within the student body, whether through discussions, parties and cultural events. As she expressed, “You’ll always see a flag somewhere in Menton.” The authentic experiences of the student body give a glimpse into the effects of our Mentonnais culture on an individual level. For many, moving to France was the first time they lived abroad, leaving the place from which they were part of the predominant culture and entering Menton, where they hold a unique identity within this mix. As beautifully expressed by a Moroccan student, “As many international students, I’ve felt more connected with my culture than ever since I came to Menton. I think it’s partly due to the fact that in your home country, you’re just a regular kid (...), and this homogeneity kind of makes your culture’s presence or effect imperceptible.” Moving away makes the particularities of your culture stand out, leading many students to feel an increased attachment to their culture of origin. Several students expressed that they missed aspects that reminded them of their home: noise, hospitality, food, music, language, etc. This nostalgia inspires efforts to reconnect with our origins, whether by cooking or listening to music — two of the most cited activities by students. Indeed, sometimes it is also reflected in participating in traditions of your culture which you may have only done during childhood. This idea was highlighted by a Spanish student who expressed that he re-started participating in the practice of Lent — a Catholic tradition where, within the 40 days between Ash Wednesday and Easter, you do not eat meat on Fridays — since moving here. Others talked about culture shocks; one instance was an Egyptian student speaking about how she was surprised to see the difference in attitudes surrounding Ramadan in Egypt compared to here. She explained how in Egypt, Ramadan is a central tradition that transforms the entire city, how every night for iftar the entire family gathers around and how she feels nostalgic once the month ends. This made her eager to share her Egyptian culture with others celebrating Ramadan, whether by cooking complicated meals (which she claims have been a success according to everyone who had the chance to try them) using ingredients she brought from home or bringing a fanoos and khayameya from Egypt to ensure that she stays connected with her culture. The latter two objects are a chandelier and a traditional fabric with long histories associated with Ramadan. An American student, expressed, “I enjoy the slow life in Europe, but sometimes I miss the fastness of the US.” This dichotomy of the yearning to maintain your culture while living elsewhere leads to the growth of the attachment that international students feel to their motherland. What about the students who always witnessed their culture through an outsider’s perspective and seldom lived on their own soil — the third culture kids? These students lived abroad for extensive periods, yet moving to this lemon town has still affected their relationship with the culture they most identify with. In terms of prior experiences, several third-culture students I had spoken with agreed on a homogenous culture specific to international schools abroad. They observed the emergence of a new culture confined to the walls of these international schools, often involving a vast majority of third-culture kids. This creates an atmosphere where many are less attached to their culture of origin but rather adapt it to their domain. Others expressed that their school was centered around a culture different from their own or even the country they lived in; as one Turkish student told me, “I attended a French school in Bosnia which made it so that I knew more about, for instance, the geography of France as opposed to either Bosnia or Turkey.” All those interviewed expressed how they grew up in a melange of cultures, whether by having parents from different countries or due to their experiences abroad and efforts to integrate into those cultures and/or schooling. One student stated, “I learned so much about other cultures that I don’t feel fixed to one,” “Being a third culture kid, or being from four different places, you’re always a part of them, but you never blend into any country. People can exclude you: I’m not Chinese enough for my Chinese heritage or American enough for my American heritage….” Another student also expressed that he feels like a tourist when visiting his home after moving abroad, creating a situation where nowhere is really “home” He explained that he feels a larger connection to students who grew up in the Arab diaspora due to their mutual understanding of each other's experiences. In another interview, we discussed whether one could even qualify another person as Turkish, Iranian, or Chinese enough. In this sense, does the fact that I lived abroad for most of my life diminish my Iranian identity and devalue my memories of my country, thoughts and contributions? Despite their multiculturalism and being accustomed to living far from home, several third-culture kids expressed that moving to Menton provoked a closer connection to their culture of origin. One student shared that she felt more Spanish since coming here, whereas in Thailand, where she used to live, “(she) didn’t feel Spanish at all.” She explained that she had never met other students who were Spanish before moving here, and creating these new bonds with other Spanish students allowed her to reconnect with this side of her identity. The importance of a community in allowing third-culture students to reconnect with their origins was also highlighted by another student who emphasized the influence of the large Turkish community on campus in enabling her to discover more about her culture. She reminisced about their coffees, where they discussed Turkish politics, their references that only Turkish people understand and the food they shared, which increased her fondness for her culture. The regional focus of the campus is another factor for students of the MENA region, highlighted by a student who believes this atmosphere incited her to explore her Tunisian identity and another Jordanian student who underlined the role of learning Arabic in strengthening his ties with his culture. The Jordanian student also spoke of Babel — an association aiming to understand the diverse cultures of the MENA region through conducting first-hand research in a selected country every year, this year being Jordan. “I was very scared for the Babel trip. It felt like if people didn’t like it, it was a reflection of me,” he explained. Yet, fortunately, the trip was a complete success! All of these students expressed that despite the difficulties of being far from home or not feeling as though they belong entirely to any particular culture, globally, the experience of third-culture kids is a special and positive one. As an encouraging note, they told fellow third-culture kids to remember the privilege of having these eye-opening experiences immersed in various cultures. We are given the chance to choose aspects that we especially appreciate in differing cultures to bring together in a way mirroring the best of various worlds. In this kaleidoscope of backgrounds, with some moving away for the first time and others re-discovering their origin, one finds superfluous similarities. In these exchanges, most students conveyed that connecting or preserving your culture is highly accessible in Menton, allowing it to play an integral role in our identities. They revealed that they listen significantly more to their ethnic music and devote heightened effort to cherish their exquisite cuisine. Language was deemed crucial, referred to as a code created over centuries to reflect their culture. The appreciation for our campus’ diversity in allowing us to learn about other cultures was noted by each of these individuals. Within this domain, a takeaway message is to find a balance between maintaining the link to our own culture and integrating into the one that we have the chance to live in.

For Iran it was an illegal assassination of a national hero; For the United States a justified pre-emptive attack on a terrorist. For the millions of civilians who reside within the Gulf region, it meant fear of what could be a death sentence by two powerful states in their unending quest for hegemony. < Back Iran and the United States: Fighting for Hegemony at the Cost of Civilian Lives By Emilia Kohlmeyer January 30, 2022 For Iran it was an illegal assassination of a national hero; For the United States a justified pre-emptive attack on a terrorist. For the millions of civilians who reside within the Gulf region, it meant fear of what could be a death sentence by two powerful states in their unending quest for hegemony. For the international community, it is a painful reminder of its continuous failure to uphold international law. January 3 marked the two-year anniversary of the US-led assassination of Iranian military commander Qasem Soleimani. Soleimani was commander of the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and on a diplomatic mission in Baghdad when he was killed by a US drone strike on the 3rd January 2020. This triggered counter strikes by Iranian forces on US bases in Iraq, injuring thousands of military staff. In Iran, thousands of mourners have marched in protest to what their government deems as “military adventurism”or reckless military strategies by the United States within the region. This is accompanied by Iraqi demands for the final withdrawal of US forces from their territory. The States legally justified the strike as anticipatory self-defense, however it was immediately disputed that the danger Soleimani represented was “instant, overwhelming, and leaving no choice of means, and no moment of deliberation.” They failed to provide concrete evidence of an imminent threat, in effect failing to justify the principle of self-defense. The United Nations special rapporteur for investigating extrajudicial and summary executions, Agnes Callamard, concluded, “Even at the most basic level, the U.S. did not demonstrate that striking Suleimani was ‘necessary.’” Furthermore, Iraq did not consent to the strike; therefore it concretely violated its sovereignty. Two years later, Iran’s continuous calls for action to the United Nations and Interpol sanctions on those responsible remain unanswered. International law should exist to provide a set of rules by which everyone is required to abide, despite one’s power or influence. It sets the basis for equality amongst states and their people, which is the foundation of conflict-resolution between multiple parties. When there is no consequence to the violation of said law for states which are considerably more powerful, international law fails to address its entire purpose:equal accountability. The assassination of Qasem Soleimani therefore set a dangerous precedent, highlighting that if powerful states such as the U.S. desire to bend the law according to their interests, they face no consequences. Why should other states therefore abide by the law at all? It could neither be considered fair nor necessary. This neglect of an accepted set of rules can endanger millions of civilian lives. In this particular instance, with the increasingly downright insulting rhetoric of both Iran and the States towards each other, armed conflict did not seem unlikely. Maybe Iraq would once again become the playground of the powerful – after all, strikes from both sides took place there. The ones who bear the burden of transgression from either side are innocent civilians, who are not even citizens of the perpetrating countries. They would share the same fate as Syrians, whose home is subject to a pissing contest between powerful states. The dangerous consequences of this fight for regional hegemony indicate that the current global mechanisms which are in place to protect civilians have failed to fulfill their duty. The pick-and-choose of which nation receives sanctions for its actions continues to allow a disproportionate exercise of power — often by countries that do not even lay within the region they seek to control. The guise of spreading human rights and global peace by such states can no longer serve as justification for foreign intervention. The international community cannot continue to accept it as such. Therefore, it is of increasing importance to hold officials of our own countries — and the organizations in which they participate – accountable. For too long this region has been a playground for the powerful at the expense of innocent lives. Two years have passed, and I am back in Qatar sitting in conversation with friends who have seen their homes fall victim to this power play. With the turbulence of COVID-19, many people abroad have forgotten how January 2020 felt. But we still live between 11,000 U.S. troops on the Al-Udeid base mere kilometers from our homes and our neighbor Iran, separated by a flight less than an hour. We joke about the time there was almost a war, but entrenched in our subconscious is the knowledge that any diplomatic misstep can claim our next home.

