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Se réveiller plus tôt, travailler plus longtemps, raccourcir le temps accordé aux loisirs : La performance est devenue un élément central dans nos vies. Que se passe-t-il quand la recherche du toujours plus nous pénalise ? < Back Le culte de la performance: le toujours plus à quel prix ? Elsa Uzan April 8, 2026 Se réveiller plus tôt, travailler plus longtemps, raccourcir le temps accordé aux loisirs : La performance est devenue un élément central dans nos vies. Que se passe-t-il quand la recherche du toujours plus nous pénalise ? Ce phénomène prend racine dans le milieu professionnel, caractérisé par de nombreuses exigences de productivité des employés et de rentabilité de l’entreprise. Il existe ainsi une hustle culture , un mode de vie compulsif caractérisé par de longues heures de travail mais surtout par une recherche de la performance et de la réussite permanente. Cette ‘culture’ va de pair avec une négligence, si ce n’est un abandon total, de la santé, de la famille et de toutes formes de relations sociales. Elle construit une opposition artificielle entre un équilibre vie professionnelle et vie privée et la recherche d’un revenu élevé, ce faux dilemme nous est ainsi imposé. Bien que la notion de hustle culture se rapproche du travail compulsif, elle met davantage l’accent sur les pressions sociales subies par les travailleurs. Le travail compulsif se réfère aux désirs incontrôlables de travailler voire à une forme d’addiction. Dans le modèle néolibéral, la compétition constante entre travailleurs facilite le développement d’une telle culture. Le modèle néolibéral renvoie en effet à des doctrines politiques envisageant la société comme un marché où des individus entrepreneurs doivent valoriser leur capital où l’Etat n’intervient peu voire pas du tout. Le néolibéralisme promeut l’extension à toutes les sphères d’activité une compétition fondée sur le dogme de l’efficacité du marché et de la responsabilité individuelle. Le succès apparaît comme atteignable uniquement après de nombreuses années de travail inlassable. L’objectif de réussite professionnelle est recherché pour deux raisons principales :il s'agit d’abord du gain économique que le revenu lui apporte et ensuite du prestige associé à l’image d’un travailleur ambitieux. En découle l’émergence de la figure du ‘travailleur idéal’, un travailleur avec de longues heures de travail qui privilégie sa vie professionnelle à sa vie privée dans l’optique d’une performance optimale. Ce comportement inscrit dans la hustle culture sert à montrer son dévouement à son travail et sa réussite professionnelle. D’où vient cette injonction qui semble être intériorisée dans nos sociétés ? La culture du travail acharné trouve son origine principalement dans l’éthique protestante du travail, émergente au XVIe siècle. Les protestants européens défendaient une vision du travail laborieux et de la recherche du profit comme des vertus essentielles car elles étaient censées assurer un accès au Paradis. Cela est d’autant plus central que la foi protestante ne garantit pas un accès au Paradis à tous les croyants, uniquement à ceux considérés comme pieux. Dès lors, il s’agit de ‘mériter’ sa place au Paradis, ce qui passe notamment par le travail et une vie ascétique. La hustle culture se transforme avec les réseaux sociaux. Ils offrent en effet une plateforme favorisant la construction d’une image soigneusement réfléchie de leur réussite professionnelle entre autres. Chacun sélectionne ce qu’il veut montrer de lui et surtout de sa réussite professionnelle. Du fait du caractère viral des contenus des réseaux sociaux, les jeunes voient se propager leur image de réussite à l’échelle mondiale. Source: Flickr , A sign on display at a WeWork office in New York Toutefois, le culte de la performance professionnelle n’est pas sans danger. À long terme, travailler de longues heures cause des problèmes de santé avec un sentiment d’épuisement physique impactant la motivation et surtout la capacité à agir. De manière similaire, la qualité du sommeil s’en trouve dégradée. La pression que subissent les employés provoque de la nervosité, de l’agitation, des difficultés à se concentrer voire des crises de panique. Sur une longue période, cela peut augmenter les risques de trouble anxieux généralisé. Selon une analyse produite de Santé publique France, la souffrance psychique liée au travail concerne 5,9 % des femmes et 2,7 % des hommes en 2019, un chiffre doublé par rapport à 2007. Le burn-out touche d’après la même étude 0,7 % des femmes et 0,34 % des hommes. D’autres facteurs liés au lieu de travail peuvent également augmenter le stress et aggraver en conséquence l’anxiété. L'Institut national de la santé mentale considère que le stress au travail est la cause la plus importante de l'aggravation des troubles anxieux. Les emplois très stressants provoquent ainsi une inquiétude excessive, des crises de panique et de la nervosité qui ont un impact négatif sur les capacités cognitives des travailleurs. Plusieurs études ont montré que les travailleurs confrontés à un stress prolongé sont les plus susceptibles de souffrir de dépression clinique. L'épuisement professionnel ou la frustration sont souvent la conséquence initiale d'un stress non géré. Le manque de concentration, la fatigue cognitive et le détachement émotionnel par rapport aux tâches quotidiennes font partie des symptômes courants d'un stress non géré. Cet environnement est ainsi fortement influencé par des figures centrales de la vie des salariés comme le manager, les ressources humaines voire même la direction. C’ est ainsi le cas de la tragique affaire France Telecom des années 2000. Les deux patrons de l’entreprise avaient demandé - dans le cadre de plans de restructuration - un départ théorique de 22 000 employés en les poussant à la démission par un ensemble de méthodes illégales dégradant leurs conditions de travail. Trente-cinq salariés avaient mis fin à leurs jours. Ce cas illustre ainsi comment les décisions managériales au sommet de l’entreprise peuvent se traduire en une forme de violence sur les corps et les esprits des salariés. Des pressions peuvent être exercées par le responsable des ressources humaines ou par le manager de manière moins extrême avec la volonté d'atteindre des objectifs chiffrés, une forme de surveillance des salariés ainsi qu’une charge de travail conséquente. C’est au vu de ces nombreuses problématiques que des mouvements anti-hustle culture émergent portés par les générations Z et Y (nées respectivement entre 1995 et 2010 et entre 1978 et 1994). Cela peut s’expliquer par l’entrée sur le marché du travail de la génération Z pendant la pandémie de Covid-19, une période marquée par un arrêt quasi total de l’économie amplifiant l’incertitude d’anxiété et de surmenage. Ils rejettent en bloc la glorification de l’ hustle culture . Leur vision du travail va bien au-delà du gain financier car le travail va également être considéré comme un lieu d’épanouissement personnel. On assiste alors à l’émergence d’un nouvel état d’esprit placé sous le signe de l’émancipation par la recherche de la réussite, non plus professionnelle mais personnelle. L’opposition des nouvelles générations à l’ hustle culture s’explique par divers facteurs. Premièrement, la génération Z est la génération la plus soutenue financièrement à ce jour, ce qui lui permet de poursuivre des carrières en lien avec leurs passions et leurs intérêts personnels. Ainsi, plus de 60% des parents assistent financièrement de manière régulière les adultes de la génération Z entre autres sur les factures, les courses, le loyer ou les loisirs. De plus, la technologie est utilisée comme un outil au service de leur carrière professionnelle . Internet permet de s’informer sur de potentielles opportunités professionnelles, de multiplier les sources de revenus et de contacter des personnes partout dans le monde. Ils peuvent ainsi monétiser leurs compétences et leurs intérêts, notamment créatifs. Plus de 70% des travailleurs de la génération Z ont des revenus supplémentaires entre autres grâce à des applications monétisant les hobbies tels que Etsy. Le dernier facteur avancé par le chercheur Shaji George est celui des responsabilités financières différenciées de la génération Z dues aux prêts étudiants et à l’inflation retardant les projets. En effet, les prêts retardent les responsabilités financières avec les échéances de remboursement mensuelles souvent très étalées. L’inflation est également un facteur central car elle augmente le coût de la vie: avec un salaire équivalent, il faut désormais épargner plus longtemps pour acheter un logement par exemple. Source: Flickr , Quitter De nouvelles pratiques anti hustle cultures se mettent en place parmis les nouvelles générations. Le ‘quiet quitting’ illustre cette nouvelle tendance. Le concept renvoie au fait de ne pas se porter volontaire pour réaliser des tâches supplémentaires sauf en cas de compensation financière ou d’évolution professionnelle significative. Ainsi une étude menée en 2023 par une agence de recrutement montre que plus d’un quart des travailleurs issus des générations Y et Z ont participé à cette démission silencieuse. Ces stratégies demeurent toutefois pratiquées par une minorité de travailleurs, ayant un capital économique important pour se le permettre. Pour beaucoup d'autres, quitter son emploi n’est pas une option, faute de ressources suffisantes. Le ‘quiet quitting’ est l'incarnation de l’anti hustle culture car il privilégie le bien-être personnel à la productivité optimale, remettant en question la glorification d’un dévouement total au travail, conséquence de la recherche constante de la performance. Il s’agit d’un mouvement individuel non coordonné sans objectif commun contrairement aux organisations syndicales qui défendent des revendications collectives par des négociations, des grèves ou même la défense aux prud’hommes. Pour ceux qui en ont les moyens, l’objectif de cette pratique est d’épargner, d’investir rapidement pour atteindre l'indépendance financière dans l’optique de prendre une retraite anticipée . D’autres pratiques consistent entre autres à éviter volontairement des promotions aux postes de gestion ou de direction pour conserver un équilibre, leur santé mentale et une flexibilité relative. Mais cette quête d’autonomie ne reproduit-elle pas dans un sens les mêmes logiques qu’elle dit combattre ? La remise en question de la journée de travail de 9h à 17h et des visions rigides du professionnalisme dépasse le simple rejet d’une hustle culture nocive à long terme. Elle marque la redéfinition plus profonde du cadre professionnel mais surtout d’une reconfiguration des critères sociaux de la réussite, consacrant entre autres l’épanouissement personnel et la quasi sacralisation de la santé mentale. Photo Source: Flickr , Culture Hustle Neon

