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Situated in a quaint bay amongst sun-kissed houses, Sciences Po Menton is truly a peculiar place to spend two of the most impactful years of our lives. Many of us come here, leaving behind the safety of a familiar environment, to confront both the pleasure and pain of newfound liberty. < Back Reflections on Mentonese Life With Former Student, Professor Ismail Hamoumi By Emilia Kohlmeyer April 29, 2022 Another year at Sciences Po Menton is ending. 2As are passing onto their next journey and 1As are taking on the responsibility of preserving the Mentonese student culture. The legacy of Soundproof, the campus party house, is being transferred to a new enthusiastic quadruplet, and many events, such as the collective chant-writing session, represent a modicum of traditions which are transmitted over generations of Sciences Pistes. Reflecting upon the months since I moved to Menton, I grasped the profound impact our small French Riviera town had on me. I would have never pictured the extent to which this student community would be able to shape us when I first arrived. Situated in a quaint bay amongst sun-kissed houses, Sciences Po Menton is truly a peculiar place to spend two of the most impactful years of our lives. Many of us come here, leaving behind the safety of a familiar environment, to confront both the pleasure and pain of newfound liberty. I was fortunate enough to discuss this strange Mentonese journey into adulthood with one of our very own alumni. Former-student-turned-1A-sociology-professor, Ismail Hamoumi has completed the full circle of the Menton experience and was kind enough to sit down with me to offer his reflections on the student life of his day. The Menton experience could be described as both incredibly intense and influential — a microcosm of around 300 students from all over the world, sharing the same buildings, streets, and social spaces. This has an enormous impact on social relations. Privacy is much more limited, as perfectly exemplified by a 2A warning me not to gossip on Rue Longue in my first week here. Indeed, not much of anything remains private in Menton, as it is routine to run into a minimum of three other students each time you leave your home. Hamoumi emphasized the profound effect this leaves on our process of identity construction. Leaving home as inquisitive and malleable adolescents provides us with the liberty to experiment with new identities – ones that could potentially deviate from our familiar culture. Everything new we experience challenges our perception of self. This is compounded by our numerous daily social interactions with a highly international community. Students leave Menton with a more stable sense of self, remarked Hamoumi. Our identities are only reinforced by the diversity of people and thoughts that can be found on our Menton campus. But not everything has remained consistent. Menton has also witnessed some changes in the six years since Professor Hamoumi graduated. The student body has increased by a third. Many more associations now contribute to the blooming social scene and, to my suprise , even the vivacious nightlife, a pillar of the Menton culture, is a fairly new phenomenon previously limited to Le Retro. In Professor Hamoumi’s era, social life was mostly confined to the outdoors, a few larger apartments, or nights in Monaco on which a memorable part of the night invariably included 3 a.m. bus rides along serpentine roads, causing some alcohol and dizziness induced “incidents.” Conversely, many of the festivities of the last year took place in apartments. An iconic party spot in contemporary Menton is Soundproof — the student residence where wild nights sometimes start, but always end. Professor Hamoumi cited a similar apartment from his time in Menton. But it is yet to be confirmed whether it was in the same building as Soundproof, or if they were just on the same street. However, there remain a few notable constants besides the integral role of the ummah and a lingering separation between the English and French track. It seems that the Mercedes Benz of the owner of the New Asian Store is a product of the sponsorship of generations of Sciences Pistes’ late-night alcohol purchases. The culinary scene of Menton has also not been subject to much change, including the traditional takeout pizza from Volcano or dinners at Marrakech and Al Vecchio Forno. An honorable mention should also be awarded to our very own Michael Jackson, whose effervescent presence is an integral part of Mentonese life and spirit. It is clear that much in Menton seems to remain and accompany hundreds of Sciences Pistes well after their departure. As a rising 2A, it is clearer to me now how much responsibility weighs on us to preserve the community we have created and the traditions that mark our student life. Every generation of students has contributed a little piece of the ummah and once we leave a piece of our life will remain, kept alive by new eager students experiencing their own growth into adulthood and profoundly shaping their own identity.