On average, 24% of women within the EU face Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). In Finland this figure rises to 30% with Denmark being even higher at 32%. In the context of the Nordics, 28% and 27% of Swedish and Norwegian women experienced IPV respectively. These relatively high statistics are described as the Nordic paradox, which explores why countries that are often described as models of egalitarianism face the highest rates of IPV. < Back What Women Learn to Endure: How Early Socialization Shapes the Structural Roots of Intimate Partner Violence Elly Loiseau November 26, 2025 On average, 24% of women within the EU face Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). In Finland this figure rises to 30% with Denmark being even higher at 32%. In the context of the Nordics, 28% and 27% of Swedish and Norwegian women experienced IPV respectively. These relatively high statistics are described as the Nordic paradox, which explores why countries that are often described as models of egalitarianism face the highest rates of IPV. Understanding why this contradiction exists requires looking beyond numbers and into the social dynamics that shape behaviour. The Council of Europe defines sex and gender-based violence as “Violence founded on a gender-based power imbalance … deeply rooted in the structures, norms and social and cultural values of society”. Consequently, the coexistence of strong equality frameworks and persistent violence therefore suggests that the roots of IPV lie within these cultural, social, and structural foundations, not simply in the absence of legal progress. Some believe the Nordic paradox may be due to backlash effects, in which progressive gender-equality ideals provoke resistance from traditional norms. Given the comparatively high levels of equality in the Nordic region, this resistance may be magnified, helping to explain the paradox. Conversely, it is suggested that Nordic countries' advanced gender equality laws help destigmatize reporting and thus we see an increased rate of IPV, not due to a true difference between the countries but rather as there are increased reports. This would reveal, however, a darker truth that IPV is more prevalent in other countries, but due to under-reporting, we just remain ignorant of its fact. Devon Buchanan, flickr The existence of the Nordic paradox prompts a larger reflection on the limits of policy. Not just what we as a society put in place to combat inequality but also as to why IPV continues to persist regardless. Similar contradictions appear in global data. For example, studies in low and middle-income countries have found that women's improved economic or educational status can either protect them or increase their risk of IPV victimization, depending largely on cultural and interpersonal context. This supports the idea that IPV's causes are embedded in culture and society regardless of policy changes. These patterns begin shaping vulnerability at an early age. Kelly Liz, a professor of sexualised violence , states that the “underlying theme is that daughterhood as currently constructed sets women up to be victimized”. She emphasizes that vulnerability is not accidental, but produced. Reflecting on this, I first felt men’s eyes on me when I was 12, and by 13, I had already become hypervigilant of my surroundings. At 14, I was catcalled in front of a construction site on my way home from school; to this day, I feel uneasy walking past one. At 15, my friends traded stories about how men had driven by calling them “easy”, or tried to take pictures up their skirts or followed them home. Recently, one of my friends asked me whether it was normal that a guy at the club had put his hands under their clothes and kept touching them despite their objections while holding them in place. I highlight these moments because they are not anomalies; for every second woman, they are simply life. What may appear as isolated incidents for an outsider actually reflects broader patterns that shape how girls learn to move through the world. These experiences impact a woman's sense of boundaries; it warps inappropriateness into a normal part of growing up, and is an infringement of their human rights as women. This normalization of discomfort forms the backdrop against which women learn to manage, rather than confront, danger as it all fades into the background noise of becoming a woman. roga muffin, flickr After interviewing women on their experiences, Kelly Liz concluded that the reason behind women's non-reaction was typically for two reasons: fear of escalation and the inability to think of an appropriate response. I can say from personal experience that the impulse to ignore such behavior is both ingrained and normalized. Living with that persistent sense of fear becomes a form of violence in itself. It degrades boundaries and rewires reactions . The normalization of discomfort in girlhood may shape how women later interpret, tolerate, or respond to controlling behaviours in relationships. If so, these learned responses are not individual shortcomings, but reflections of a social environment and institutional practices that continue to reproduce the conditions for IPV. The West may have seen progress regarding the elimination of discrimination against women within a legal framework, yet, as the UN describes , “it is no accident that family law remains the slowest to change”. Family law shapes women’s rights around marriage and divorce. It is not enough to say that culture alone makes women vulnerable, but rather necessary to look at how institutions themselves reproduce this vulnerability. This gap between formal rights and lived reality. These dynamics become particularly visible when looking more closely at factors that shape a woman's decision to leave abusive relationships and marriages. The liberalization of divorce law is often presented as proof that modern states have already done their part for women. Many countries in the West have seen a shift from fault-based divorce, which studies show has consequently led to a decrease in female suicide, a reduction in reported domestic violence and fewer cases of intimate partner homicide. However, this progress narrative obscures the truth that for many women, the process of leaving remains dangerous and institutionally unsupported. Joelle Hatem, flickr This gap between formal progress and lived danger is echoed in women's testimonies. Kelly Liz observes that leaving abuse is rarely a single event, but rather a process marked by endurance and adaptation. A record linkage study done in Finland strengthens this point: demonstrating that the risk of partner assault was sharply elevated two to three years before divorce, with especially higher rates for women with children under the age of 12. Their risk remains higher even a year after the divorce. Between 2003 and 2013, roughly 65% of women killed in Finland were killed by their current or partner. Mothers face additional vulnerability as joint custody means they must remain in contact with their abuser throughout the process and perhaps the rest of their lives. These statistics are key in seeing how divorce for women in abusive relationships often concentrates the violence rather than ending it. Furthermore, violence often escalates when women attempt to leave their abusive partner. Rane and Holmes describe divorce as one of the most stressful events in someone's life. Women often face cultural pressures to keep families together. These expectations shape how a woman perceives her personal safety. Scientific data suggests that “with the exception of parents faced with unresolvable marital violence, children fare better when parents work at maintaining their marriage”. Although this conclusion explicitly excludes situations of abuse, it reinforces a broader social message that preserving a nuclear family must be prioritised above all else. As a result, many women come to absorb the notion that their own safety is secondary and treated as negotiable rather than an unquestionable human right. Beyond immediate safety, leaving exposes women to steep financial penalties that leave them more vulnerable; women see a 27% decrease in their standard of living as a result of divorce. Additionally, across the EU, women's income dropped by roughly 24%, a figure that can drop to 50% for custodial mothers, while men's losses are smaller. Women ultimately bear the brunt of the marital loss in a divorce, creating a level of economic dependence that makes the decision to leave far more complicated. Compounding this, criminal justice institutions systematically fail to act on reported violence. Data from the UK shows that while reports of rape have reached record highs, the number of prosecutions has fallen by around 70%, with many women withdrawing their cases due to exhaustive and hostile interrogation. Sexual and domestic violence remain among the only crimes where the victim is routinely treated as the main object of suspicion, showing that women continue to be held responsible for male aggression. Taken together, these dynamics show that IPV cannot be understood merely as individual behaviour or legal failure; there is a level of complexity that goes beyond equality clauses. The question “why didn’t you just leave?” overlooks how women have been culturally taught to absorb harassment, take responsibility for others’ actions, and endure. This continuity is the thread that ties private experience to institutional behaviour. It is necessary to see how these traditions shaped institutions put in place to protect women, and how history continues to repeat itself. Until institutions stop mirroring the culture that harms women, the promise of equality will remain only partial. Photo Source: Chase Carter, flickr

< Back An Ode To Menton: Notes From the Edge of France Maria Eirini Liodi Moving to Menton has been a crazy journey (to say the least), most akin to a fever dream. Living in l a perle de la France looks a little like this: swarmed by tourists in-season, and then left mostly empty for the rest of the ye ar, minus the retirees, bored teens and of course a bustling couple of hundred Sciences Pistes. I wanted to write this little article, partly for myself, partly for Sciences Pistes (old and new) and partly for Menton. As we 2As prepare for our departure, I wonder what my biased memory will frame my time in Menton to be. Is living in the Côte D’Azur really as luxe as Instagram stories sell-it to be? This is my little reflection to remember the highs and the lows while they're still fresh in my memory. Here are ten lessons (from the 100s) from Menton: 1. Small town life Living in a quaint little French town is cute and memorable. Small town gossip, also very real. With the windows open in an apartment overlooking Rue Longue, all sorts of news reverberates in the silence, and any tea you may be spilling will likely be overheard by your (probably also student) neighbors. As reflected in last month’s article on the romantic realities of this little town—the pool of young people in Menton is saturated—welcoming boredom, hence gossip, messy love triangles, and well, situationships you can’t escape when walking home from Carrefour. An additional plus is bumping into peers whose texts you haven’t responded to in days on your way to the gym… Love when that happens! 2. 5’ away Small town life isn’t all bad. Especially for those living in the vielle ville, rolling out of bed and into class within minutes has never been easier. I haven’t taken for granted that it is not the norm to live three minutes from campus and at most a five to ten minute walk from your friends. It’ll be difficult transitioning to a long-distance friendship routine where time differences and Google Calendar invites replace the daily: “I’ll be there in 5!” Also, I can’t skip the perks of proximity when it comes to our uni group chat—texting in the “Sciences Po Menton Communities 2024/2025” on Whatsapp to ask for virtually anything—to borrow a baking tray, a screwdriver, glue stick or someone to come over and kill a spider and actually getting a response? A rare and beautiful thing in my book. 3. Three countries in a day Being based in Menton comes with the bonus of casually crossing into another country after a 2km leisurely stroll by the beach in one direction and hopping on a train 10’ in the other direction into another. So, croissants in France, pizza in Italy and dinner in Monaco—100% doable. While cool, this reality also reveals deeper contradictions. Just a few hundred meters away from the glamor of Mirazur, you have borders that are open for some and violently closed for others—a harsh reminder of the uneven freedom of movement that defines the region. 