The vote of each EU citizen is key to shaping a consensus for the Union; now, let's see which path they determine we take. < Back EU 2024 Elections : Why the Whole World is Looking at the Results By Sina Hosna for European Society May 1, 2024 When many countries are looking to the United States’ elections amid all the others happening in 2024, the European Union (EU) legislative elections will take place on June 9. On that day, citizens of all 27 member states of the EU will be able to vote for the candidates of their national parties to represent them in the European Parliament. In a period of major conflicts, the EU plays one of the biggest roles on the international scene. Both outside and within its borders, the Union is being sorely tested in the face of its challenges. Even on its borders, the crisis exists and has to be treated. Let’s look at what is exactly at stake on June 9, the day 448 million people will head to the polls. Before entering the subject, let’s make a little reminder for our readers: The EU is a political and economic union of 27 member states in Europe. The project traces its roots back to the aftermath of World War II to foster peace, stability, and prosperity on the old continent. The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) precursor to the EU, was established in 1951 by six founding members (Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and West Germany) to integrate key industries and prevent future conflicts between European countries. Over the decades, the project evolved, expanding its scope to include economic integration, the establishment of a single market, and the adoption of a common currency, the Euro (€). Today, the EU encompasses a wide range of policies and institutions aimed at promoting cooperation, solidarity, and shared values among its member states. First, let’s look at the organization of the election. The EU Parliament election is organized every five years and for the tenth time this year. It is the only time citizens of the European Union can vote directly for their representatives. One fundamental aspect of the EU legislative elections is the proportional representation system. Unlike many national electoral systems, where winner-takes-all dynamics prevail, EU elections employ proportional representation, ensuring that the composition of the European Parliament reflects the diverse political spectrum across member states. 720 Members of Parliament will be elected this year, with 46 seats deleted post-Brexit and 15 seats added since the last elections due to the growing population of member states. The seats of each member state are calculated by population size: Germany, the most populated country in the UE (84 million inhabitants) has the largest number of seats (96), and France follows with 81 seats - 2 were added since 2019 - and the least populated country of the EU, Malta, has the minimum number of seats a state can have: six (as do Cyprus and Luxembourg). Each citizen will have the opportunity to vote for one of his local political parties which is represented in one of the 10 European political parties. These 10 parties are united in eight groups that make up the European parliament, covering approximately the entire political landscape like the S&D (Socialists and Democrats) for the left, EPP (European People’s Party) for the center-right, Renew Europe for the right/liberals, … This parliament, the only directly elected legislative branch of the EU, holds significant powers. It shares the legislative power with the Council of the European Union (meeting of the ministers of each subject) and it has the authority to amend, approve, or reject proposed legislation, all in collaboration with the Council. This co-legislative role ensures that laws reflect the interests and concerns of EU citizens as represented by their MEPs. The European Parliament can also serve as an initiator of legislation. While the European Commission has the sole right of legislative initiative, the Parliament can request the Commission to propose new laws or amendments to existing ones in the EU law. Moreover, the Parliament can propose its resolutions and reports (of its MEP’s), which may influence the legislative agenda and shape EU policies. The Parliament plays a role of scrutiny and oversight over EU institutions. Through hearings, inquiries, and the power to adopt resolutions and recommendations, it holds these institutions accountable (in the name of the citizens of the EU) for their actions and decisions, ensuring transparency and democratic accountability. The European Parliament is also responsible for the EU budget, still with the Council and the nomination of the president of the Commission and its Commissioners with hearings. The last election in 2019 had a turnout of 50.66%, and the election saw the first surge in voter participation since the first election in 1979, reflecting heightened interest and engagement in EU affairs among citizens. What has been highlighted the most was the rise of populist and eurosceptic parties across Europe. Parties like Matteo Salvini's Lega in Italy and Marine Le Pen's Rassemblement National in France made significant gains, reflecting growing disillusionment with mainstream politics and EU institutions. There is an additional challenge with transferring powers to the local — such as municipal — to the supranational EU level. The process is too slow for some Europhiles or giving up too much national sovereignty for Eurosceptics. This is where the EU institutions have to find a balance: how to convince the people in the EU’s capital cities as well as the inhabitants of the countryside in the depths of Bulgaria? The challenge of the EU institutions is to convince all its citizens of its project and the impact it can have on the world. We can see it, particularly in the war in Ukrain e, where the EU provides military resources, welcomes Ukrainians fleeing war, and has fast-tracked the candidacy of Ukraine to the Union. Also, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the EU plays an important role in diplomacy and humanitarian aid. All the reforms of the EU have been voted on by the former composition of the European parliament and the direction the Union will take will be decided on June 9. The future of the EU and the world is at stake. The vote of each EU citizen is key to shaping a consensus for the Union; now, let's see which path they determine we take.

With the United States experiencing its highest level of inflation since 1981 and Europe following closely, inflation, a phenomenon that many economists claimed was long gone, seems to be back. How worried should we be? < Back Global Inflation: Is the Fairy Tale Beast Back to Haunting us? By Ata Tezel April 29, 2022 If you are a regular at Brioche Dorée, the recent 10% price increase of the student deal might have been catastrophic news. In fact, a double-digit inflation rate is becoming a reality in the developed world, with the Organization for European Economic Co-operation (OECD) average annual rate reaching 7.7 percent in March 2022. With the United States experiencing its highest level of inflation since 1981 and Europe following closely, inflation, a phenomenon that many economists claimed was long gone, seems to be back. But how worried should we be? Why is inflation back? The rise in inflation caught many economists and central banks off guard – as a matter of fact, nearly none of the central bank inflation forecasts in the developed world were accurate for 2021. This is surprising, as the recovery from the economic downturn of the pandemic signaled increased pressure on both the demand and supply sides of economies. Simply put, today’s inflation is the result of too much money chasing too few goods: an inevitable outcome of the economic policies of the pandemic era. The demand-side inflation (also known as demand-pull inflation) is, in large part, related to the drastic aggregate demand recovery fueled by the stimulus packages distributed by governments during the pandemic alongside the overall global employment recovery. The US federal government passed stimulus packages that injected more than 4.5 trillion dollars into the economy, with the EU following up with a package of 2 trillion euros. With many investing their stimulus money on mid- to long-term assets - such as government bonds, stocks, gold, and real estate - demand-side pressures increased prices for these highly attractive assets. In fact, all American indices have passed far beyond their pre-pandemic levels, signaling an unprecedented demand recovery from the pandemic. As the economy on the demand side is stronger than ever, theories suggest inflation should be expected. Though one might then ask: “how has the developed world grown at a stable rate for years while keeping inflation at bay and maintaining low unemployment and minimal monetary intervention?” The difference this time is that the pressure is on the supply-side. The impact of the pandemic was more drastic on the supply-side compared to demand-side simply because short to mid-term adjustments in supply tend to be more inelastic than demand-side adjustments. For example, the ongoing electronic chip shortage can be partly attributed to the automakers’ decision to slash orders during the early stages of the pandemic which led chipmakers to switch their products to fit the surging demand for consumer electronics. As the aggregate demand recovered, the supply of cars is now drastically halted due to the chipmakers' unwillingness and inability to switch their supply back to the automotive sector. This caused a spillover demand for substitutes, resulting in a 20 percent price increase in the second-hand car market in the US. Moreover, disruptions to supply chains triggered by the pandemic are now exacerbated by political tensions spurred by the Ukrainian war. The increase in energy prices has reached, on average, 27 percent in OECD due to the political tensions surrounding oil and natural gas supply. This cost-push inflation is only aggravated by the cutting of government subsidies to many sectors – subsidies that were instrumental in the survival of many businesses during the economic fallout of the pandemic. What to expect now? While the dramatic increase in inflation is worrying for many, central banks have been cautious in implementing monetary policy to combat rising inflation. Throughout 2021, the consensus among the developed world was that the increase in global inflation was temporary and would eventually fade out as market forces settle around pre-pandemic levels. The higher-than-usual inflation rates could also be attributed to the unusually low commodity prices in 2020 caused by the demand fallout which would have given rise to unnatural inflation once demand and prices returned to pre-pandemic levels. However, recent political developments in commodity markets are forcing central banks to take action. The US Federal Reserve had already started tapering its quantitative easing policy by the end of 2021, effectively increasing real interest rates without changing their near-zero policy rate. Leading emerging markets have also responded to inflation throughout the year, with many increasing policy interest rates by couple hundred basis points - a move that the developed world resisted to take. Nevertheless, by March 2022, the Federal Reserve was forced to increase its policy rate for the first time since 2018, an action soon replicated by the Bank of England. The Fed also signaled further increases in the policy rates up to 3.5 percent, citing the dangers of high inflation. Central banks around the developed world now hope to raise rates rapidly to avoid a “hard landing.” However, many are skeptical about central banks’ ability to use monetary policy effectively without causing a recession. Considering the track record of the Fed, recession risks are no doubt elevated, creating a low morale in the world of economics. As inflation is affected by expectations as much as by market forces (if not more), pessimism and distrust in the market could be the biggest worry of all. With the European Central Bank also signaling a potential switch from its zero-interest policy, the future is more unclear than ever. The question is, can the West curb its inflation as successfully as Japan or is it leading to a catastrophic fallout like Turkey? The answer, as with everything else, will probably lie somewhere in between.

My best friend passed away from brain cancer when I was in middle school. I felt as though my Parcours Civique would be the perfect opportunity to honor her life. < Back Do Not Fear the Emotional Toll: A Reflection on a Children’s Cancer Center Parcours Civique By Riwa Hassan September 26, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? My civic engagement took place at the Children’s Cancer Center in Lebanon, where I mainly interned in public relations and external affairs. Once a week, I acted as a friend and a support system for children undergoing chemotherapy. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? My best friend passed away from brain cancer when I was in middle school. Her vigorous fight inspired me never to waste time. I always felt like I wanted to reward her, so I wrote paragraphs about her, mentioned her in most of my conversations, and always remembered her. I felt as though my Parcours Civique would be the perfect opportunity to honor her life. The children’s cancer patients I worked with never ceased to fill my heart with happiness and hope. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? In Lebanon, we have a civil society directory called “Daleel Madani” which I used to find my Parcours Civique. As such, I selected and applied to my internship on my own. Even before applying, I already had NGOs in mind. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? My Parcours Civique was unpaid. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? I benefited a lot from my Parcours Civique because I not only experienced field work and helped my community, but I was also introduced to a new field in my major at Sciences Po, Politics and Government. This helped me expand my career vision and my master’s program choices. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? Do not overwhelm yourself; always prioritize thinking of the people you are helping before what you get from your work. Do not fear the emotional toll of doing certain jobs because once you start working, you will put your emotions aside.

< Back Elon Musk Buys Twitter: What Does This Mean for Free Speech on Social Media? By Luca Utterwulghe April 30, 2022 In a digitized, interconnected world, the freedom of expression has entered an entirely new domain. Individuals or groups holding significant clout on the internet have far-reaching networks through which they may propagate their views. On such an inflated scale of communication, stakeholders have begun to question how these streamlined information-sharing processes have redefined the liberty of speech. Elon Musk, CEO of Tesla and SpaceX and media extraordinaire with over 81 million followers on Twitter, announced on April 13th that he wants to own all of Twitter, exponentially expanding his 9% share of company stock, according to the New York Times . In his Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) proposal file , Musk wrote a message to Bret Taylor, chairman of the board of Twitter, explaining that he initially invested in Twitter because he “believe[d] in its potential to be the platform for free speech around the globe.” Musk further noted that “the company [Twitter] will neither thrive nor serve this societal imperative [free speech] in its current form.” His vision is to privatize the company after purchasing the remaining shares. Louai Allani, a first year student at Sciences Po Menton, “believe[s] that Elon Musk can definitely tap into Twitter’s true potential, which is free speech, democracy, etc.” Allani explained that “it would be very beneficial for Twitter to capitalize on the insight that Elon,” a super entrepreneur , as Allani calls him, would offer the company. Musk purchased Twitter for $44 billion on Monday, April 25, a move sparking concern amongst those combating online hate speech and gaining support from other “free speech absolutist[s].” One Tweet reflective of the oppositional sentiment is that of political and social rights activist Shaun King: “At its root, @ElonMusk wanting to buy Twitter is not about left vs right. It’s about white power. The man was raised in Apartheid [South Africa] by a white nationalist. He’s upset that Twitter won’t allow white nationalists to target/harass people. That’s his definition of free speech.” All that is certain is that Twitter will undergo significant changes to its platform, unleashing further debate over the role of social media in civil liberties. Business Insider has identified several significant changes Musk would likely make upon ownership: (1) “looser moderation” of content on the platform; (2) rendering Twitter’s algorithm “open source,” meaning that it can be “manipulated openly by many different contributors;” and (3) introducing an edit feature through which Tweets can be changed after they are shared. Musk has openly quarreled with the idea that Twitter is a “de facto town square” regulating public speech, a sentiment further demonstrated by his criticism of permanent bans from the platform, as seen with the removal of Donald Trump. Musk’s prioritization of free speech on social media platforms has emerged amidst a broader debate on the role these platforms should play in protecting expression and preventing dangerous forms of abuse and misinformation. TIME references contemporary research which has found that “sites that privilege free speech above all else tend to result in spaces where civic discourse is drowned out by harassment, restricting participation to a privileged few.” Social media interactions are fundamentally different from real human relations, suggesting that regulations may need to adapt accordingly. So, should speech on social media be completely unrestricted, or do companies like Twitter have a responsibility to ensure equal access and limit the dissemination of false information?