Despite its widespread popularity, I’ve grown a bit skeptical of this expression, or at least how it is often expressed. < Back Rethinking ‘Living in the Moment’ By Maria Eirini Liodi April 30, 2024 Living in the moment is a great life approach to have. In a fast-paced world of busyness and distraction, we can all use this stance to help immerse ourselves in our reality, as opposed to continuously rushing ahead, or lingering in the past. If you read any sort of wellness article nowadays, it will list an abundance of reasons why you should ‘live in the moment’ - focusing on the small things, on the here and now, can make you happier. However, despite its widespread popularity, I’ve grown a bit skeptical of this expression, or at least how it is often expressed. Oftentimes, it appears to be a pretty and simplistic way to disguise the evasion of responsibility and the avoidance of adult challenges. For instance, I’ve heard people use this catchphrase to justify why they stop putting effort into sustaining friendships over a physical distance, or failing to plan ahead for their career. That got me thinking: could this philosophy be detrimental to one’s happiness by putting too much pressure on the present? Beyond that, could it be an oversimplification of the human experience? In this day and age, social media enables us to be interconnected across space and time. So, in that sense, living in the moment ceases to be defined by solely geographical parameters, confining ‘the present’ to where you live and the periphery within that. Modern technology’s benefits allow us to essentially exist in multiple realities that all come together to create the present. Moreover, technology as a means of bridging communication allows us to arguably be more present in more places and for more people in our lives, contradicting the frequently asserted notion that ‘living in the moment’ necessitates an all-embracing approach to the here and now, in geographical terms. It seems that technology does not inherently make us live less in the present, how we make use of it, though, can. Therefore, ‘living in the moment’ can be less about ‘soaking up’ every moment — because it is kind of impossible to do so anyway. It can instead be more about acknowledging the multiplicity of our presence, which can extend to our digital interactions, thereby broadening the scope of what ‘living in the moment’ means. In contemplating this, I’ve also come to realize that we actually pressure ourselves to be in the moment. For instance, when preoccupied with a difficult task or facing a personal challenge, people often tend to guilt-trip themselves for escaping into these parallel realities, rather than being actively engaged ‘in the moment’. Even then, one must once again step into their head to have that inner dialogue rather than just accepting the moment for what it is; be it good or bad, immersive or disconnected. This unrealistic expectation-setting can inadvertently lead to stress and guilt, as opposed to understanding of the nuanced reality of being human, which naturally comes with feeling disconnected or distracted from time to time. With this line of thought, we can naturally consider the pressures constructed — or rather reinforced — by social media. Living in the moment often takes on a renewed, glamorized version on social media, whereby the streams of curated content we consume make us feel as though every moment is a memorable one and should be savored and shared in the public sphere. Perhaps we can alleviate this pressure by acknowledging the subtle balance that exists between the normal, everyday, mundane moments, and the fleeting ‘Instagrammable’ moments. This way, sharing our lives on social media, can seize to be just performance for public consumption and personal capturing of highlights. Moreover, a simplistic interpretation of ‘living in the moment’ can risk overshadowing the importance of planning ahead and goal-setting. People advocating for this life-approach may say that thinking about the future ‘robs’ you of the present, or that it is not useful to plan ahead since those plans are subject to unpredictability anyhow. Despite the truth in the latter idea, planning ahead can help construct a life with direction, meaning and hence, greater fulfillment. Ultimately, ‘living in the moment’ should not be about idealizing and relentlessly chasing camera-worthy moments. It can be more about accepting the intricacies of the human experience - the dull and the exhilarating, the disconnected and the engaging moments.