4. Twelve km from ‘paradise’ to poverty Working with Sciences Po Refugee Help has been an important wake up call to the harsh humanitarian crisis at the Franco-Italian border, bringing me close to scenes that don’t make it into travel blogs and insta stories. The border, just minutes away from Menton’s colorful skyline and overpriced restaurants, is the site of daily pushbacks, systemic neglect and abandoned hopes. Studying refugee law in parallel made things even more jarring. While political rhetoric in Europe often speaks in ideologically-charged extremes of ‘illegal’ immigrants, the reality is far more nuanced. Refugee camp closures post-COVID have resulted in even harsher conditions for people on the move, with many sleeping under bridges and relying on food from local organizations offering support. The securitization rhetoric of politics often distorts, what is at the core, a much more complex, human story. 5. Multilingualism Arabic, Spanish, Italian, French, Greek, English, Hebrew, Turkish—just a few of the languages you’ll hear on an average day while walking out of class. I’ve never been in a consistently multilingual and multicultural environment like that of Sciences Po Menton. Conversations blend between languages, cultural references overlap and slowly your world expands without you realizing it. If any place has taught me about different cultures, perspectives and ideas, it’s been this campus. 6. 365 sunsets by the beach Living by the beach is so cool. Simple. Bad days, post-midterm cries, or existential breakdowns are a whole lot more poetic when you're sitting by the beach, gazing at the glistening water of the Mediterranean with the sublime backdrop of the Italian mountains. Problems don’t disappear, but perhaps feel slightly more manageable with the sound of the ocean in the distance. 7. The French uni system is hardcore Should I have been more mentally prepared coming to Sciences Po Menton? Probably. Transitioning from an Anglo-Saxon education system to a blend of the French system rigor and a more Western-interdisciplinary approach has been a process for sure. Unlike the typical Anglo-Saxon approach, attendance is strictly mandatory with little margin of error. No lecture recordings, limited extensions, and regular 8-10 hour work days that make the live, laugh, love mindset a little more challenging to embody. Has it made me more resilient, organized and better at working under (a lot of pressure)? Yes. Has my Google Calendar looked like an overflowing rainbow with minimal blanks? Also, yes. Would I do it again? 100% Being booked and busy is the Menton student default, but so is balancing multiple extracurriculars for fun, Thursday Retro nights, culture days and jam sessions! Work-hard play-hard as they say. 8. Fake it till you make it? When I came to Menton I told myself that I wanted to push myself outside of my comfort zone, but not merely in the academic domain. I started performing (singing!) live for the first time, became the head of the music club and worked with so many talented musicians. I took tango classes, explored international security, met professionals and heads of states, made my case for the CROUS scholarship in broken French, and spoke on national TV through a student initiative that brought me back home to Cyprus (Babel!). My time here was one of many firsts—a place of gentle chaos and a small, often comforting community that welcomed my trials, failures, experimentation and growth. 9. The grass is always greener on the other side If you go back to my first article of the semester (an interview with our director, Mr Halaoua) there’s a section where we discuss the ‘unlucky’ nature of not having as many opportunities as students based in Sciences Po Paris when talking about conferences, networking events, career fairs etc. His response was that the essence of the grass is always greener on the other side. Honestly, he wasn’t wrong. Sure there are the pros of being on a bigger campus in a capital, but every place has its pros and cons. At Menton I’ve attended a series of incredible events—conferences on Palestine, anti-Semitism, Gulf economies, international security, and more. For all those dreaming of escaping the anonymity of the city, or the individualism plaguing modern capitalist metropoles, studying in a little French town isn’t all soft girl era and sunset journaling . Don’t get me wrong, it has been an absolute blessing to live here, however small town life has also felt limiting, constraining and a little boring at times. Menton taught me that even the prettiest places hold an ugliness within them. Ultimately, it is up to us what we make of it. 10. French boulangeries are elite With the recent I don’t wanna be French meme (insert Lady Gaga’s ‘Bad Romance’) taking the internet by storm, I want to focus on the unequivocally incredible things I’ll miss when I leave France. French boulangeries. The effortless chic of carrying a baguette in your tote. The joy of a fresh croissant in the morning. The delight of moules frites paired with a local white wine—pretty awesome if you ask me. Say what you want, but this part of French life? Iconic. I’ll miss it dearly. Menton, thank you for being the birth of my love-hate relationship with France, which as I depart is leaning more towards love <3 Cheers to Mitron’s supreme medialunas (top tip: go before 10:30am as they usually sell out), O Recife ’s iconic coffees and Sciences Po’s insane schedule (and honorable mentions to Narev’s for being the gym all of Sciences Po suddenly goes to when summer’s around the corner, Vulcano for bearing with our crowding outside for take-away pizza and of course, Demontis for bringing the most delicious ice-cream I have ever tried to this little town). It’s been an unforgettable ride. À bientôt! Photo source: Maria Eirini Liodi Previous Next

When conflicts arise, the most vulnerable members of society—women and children—are impacted disproportionally. As a global society, global organizations such as the United Nations need to ensure that every person within the Sudanese community is protected and their rights are upheld during such conflicts. < Back Women in Sudan Caught in Conflict Nil Çelik September 30, 2024 “My family did not leave. I was sleeping with a knife under my pillow for months in fear of the raids that lead to rape by RSF. Since this war started, it is not safe anymore to be a woman living in Khartoum under RSF.” Reports from Human Rights Watch and the UN indicate that during periods of conflict and mass displacement, the risk of gender-based violence, sexual exploitation, issues concerning sexual and reproductive rights (SRHR) and the concern regarding access to education increases in drastic amounts. The ongoing conflict in Sudan began on April 15, 2023, in its capital, Khartoum. A sequence of armed confrontations between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has incurred at least 14,600 deaths and 26,000 injuries. Nearly eight million people have been displaced , and more than 19 million children are out of school. UNICEF describes the deteriorating situation as the “world's largest child displacement crisis.” Based on the findings of the UN Population Fund, more than three million women in Sudan are at the moment under threat of sexual violence and exploitation. This has disrupted women from accessing fundamental medical care such as reproductive health assistance for pregnant women. There has been extensive raiding of healthcare buildings and humanitarian organization storage impacting the availability of medical resources. It has been found that 28 medical buildings have been targeted and demolished, resulting in eight fatalities and 18 injuries. Approximately 479,000 women need immediate and fundamental reproductive health assistance. The lack of services has led to pregnant women and their babies facing vital threats to their well-being. The fatal strike of the maternity hospital in Khartoum indicates the destructive consequence of the conflict on Sudanese women. Furthermore, the attacks have led to a shortage of medical supplies and a blockage of international aid. Healthcare facilities in Khartoum are in extreme lack of medical supplies, consisting of medications for life-threatening conditions and chronic diseases. The expansive devastation of healthcare facilities in the capital of Sudan, the blockage of medical aid, and assaults directed toward health professionals have significantly played a role in delaying survivors of sexual violence from receiving the necessary care. Human Rights Watch issued a statement by a 20-year-old woman in early 2024: “I have been living in this RSF-controlled area since the war started.” Women, girls and occasionally men and boys have been subject to sexual violence, mostly by the RSF in Khartoum, who are in control of residential areas throughout the city. Human Rights Watch interviewed 18 healthcare providers from the emergency response units. Numerous interviewees have stated that survivors who had been raped by the SAF seemed more hesitant in reporting incidents involving the SAF. The interviewees stated that they supplied direct medical care, offered psychosocial support and oversaw individual cases. Between April 2023 and February 2024, these 18 aid providers delivered assistance for 262 survivors of sexual violence. The majority of the sexual assault victims revealed being raped and sexually violated by the RSF. Also in 2024, nine cases of rape by the SAF were disclosed when the SAF seized possession of regions of Omdurman and North Bahri. Human Rights Watch stated in a report released on July 28, 2024, that the RSF in Khartoum perpetrated widespread acts of rape, such as gang rape, and enforced illegal marriages such as forcefully marrying women and young girls without their consent in order to maintain control of the areas. Remaining in their own homes does not ensure security for women, as some families have been removed from their own houses by soldiers. Simultaneously, some members of the community who have been displaced in Khartoum have been obliged to share their houses with RSF fellows. These RSF members are exposing women and girls to potential abuse. This case of armed groups engaging in violence, as previously mentioned, is constructed from the historical use of CRSV in Sudan when the country faces conflict, notably the use of rape as means of war. Specific groups such as young girls are at an extremely heightened threat of gender-based violence and further infringements on human rights. The following groups comprise IDPs and refugees residing in overpopulated, insufficiently lit housing centers with minimal security. The conflict's impact on access to education has raised the risk of early marriage and gender-based violence for young girls. Despite the fact that health risks are rising, including the present cholera outbreak, women and girls face a decline in access to fundamental healthcare. The lack of menstrual hygiene products also harshly impacts their dignity. The ongoing conflict in Sudan has profoundly influenced the safety and health of women and girls, and has also resulted in notable shortages of critical resources like medical supplies, fuel and life-saving medications. This has caused delays in providing healthcare and protection for women, leading to major healthcare risks that could cost them their lives. Similar challenges can be seen in Gaza where women are faced with risks to their wellbeing due to the ongoing conflict between Palestine and Israel. In Sudan the international community has been more dominant since there has not been such a powerful blockage to aid coming in, and because the borders of Sudan have not been closed off. Although women have been faced with obstacles that acutely affect their bodily and mental health and development during the conflict in Sudan, they have not given up fighting for their rights and are still striving for peace. 49 women-led peace, humanitarian, and civil initiatives have been developed, named the Peace for Sudan Platform , in reaction to the civil war. This initiative is supported by the UN Women Sudan office which establishes communication for women-led advocacy movements. When conflicts arise, the most vulnerable members of society—women and children—are impacted disproportionally. As a global society, global organizations such as the United Nations need to ensure that every person within the Sudanese community is protected and their rights are upheld during such conflicts.