< Back New Student Initiatives Are Announced By Cameron Sterling October 31, 2021 After a week of heavy campaigning, results for the student initiatives have been released! The administration has named Alwanat, Initiative Sciences Po Pour Le Sahara Marocain, Le Zadig, Les Républicains, Med Liban, MentonLoves, Pose, Racing Club de Menton, Sciences 360o, Solidaritee, Student Support Alliance, and UNICEF Sciences Po Menton as “recognized” student initiatives for this semester. For those who are not aware, student initatives are “selected student projects of a limited duration carried by one or several students in the fields of culture, knowledge, sport, environment, solidarity, health, the fight against discrimination, and civic engagement.” Status as a “recognized” student initiative is an important resource for a student association or project. Student initiatives are eligible for grants amounting to a maximum of 500 euros, which “aim to facilitate communication for events held at SciencesPo; to encourage the emergence of events and activities organised jointly by associations from different campuses; to enable associations organizing events that require a first-aid station to meet their obligations in terms of the security of persons and property; to enable associations to meet their insurance obligations and to enable associations scheduling films, audiovisual or theatrical events, to pay licence fees to the copyright-holders.” Student initiatives can also apply funding for special projects intermittently. The process of becoming a “recognized” student organization entails multiple steps. Students are given the opportunity to vote for three different student organizations. If 5% of the student population on a given campus votes for a project, the results will be communicated to the Council for student training, which ultimately evaluates if the organizations comply with existing regulations. On the subject of choosing which initiatives to vote for, 1A Gayle Krest said: “I voted for the initiatives that I am a part of or the ones that I thought needed money. I felt that some initiatives were more like clubs, but others were more important because they were charities that were trying to do events.” 1A Lucie Charbonneau, Board Member at MentonLoves, agreed with Krest on the subject of campaigns, claiming that she did not feel the need to campaign for the organization to become a student initiative because that “we [MentonLoves] have a pretty big membership on campus, and I was sure that everybody in the group would be voting.” New student initiatives have a wide range of objectives. On the subject of UNICEF’s goals, 2A Zoé Kunegel asserts that “[UNICEF] hope[s] to utilize SciencePo’s resources for carative (sic) events but also to raise awareness in the most efficient way, through conferences and creative initiatives.” Kunegel’s aspirations are in line with Krest’s comments: many organizations see their status as student initiatives as a means to enable philanthropic work. Other organizations, such as MentonLoves, plan to facilitate campus events and take an active role in student life. The president of the organization, when asked about their plans for the year, stated that “MentonLoves wants to invest in merch, like stickers and tote bags, and sell them in order to invite speakers on site; plan free events like the drag queen/king show in a venue and some other parties while still covering costs for the legal aspects such as association insurance and treasury.” This semester’s student initiatives are a diverse group of organizations, featuring efforts for on-campus activism, student events, mutual aid, cultural exploration, political advocacy, and education. Together, they represent the range of intellectual and recreational interests that students on this campus possess.

Véritable expérience cinématographique, l’audace narrative unique, les personnages attachants et l’esthétique inimitable de Pulp Fiction en font un chef-d’œuvre intemporel. En défiant les conventions, Quentin Tarantino a encore prouvé que le cinéma pouvait être à la fois populaire et artistique. < Back Pulp Fiction, un chef-d'œuvre culte et intemporel Habiba Lala January 31, 2025 Réalisé par Quentin Tarantino, Pulp Fiction est bien plus qu’un simple film: c’est une révolution cinématographique qui défie les conventions narratives classiques tout en capturant l'essence brute et stylisée de la culture populaire américaine de son époque. Sorti en 1994, ce long-métrage est récompensé par la Palme d’or au Festival de Cannes et se dresse comme un chef-d’œuvre iconique du cinéma postmoderne. Loin de se contenter d’être un exercice de style, Pulp Fiction offre en réalité une exploration profondément humaine et ironique sur des thèmes plus lourds tels que la violence, le destin ou même la rédemption. Puzzle temporel et narration éclatée L’un des éléments qui m’a le plus marqué dans Pulp Fiction est sa structure narrative non linéaire. Contrairement à un récit classique, où les événements suivent un ordre chronologique, le film éclate sa temporalité en plusieurs fragments interconnectés qui partagent des motifs récurrents: la violence, le hasard, la morale, la rédemption. On y suit trois intrigues principales: l'histoire de Vincent Vega et de Jules Winnfield qui sont deux tueurs à gages chargés de récupérer une mallette sous les ordres de Marsellus Wallace; celle de Butch Coolidge, un boxeur en fuite; et enfin, une intrigue secondaire autour des mésaventures de Vincent et de Mia Wallace, épouse du gangster Marsellus. Cette construction, audacieuse pour l'époque, défie les conventions classiques et nous engage activement en tant que spectateurs dans le montage du puzzle narratif. Les scènes de début et de fin, centrées sur Pumpkin et Honey Bunny dans un restaurant, servent d'encadrement et de miroir, ce qui illustre l’obsession de Tarantino pour la circularité et l'interconnexion. Cette structure originale remet en question notre rapport au temps et au destin, un thème omniprésent dans le film. Par ailleurs, elle crée une tension particulière: même lorsque le spectateur connaît l’issue d’un événement, comme par exemple avec la survie de Vincent et Jules dans la scène du « nettoyage, » l’intérêt réside plus dans le « comment » que dans le « quoi. » Chaque chapitre est autonome tout en enrichissant l’ensemble, ce qui est d’autant plus impressionnant. Des dialogues ciselés et iconiques Je suis convaincue que si Pulp Fiction est si mémorable, c’est en grande partie grâce à l’écriture des dialogues. Tarantino possède un don rare pour mêler trivialité et profondeur, transformant une discussion sur les hamburgers (“Royale with Cheese”) ou les massages des pieds en moments captivants et révélateurs des personnages, de leur manière de penser. Les échanges entre Vincent et Jules, souvent empreints d'humour noir, alternent entre légèreté apparente et réflexions philosophiques sur la moralité et la violence. Le monologue biblique de Jules, issu d’une version modifiée d'Ézéchiel 25:17, est un autre exemple emblématique. Ce passage, où il prétend être un instrument de la volonté divine, transcende sa fonction initiale pour devenir une introspection sur la rédemption et le changement. De même, le décalage entre les situations et le vocabulaire s’inscrit dans cette continuité comme avec l’histoire du père de Butch, racontée par le capitaine de manière tragique, mais qui parfois adopte un ton décalé lorsqu’on sait où le père de Butch avait caché sa montre. Une galerie de personnages complexes Un des aspects qui m’a le plus fasciné réside dans l'écriture des personnages. Chaque personnage de Pulp Fiction est un monde en soi, oscillant entre caricature et profondeur. Vincent Vega, joué par John Travolta, est un tueur nonchalant mais qui masque une certaine vulnérabilité qu’on réussit à entrevoir dans ses mésaventures avec Mia. Jules Winnfield, interprété par Samuel L. Jackson, évolue tout au long du film, passant du cynisme à une quête de rédemption après avoir survécu à une fusillade, ce qu’il considère comme un signe divin l’invitant à une introspection. Mia Wallace, incarnée par Uma Thurman, est la quintessence du mystère et de la sensualité, particulièrement lors de la scène de danse devenue culte. Quant à Butch Coolidge, joué par Bruce Willis, il représente un homme pris entre son passé violent et son désir de s’en libérer et qui est aussi confronté à un dilemme dans lequel il choisira de sauver la vie de Marcellus Wallace, celui qu’il a trahit et tenté de tuer auparavant. Ces personnages, bien que plongés dans des situations absurdes ou violentes, conservent une humanité troublante, rendant leur destin captivant et leurs personnalités attachantes. Une esthétique rétro et pop Sur le plan visuel, on remarque facilement que Pulp Fiction est un hommage à la culture pulp, à ces magazines des années 30 à 50 qui regorgeaient d’histoires sensationnalistes. La mise en scène, riche en couleurs saturées et en compositions symétriques, est imprégnée de cette esthétique. C’est aussi un hommage au cinéma des années 70 avec des couleurs vives, des décors vintages et un montage stylisé présents tout au long du film. La dimension pop est également présente à travers ses nombreuses références à la musique, au cinéma et à la culture populaire. La bande-son est par exemple composée de morceaux préexistants de rock 'n' roll américain, de surf music, de pop et de soul. Elle comprend des références cultes telles que Misirlou de Dick Dale ou encore You Never Can Tell de Chuck Berry. Chaque choix de musique est utilisé pour renforcer l’ambiance d’une scène, comme avec la chanson Girl, You'll Be a Woman Soon d'Urge Overkill lors de la scène avec Mia Wallace ce qui permet d’illustrer sa vulnérabilité et sa complexité. Entre violence et ironie, susciter le choc chez le spectateur La violence, omniprésente dans le film, est souvent stylisée et teintée d’ironie. Tarantino ne se contente pas de choquer. Il transforme la brutalité en un langage esthétique. Une scène comme celle où Vincent tire accidentellement sur Marvin dans une voiture en mouvement est aussi tragique qu’absurde. Ce traitement décalé de la violence, souligne l’absurdité des situations tout en déstabilisant les attentes du spectateur puisque rien ne pourrait expliquer l’acte de Vincent. L’ironie dans les scènes tragiques est aussi présente lors de l'overdose de Mia Wallace, puisque l’on a un montage alterné où Mia est au bord de la mort/va presque mourir, pendant que Vincent reste dans les toilettes à se soucier de préoccupations qui semblent futiles en se demandant comment rentrer chez lui et refuser de rester avec Mia. Une œuvre intemporelle Si on me demandait de décrire Pulp Fiction en un mot, je dirais « iconique. » Si on me demandait de le raconter, je dirais « chaotique. » Véritable expérience cinématographique, l’audace narrative unique, les personnages attachants et l’esthétique inimitable de Pulp Fiction en font un chef-d’œuvre intemporel. En défiant les conventions, Quentin Tarantino a encore prouvé que le cinéma pouvait être à la fois populaire et artistique.

At the start of the 1920s, although hard to imagine today, the Riviera was practically deserted during the summer months. Hotels and restaurants catering to the European elite would close shop after spring, as their wealthy patrons would leave for colder climates. The Murphys were the first to convince hotels in Antibes to stay open during the summer months, as a way to host their American friends. Thus beginning the transformation of the Riviera into the summer destination it is today. < Back Americans on the Riviera Kerem Demir Karahan September 28, 2025 The French Riviera may seem far too beautiful to inspire the Valley of Ashes , yet Scott Fitzgerald’s timeless classic “The Great Gatsby” was partially written here. Another one of his books, “Tender is the Night” is set in the French Riviera, around Cannes, telling a story far more dramatic than the feuds between modern movie stars who convene there every year. With the conclusion of American isolationism thanks to the American intervention in the First World War, members of the American gentry began to resettle in the Old World, especially Southern France. Brilliant mansions began to appear across the French Riviera, coupled with wonderful gardens, rivalling the splendor of British villas, such as Eilenroc in Antibes, dotting the shore from Cannes to Menton. The forerunners of American migration to the Riviera were Gerald and Sara Murphy. Their home in Antibes, Villa America , hosted parties and was the centerpiece of a social circle composed of not only Americans such as Ernest Hemingway, and Zelda and Scott Fitzgerald, but also European artists like Jean Cocteau and Pablo Picasso. They embodied what was the “Jazz Age” in the United States, importing the Charleston for the French “Années folles.” At the start of the 1920s, although hard to imagine today, the Riviera was practically deserted during the summer months. Hotels and restaurants catering to the European elite would close shop after spring, as their wealthy patrons would leave for colder climates. The Murphys were the first to convince hotels in Antibes to stay open during the summer months, as a way to host their American friends. Thus beginning the transformation of the Riviera into the summer destination it is today. With that, the “Lost Generation” , the group of authors who became adults during the First World War, found themselves a home on the French Riviera. Ernest Hemingway, the Fitzgeralds and John Dos Passos, among others, all took refuge on the Riviera from their personal woes that they hoped to leave behind in the States. Still, it is hard to say that the Riviera was without its share of the signature decadence of the Jazz Age . Fitzgerald does not shy away from showing the echoes of that decadence on the Riviera by telling the story of the lavish lives of his two main characters, based on the Murphys, in “Tender is the Night . ” On the other hand, Hemingway takes a contrasting approach, exhibiting the Lost Generation as more resilient than decadent in his book “The Sun Also Rises , ” telling stories of his Parisienne days. This convening of great minds in such a small region helped build relationships between flag-bearers of American literature and European art. They vacationed, ate, partied, and drank together for many years, influencing one another. Gerald Murphy’s time with Picasso even led Murphy to pick up painting as a pastime. The lives of the Murphys provided ample material for Fitzgerald and Hemingway when reflecting on their own experiences in France. Fitzgerald’s “Tender is the Night ” acknowledges the Murphys’ inspiration, beginning with the dedication “To Gerald and Sara, to many fêtes.” The American experiment on the Riviera was cut short in 1929, when the Great Depression hit stock markets across the world. At the same time, the secondborn child of the Murphys’ was diagnosed with tuberculosis, which proved to be the end of the Murphys’ time in the Riviera. They would then go to Switzerland and then back to the States. The Villa America, whose poolside sunbeds inspired Picasso, Fitzgerald, Cocteau, Hemingway and many more, would fall into disrepair during those years until its purchase by a Russian oligarch. The Riviera’s influence on American literature and art is hard to exaggerate. Both Hemingway and Fitzgerald, two of the most consequential writers of the 20th century, wrote arguably their most impressive works while at the Riviera. However, Americans were not the only ones savoring the Riviera. France’s vanguard of the avant-garde, Jean Cocteau, called Menton his home. Likewise, Pablo Picasso continued spending his summers on the Riviera long after the Murphys left. However, the allure of the Riviera didn’t end with the departure of Villa America ’s patrons. In 1960, perhaps the most influential author of the civil rights movement in the United States, James Baldwin, followed in the footsteps of the great writers before him and came to the Riviera to escape the social woes at home. Baldwin, like the Lost Generation, was on the lookout for a breath of fresh air. However, whereas the Lost Generation enjoyed the riches of life on the Riviera, Baldwin was there on a mission to continue his advocacy. Disillusioned by the way colored people were treated in the States, Baldwin found a much needed base in the Riviera where he could continue focusing on his commentary on American society. His time in France and the Riviera brought American social problems to the public's attention across Europe, and also helped him see America from an outsiders' lens. The Riviera is now more characterized by its famed and rich residents rather than the famed writers and painters it has inspired. Grace Kelly’s highly publicized marriage to the Prince of Monaco, Rainier the Third, brought the Riviera to the public consciousness across the world, identifying it with luxury. Similarly, Sean Connery, the first and most iconic of all James Bond characters, took up residence in the Riviera, purchasing a Belle Époque villa in Nice. Parties whose luxury would put Jay Gatsby to shame are held every summer in St. Tropez, showcasing how vacationing and residing on the Riviera turned into a status symbol. Still, the streets of Menton and the wider Riviera are filled with tiny ateliers with wonders inside, inspiring those who are willing to take on the challenge to match the beauty of the world around them. With its cosmopolitan SciencesPistes, vibrant BDA, and a breathtaking view of the Old City, perhaps 11 Place Saint Julien today embodies the spirit of Villa America: brave, unapologetic, and dangerously creative. Photo Source: Unknown Author, Wikimedia Commons