The question, “Why are we so susceptible to populism and lies?” is inevitable. Is it the charisma of these figures? Does the symbolism of a powerful leader appeal to our insecurities and the sense of instability we were thrown into with economic stagnation, wars and globalisation? Does their promise to return to a place of power, prosperity, and stability appeal to the hurt, humiliated patriots in us? < Back The New Wave Anonymous February 28, 2025 For the last couple of years, a sharp rise in the support for the far-right, especially for far-right populism, has been obvious all over the globe. Although it is impossible to mark a specific date for the beginning of this shocking political phenomenon, people all over the world were spectators to clear evidence of this global political shift on January 20th, 2025 - Donald J. Trump was named as the 47th President of the United States, pulling the whole world in the direction of far-right extremism and sending the international community into a spiral of uncertainty and fear. Musk’s speech at Trump’s inauguration all but diminished the extremist atmosphere that carried on through that day. The three and a half minutes he spent on the podium were dedicated to thanking the people of America for making this happen: “This was a fork in the road of human civilization. OK? There are elections that come and go, some elections are important, some are not, but this one. This one really matters.” His speech was strongly nationalistic, which was not shocking. However, he did manage to sneak in a gesture that truly was not expected by the global audience—the Nazi Salute. Musk’s far-right inclinations were unheard of before his speech at Trump’s inauguration. Critics have said that what Musk has performed was undoubtedly a Nazi salute. Does that make him a Nazi? Some experts, such as Jean-Yves Camus, the co-director of the Observatory of Political Radicalism at the Jean Jaures Foundation in Paris, said that Musk is “not a Nazi …. they [Musk and Trump are both] are self-serving rather than ideological.” On the other hand, Nazis seem to think so. Christian nationalists, white supremacists and avowed neo-Nazis in the US all hailed Musk’s salute as a historic comeback for their cause. Furthermore, Musk has recently become one of the most influential endorsers of the German far-right party Alternative for Germany (AfD), which has clear links to Nazis. During one of their rallies held maybe not-so-accidentally, two days after the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, Musk appeared on screen stating that it is time for Germany to “move on” from “past guilt”. In 2023, he also endorsed an anti-semitic post on X, replying, “You have said the actual truth” to a tweet stating “, Jewish communities (sic) have been pushing the exact kind of dialectical hatred against whites that they claim to want people to stop using against them” How is it possible that such extremism, which was even called Nazism by many, can not only be tolerated but does not even come as a surprise to anyone anymore? Only in the last half a year, New York Times articles about right-wing extremism concern countries from all over the world - from Germany to the United States, but also France, Venezuela, Australia and Austria. When researching “far-right extremism”, the largest number of articles is from the years 2022, 2023 and 2024, rising throughout this period. There is a possibility of a correlation with the beginning of the Russian war in Ukraine, as well as Trump’s announcement to run for president in 2024, and the sudden surge of research on far-right extremism in 2022, but there has not been any research done in this phenomenon yet. According to the research of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), the rise of the new far-right is not an unexpected phenomenon. They claim that the tendency to shift towards the political right has been going on since early 2007, when the Great Recession happened, beginning the continued culmination of economic, social and political unrest that can be grouped as the “triggers” of one of the greatest insurgencies of far-right politics since the end of the Cold War. Furthermore, researchers Georgiadou, Rori and Roumania, focusing on economic factors and their correlation with the rise of the far-right, find a significant correlation between economic insecurity - including high unemployment and negative GDP growth - and the support for what they call the “extreme right”. They further claim that blame is often placed on perceived “globalism” and “immigrants”, which allows far-right social ideology endorsed by nationalists. Political instability can also contribute to the rise of extremism. The lack of strong opposition from the left, which has been evident in countries with multi-party systems where opposition vote is distributed amongst several anti-capitalist, socialist and communist parties, allowed for fragmentation, which allowed far-right parties to concentrate more support due to their small number. In a research carried out by the Blog Team of the LSE, the surprising statistic is that, except for brief periods in Germany and Greece, left-wing parties have not formed a stable government after 2010, and this is internationally blamed for the current state of the economy. In the specific case of the European Union, the adoption of neoliberal economics as the status quo for the modern EU policies and its continuous failure to prevent the economic crisis of 2008 and 2020 led to a general lowering of support for left-wing socialism, which allowed right-wing parties to gain traction as the “alternative” route for citizens who seek stability and an end to the never-ending cycle of economic crises. Although the structural causes of the rise of extremist populism are relatively understandable, the unwavering support it receives is staggering. In the United States, the number of far-right extremist attacks has surpassed other acts of terrorism. Furthermore, in a public opinion study by Piazza (2022), supporters of Donald Trump were found to be more likely to express support for the use of political violence. The Israeli population was mostly not alarmed by the “wave” that he made during Trump’s inauguration. And why? President Netanyahu quickly came to his rescue, claiming that Musk was “falsely smeared,” despite the fact that the claim that the gesture he did was a “Roman Salute” was refuted by historians. In the face of these facts and statistics, the question, “Why are we so susceptible to populism and lies?” is inevitable. Is it the charisma of these figures? Does the symbolism of a powerful leader appeal to our insecurities and the sense of instability we were thrown into with economic stagnation, wars and globalisation? Does their promise to return to a place of power, prosperity, and stability appeal to the hurt, humiliated patriots in us? There is not a single, all-encompassing response to this question, and, besides, it is presumably a combination of all of the above-mentioned, possibly mixed with a desire for revenge and violence. Life can seem grim and pointless in the face of the powerlessness that arises with seeing how easily people accept propaganda and lies without any critical thinking. But all is not lost. Populism can be fought with facts and extremism with compassion. If we do not let ourselves be manipulated and consoled into a false sense of security by our politicians, we can fight back and bring the truth back into the light. Photo credits: Gage Sidmore on Flickr

Although it has been several decades since the publishing of this book and despite the groundbreaking effects it has had on decolonial movements, many of Said’s observations are still the reality in the society of the twenty-first century. Even today, people still judge the Middle East and North Africa without ever having studied it and not knowing anything about it. So, how has the relationship between the Occident and the Orient evolved since the publication of Edward Said’s Orientalism? < Back Edward Said in the Twenty-First Century Viktorie Voriskova March 31, 2025 In 1978, Edward Said published Orientalism , a groundbreaking analysis exploring the relationship between the Western world (the Occident) and the Middle East and North Africa (the Orient) . In this work, Said argues that the West constructed an exotic, stereotypical, and often demeaning image of the East to justify its colonization and political domination over the region in terms of a “civilizing mission.” Said’s work challenged racist assumptions, strongly influenced postcolonial studies and started numerous political and sociological debates that continue to this day . Although it has been several decades since the publishing of this book and despite the groundbreaking effects it has had on decolonial movements, many of Said’s observations are still the reality in the society of the twenty-first century. Even today, people still judge the Middle East and North Africa without ever having studied it and not knowing anything about it. So, how has the relationship between the Occident and the Orient evolved since the publication of Edward Said’s Orientalism ? One of the most enduring forms of Orientalism is Western fascination with travel to the MENA region. From colonial-era explorers to modern Instagram influencers, there is a long history of Western visitors seeking an "authentic" Eastern experience. However, these experiences are often superficial and shaped by preconceived notions rather than reality. For example, many Western tourists buy traditional local clothing to “blend in” during their travels, despite not understanding its cultural significance. Additionally, travellers often draw conclusions about an entire country based on its tourist attractions, ignoring the complexities of daily life and local perspectives. Furthermore, travel to Middle Eastern countries remains relatively affordable for Western tourists, particularly in former French colonies like Morocco, which broke tourism records in 2024. These destinations are especially attractive to people who want to “explore,” but within a budget and close to their homes. Access to most countries of North Africa is very easy for most European citizens—there is no visa requirement for them. Additionally, shared language, especially for French travellers, makes their vacation even more comfortable, allowing them to avoid having to step outside of their comfort zone, be it financially, linguistically or culturally, while still being able to claim that they went on an “exploratory” holiday, since they travelled to Africa. Despite the popularity of some of these places and them very much not being off the beaten path, these places are still perceived as “niche” and “exotic.” This is further reinforced by the fact that many tourists stick to highly curated experiences in Marrakech, Cairo or Dubai, rarely going beyond the controlled environments of resorts and marketplaces during their “explorations.” This whole experience of a spectacle mirrors 19th-century Orientalist travel narratives in which European explorers chose to go to the Middle East since they saw it as something both alluring and dangerous, romanticizing its beauty while emphasizing its supposed inferiority, as people still do today. Another form of modern Orientalism is the global fashion trends and social media. The fascination with “ethnic” fashion has become widespread. Wearing so-called "Oriental" clothing is considered stylish, although it is cultural appropriation rather than appreciation. Instagram and other social media platforms support and popularize these trends even further, playing a major role in the popularization of these trends. For instance, influencers often wear flowing kaftans, harem pants, or Indian bindis as part of festival fashion, detaching these items from their historical and cultural contexts. Interestingly, we can observe a similar trend with Slavic fashion—it has gained popularity not only on social media but even in globally popular chain stores, with traditional embroidered blouses becoming mainstream fashion items, despite having deep cultural and historical roots, which go unacknowledged within this appropriation. As with travel and “explorations,” this trend reflects a broader historical pattern. Just as 19th-century Orientalist painters like Jean-Léon Gérôme and Eugène Delacroix depicted Eastern women in luxurious yet decontextualized settings, today’s fashion industry does the same with Eastern aesthetics for Western consumers. Lastly, Orientalism remains in modern society to this day, even in the realm of politics, although it has a slightly shifted role. The traditional Orientalist stereotypes made the “East” seem exotic and backward; modern political discourse shows the region as unstable and full of religious extremism and oppression. Western media often focuses on negative aspects of Middle Eastern politics, ignoring local perspectives and any developments that have taken place. For example, Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 initiative, which is an ambitious plan to modernize the country’s economy and social policies, has been widely criticized by Western analysts. While many of the critiques are valid, pointing out the large amount of underpaid labour which has to labour on the construction of many of these ambitious projects, others stem from long-standing Orientalist views that assume the region is incapable of progress, therefore describing the project as completely impossible or going as far as stating that it is a lie. Similarly, the UAE's labor policies, though controversial and still oppressive, have improved over the years, yet the country is often judged more harshly than Western nations with similar labor issues. All this goes hand in hand with the persistent preconception of Islam. Many Western observers critique Islamic traditions without any real understanding of the religion. This extends to debates on women’s rights, where Muslim women are often portrayed as oppressed, ignoring the diversity of experiences and agency within Islamic societies. While Orientalism has shifted in form, it remains deeply embedded in Western perceptions of the MENA region. Today, Orientalist attitudes are often linked to Islamophobia and fears of terrorism and migration, rather than simply seeing the region as exotic and backward. Although Said described a discourse that framed the East as exotic and primitive, today’s Orientalism rather links the Middle Eastern and North African identities with terrorism, migration and religious extremism. The underlying assumption remains the same: the East is still seen as "other" and needs Western intervention or critique. Photo source: Ema Nevrelova

< Back Rapport GIEC By Salomé Greffier September 27, 2023 « En exigeant que les autres agissent en premier, on s’assure que l’humanité arrive en dernier ». Cette phrase prononcée par Antonio Guterres, secrétaire général de l’ONU, à l’occasion de la publication du guide de survie pour la planète du GIEC le 20 mars dernier, tire une nouvelle fois la sonnette d’alarme concernant le dérèglement climatique. Depuis près de 40 ans, ce Groupe Intergouvernemental d’Experts sur l’Évolution du Climat s’efforce de sensibiliser et de prévenir les sociétés mais aussi les gouvernements du risque encouru par nos actions anthropiques. Selon la communauté scientifique, la marche effrénée vers l’exploitation toujours plus grande des ressources prodiguées par la Terre et ses écosystèmes conduit irrémédiablement notre système à sa perte. Après avoir publié son sixième rapport l’année dernière, celle-ci synthétise les connaissances acquises entre 2015 et 2021, ses causes, ses impacts et les mesures possibles pour l’atténuer et s’y adapter dans l’annonce du 20 mars 2023. Le GIEC réitère et dénonce la lenteur du monde à agir pour s’attaquer à cette crise qui semble devenir inhérente à toutes les autres, réduisant nos chances de limiter le réchauffement à un seuil viable. En effet, l’insuffisance des mesures prises jusqu’à présent n’évitera pas la hausse de température de 1,5°C par rapport à l’ère préindustrielle et se manifestera dès la prochaine décennie. À l’image des manifestations sociales et politiques, la « fenêtre d’opportunité », c'est-à-dire les conditions favorables à l’exercice d’un changement et à l’expression de revendications, se rétrécit et risque de contraindre les sociétés de manière autoritaire et coercitive à des normes écologiques. Nous sommes ici loin de l’idéal prôné par l’ONU en termes de justice sociale et de démocratie. Dans sa synthèse, la communauté scientifique pointe une fois encore les émissions de CO2 comme responsables du réchauffement et de la multiplication des risques naturels. La liste des menaces comprend notamment la hausse des vagues de chaleur meurtrières, la fonte des glaciers, la hausse du niveau des océans, la réduction de l’accès à l’eau, les inondations, la propagation de maladies et le recul de la production alimentaire. Évidemment, comme susmentionné, ces risques climatiques sont à l’origine de crises socio-politiques et économiques. Si aujourd’hui des milliers de réfugiés climatiques parcourent déjà les routes pour survivre, la Banque mondiale estime leur nombre à 143 millions (soit un pays équivalent à la population de la Russie) d’ici 2050. Ainsi, le dérèglement climatique engage des crises géopolitiques de taille auxquelles les gouvernements doivent se préparer. De même, la famine, conséquence directe de l'assèchement des sols, en Somalie qui frappe plus généralement de plein fouet toute la corne de l’Afrique met en danger des dizaines de milliers de vies, s’appuyant désespérément sur l’aide humanitaire. En Espagne, les incendies provoqués par le réchauffement climatique touchent déjà la région alors que le printemps vient de commencer, sans parler de la crise de l’eau qui semble concerner l’ensemble du globe. Cette liste non exhaustive de phénomènes climatiques actuels souligne l’ampleur de cette menace mise en avant par le GIEC et qui articule finalement tous nos systèmes sociétaux. De plus, il faut préciser que cette synthèse met en exergue les inégalités dans la responsabilité climatique entre les Etats. En outre, la justice sociale est au cœur des attentes de la communauté scientifique, avec le soutien de l’ONU. Si la moitié de la population vit dans des régions très vulnérables au changement climatique et que le nombre de décès dus aux inondations, aux sécheresses et aux tempêtes y ont été quinze fois plus nombreux que la moyenne, elle regroupe avant tout les sociétés peu émettrices de gaz à effet de serre et les moins préparées aux risques naturels, faute de moyens économiques et politiques. C’est pourquoi, ce 8 avril, à l’initiative du premier ministre de Vanuatu, un pays du sud de l'océan Pacifique, une résolution jugée « historique » a été signée à la Cour Pénale Internationale. L’objectif est de définir les conséquences juridiques pour les Etats qui, par leurs actions ou omissions, ont causé des dommages significatifs au système climatique et à d’autres composantes de l’environnement, notamment à l’égard des Etats insulaires et de leurs peuples. Selon le Costa Rica, cette mesure permettra d’insinuer les gouvernements à intensifier leurs efforts dans la transition énergétique notamment mais aussi de clarifier ce qui adviendra lors d’une éventuelle « mort d’État » suite à la perte d’un territoire, notamment par le phénomène de la montée des eaux. Même si cette résolution n’endosse pas un caractère coercitif, le symbole et la direction que prend la communauté internationale vers une justice climatique laisse espérer au changement. En ce sens, la synthèse du GIEC propose naturellement des solutions pour tenter de pallier cette situation dramatique parmi lesquelles nous retrouvons la sobriété énergétique, la rénovation énergétique, les mobilités douces (décarbonées), l'agroécologie et la réutilisation d’eau. Pour la communauté scientifique, il importe que chacun puisse contribuer à son échelle afin que le changement advienne plus rapidement qu’aux sommets des Etats. Par conséquent, si vous avez déjà porté un regard sur les affiches placardées dans la gare de Monaco, ce soir ne mangeons pas de hamburger, mais lisons la synthèse de ce rapport du GIEC et agissons !