Australia's treatment of children, particularly Indigenous and asylum-seeking children, violates global human rights standards and raises several critical questions: Why are these vulnerable children subjected to such mistreatment, and why does Australia continue to incarcerate and detain them unlawfully? What purpose are these punitive measures serving for Australia as an ongoing colonial project, and why are Australian people allowing such blatant violations of both national and global human rights to be carried out in their name? < Back Australia’s Colonial Logic of Child Imprisonment: How Indigenous Incarceration and Asylum Seeker Detention Violate Human Rights Finn Leary for Amnesty Menton October 31, 2024 Australia is a nation predicated on a fair go for all; a country that prides itself on its multiculturalism. Yet, these mythologies fail to stack up when applied to the First Nations People, who are victims of discrimination and marginalization. The same can be said when one looks at Australia’s vilification and demonization of refugees and asylum seekers. Australia’s carceral and immigration systems—systems designed to uphold and perpetuate a white, Anglo-centric Australia—continue to violate human rights, especially those of children. Indigenous youth are disproportionately affected by hyper-incarceration, facing imprisonment rates that far exceed those of non-Indigenous youth and global averages for youth incarceration. Although only about 5.7% of people aged 10–17 in Australia are First Nations, 63% of the children in detention on an average day in 2023 were First Nations. This means they are 29 times as likely as a non-Indigenous child to be in detention. For children aged 10-13, this figure rises to 46 times. The incarceration and brutal treatment of Indigenous youth in detention is a direct extension of the colonial logic that saw children removed, excluded and missionized in the 19th and 20th centuries. It is the Stolen Generations all over again—a period where Aboriginal children were forcibly taken from their families—simply in a new form. It seems inevitable that, like Prime Minister Kevin Rudd's 2008 apology , there will be many apologies to come for these concurrent violations of humanity. Despite a promise to eliminate the detention of all children by the end of 2019, asylum-seeking children remain in detention and alternative arrangements. The treatment of these children has been described as highly damaging, cruel, degrading and unlawful. Australia's treatment of children, particularly Indigenous and asylum-seeking children, violates global human rights standards and raises several critical questions: Why are these vulnerable children subjected to such mistreatment, and why does Australia continue to incarcerate and detain them unlawfully? What purpose are these punitive measures serving for Australia as an ongoing colonial project, and why are Australian people allowing such blatant violations of both national and global human rights to be carried out in their name? These questions demand serious reflection on Australia's commitment to justice, equality and human rights, especially as a nation predicated on a “fair go.” The answers shed light on the lasting impacts of colonialism and the twisted ways in which the colonial project continues to be upheld. The following stories are those of children who have been victims of Australia’s disgraceful carceral system and immigration system. These stories should unsettle, disturb and enrage. In February this year, the Queensland government released a report on the deaths of two boys who had spent extensive time in solitary confinement while in youth detention. Both were First Nations children with disabilities. Despite this, they were kept in solitary confinement for prolonged periods, a practice that the United Nations Expert on Torture has consistently urged to be abolished. The first spent 128 nights in detention, with 78% of that time isolated in his cell; the second spent 55 days locked in his cell alone for over 22 hours each day. Both had been repeatedly detained from the ages of 11 and 13. Both boys committed suicide following incarceration. This report arrived at the same time as the Queensland and Northern Territory governments are pushing to reduce the age of criminal responsibility back to 10 years. Queensland has had to suspend its Human Rights Act to rush through legislation to make this possible. The newly elected Northern Territory government is set to pass similar legislation in its first parliamentary session. These practices—of locking up young and vulnerable Indigenous youth—are fundamental to the youth carceral system in Australia. Incarcerating Indigenous youth sustains the prison-industrial complex, notably in remote and rural areas, by employing law enforcement, corrections officers, social workers, legal professionals and support staff. It costs approximately $1.03 million per annum to lock up one child, money that could be diverted into consistent and long-term community care and support services. Incarceration is the bedrock of coloniality in the modern era. It is the tool with which Indigenous sovereignty is denied. It is a continuation of the exclusions, interventions and social controls faced by Indigenous children over the past two centuries, cloaked in the legitimacy of pursuing ‘community safety’. As Matthews & Holden assert, “Whether on a mission or in a cell, Aboriginal movement is contained to prevent the transfer of language, knowledge, ceremony and culture to their descendants.” Asylum-seeking children continue to face a similar fate in Australia, driven by the same underlying logic of exclusion, control and dehumanization. Mandatory offshore detention has deeply damaged many lives over the past two decades, compounding the adversity, trauma and loss of family that many asylum seekers have experienced. Children forced to flee, often unaccompanied, from war, persecution, violence, sexual abuse and forced recruitment have found themselves detained, imprisoned, and isolated in Australian territory rather than receiving the protection and care they desperately needed. The National Inquiry into Children in Immigration Detention found that some children had spent over five years in detention before their applications were processed—for no reason other than to serve as examples of Australia’s ‘firm stance’ on ‘illegal’ immigration. The impact on the mental and physical health of these children has been severe, with over half of those detained experiencing post-traumatic stress disorder, self-harming behaviors and heightened anxiety or depression. A young child on Nauru, the site of one of the offshore detention centers, when asked about her experiences, said , “Of all the bad things that have already happened now, I feel I wish I died at sea instead of dying slowly here.” Another unaccompanied child said , “I don’t care about a visa anymore. I want to finish everything. My life is very difficult. I don’t understand why I am here. I am beginning to feel crazy; my situation is very bad and getting worse. I am alone, no family, nobody here. I’ve been here 15 months; I need to do something.” While no Australian government has officially abandoned mandatory indefinite detention, its application is in significant decline . However, this decline has led to a greater reliance on other punitive measures, such as the Temporary Bridging Visa Scheme. The story of Mano Yogalingam speaks to the failings of this scheme, particularly for asylum-seeking children. On Wednesday, the 28th of August, Tamil asylum seeker Mano Yogalingam self-immolated, setting himself on fire in an eastern suburb of Melbourne. He was a key organizer of protests calling for an end to the temporary visa scheme . Mano had arrived in Australia as a 12-year-old fleeing persecution in Sri Lanka. After spending over a year in detention, Mano was placed on a bridging visa. Ten years later, he remained on that bridging visa—his imprisonment had simply taken on a new form. This temporary bridging visa scheme has been designed to make asylum seekers deportable or re-detainable. By keeping people on this visa indefinitely it destabilizes and undermines their place in the Australian community. Many on the visa scheme are denied education, healthcare, and the right to work—leaving them trapped in poverty and positions of social exclusion, unable to access basic services or opportunities for self-sufficiency. This scheme—underpinned by a harsh regime of surveillance, control, and punishment—lies at the heart of the government's relentless strategy to punish and deter asylum seekers. So, where does the real connection lie between these two issues? Both Indigenous youth and children seeking asylum in Australia have been “othered” to serve as scapegoats, “othered” through being framed discursively as threats to security and community safety. Australia’s systems are rooted in settler-colonial norms and values upheld by racist institutions and political ideology. These systems are inherently designed to prioritize certain groups and "standards" over others while excluding those deemed incompatible with settler-societies norms. In Orientalism (1995), Edward Said asserted that modern colonialism relies entirely on having a knowledge system that separates the colonizer from the colonized. Said infers that those blatant forms of colonial violence—genocide, enslavement and segregation—have gradually been replaced by less visible expressions of coloniality, such as immigration laws, sterilization practices, child welfare apprehensions and an over-reliance on carceral systems. Institutionalized settler colonial norms and ideologies of whiteness have become so normalized that these racial hierarchies are rendered invisible. Australia as a country has been founded upon dangerous myths—myths that today express themselves in the eradication and silencing of certain minorities. These issues will not change without a strong commitment to meaningful truth-telling processes at both the community and national level. The more that history reveals its truths, contradicting the accepted “facts,” the more cracks appear in mythologised colonial narratives. This is the idea Naomi Klein describes in Doppelganger , referencing the discovered mass graves of First Nations children at Canadian missionary schools. In an age of resurging ultra-nationalism and far-right authoritarian governments, it seems these issues will continue to be complex battlegrounds. Given the widespread collapse of the rules-based international order and the erosion of international humanitarian and human rights laws , it is more important than ever that pressure is placed on our governments domestically to uphold commitments to human rights. This must begin with stronger commitments to our children, particularly the most vulnerable among them .

MEDMUN 2022 is,without doubt, shaping up to be one of the most unique experiences in Menton. The vast array of delegates from all over the world unite together in a sleepy-town-turned-global-forum for stimulating debates concerning some of our world’s biggest issues. < Back What Does the 2022 Mediterranean MUN Conference Have in Store for Menton? By Georgia Mckarrecher March 31, 2022 Believe it or not, it really is that time of year already. The official Mediterranean Model United Nations is just around the corner, beginning on Friday, 1 April. Not only will the conference witness some of our globe’s brightest young minds coming together from all corners of the world, but they will be tackling some of the most intriguing geopolitical crises facing the North African, Middle Eastern, and Mediterranean regions. As the first in-person MEDMUN conference Menton has seen in two years, the anticipation permeating MEDMUN’s Mentonese branch is palpable. Despite a series of stresses, strains, and a few emotional breakdowns, we’re finally going to see people from all over the world gathered in our very own Menton. One only needs to exchange a few quick words with MEDMUN’s members to feel the excitement in the air for the event. While there have undoubtedly been ups and downs punctuating the experiences of all members, an overwhelming sense of pride and dedication unites them all. Basile Rochet, the Secretary-General of MEDMUN for 2021-2022, highlighted this sense of complex amour surrounding his role in the organisation. While he described his experience as a member as being “intense,” and considered how throughout the year he has “rarely [had] a week off,” he still concluded that the fruits of his labor are undoubtedly worth the trials and tribulations. Likewise, Deputy Secretary-General Celeste Abourjeili reflected that despite her experiences with MEDMUN “varying greatly over the last two years,” having been peppered with COVID-19 crises, lockdowns, and a multitude of other stresses, “at the same time it’s super exciting to see it all come together for the first time.” The various members of MEDMUN have been endlessly devoting their energies over the past semester to make this exceptional experience come together, culminating in remarkable results. Every individual has tackled different challenges across their respective areas of responsibility, ranging from Angeliki Vytogianni, the Head of the English Committee, to Giulia Vigoriti the Head of Finance. Seeing all of these hardworking individuals gradually come together, amalgamating their once-discordant ideas and coordinating their actions to create an ever-clearer image of what MEDMUN 2022 is coming to look like can be described as nothing other than elating. “I can’t wait to see the final product after watching our amazing team work all year towards this,” said Abourjeili. “I’ve seen our team put in so much hard work… we’ve put [the event] together from scratch.” Take the example of Emilio Egger Prieto, the English-Speaking Committee Coordinator, as just one example of the back-breaking lengths MEDMUN’s members have taken to coordinate this conference. “As the MEDMUN conference is coming closer, being part of the MEDMUN board is becoming more and more stressful,” he said. However, Egger Prieto is finally beginning to see the “light at the end of the tunnel” with the conference taking place in only two weeks. “Over the course of the year, I have honestly developed a sense of pride in the amazing work the team has put into our committees… seeing everything come together will just be so satisfying.” Having found over 100 delegates to be involved in these committees, taking charge to assign them to positions based on their interests and skill sets developed from past MUN participation, Egger Prieto is only one of the members who has toiled tirelessly to piece the patchwork of the conference together. Rochet and Abourjeili have both reflected further upon how grateful they are for the continued work of all members, with Rochet specially recognizing the “sacrifices” individuals have had to make in preparation for the long-anticipated event. “I am proud of my team,” he posited “When I see everyone in the team taking their free time to work for MEDMUN, it’s a great satisfaction.” Sandra El Alam, Chair Coordinator for the French Committees, while acknowledging that various hitches punctuated her recent MEDMUN experiences, stressed that she is “proud of the teamwork” and that it is all worth it for the “thrilling” chance to “meet people from all around the world… all coming for MEDMUN.” Abourjeili’s words were particularly poignant in her final reflections on MEDMUN’s proudest achievements. “A project of this scale is never an easy feat, and of course problems are inevitable.” Although she, Rochet, and other members admitted to several disagreements between one another, “MEDMUN would be nothing without this collaborative dynamic… every single member of the team serves an integral role in our conference.” MEDMUN 2022 is,without doubt, shaping up to be one of the most unique experiences in Menton. The vast array of delegates from all over the world unite together in a sleepy-town-turned-global-forum for stimulating debates concerning some of our world’s biggest issues. You can keep up to date on the happenings of the event from April 1 to 3 of April through MEDMUN’s Instagram .

< Back The New Tunisian Prime Minister: A Harbinger of Progress or a Veil for Democratic Deterioration? By Luca Utterwulghe November 30, 2021 Tunisian President Kais Saied, amidst his political venture involving parliamentary suspension and constitutional confusion (see our September Edition), appointed the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region’s first woman Prime Minister, Najla Bouden Romdhane. Prime Minister Romdhane, once a geology professor, previously served as the director-general of the Ministry of Education. Doubts have been raised concerning the constitutionality of President Saied’s temporary consolidation of power and decision to initiate a process for amending the 2014 Constitution, particularly as the Tunisian government has yet to establish its Constitutional Court. Article 120 of the 2014 Constitution stipulates that the Constitutional Court “is the sole body competent to oversee the constitutionality” of legislation severely. This severely limits the potential for any objective evaluation of Saied’s future legislative agenda upon the resumption of parliamentary procedure. Moreover, analysts have indicated that Saied is looking to expand executive power by “readapting the 1959 Constitution.” Concerns about the unconstitutionality of Saied’s actions, and a shift to a strongman form of government, have only grown as analysts question why Saied appointed Prime Minister Romdhane, an official with minimal government experience. A major question has surfaced in light of Saeid’s decree of temporary presidential authority over the Constitution and legislation: What is the extent of Prime Minister Romdhane’s actual power, and thus Saied’s true intentions in appointing Romdhane? NPR notes that Romdhane’s “appointment appears to be aimed at placating critics of Saied,” while others applaud Romdhane’s selection as a victory for Tunisian women. As these developments are quite new, it is difficult to gauge Tunisian public opinion on the question of Saied’s intentions, or on the appointment of Prime Minister Romdhane. I spoke with a Tunisian student on the Sciences Po Menton campus to better understand the youth sentiment regarding Romdhane’s recent appointment. Amira Zargouni, a first year French Track student, said she was “instantly relieved” when Kais Saied selected a new head of government, “before even thinking about who it would be.” Zargouni’s relief that Saied “did what he said he would do” signifies the fragility of the Tunisian political system at the moment, for it seems that the future of the nation lies in Saied’s hands. Furthermore, Zargouni indicated that she “knew Kais Saied wouldn’t choose [a PM] from Ennahdha [a moderate Islamist political party] nor from the PDL [Partie Destourien Libre].” Saied and his supporters staunchly oppose Ennahdha, and this tension will continue to play out as Saied finalizes his plans for a “new” government structure. The PDL, headed by Abir Moussi, is based on the principles of Dictator Ben Ali’s Rassemblement Constitutionnel Démocratique (RCD) party. Zargouni believes that Saied’s choice of a Prime Minister from either Ennahdha or the PDL would signal a “‘go back’ move” that she could not withstand. Thus, while Saied’s intentions are not exactly clear, he followed through on his initial promise of appointing a head of government, thereby settling some of the brewing insecurity among Tunisians who fear a threat to the country’s democratic institutions. Zargouni further explained how she “felt proud because of what [Prime Minister Romdhane] represents in terms of gender equality improvement;” however, Zargouni also expressed that “we [Tunisians] don’t know her, and we didn’t know Kais Saied when he was elected.” Both figures are quite mysterious, which, as Zargouni said, “can’t be good [as] democracy comes with transparency.” Notwithstanding this limitation, Zargouni remarked that “it’s reassuring to know that she’s [Romdhane] a ‘technocrate’ because… the country needs to be lead by an élite at first in order to get Tunisia back on her feet.” The way in which we digest and perceive Rhomadane’s appointment and Saied’s decisions seem to depend on the robustness of our optimism for Tunisia’s future. While some may view Romdhane’s appointment as a political strategy used by Saeid to assuage the fears of critics, others see it as victory for gender parity and a chance to recalibrate Tunisia’s political trajectory toward a well-functioning government.

This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. < Back Liar Liar Pants on Fire: Biden's Willow Project By Lilith Springer September 27, 2023 “No more drilling on federal lands. Period.” Those were President Biden’s exact words before the election in 2020. This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. The news is especially disappointing considering the Climate Report 2023, recently published by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Over the past eight years, scientists worldwide worked on an assessment for policymakers, including statistics and research concerning climate change and its calculated effects on the planet. The results are alarming. The report highlights that it seems highly unlikely that global warming will be kept below the critical 2 degrees Fahrenheit if emissions keep rising at the current rate, leading to irreversible damages, and putting millions of humans at risk in the near future. While the report highlighted extremely worrying statistics, it also underlined that stopping the worst-case scenarios, which will make the planet quite unlivable for a large population of the earth, is still possible if politicians take immediate action. And what does Joe Biden, probably the most senile president the United States has ever had, do about this? He takes the report, throws it in the bin and implements the Willow Project. What is Willow? The Willow Project is a multi-billion-dollar project to drill gas and oil on native lands in Alaska. Over 30 years, this project will produce 629 million barrels of oil (95 billion Liters) and 287 million metric tons of carbon dioxide. For comparison, this equals the emissions of two million cars in the same timeframe or 76 new coal-fired power plants operating in one year. It will be carried out by the corporate group Conoco Phillips. It is said to help create jobs, fight rising gas prices during soaring inflation and lead to American independence from Russia and Saudi Arabia. What are the Environmental consequences? The environmental impact of this one project is of an unimaginable scale. Scientists worldwide stress that Willow will irreversibly damage the planet and lead the climate crisis to the point of no return. Global warming will become unstoppable, ecosystems will disappear entirely, and species will become extinct at an uncontrollable speed. Building the infrastructure required for the project will harm the already highly fragile Alaskan ecosystem even before Conoco Phillips starts to drill. Moreover, the project’s carbon emissions will seriously threaten the local population’s respiratory, cardiovascular and kidney health. For example, the construction of oil wells currently being carried out in the Alaskan village of Nuiqsuit has already led to a 20% increase in respiratory diseases since the project’s beginning, putting numerous children whose schools are located right next to those wells at extreme risk for chronic illnesses, bone deformations and even cognitive malfunctions. But Willow is not only an environmental disaster. Alaska is home to countless native villages where indigenous communities whose traditional way of living will be severely disrupted by Willow’s impact on wildlife and nature reserves. Rosemary Ahtuangaruak, mayor of Nuiqsuit, states: “As oil is exported and sent around the globe, our communities in the Arctic are left to contend with the health impacts of pollution as well as the devastation that comes from dramatic changes to the land like sea ice melt, permafrost thaw, and coastal erosion.” Native communities are expected to suffer from sick fish, toxic air, disappearing grazing areas and much more. More than 70 percent of indigenous households are expected to lose at least 20 dollars due to food purchases due to this decline in substitute resources. It is unsettling that the indigenous quote, “When the last tree is cut down, the last fish eaten and the last stream poisoned, you will realize that you cannot eat money,” is now as relevant as ever. It is infuriating that the indigenous communities themselves first suffer this dystopian reality. If you ever feel like having a good laugh – or cry – I invite you to filter your search engine to show only results that have been published before 2020 and go on joebiden.com/climate-plan to read all about how sad he was that vulnerable communities are disproportionately impacted by the climate emergency and pollution and how you can trust him to become the world’s next big visionary in combating climate change. However, I take no responsibility should you impulsively throw your laptop against the wall. But what about profits? Of course, this is all worth it, right? It will boost the economy, fight inflation, and create jobs which is formidable because we love money, right? Okay, let’s talk money. Aside from the fact that Willow is only expected to start showing profits after 2035 and will thus not help with current inflation, experts state that the oil reserves will not suffice to make the United States independent from Russian oil. Also notable is that the oil found in Alaskan reserves differs significantly from Russian or Venezuelan oil and will need to be blended with Russian oil to enter domestic refineries, revealing that the United States cannot gain independence from oil simply by producing more oil. When you are already the highest oil-producing country in the world, and it is still insufficient to meet your needs, maybe it is time to look inside and reevaluate your needs and priorities. Willow is not a desperate measure to soften the economic cost of current crises as Biden makes it out to be, but a simple profit project that might not positively impact the American economy. This is partly because Conco Phillips can use a loophole in Alaska’s tax law to write off its expenses for this project against the taxes the company pays on its other oil developments in the state. So, while the average American struggles to pay their electricity bills and taxes in light of soaring inflation, oil and energy corporations like Conco Phillips barely give back a cent to the state. Infuriated yet? Conco Phillip has made record profits in the past few years, which have not benefited the American population, and those profits are diverted into wealthy private shareholders and executives. The corporation has made a higher profit in the last year alone than the local and state governments are estimated to gain from taxes on 30 years of drilling at Willow. Not even the Alaskan cities suffering the immediate effects of Willow will make large profits. Nuiqsut has received only $600,000 from drilling in the Western Arctic over the past ten years, equivalent to what Conoco Phillips earns in Alaska in a little more than two hours. It is estimated that the project will lead to 3.9 billion dollars in alleged new federal revenue. This number is a joke compared to the approximately 19.8 billion dollars Willow is expected to cost the United States climate-related damages. But it will create countless jobs for Alaskans, right? Currently, only one percent of employed Alaska North Slope residents work in the oil industry, and it is estimated that most of the new jobs will be filled by people from outside Alaska. Also, more and more studies show that young people do not want to work in the oil sector but would instead pursue a job in the sustainable energy sector. Another reason why the profits of Willow are not as great as they seem is that most of the oil extractions are intended for internal use, especially in California, Oregon, and Washington, three states where the oil demand has been plummeting where demand for green energy has been skyrocketing. According to the Federal Bureau of Land Management’s investigation, it is estimated that by 2030 the majority of cars there will be driven with renewable energy and that the need for such extreme extractions will not be as high as anticipated. Furthermore, several economists in this Federal Bureau expect global oil prices to sink by only 20 cents per barrel due to Willow, and only if it operates at peak capacity. Other economists say it is hard to determine whether Willow will influence oil and gas prices. In short: Willow represents a sad political failure to take the opportunity to move away from Russian oil by investing in green energy and not disastrous oil projects. Millions of young Americans ask themselves: how dare this hypocrite co-opt the climate narrative for his political gains and throw away his promises the next second? How dare he tell us climate action is too costly when billions are available for disastrous oil projects? How dare he look desperate children who will feel the effects of Willow long after his death in the eyes and lie to their faces? The only thing worse than boomer politicians blatantly ignoring the populations’ eager calls for immediate climate action are boomer politicians who use the youth’s anxieties and spit on them. Thus, what is worse than apathy? What is worse than politicians who openly do not care about the climate crisis? Lies. Lies are worse.