< Back The Turbulent World of French Politics and How It Affects Me Stanimir Stoyanov French politics are notorious for being turbulent and complex, and in 2024 especially, France experienced some important shifts in its political landscape. In this context, many people, foreigners in particular, have had a difficult time grasping the political landscape of France. Be it the language barrier or the tongue-twisting, understanding what's happening in France is certainly a demanding task for newcomers. This has led me personally and many other Sciences Pistes to question what effect the current political situation will have on us. This article will present a brief overview of recent events and explain how these developments impact our lives as students at SciencesPo. I. What happened? In the second round of the 2022 French presidential election, Emanuel Macron won 58,55% of the votes against Marine Le Pen, with 41,45% . While still a victory for the current president, the election showcased a continued rise of support for the right-wing leader Marine Le Pen. The election was also marked by the lowest voter turnout ( 72% ) since 1969, raising questions about voter apathy. While political awareness in France remains high, a large part of the population has trouble identifying with politics and disregards their importance. The tensions kept rising as the status-quo was being more and more challenged by the opposition and in January 2024, France experienced severe political turmoil. The ruling government, led by then Prime Minister Elisabeth Borne, didn’t have a majority in parliament, making the legislative process a tougher challenge. In January as an attempt to counter the far-right’s influence, Macron backed a controversial migration law , simplifying the deportation process and making immigration to France much more difficult for non-EU foreigners. This was followed by the resignation of Elizabeth Borne on Jan. 8. Afterwards, on Jan. 9, Macron appointed Gabriel Attal as PM and organized a cabinet reshuffle. This was all in an effort to mitigate the rise of support for the opposition ahead of the 2024 EU Elections. In June 2024, French voters headed to the polls for the European Parliament Election and showcased significant support for Le Pen’s far-right party, the National Rally ( Rassemblement National), which was the front-runner with a remarkable 31,37% . This raised doubts about Macron's authority, leading him to dismiss parliament and schedule snap elections on the 30 June and 7 July. While this move is recognized as an attempt to both consolidate support and bring the attention to the public, it can also be viewed as an unprecedented political gamble. The results of the election showcased the severe social fragmentation with no party gaining a clear majority. The current division of parties in parliament is as follows: *Data compiled from French National Assembly website https://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/ , as of Sept. 13 2024. As can be seen, the National Rally party has the most seats, yet no party has a majority. Further, even when looking at possible coalitions within parliament, the main coalitions Nouveau Front Populare (left-wing), and the Ensemble (Macron endorsed) also do not have a majority to form a stable government. The right-wing parties remain divided and are not likely to form a coalition. This means that France currently has a hung parliament, making forming a stable government a formidable task. II. Who is the current French Prime Minister? Following the election in July and Gabriel Attal’s resignation, President Macron had to appoint a new Prime Minister. This was a tough choice, seeing how it needed to be a figure that can gather support from allies and opposition alike. On Sept. 5 2024, Michel Barnier from the Les Republicans party was appointed as Prime Minister. The choice was controversial and followed by backlash from the left coalition NFP, which have the most seats and advocated for their candidate Lucie Castets . In his first interview as PM , Barnier presented his stances on the current situation and promised to form a government that is not just right-wing, but also compromises with the left. He has said he will attempt forming a government in the upcoming week. Should he not gather the support of parliament, the opposition can call a vote of no confidence, where parliament can vote for removing him as PM. Barnier is particularly insistent on his tough stance on migration, following Macron’s attempts to appease the right as a response to Le Pen’s momentum gains. Macron and the Ensemble alliance have always had a more lenient view towards migration, but public opinion has made them toughen their stance. III. How are foreign students studying in France affected? The political turmoil has led to many changes in French society: economic challenges, increase of political protests and violence and a more negative lookout towards migration. The situation has also led to many strikes across France including train strikes in the Côte d'Azur region in August. Such strikes are also planned for the Fall, which raises concerns for Menton students. T he migration law that was passed in January increased requirements for acquiring a visa and made it more difficult for migrants to establish work in France. As part of drafting said law, politicians from Les Republicains, supported by the far-right, succeeded in adding an amendment concerning international students, requiring them to prove every year they are enrolled in a “real and serious programme” and to deposit a sum of money returned after their graduation. These changes were not supported by Macron and were later proven unconstitutional by the Constitutional Council. In the final draft of the law there was no mention of international students. Hitherto, political conversation on the topic has shifted far away from the matter of international students. The ongoing migration legislative efforts mainly concern migrants outside the EU and streamlining of the deportation process. Impact for students is not as severe, beside stricter requirements for visa applications for those outside the EU. Still, uncertainty reigns among students who are not sure how they are affected by the puzzling world of French politics. For now there does not seem to be any imminent danger towards the status of international students seeing how such measures are seen as too controversial and unnecessary for parties on all sides of the spectrum. IV. Final words The changes happening in France now affect our daily lives mainly when it comes to price increases and heightened social tensions. Previously I was hearing many different things, including false news about the dangers that can arise from the political turmoil and it was fairly intimidating. I believe many fellow students also relate to this feeling, but after gathering more insight into the situation, I personally am now more confident as a student in France. While there is no need for us students to fear in this current status, we must remain educated on the matter and follow up with the latest developments to be better informed about the changes happening in France. The domestic political landscape is moving rapidly and is full of unexpected twists. While it might be difficult for foreigners to adjust to it, it is valuable to be well-versed in such topics, in order to know if we are affected by them. Previous Next

Confronted by a tirade of questions expressing concerns about inflation,, rising energy costs and economic recession, Liz Truss chose to deflect by focusing her attention on the Labour opposition’s inability to elect a leader that “is not male or from north London.” Setting aside the observation that statements such as these are symptomatic of the conservative cabinet’s disease, preventing its elected members from answering the questions posed to our government, Liz Truss’ comment does raise questions about equality in a political party which generally claims to stand for progressive ideals < Back Are problems with female leadership unique to Britain’s Left? By Leo Gerza October 31, 2022 Ensuing the crowning of Liz Truss as victor of the summer palaver that was the contentious Conservative Party leadership election, many in Britain and abroad had the opportunity last month to watch the new prime minister jousting in her first Prime Ministers Questions. Confronted by a tirade of questions expressing concerns about inflation,, rising energy costs and economic recession, Liz Truss chose to deflect by focusing her attention onthe Labour opposition’s inability to elect a leader that “is not male or from north London.” Setting aside the observation that statements such as these are symptomatic of the conservative cabinet’s disease, preventing its elected members from answering the questions posed to our government, Liz Truss’ comment does raise questions about equality in a political party which generally claims to stand for progressive ideals. The fact is that all three of Britain's female prime ministers have been leaders of the Conservative Party. On the other hand, Labour has only ever had three female leaders during periods of opposition, all of which were in an “acting” capacity, thus temporary by design. Yet, the Conservative Party looks towards its elected female leaders with great reverence, especially Margaret Thatcher, who has become idolized by the Thatcherites, swooning over the glory days of the “Iron Lady.” How is it that the party of progress lags behind the party of right-wing beliefs and politicians stolen from a museum display when it comes to electing women? This phenomenon is difficult to dissect but seems to be guided by deep-rooted and outdated misogynistic political beliefs. The leading theory suggests that this phenomenon is not solely a problem in the UK. In fact, across G7 countries, “widespread distrust in women at the top” has been a core barrier, according to the Reykjavik Index, which outlines that in almost all western countries, men are perceived as more capable leaders than women. This ultimately suggests that, in a democratic system which still suffers from institutional sexist ideas, men are more likely to be elected into positions of power because there is a greater belief in their competence to perform as a leader. I think Boris Johnson and Donald Trump exemplify this truism. The study also hints towards a rising tide of misogyny in recent years against female leaders. They have always faced more vicious scrutiny, yet the outpour of criticism in reaction to a video of the Finish Prime Minister partying demonstrates that double standards remain a core-rotting pillar in politics. Increasingly concerning is that the same Reykjavik Index, outlining the general bias towards men, also found that 18 to 34-year-olds have a “less progressive attitude to gender and leadership.” Could this signal a warning that we may be diverging from decades of progress on gender equality? I would argue that attitudes perpetuated on social media sites, such as Tik Tok, are both a manifestation of this statistic and a source of its existence. The hyper-macho content and misogynistic comedy featured on the app combine to convince impressionable youth that men are the apex of society and that women are an evolutionary tool for man’s benefit. This is to say that these issues are not exclusive to the Labour party, they are global. In fact, Labour can claim to have had significant impacts on the fight for equality by introducing the Equal Pay Act of 1970 and the Equality Act of 2010. Perhaps more significantly, Labour also introduced all-women shortlists to select half the candidates running in the 1997 United Kingdom general election. The affirmative action taken by Sir Tony Blair saw a record 101 female members of Parliament elected to the House of Commons. However, more needs to be done so that rather than mitigating inequality our political parties can be actively promoting it. As for Liz Truss’ comments, perhaps she can be credited with raising important questions about equality in politics, but it should not distract from the dismal omnishambles her prime ministerial career has been so far.