Today, there is mounting evidence to demonstrate that the U.S. is trying to break down the enemy they themselves spent so much time creating. < Back Unforeseen Consequences: The U.S. Role in Iran’s Military Rise Isabella Suels for Sciences Defense December 31, 2024 In a toast for his Imperial Majesty Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson once proclaimed, “the ornament of a house is the friend who frequents it”. Throughout his reign of 38 years, the Shah became a glimmering ornament in the White House, frequently meeting with U.S. presidents from Dwight D. Eisenhower to Jimmy Carter. During the Shah’s reign, Iran was valued as one of the most dependable U.S. allies in the Middle Eastern region. This relationship became especially strong during the Johnson administration (1963-1969), during which Iran transitioned from a client state that was controlled and supported by the U.S. into an emerging partner. Prior to Johnson, the U.S. was widely concerned with Iranian political, social and economic reform. The U.S. believed that the key to long-term stability in Iran relied on economic prosperity and wanted to support them in those endeavors. Consequently, during the Cold War, Iran frequently supported U.S. policies in Vietnam and the Dominican Republic. However, there was a significant roadblock in the U.S.-Iran relationship because the Shah had an insatiable appetite for military equipment that Washington could not tame . Therefore, in order to keep the Shah’s demands at bay, the Johnson administration adopted a policy of stalling. The U.S., believing they had Iran in their pocket, had no reason to imagine that Iran would turn towards other countries to increase their weapons arsenal. However, U.S. reluctance to provide Iran with the suitable amount of weapons requested, forced the Shah to turn towards U.S. adversaries to bolster his weapons stockpile. In particular, the Soviets had offered the Shah several squadrons of advanced MiG 21 aircrafts . This incident fractured the relationship between Washington and the Shah, which ended up being a necessary step that helped Iran acquire more weapons from the U.S. despite their hesitancy to provide them. In November of 1965, the Shah decreed that he was seeking $200 million in military purchases to meet Iran’s vital security needs. The U.S., knowing that Iran could obtain weapons from its adversaries, barred the transaction between Iran and the Soviets and gave Iran the military upgrades they had been asking for. This story would repeat itself throughout the years: the Shah would argue that “the continued military weakness of Iran may make it susceptible to the evils of aggression,” and then re-utter his threat of seeking arms elsewhere. Consequently, the U.S. would hand over a couple million dollars to expand Iran’s artillery. It was a fairly reasonable deal between the two: the U.S. would supply Iran with state of the art American-made weapons whilst also supplying it with an influx of American culture. In turn, the U.S. had easy access to Iranian oil. With this agreement, not only did Iran get richer in arms, but it also got richer in American culture as the Shah’s government became increasingly pro-Western while he sought to modernize the country. However, tensions were mounting among the population as the relationship between the U.S. and Iran flourished, and eventually they boiled over during the 1979 Iranian revolution. The revolution resulted with the ousting of the Shah and the end of the powerful alliance between Iran and the United States, which put to an end the influx of arms into Iran and the outflux of oil. Nevertheless, no more arms were needed as Iran’s armed forces lay equipped with state of the art equipment after years of trade. In the present day, tensions continue to rise between Iran and the United States. Ironically, the U.S. is fighting against an army of its own making. Although American influence was banished from Iran in 1979, the American artillery left behind was not. Fleets of naval destroyers, motor torpedo boats and squadrons of F-4C fighter jets were left in the hands of a new anti-Western government. This impressive array of weaponry has not gone to waste, rather Iran has decided to “share the wealth” by sending over ships loaded with weapons to the Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen. Treaties such as the Iranian Nuclear deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Actions, have seeked to ease tensions between Iran and several world powers including the United States. The Nuclear deal was set to prevent a revival of Iran’s nuclear weapons program and thereby reduce the prospects for conflict. However, the deal has fallen into jeopardy since President Trump withdrew from it in 2018, giving rise to a more resentful and belligerent Iran. In tandem with the U.S. withdrawal from the Nuclear deal, throughout the years the U.S. has also conducted multiple rounds of seizures on Iran’s ammunition. These seizures are aimed to disrupt vessels en route to smuggle weapons to the Houthis and other Iranian backed groups. Lately, the US has transferred this seized Iranian military equipment to the Ukrainians. These efforts to weaken Iran’s military are a direct result of the long and complex history between these two countries. Today, there is mounting evidence to demonstrate that the U.S. is trying to break down the enemy they themselves spent so much time creating. Source: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, Wikimedia Commons

The war on drugs will, ultimately, be a war against civilians if Noboa's approach concentrates itself only in the streets of Guayaquil, instead of looking at where the militia has long stabilized itself — Ecuador's dearest political institutions.  < Back American White Lines: The History of Militia Violence in Ecuador By Pedro Meerbaum February 29, 2024 The afternoon of Jan. 9 was a common day in Guayaquil, Ecuador. Workers and students returned to their normal routine with the end of the holidays and the beginning of 2024. As the second Tuesday of the year came to an end, the people of Guayaquil tuned in for the afternoon news. The program on the national television channel TC was typical: an introduction from the presenters, daily news, a couple of interviews, and a section on international affairs. It would have been an ordinary day, but instead, the audience watched, for 15 minutes, as masked gunmen invaded the broadcast network, forced staff to the floor, and shot their guns as the hostages cried for help. In that afternoon, there was no news besides terror. The invasion of the broadcast followed the escape of notorious drug lord José Villamar, known as Fito, who had been detained since 2011 in the city of Guayaquil. His disappearance was reported on Jan. 7, and on Jan. 8 a wave of riots in six different Ecuadorian prisons took place , leading President Daniel Noboa to announce a state of internal armed conflict. The televised violence that befell right after was a response to Noboa's statement, easily seen as a confrontation between drug lords to the new Ecuadorian president — a stark reminder of the limits of his autonomy as a leader. As Noboa intensifies its military response to the militia groups, and as the coast of Ecuador transforms its landscape into a quasi-war zone, questions are raised about the nature of gang violence in the country. The militia group works, mostly, with cocaine, and yet Ecuador is famously not a producer of narcotics. Instead, it is a channel in which cocaine produced by its neighbors, Peru and Colombia, is transported into North America. The cocaine that reaches Ecuador in its borders is then transported to port cities, like Guayaquil or Esmeralda, and is then shipped through the Pacific Ocean. To avoid dealing with anti-narcotics policing forces from Colombia or the U.S., the boats pass through the Galapagos islands, where they refill before reaching their destination in Mexico, Costa Rica, or Guatemala . The illegal goods are then smuggled into their final destination, the United States. The easy access to ports or lack of inspection throughout the process of smuggling the cocaine is a result of a marking characteristic of the Pacific Ocean: it is a sea of corruption. Ecuador has been a transit country since the 1980s, but it was only in the last twenty years that it became one of the global cocaine traders. In the early 2000s, while the Colombian government tackled the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) cocaine fields, Ecuador suffered a strong economic crisis. On Jan. 9, 2000, exactly 24 years before the televised dispersion of terror, the central bank announced the dollarization of the Ecuadorian economy, replacing the Sucre with the American Dollar as the national legal tender. Ecuador, then, became an international target for money laundering. As writer James Bargent puts it , Ecuador is a "country bordering the world's biggest cocaine producer that uses the currency of the world's largest cocaine market." Its potential to become a major exporter of cocaine and a hotspot for narcotrafficking in South America was boosted with the 2006 election of Rafael Correa. The former president of Ecuador led the country for 10 years, from 2007 to 2017, implementing internal policies that cultivated the strengthening of militia in the country: Correa decided to remove a U.S. naval base in the city of Manta, which later revealed in a scandal to be a campaign promise to the FARC in exchange for funding. The former president also politicized the judiciary and shifted his internal security focus to reducing the power of his political adversaries rather than properly tackling organized crime. In the years of administration by Correa, a blindspot is left in Ecuadorian land. Militia groups now have proper access to ports and the country's sky, transforming it into a huge global transport for cocaine. It is within this pretext that, in 2023, Noboa gains popular support. A young and charismatic leader, the businessman builds his campaign around the extermination of gangs. And for the past month, Noboa has been successful in establishing a war on drugs. Military forces roam around Guayaquil with weapons, forcefully pulling people out of their cars and searching for any type of indication of gang involvement. While his military-based approach has received overwhelming popularity within Ecuador, similarities are raised with other cases of war on drugs throughout Latin America that have, in the long term, been unsuccessful. The use of extensive military force to combat gang violence left its traces in Colombia, in its combat against FARC caused mass incarceration, extrajudicial executions of civilians , and an increase in violence. Likewise, in Brazil, raids against drug lord s in favelas have been historically linked to the high-level loss of innocent civilian lives. Noboa's tackle-down approach does not bring hope. It is paving the way for a stronger proliferation of violence, incarceration, and calamity. The military, like in Colombia, is not properly trained to deal with gang violence without, in return, acting in violence towards civilians. The temporary relief and support being given to the military action is not sustainable, it is bound to develop into a cycle of violence and a massive reduction of well-being in what was once the safest country in South America. For Noboa, however, this approach gives him the legitimacy as a leader he sought, one that had been jeopardized by militia involvement since the beginning of the millennium. He has also received increasing support from the US, strengthening the diplomatic bonds between the two countries — without any direct intervention, internally nor externally, from the U.S. despite being the biggest receptor of Ecuadorian coke. The war on drugs will, ultimately, be a war against civilians if Noboa's approach concentrates itself only in the streets of Guayaquil, instead of looking at where the militia has long stabilized itself — Ecuador's dearest political institutions.

< Back The Syrian Question Anonymous January 31, 2025 We all heard that the Assad regime toppled after 50 years of dictatorship. However, recent history taught us that such overthrows and their subsequent reforms are illusory in the end, seductive at first and inevitably and ultimately evanescent. Will this be the case for Syria? Will it repeat the history of its neighbors? And if not, will it become an Islamic republic, as the actual leaders seem to desire? How Bashar Assad’s rule has been toppled with such ease has already been extensively covered. However, what I think has been partly neglected in the wake of pure joy that emerged from the removal of Bashar is the unseemingly Islamist orientation of the wave of rulers, with al-Golani as the president and Mohammed al-Bashir as the prime minister of the interim government. Of the two, the de facto leader of Syria is the first one mentioned, he being the star of all interviews and foreign diplomats. Indeed, anything is better than what the ex-regime has subjected its citizens to, a rule which can best be described through pictures (as shown in Caesar’s photos and Saidnaya) rather than words; words have a way of sterilizing emotions. That is why photos speak for themselves, without a need for a description. Exactly for this reason, specifically, the bar being so low, the new regime must be supervised continuously so as not to fall into the dark night of totalitarianism, as Syria's neighbors have done after the Arab Spring of 2011. Although the leader of the regime, Shar`a or, more known through his nom de guerre, Al-Golani, has made drastic attempts to improve his image (as an ex-Al-Qaeda fighter), his recent actions and gestures cast a shadow on his willingness for concessions and reforms. His attire changed from a military uniform of the rebel fighter to a sharp, European suit. His discourse was altogether inclusive, with repeated mentions and support for religious tolerance and civil rights (though much less so on women’s rights). His post-coup attitude was cool-headed, pacifistic and reconciliatory, not seeking retribution from the torturers of Bashar’s regime. However, he refused to shake hands with Baerbock , Germany's Minister for Foreign Affairs, all the while offering his hand to her French counterpart. Additionally, it has been revealed that the newly appointed Minister of Justice has been seen overseeing the execution of two women in the rebel-controlled region of Idlib, accused of prostitution and adultery. Both these signs ought not to be omitted because they show hints of what the new regime truly leans toward, namely, a moderate-not-so-moderate Islamic state, with little regard to women's rights and the establishment of Islam as the state religion (hinted from the proposed curriculum that desecularizes education ). However, given the conservatism of Syrian society, such an approach could be more viable in the long term than a government that would unequivocally embrace Western values. An outburst of modernity and progressivism applied to a population with precarious education and sky-high rates of poverty, would not stick to the core being of the “common” man. As was seen in the Iranian Revolution and the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood in the ‘70s in Egypt, the upheaval came from down below, from people left out spiritually by the regimes. Forms must be intertwined with the substance for a regime to endure. The process of Italian unification also provides evidence towards this direction, because in the end it was not the radicals such as Mazzini and Garibaldi who won the historical contest, but the moderate and all-encompassing Cavour—a precursor of Bismarck in the application of Realpolitik. Having said all of this, I feel compelled to add that Al-Golani is playing a tremendously unifying role in the reconstruction of Syria. He is forced to play a Bismarckian role, satisfying, although partially, both his Islamist comrades and the appeals of European powers. However practical this approach may be, he appears as a shallow man, hiding his beliefs for the sake of his own country. A tad Machiavellian one may say, but the most successful path one could take, as history has countless times shown us. But the question remains: after managing to stabilize and revitalize the country, removing thus the reliance on external forces, will he turn to his current associates, or will he adhere to a more progressive mindset? That is yet to be seen. Photo credits: Military Intelligence Directorate, 1996, Wikimedia Commons .

< Back Tuition Faces Historic Rise Amidst Menton Administrative Chaos By Peyton Dashiell February 28, 2023 In Nov. 2022, word broke through French news outlets and social media that Sciences Po Paris tuition fees will increase by 7.5 percent for the 2023-2024 academic year. The initial increase, which passed unanimously among the Sciences Po Paris board minus two abstentions, was planned at 9.5 percent. However, it was slightly reduced after representatives from the Union Nationale des Étudiants de France (UNEF) and NOVA met with administration on Nov. 23, 2022. Citing inflation and the European energy crisis as factors influencing the hike, tuition at Sciences Po for undergraduate non-scholarship holders will rise to 14,437 euros, while graduate students can expect to pay over 20,000 euros. As recently as 2020-2021, tuition stood at 10,760 euros — this measure represents more than a 30 percent increase in just three years. Furthermore, this tuition increase will have particularly severe consequences for scholarship holders. Neither CROUS nor supplementary scholarships from Sciences Po will rise according to this new calculation. CROUS scholarships will increase by a mere four percent, while Sciences Po scholarships like Emile Boutmy will increase by seven percent. These plans directly contradict remarks made by Sciences Po President Mathias Vicherat, a former UNEF representative himself, as recently as March 2022, when he pledged that “les frais d’inscription n’augmenteront pas” (enrollment fees will not rise) during his presidential term. But despite this promise, the tuition hike is not unprecedented. Measures taken following Vicherat’s ascendance to director of Sciences Po have been characterized by financial prudence. To bankroll the costly Paris campus move in January 2022, he announced that he planned to prioritize economic consolidation and profitable “continuing education” initiatives. Additionally, the Sciences Po administration has remained silent in the face of the increase. While major French media outlets like Le Monde rushed to publicize the “vertigineuse” (steep) increase, Sciences Po administration has failed to release a single statement or email to the undergraduate student body, forcing student unions like UNEF and NOVA to liaise between administration and students and share information about the tuition rise via Instagram and Facebook. In a series of Instagram posts, UNEF president Anissa Chehbib labeled the increase as “une hausse colossale, qui nous révolte,” (a colossal increase that revolts us). Furthermore, UNEF noted that ongoing increases in inflation and cost of living have exacerbated the financial situations of low-income Sciences Pistes and their families. NOVA’s social media advocacy echoed these complaints — in addition to negotiating down to the 7.5 percent increase rate, they pledged to ensure that Sciences Po administration will improve social assistance measures and eliminate “useless expenditure.” Additionally, Solidaire joined UNEF and NOVA in condemning the increase, telling President Vicherat, a former Danone executive, that “a university should not be run like Danone” and denouncing the “unacceptable process of liberalization and privatization of education and research.” They also noted their exclusion from the meeting between President Vicherat and representatives from UNEF and NOVA. This announcement also comes at a time of particular administrative upheaval on the Menton campus — with the majority of the already weary administrative staff out on leave, the myriad of registration issues that naturally accompany the beginning of a new semester have largely gone unfixed as mid-February approaches. Many students still miss language and atelier classes, and repeated emails and visits to the office rarely grant resolution. While a student-led letter prompted a visit from the Paris administration and several measures to help administrative staff regroup and resolve issues, significant problems have persisted, making this steep rise in tuition even harder to fathom. When students cannot take required courses, promises of campus facilities go undelivered and administration is unresponsive through it all, does rising tuition truly reflect the student experience?

Turkish prisons still do not allow open visitation for their inmates, despite the vaccination rate across prisons being higher than the general population. They are denied visits from their family and lawyers, with their phone time being increased by only 10 minutes since the beginning of the pandemic. < Back Turkey: Visitation Still Not Allowed in 82% Fully Vaccinated Prisons By Ayşe Lara Selçuker November 29, 2021 While this article was written before the government announced the return to “open visitation” on December 1, its analysis of pandemic prison policies are still valid; prisoners have been neglected across the globe. Turkish prison inmates have not been permitted “open visitation” for one year and eight months, despite the fact that the prison vaccination rate (82 percent) has surpassed that of the general population (78 percent), according to an article published by T24. For almost two years, according to DW Turkish, inmates have only had access to 20 minutes of phone calls per week, increased from 10 minutes pre-pandemic. Prisons have recently begun to allow “closed visitation,” but the Justice Department suggests that this will not change for a while, “due to pandemic reasons.” The Turkish prison system distinguishes between “open visitation” and “closed visitation” as contact visitation (where the inmate may sit in a room with their relatives or lawyer and sit at a table for a period of time) and non-contact glass-partition visitation (where the inmate and the lawyer/relative are separated by a glass partition and have to talk through a telephone.) Not only is “open visitation” banned for inmates, but also any cross-prison transfers are currently at a halt. Transferring from high security prisons (which often use solitary confinement) to lower security prisons for good behavior, once motivation for inmate reformi is no longer possible. This might even mean that some have been in solitary confinement or similarly psychologically abusive situations for as long as these pandemic rules have been instated. The contrast between the strict rules in prisons and travel for the general public is particularly striking. While Turkey has been in the process of returning to normal since about June, with lockdowns ending and restaurants, schools and hotels reopening, the fact that prisoners cannot even sit in a room with their relatives, and perhaps more importantly, their lawyers, is astonishing. A similar critique can even be made about pre-June Turkey, when its restrictions (or lack thereof) on tourists seemed incomparable to those on its citizens. While Turkey’s citizens faced a lockdown on Sundays, and earlier in the pandemic before vaccinations, for consecutive weeks, tourists were exempted from any lockdown restrictions. Prisoners have therefore been a victim of Turkey’s inconsistent COVID-19 response ever since the beginning. Many point to the fact that prisons are congregate housing facilities, with higher risks for COVID transmission at a much higher rate. Yet, the Anadolu Agency reports that Turkish nursing homes have had the right to allow visitations since around June, when the reopening period started. The Turkish government left this decision to the discretion of the nursing homes, many of which have decided to allow visitations with proof of visitors’ vaccinations and negative PCR test results. Further, there is really little reason to justify the continued isolation of inmates despite a developed vaccination scheme such as the one observed in Turkey at the moment. While Turkish citizens can now travel internationally (and foreigners can travel to Turkey) as they wish with vaccinations and test results, inmates suffer, despite prisons’ higher vaccination and lower case rates. Yet, is this a Turkey-specific issue as some would make it to be? How has the rest of the world dealt with congregate housing facilities and, particularly, prisons? The response varies, but it can be determined overall that many have unsurprisingly not prioritized prisoners in their pandemic response. With many which have had problems with prison visits, a shocking number of nations have little to no information available about their prison-visit protocols. According to Buzzfeed, prisons in California only opened their doors to in-person visits around July, following months of telephone and video visits through a platform that faced frequent and significant crashes. According to its official website, the United Kingdom government has set up a “National Framework for Prisons” by which prisons have been classified as open or closed to visits based on their current vaccination and case rights, allowing for there to be a dynamic, updated, and rational system for prisons to receive visitors. The EuroPris website, which has stated that it will be “updated every day,” posted its most recent “Prison Visits” update on its COVID-19 information page in May 2020. Concurrent with many questions surrounding the ethics of prisons in debate around the world, the pandemic has made it especially evident that prisoners are too often neglected by the government in times of crisis. The humanity of inmates are too often forgotten in policies about people who have been portrayed as criminals with no remorse. No person deserves no visits or no contact for a year and eight months, and governments across the world need to develop their schemes on including all of the nation’s public when specifying pandemic responses.