< Back Trump and Republicans Win 2024 U.S. Elections Pracheth Sanka November 30, 2024 He’s done it. Donald Trump has won the 2024 Presidential Election, ascending, once again, to the coveted office at 1600 Pennsylvania Ave. He has achieved a feat not seen in over one hundred years, joining Grover Cleveland as the only two presidents to serve non-consecutive terms. He also became the first Republican presidential candidate to gain a majority of the voter share since George W. Bush in 2004, breaking a four-election-long streak of Democratic dominance in the popular vote. His shocking success arrived following several Election Eve predictions for a Vice President Kamala Harris victory. While many outlets stated the race was “too close to call,” notable pollsters and forecasters painted more optimistic pictures of Harris’ hopes. Ann Selzer’s reputedly reliable Iowa poll indicated a silent majority of democrat support in both conservative and swing states, and Allan Lichtman’s “Keys to the White House” predicted an incumbent party win this electoral cycle. Both The Economist and opinion poll aggregator FiveThirtyEight gave Harris a lead in simulated estimations, albeit with extremely tight results. Despite these grim projections for Trump, he had an outrageously strong showing, winning all seven battleground states en route to gaining 312 electoral college votes and more than 75 million votes. The White House was not the only favorable outcome for Republicans, as they gained control of the Senate, retained their narrow majority in the House of Representatives and maintained their majority of Governors nationwide, winning seven out of the ten gubernatorial contests. They won high-profile Senate races, namely in Texas, where the infamous incumbent Senator Ted Cruz won decisively against the underdog U.S. representative Colin Allred. In Montana, political newcomer Tim Sheehy prevailed against the long-time incumbent, the moderate Jon Tester. Both of these races were described as tight and dead heats in the lead-up to November 5th. Still, decisive Republican victories indicate the prevalent and enduring conservative ideals among the progressive facades. President-elect Trump will now benefit from a perfect Republican trifecta, which entails a conservative control of all three branches of government. In the first two years of his initial term, he was gifted Republican command of the Senate and House of Representatives but battled against a divided Supreme Court. But now, with a 6-3 right-wing majority, Trump has the legal and political framework to enact his Agenda 47, or perhaps the more controversial Project 2025. He’s also been busy building a czar-studded and loyalist cabinet to reign in the executive branch. There have been some notable picks among the bunch, such as Florida Senator and foreign policy hardliner Marco Rubio as Secretary of State and South Dakota Governor Kristi Noem as head of the Department of Homeland Security. Incoming Chief of Staff Susie Wiles, a subtle and often off-stage figure, will head Trump’s advisory team. Rising the ranks as an election strategist, “The Ice Maiden,” as Trump has affectionately anointed her, has become a close right-hand woman on the campaign trail, a quiet character who brings order and competence to an otherwise chaotic campaign trail. Further, Trump is not scared to appoint those new to government. His expected appointee for the Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth , is a Fox News correspondent who has never worked in the Department of Defense and whose closest experience is being an Army Veteran. To streamline and economize government operations, Trump has picked two leading campaign partners to head the new Department of Government Efficiency: Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy. For Musk, the CEO of X and the world’s wealthiest person, this would be the first public position he’s held, and his contracts with the Federal government have raised alarms of a possible conflict of interest. Likewise, Ramaswamy’s closest call to office came with his 2024 Presidential campaign, a role he was ready to take on after being a career biotech entrepreneur and near billionaire. These appointees highlight Trump’s vision for a devoted and dependable executive branch. His cabinet and advisory committee will be composed of people who won’t tell him no, an essential element in achieving his goals in the next four years. This means the “ Dictator on Day One ” can quickly enact some of his most crucial policy proposals. Expect to see hefty tariffs levied —especially against Chinese imports—and a push toward a more protectionist approach to trade. Despite fears of large migrant detention centers and promises of a mass deportation mission, Trump will much more realistically use executive action to halt catch-and-release policy and restore his 2019 “Remain in Mexico” practice to reign in the crisis in the United States’ southern border. Also, look for Trump to use his executive power to majorly cut down the size of the federal bureaucracy, adding party adherents to the administrative state, and to pardon many of those convicted for their actions of storming the Capitol on January 6th, 2021, another show of affection to his loyalists and fanatics in his quest for a fully conservative government. Though he needs congressional support for certain legislative measures, Americans should predict a continuation and expansion of his 2018 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, and more than likely see a steep decline in aid to Ukraine and an increase to Israel, which comes along with promises to end both conflicts as soon as possible. With the control of the Senate and House, expect a slew of conservative bills to be passed. Republicans have two years before the 2026 midterm elections to enact a hardline, right-wing agenda before their bicameral majority becomes jeopardized. Though the future looks bleak for many Democrat and left-leaning voters, this election cycle offered some spots of hope. In Arizona, far-right MAGA devotee Kari Lake was defeated by Ruben Gallego, adding to a set of liberal policy-makers and executives who hold statewide office. Despite Trump carrying the state by 3 points, North Carolina saw Democrat wins in its high executive offices. Established Democrats Josh Stein, Rachel Hunt, and Jeff Jackson became the Governor, Lieutenant Governor and Attorney General respectively, sweeping the top three elected offices in the state. In the State House of Representatives, Democratic wins can help break the years-long Republican supermajority, allowing Stein to effectively use his veto power to curb conservative policy. Out of the ten states that left abortion measures to public referenda, seven codified or strengthened protections in their state’s constitution. Only Florida, which failed to reach the sixty percent threshold needed, and hyper-conservative Nebraska and South Dakota were unsuccessful in the effort to enshrine and protect abortion rights. Though eclipsed by the result of the Presidential election, these small victories provide optimistic outlooks for Midterm elections and individual state policy for the near future. But in the end, Trump won. Republicans won. Handily, America’s left-wing lost, and for at least two years, conservatives will have a straightforward path to achieving their ideals. This will undoubtedly manifest itself in a Reagan-esque, populist call back to a time of American “greatness,” with streaks of protectionism and nationalism, a full fall into Trumpism by the Republican right. While it is possible to gauge some of the precise ways this will come about, with near-guarantees of tax cuts and Trump loyalist appointees, the future does seem fairly uncertain, especially with some small Democratic shifts occurring across the country. What is certain, though, is that come January 20th, President-elect Donald Trump will take office, ushering in a new era of his dominance in American politics.

What really is the role of a journalist, a war journalist in particular? Well, on a basic level of analysis, war journalists offer information—factual updates on a conflict and an analysis of evolving situations. Scraping beyond the surface, a war journalist’s role is far greater. War journalists are the torch-bearers of the truth, chronicling human suffering, influencing public perception and shaping historical memory. With that, almost inevitably, journalistic pieces offering unique insights will often be underscored by biases; after all, that’s why we get all sorts of different headlines on a given event. < Back A Delicate Balancing Act: Journalism in Conflict Zones Maria Eirini Liodi December 31, 2024 My recent experiences both in the Youth4Regions program for young journalists, as well as last month’s event I coordinated with Sciences Défense, have prompted me to really think about the role of journalists, particularly in war-struck regions. Before delving further into it, I should give some context for the above. Youth4Regions is a unique journalism program happening in Brussels every year, presenting young journalists the opportunity to hone their craft and expand their network. The former event refers to Sciences Défense’s first virtual conference of the year, hosting Ukrainian war journalist Alyona Martiniuk and presenting a great chance to gain insights into the background of the war in Ukraine through a personal perspective of a citizen and journalist experiencing the war. It was very interesting to learn about her role as a journalist during the war in Ukraine, aiming to bring to light stories of soldiers who were killed during the war or those left disabled. Her work’s artistic and literary style vividly captures the human aspect of war—a necessity in a world where information overload often strips the humanity from the political realities of conflict. Both of these experiences got me thinking: what really is the role of a journalist, a war journalist in particular? Well, on a basic level of analysis, war journalists offer information—factual updates on a conflict and an analysis of evolving situations. Scraping beyond the surface, a war journalist’s role is far greater. War journalists are the torch-bearers of the truth, chronicling human suffering, influencing public perception and shaping historical memory. With that, almost inevitably, journalistic pieces offering unique insights will often be underscored by biases; after all, that’s why we get all sorts of different headlines on a given event. Take these two headlines covering the events of October 7th of last year: ‘History Didn't Begin or End on October 7th’ or ‘October 7: A terrible day, a tragic year.’ Same topic, different message; we can tell that just from the title. Some would argue this a malady of modern media, others an inevitability, or perhaps a vital component of modern media. For me, it begs the question: do journalists owe it to their audiences to be objective, or is subjectivity important in giving different perspectives? Is subjectivity inevitable either way? This comes to mind especially in light of the conflict in Gaza, which has drawn a lot of attention to controversies over media bias in the reporting of the war. I agree that media bias is something we should be aware of and wary of. Yet, I also wonder whether any media can truly be stripped of bias, and whether it is desirable to strive for ‘objectivity’ in media at all. I think as long as the information delivered is factual, and reflective of the true reality of the conflict, receiving news from various sources offering different perspectives is valuable; it can be even more informative of the nature of the conflict, as the news itself reflects political ideologies and hence the biases often at the root of the conflict. Beyond this idea of journalistic perspective and bias, I also pondered over the ethical weight of the role of a war journalist, as the bearer of information. If you think about it, aside from information delivered or leaked directly from independent individuals on social media platforms, journalists directly deliver the information we have on current affairs in war zones. That reality comes with great power in shaping global perspectives, making the role of a war journalist a double-edged sword of privilege and burden. Reporting on war zones, particularly for on-site reporters, demands great courage. It also demands an acute awareness of how news stories are delivered. Accounting for the impact their stories have on audiences, policymakers, and potentially even the course of the conflicts themselves, are crucial. Hence, there are a lot of questions journalists must ask themselves when publishing stories for the whole world to see, but also scrutinize: how much detail is too much? When does a story cross the line from informative to sensational? Is this reporting serving the public good through its transparency, or is it exacerbating existing tensions and perpetuating harm? These are things I thought about a lot during Youth4Regions, where I delved into the ethics of journalism. Although I do not hold the exact answers to these questions, they certainly helped me appreciate the delicate balance journalists, particularly those working in conflict zones, must strike in their work. For instance, according to the Society of Professional Journalists Code of Ethics , a journalist must “balance the public’s need for information against potential harm or discomfort,” avoiding unnecessary intrusiveness where possible. This principle can be relevant when deciding whether it is ethical to post images or videos depicting violent content, showcasing individuals who may not have consented to their private person being used for public distribution, or when considering the consequences of posting unverified accusations—both of which we have seen a lot of this year. Finally, the role of a journalist, especially during times of war, is not simply to inform people but to provoke critical thinking, evoke empathy and inspire action. To restate this once more, a war journalist holds great power and responsibility. Their stories not only shape the present understanding of conflicts but also the way they are remembered. We, as consumers of news content, also carry a responsibility: we ought to be critical of what we read and seek out diverse perspectives that can challenge our preconceptions, not merely confirm our beliefs. By doing so, we can be active participants in the political discourse of global developments, and hopefully foster a more nuanced, critical and empathetic understanding of the conflict-ridden world we live in.

< Back Promising: New Covid Treatment Gives Hope By Saoirse Aherne October 31, 2021 New Treatment On September 28, Merck — A German multinational science and technology company — announced that it has created a pill to treat SARS-CoV-2 in partnership with Ridgeback Biotherapeutics. The drug in question is called molnupiravir, and while it was initially created to treat influenza, it has been in development as a broad-spectrum antiviral for about 10 years. Merck CEO Robert Davis stated that the company was “actively working with regulatory agencies around the world to submit applications for emergency use or marketing authorization in the coming months.” Who will be able to access the pill? This pill will be used to treat COVID-19-positive patients as soon as they begin showing symptoms. As is the case with most respiratory viruses, it is best to begin COVID-19 treatment early on. An initial lessening of the viral load reduces the risk of developing severe symptoms and lowers the likelihood of transmission. Merck’s phase three clinical trial enrolled unvaccinated, high risk individuals. Initially, molnupiravir may only be available to this demographic, however it will likely become more widely available over time. Merck intends to have this drug authorized in the US before the end of 2021. This appears to be a feasible objective considering that White House advisor on the health crisis, Anthony Fauci, called the data from the clinical trial “impressive.” Moreover, the U.S. government has preemptively ordered 1.7 million courses of treatment. Merck claims it will be able to produce enough pills for 10 million people by the end of this year. Efficacy and Appeal According to Merck, this drug reduces the risk of hospitalization or death due to COVID-19 by 50 percent. In the third phase of molnupiravir’s trial, a group of volunteers suffering early symptoms of COVID-19 were studied. Half of the volunteers were treated with molnupiravir while the other half received a placebo pill. Of the volunteers that received molnupiravir, only seven percent were hospitalized. In contrast, the group that received placebo pills displayed a hospitalization rate of 14 percent. One limitation of this drug trial was the relatively small sample group that was studied, which included only 775 at-risk patients. Molnupiravir demonstrates lower efficacy than monoclonal antibodies; the intravenous cocktail that is currently used to treat high risk people with COVID-19. These antibodies can reduce hospitalizations and death by up to 85 percent. The appeal of the molnupiravir pill, however, is that it is far easier to administer and can reach a much larger population than the complex intravenous cocktail treatment. More importantly, the infusion treatment requires a hospital visit, thus demanding time and resources from medical professionals, and costs approximately 1,000 euros per injection. Naomi Cailes, a registered nurse at the Peterborough regional health center, agreed that “the fact that [molnupiravir] is an oral pill is a huge advantage over current antivirals or monoclonal antibody infusions'' as these treatments are “invasive and depend on lots of resources.” Cailes, who has firsthand experience dealing with COVID patients, described the emotional toll of being a health care worker during the pandemic, citing the fact that there was “no time to grieve” after a patient died as there was always another patient requiring medical attention. As such, she expressed hope at the prospect of a drug which could reduce hospitalizations. However, as much as Cailes recognized the promise of monlupiravir, she was adamant that “vaccination should continue to be our first-line defense against COVID-19.” Side Effects and Concerns Molnupiravir is a mutagenic drug, thus it reduces viral load by forcing the COVID-19 virus to make mistakes while copying RNA. A Clinical Trials Arena article observed that there are “persistent side-effect concerns with mutagenic molnupiravir.” In fact, Merck required male participants of their phase three trial to abstain from sex or use of contraception, and only included female participants who were not breastfeeding or pregnant, also requiring them to use a highly effective contraceptive or be abstinent during the study. Merck virologist Daria Hazuda ensured that “no evidence of the potential for mutagenicity” has been observed in molnupiravir. According to an article published in Antimicrobial Agents and Chemotherapy, molnupiravir showed no serious adverse effects in its first-in-human phase one trial; fewer than half of the test subjects reported any effects, and of those that were reported, 93.3 percent were mild. It must also be noted that Molnupiravir is intended to be administered on a short term basis, which greatly reduces its risk of causing adverse effects. Other Promising Treatments The appeal of a simple, ingestible COVID-19 treatment is widely recognized in the pharmaceutical industry with both American Pfizer and Swiss Roche set to reveal the results of clinical trials for their own pills in the coming months. Conclusion Molnupiravir has the potential to greatly reduce the severity of COVID-19 symptoms, potentially preventing the need for hospitalization in many cases and thus opening up hospital beds for those who need them. From first hand sources, it is clear that high hospitalization rates are emotionally draining for patients and healthcare workers alike. This pill marks an important development in virus control and is likely also useful against influenza and ebola. It seems probable that this pill will soon be widely available, however it should not be treated as a replacement for vaccination, which remains the optimal defense against the spread of COVID-19.

J’ai beaucoup apprécié les valeurs transmises par le Parcours Civique, des valeurs indispensables dans la société : l’aide directe à la personne, la responsabilité sociale et collective, l’assiduité et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’engager dans un travail à temps plein. < Back La Volonté d’Aider et d’Interagir: Une Réflexion sur un Parcours Civique à la Croix-Rouge Monégasque By Lilou-Ornella D’Inca September 27, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? J’ai effectué mon Parcours Civique auprès de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque, principalement au pôle Migration de la Section Humanitaire Internationale de cette organisation. Mon rôle consistait principalement à créer des activités pour les migrants se trouvant dans le centre pour mineurs non accompagnés (MNA) de Menton. Par conséquent, j’ai été impliquée dans la mise en œuvre d’ateliers éducatifs et ludiques, spécifiquement pensés et élaborés pour cette catégorie d’âge. J’ai également pris part à la préparation et la distribution de repas, et au tri et à la mise à disposition de vêtements au centre Caritas à Vintimille. Enfin, mon rôle couvrait aussi d’autres responsabilités, telles que l’aide donnée aux infirmiers lors des permanences sanitaires au centre pour MNA, et la gestion de tâches administratives (comptes-rendus, communications par courriel, etc.) au siège de la Croix-Rouge à Monaco même. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? Mon intérêt pour la Croix-Rouge Monégasque est né de la volonté d’aider et d’interagir avec des migrants et des communautés vulnérables dans la région, ayant été témoin des obstacles non seulement physiques mais aussi sociaux, auxquels ces personnes sont confrontées chaque jour à la frontière franco-italienne. Les principes de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque — la neutralité, l’impartialité, et l’humanité entre autres — englobent toutes les valeurs qui me paraissent essentielles pour approcher un thème compliqué comme l’immigration avec un œil impartial et dépourvu de militantisme, bien qu’emphatique. Cette organisation permet d’être au contact direct avec les migrants et de compléter des activités très variées avec des tranches d’âge différentes, ce qui m’a tout de suite semblé une opportunité unique pour mon développement en tant que citoyenne responsable. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? Je suis rentrée à connaissance de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque à travers le forum organisé par Sciences Po lors de la semaine d’intégration, où des représentants de cette association avaient été invités. Le programme de Sciences Po m’a donc beaucoup aidée pour trouver mon Parcours Civique, d’autant plus que l’administration m’a fourni le contact direct avec une des responsables de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque. Cependant, ce contact a été envoyé assez tard dans l’année (30 mars), alors que ma lettre d’engagement avait déjà été écrite et que ma recherche de stage avait déjà commencé ; afin d’obtenir un stage dans les temps requis, il est convenable de contacter la Croix-Rouge déjà pendant le premier semestre, sans attendre de recevoir les contacts envoyés par l’administration. J’ai obtenu mon stage seulement début mai, car — étant encore mineure — les autorisations parentales à obtenir et les démarches à effectuer sont assez laborieuses. Il est bon de noter que j’ai essuyé de nombreux refus de la part d’autres organisations en raison de mon jeune âge, et il m’a fallu patienter plusieurs semaines avant de recevoir une réponse définitive de la part de la Croix-Rouge. Mon conseil pour les étudiants mineurs est de commencer la recherche de possibles organisations dès le début de l’année. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? Le stage n’a pas été rémunéré. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? Mon Parcours Civique a été une expérience incroyablement enrichissante à plusieurs niveaux. Tout d’abord, j’ai rencontré des migrants provenant de nombreux pays d’Afrique et — la plupart d’entre eux étant disposés à raconter leur histoire, leurs rêves et espoirs et leurs impressions sur leurs conditions de vie en Europe — j’ai pu réellement comprendre les raisons qui poussent certaines populations à quitter leur pays natal et leurs familles, ainsi que la différence entre leurs attentes et la réalité de leur expérience en Italie ou en France. Ces connaissances sont non seulement d’une grande valeur pour mon bagage humain et culturel, mais elles me permettent également d’analyser les pays étudiés à Sciences Po avec de nouvelles clés d’interprétation. En outre, j’ai beaucoup apprécié les valeurs transmises par le Parcours Civique, des valeurs indispensables dans la société : l’aide directe à la personne, la responsabilité sociale et collective, l’assiduité et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’engager dans un travail à temps plein. Je pense que ces principes sont une constante dans tous les stages de 1e année, mais ils ont été particulièrement significatifs à la Croix-Rouge, où chaque stagiaire est poussé à prendre des initiatives et à réfléchir sur les valeurs du volontariat à travers les comptes-rendus rédigés après chaque activité. Je considère donc que le programme de Sciences Po est une expérience instructive et très intéressante grâce à laquelle il est possible d’explorer un secteur qui nous passionne ou que l’on désire découvrir, et qui permet d’acquérir de nouveaux enseignements et valeurs. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? Essayez de trouver un organisme qui vous offre l’opportunité d’être au contact direct avec la communauté de votre choix. Bien que j’aie beaucoup apprécié mon temps au bureau de la Croix-Rouge pour la partie administrative du stage, c’est sur le terrain que j’ai le plus appris et que j’ai pu sortir de ma zone de confort. N’ayez pas peur de vous engager concrètement, même dans des secteurs dans lesquels vous manquez encore d’expérience ! Et, bien évidemment, n’hésitez pas à me contacter si vous avez des questions relatives à la Croix-Rouge, à votre lettre d'engagement, ou à tout autre doute !