< Back Italian 2021 Elections Prove to be a Delicate Game for Draghi and Europe By Florian Heydecker October 31, 2021 The complex vote of the 2021 local elections has given us a different Italy, once again bipolar, but at the same time inclined to a common sentiment — political, of course — in which proportional thrusts also return. In short, everything and the opposite of everything. Coalitions were designed, but heterogeneous ones. Movements in the center, but still too immature. Leaders in search of an author and a team. Different visions of the future. And in between, in the next few months, there is the game for the Quirinal (the Residence of the Italian President of the Republic), which could bring a further shake-up to the political forces. The vote in the cities, the results, and the high abstention rate On October 13 and 14, more than 12 million Italians (24 percent of the voting population) were called to the polls to renew the Regional Council and the President of Calabria as well as the mayors of over 1,300 cities. While the center-right candidate, Occhiuto, prevailed in Calabria, the PD (center-left) won the first round in Milan, Naples, and Bologna, with the center-right running in Rome and Turin. But it was the abstention that struck — in every sense. The leader of the Lega Nord (populist right-wing), Salvini, has focused on this with a mea culpa that he has put on the table before anyone else. There was a record of abstention, with a voter turnout at just 54.7 percent of eligible voters. This is a sign of an electoral campaign that is not very captivating or involving little-known candidates. It is possibly a saturation of political messages, or, more simply, of disaffection to be overcome. The reflection between the parties is already open. New bipolarism with the possibility of a proportional system Everyone agrees on what now appears to be a new form of bipolarism in place. This is a rehearsal of a system that dominated Italian politics in the last 30 years and was briefly interrupted by the rise of the big-tent Five Star Movement. On the one hand the center-right, on the other the center-left: how they will be organized between now and the next elections is to be determined. The center-right is torn between a governmental and pro-European wing supporting Mario Draghi that goes from Forza Italia to the moderate wing of the League, and an anti-EU opposition based on Giorgia Meloni (Brothers of Italy), and an ambiguous Salvini, who moved from opposing the health pass to accommodating every decision of Mario Draghi. On the other side, the Letta-Conte axis has yet to translate into a solid alliance between the Democratic Party and Five Star Movement (big-tent, left-leaning). In between, however, there is great desire for a proportional system. The center-right: seeking leaders and redemption Matteo Salvini, known for his strong anti-immigration and populist propaganda that boosted him to 34.3 percent at the 2019 European elections, is now tailed and often overtaken by Fratelli d’Italia. Giorgia Meloni has climbed the ranks of center-right parties in the polls thanks to her strong, nationalist and very conservative language, now standing around 20 percent next to Salvini's League. Meloni refused to talk about defeat and raised the possibility of an early vote with Draghi at the Quirinal. On the other hand, Forza Italia (Silvio Berlsuconi’s liberal-conservative and pro-European party) is satisfied due to the victory of its party member Occhiuto in Calabria, which is the only important result of the center-right coalition. Nevertheless, the party enjoys its indispensability in a coalition that needs a glue, which today appears to be still and only Silvio Berlusconi. The center-right is seeking a leader in either Salvini or Meloni, both controversial hardliners, and the liberal component is the key for the coalition to be successful at a local and national level. These are the factors that emerged from the vote. The political elections are a long way off, but time is running out. The gazes of Salvini, Meloni, and Berlusconi are all turned to the national vote. But first there is the Quirinal. The center-left: new coalition wanted On the flip side, there is the success of the Democratic Party and the expected but not-very-encouraging result of the Five Star Movement. The PD was the first-place party in almost every city and won the cities of Milan, Naples, and Bologna in the first round, and Rome and Turin in the runoff. On the other hand, the results of the administrative elections were also negative for the Five Stars Movement, which did not make any important gains, and its defeat has even been tempered by Giuseppe Conte's personal entrance into Italian politics. Enrico Letta, PD secretary and former Professor at Sciences Po, has remarked his commitment to enlarging the center-left coalition that comprises several parties, including the Five Stars Movement. Giuseppe Conte, former Italian Prime Minister and leader of the party since this August, has initiated a shift of the Five Star Movement towards the left, departing from the initial populist, anti-establishment and anti-European propaganda. Both leaders want to consolidate the center-left coalition, which as of now scores 41 percent in the polls. This might be a solid starting point to prepare for the 2023 Italian general elections that will take place in just over a year and provide good leverage for electing the president of the Republic. Movements at the Center between Calenda, Renzi, and others The political center in Italy has been weak since the 1990s, yet something is changing. On the one hand, former Italian PM Matteo Renzi has left the Democratic Party and hounded his own centrist party Italia Viva, but now scores less than two percent in the polls. Yet former minister of Renzi government Carlo Calenda is now climbing the ranks. His party Azione is at around six percent in the polls but has experienced substantial growth at a national level and received a very strong result in big cities like Rome (19 percent). Many other parliamentarians are moving in that direction and a possible shift towards the full proportional system could give more voice to this field. PM Draghi and the race for the Quirinal In addition to this, Mario Draghi is implementing the agenda unquestionably towards reforms, projects, and the National Recovery Plan. After simplification, recovery governance, public administration, criminal and civil justice, the prime minister is now addressing fiscal reform. All of these are necessary to obtain the 209 billion euro of the EU Recovery Plan, meaning that there is no time to waste. The government must turn its attention to concrete issues and undergo a calm navigation towards the economic revival of the country. The rest will be addressed afterwards. Yet the cherry on top is ultimately the Quirinal, and this might have consequences at a national and European level. Since taking office, Draghi has been appreciated for his calmness and spirit of mediation, which have made him the perfect mediator in Italy's difficult politics and beyond. With Germany’s departure from 16 years of Angela Merkel and France tormented by a possible ultra-conservative turn, the former President of the European Central Bank is considered a guarantee for the European Union's stability in the years to come. These attributes have ranked him on the top list of candidates for the Italian Presidency. “Parliament will decide…” the Prime Minister replied several times to those who asked him about his possible move from Chigi Palace to the Quirinal. Many see that as a message of availability, but there are many variables. Draghi himself has explained that the country needs stability and continuity. How Italy will combine this need with the election of a new president is yet to be seen.

The value of intangible cultural heritage lies not only in the cultural event itself but also in the richness of the skills and knowledge it conveys from generation to generation. < Back For Posterity’s Sake: A Reflection on a UNESCO Parcours Civique By Samy Bennouna September 28, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? I interned at the permanent delegation of Morocco to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). My internship allowed me to understand the functioning of this UN body from an internal perspective, and I was pleasantly surprised to see how active the organization was. I had the opportunity to participate in many conferences within the headquarters of UNESCO — Fontenoy — aiming not only at protecting heritage but also at promoting cultural, scientific, and educational cooperation. I was able to participate in drafting several reports on conferences such as “Strengthening the Fight against Illicit Trafficking of Cultural Property,” the “Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission,” the “Man and Biosphere Program,” and the “Transforming Education Pre-Summit.” I also had the pleasure of meeting three other interns — including a doctoral student at Sciences Po Paris — and we learned how to divide the tasks more efficiently while collaborating in the report-writing process. We also had the opportunity to meet and exchange ideas with various other people with backgrounds and influence on the fight for humanitarian and social causes, such as Corrado Catesi, Coordinator of the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) Works of Art Unit, and Ernesto Ottone, Assistant Director General for Culture at UNESCO. Through this internship, I approached this organization from multiple perspectives, all of which have been equally enriching. It turns out that the Moroccan delegation was elected to the presidency of the Intangible Heritage Committee of UNESCO for the year 2022, a coincidence that allowed me to participate in the organization of an international symposium on the universal scope of the prehistoric heritage of Morocco in the presence of the Minister of Culture, Youth and Communication of the Kingdom, Mr. Mehdi Bensaid, as well as the Moroccan Ambassador to France, Mr. Mohamed Benchaaboun. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? The value of intangible cultural heritage lies not only in the cultural event itself but also in the richness of the skills and knowledge it conveys from generation to generation. This knowledge transfer has a certain economic and social value for all actors within a country and is equally indispensable regardless of the territory’s economic development level. To this end, I wanted to join the Permanent delegation of Morocco to UNESCO for a month-long internship headed by His Excellency Ambassador Samir Addahre. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? It took me approximately one month to find it, and I contacted the Moroccan delegation by mail to apply and send my motivation letter. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? My civic course was a month-long, and I was not paid as UNESCO is an international organization. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? Despite the short duration of the internship, I had the impression that I had been handy to the delegation because of my involvement in all sectors. Perhaps my utility was derived from the particularly hectic June schedule for the delegation this year. My only regret is not having been able to organize a training workshop on the importance of intangible heritage in schools in Morocco since it was not logistically possible to arrange. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? If I could offer one piece of advice to the 1As, it would be to optimize the small amount of time you have to do internships. Get involved in activities you are interested in while ensuring that these pastimes add value to your academic and professional projects.

It's a smart idea—if you’re the US government. Get rid of all your pesky hazardous material on an irrelevant island 6,607 miles away from the land of the free. Burn it up, blow it up, it’s all the same. Unfortunately for everyone else, the cost-benefit analysis is slightly less clear-cut.  < Back From Paradise to Perimeter Defence: What Making the Pacific a Military Playground Means for its Indigenous People Lucy Tucker for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton March 31, 2025 French Polynesia: pristine beaches; international diving playground; tūrangawaewae to indigenous Polynesian communities; nuclear wasteland. Not that the last one is advertised on tourist brochures. 743 miles from Tahiti lies the Mururoa Atoll, a place where white sand beaches, palm trees, and ocean air are permeated with radioactive strontium-90, cesium-137 and plutonium. Between 1966 and 1996, France conducted 193 nuclear tests in Moruroa and the Fangataufa atolls in French Polynesia. These tests, often conducted in secret and without the consent of local populations, had devastating consequences for the environment and public health. The nuclear explosions released massive amounts of radiation, contaminating land, water and air. As a result, many Polynesians suffered from increased rates of cancer, birth defects, and other radiation-related illnesses. The French government long denied the health and environmental risks associated with the tests, dismissing concerns raised by indigenous leaders and activists. However, in recent years, declassified documents have confirmed that the French state knowingly exposed local populations to dangerous radiation levels. The French government has since offered limited compensation through the Morin Law , but many victims struggle through a process that is slow, bureaucratic and inefficient. As contaminated soil and water persist, many displaced communities are still prevented from returning to their ancestral lands. Militarisation of the Pacific is not, however, simply a scrawled annotation on one page of a dusty Cold War textbook. As geopolitical tensions rise in the Pacific, the region’s Indigenous communities find themselves at the centre of a growing human rights crisis. The expansion of military bases and security agreements by the United States, China, and Australia is displacing indigenous populations, eroding land rights and threatening the environment. While discussions on Pacific security often focus on great power competition, the voices of Pacific Islanders—particularly those affected by militarization—are often sidelined. Monoaeka Flores is indigenous to the territory of Guam, part of generations of family members ranching land on the U.S. territory. The island is the site of several major U.S. naval and air bases, with the U.S. Government owning more land than Guam’s local government after its seizure of the territory post-WWII. She is a member of the group “ Pritehi Litekyan: Save Ritidian ”, which consists of activists from the Chamoru community —the people who have called Guam home for 3500 years. Next to Monoaeka’s family land is the site where the US proposes to burn or detonate up to 3500 pounds of hazardous waste and leftover munitions each year—a plan which Pritehi Litekyan is taking the US military to court over. It's a smart idea—if you’re the US government. Get rid of all your pesky hazardous material on an irrelevant island 6,607 miles away from the land of the free. Burn it up, blow it up, it’s all the same. Unfortunately for everyone else, the cost-benefit analysis is slightly less clear-cut. The displacement of indigenous communities from their ancestral lands is one of the most pressing consequences of militarization in the Pacific. In Hawaii and Northern Australia, governments have expanded military facilities without adequate consultation with local populations. The constructions of Marine Corps Base Camp Blaz in Guam and Lombrum Naval Base in Papua New Guinea are just more examples of how land is repurposed for military use, often at the expense of Indigenous landowners. Local activists argue that these projects undermine their sovereignty, leaving them with little say over the fate of their land. The expansion of military activities in the Pacific has also resulted in significant environmental damage. One of the most alarming incidents was the Red Hill fuel spill (2021-2022) in Hawaii, where thousands of gallons of jet fuel contaminated local drinking water, leading to severe health consequences for Native Hawaiian families. Similarly, large-scale military exercises in Pōhakuloa Training Area and Makua Valley caused lasting environmental damage, affecting biodiversity and sacred sites. As history has shown with nuclear testing and fuel spills, military activities in the Pacific often leave long-lasting scars on the environment. If military expansion continues unchecked, rising pollution, ecosystem degradation and further contamination of water sources are likely outcomes. It is crucial for the global community to recognize the long-term implications of Pacific militarization. The voices of Indigenous peoples must be amplified in international discussions on security and development, ensuring that they have the power to shape policies that affect their lands and futures. Australia, for its part, has expanded military training programs and partnerships with Pacific nations, using indigenous lands for security purposes. In Northern Australia, Aboriginal landowners have raised concerns over the government’s prioritization of military interests over indigenous sovereignty. Meanwhile, Australia’s involvement in Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu reflects its broader efforts to counter China’s influence, often without considering the social and environmental consequences for local populations. The continued militarization of the Pacific carries significant risks, not only for Indigenous communities but for the stability of the region as a whole. As tensions rise between global powers, the Pacific could become a battleground for geopolitical conflicts, increasing the likelihood of military confrontations. Nations such as the United States, China, and Australia are increasing heavy investments in military infrastructure, which raises concerns that Pacific nations will be pressured into strategic alliances that do not serve their interests. Furthermore, as foreign powers expand their military presence, indigenous sovereignty is likely to be further undermined. The historical pattern of land dispossession, environmental destruction, and disregard for Indigenous rights suggests that future expansions will exacerbate existing injustices. The construction of new bases, the deployment of additional troops and increased military exercises could all lead to further displacement of Indigenous peoples and irreparable harm to their cultures and traditions. While the Pacific has become a hotspot for global military competition, its indigenous populations continue to suffer the consequences. If regional and global actors truly respect the Pacific Islands, they must prioritize Indigenous voices and rights over military ambitions. They should be empowered to determine their own security and development paths, free from external coercion. International institutions, human rights organisations and climate activists must work together to highlight the injustices caused by militarization and push for a demilitarised, sovereign and environmentally protected Pacific. Is it not finally the time to stop forcing indigenous communities to choose between foreign powers and instead respect their autonomy to decide their own futures? Photo source: Australian Institute of International Affairs