Dans ce monde, “chaque geste porte le poids d’une insoutenable responsabilité”, une responsabilité dont n’a pas su faire preuve la procédure pénale actuelle qui s’est distinguée par la légèreté de son prononcé. < Back L’histoire de Sanaa ou l’insoutenable légèreté des jugements au Maroc By Layla Hammouda “ L’absence totale de fardeau fait que l’être humain devient plus léger que l’air, et qu’il s’envole, qu’il s’éloigne de la terre, de l’être terrestre, qu’il n’est plus qu'à demi réel et que ses mouvements sont aussi libres qu’insignifiants” écrit Milan Kundera dans l’Insoutenable légèreté de l’être. C’est avec cette “insoutenable légèreté” que Soumaya Naamane définit le jugement declaré ce 20 mars pour les trois hommes auteurs du viol d’une fillette de 11 ans, condamnés à des peines qui atteignent peniblement les deux ans de prison. Elle s’appelle Sanaa et est originaire du discret village marocain de Tiflet. Ces dernières semaines, le petit Tiflet a fait les gros titres, de par l'hystérie qui a entouré l’histoire de Sanaa. Mais le récit de la fillette n’a pas fait qu’indigner, il a également fait écho. Il a fait écho à Amina Filali, qui s’était suicidée après avoir été forcée à épouser son violeur qui échappa aux poursuites par le biais de ce mariage. Cette histoire fit écho au drame de Khadija violée à 16 ans, s’immolant par le feu après que ses huit agresseurs innocentés par la justice sont venus à nouveau la menacer. Le récit de Sanaa fait écho à l’insoutenable légèreté des verdicts offerts par l’appareil judiciaire marocain aux femmes qui portent sur elles d’insoutenables fardeaux. “Aussi libres qu’insignifiants” écrit Kundera. La liberté conférée aux juges par le pouvoir discrétionnaire du tribunal prend toute son insignifiance lorsque la formation décide d’accorder de conséquentes circonstances atténuantes aux trois bourreaux de Sanaa. Selon le Code Pénal marocain, la peine encourru pour un tel viol devrait se situer entre 10 et 20 ans de prison. Cependant eu égard à la legereté des qualifications employés lors du procès, on parle non pas de viol mais de “detournement de mineure” et “d’attentat à la pudeur sur mineure avec violence”, les textes de lois prennent inévitablement une allure d’insignifiance. A cela s’ajoute les précédemment évoquées circonstances atténuantes stipulant qu’au regard des “conditions sociales de chacun d'entre eux et à l'absence d'antécédents judiciaires; et parce que la peine prévue légalement est dure au regard des faits incriminés”, leur peine devrait être amoindrie. Les indicateurs montrent pourtant des avancées significatives en matière de statut des femmes au Maroc. Que ce soit la réforme du Code de la famille en 2004 ou l’inscription de l’égalité hommes femmes dans la constitution de 2011, la tendance laissait à croire que l’heure était pour les institutions marocaines d’enfin assumer leur “insoutenable responsabilité”. Mais c’est un tel traitement juridique réservé à des femmes, des filles comme Sanaa, qui font enfiler à ces avancées le vêtement de l’insignifiance. Stephanie William de Mobilising for Rights Associates, analyse justement l’origine du problème: “Il y a un réel problème de procédure pénale: le code pénal marocain laisse l’entière appréciation aux juges de faire bénéficier les coupables de circonstances atténuantes avec pour effet de réduire les peines applicables voire de ne pas les appliquer. Cela leur laisse toute latitude pour fonder leurs décisions sur des stéréotypes sexistes.” C’est alors la légèreté dont est imbibée l’articulation de ces progrès qui fait verser toute les mobilisations, plaidoiries et mouvements des femmes marocaines dans le demi reel, le théorique, et encore une fois l’insignifiance. Car on peut s’acharner à changer les textes, mais comment s’assurer de leur application dans l’esprit et la lettre ? Depuis 1 an, Sanaa est mère d’un enfant dont le père est l’un des trois accusés. Sanaa porte alors à tout jamais l’insoutenable fardeau symbolisant son drame. Un fardeau qui doit être basculé instamment du côté des bourreaux aux moyen d’une procédure pénale qui prend toute la mesure de la situation et qui applique de manière stricte les sanctions qui s’imposent. Cette justice serait alors gardienne du monde de “l'éternel retour”, celui que Kundera oppose au monde de l’insoutenable légèreté. Dans ce monde, “chaque geste porte le poids d’une insoutenable responsabilité”, une responsabilité dont n’a pas su faire preuve la procédure pénale actuelle qui s’est distinguée par la légèreté de son prononcé. Milan finit par écrire :“le plus lourd fardeau est en même temps l’image du plus intense accomplissement vital”. Ainsi, alourdir nos jugements d’une telle responsabilité, les faire basculer dans le monde de l’eternel retour au même titre que les victimes serait un signe de réel, une lueur d’espoir profondément humaine mais surtout nécessaire face aux inlassables redoublements de vie des femmes marocaines. La récente mobilisation des femmes marocaines a abouti à un recours devant la Cour d’Appel de Rabat pour l’affaire de Sanaa. Le procès aura lieu jeudi 13 avril, on ne peut qu'espérer un verdict défait de toute forme de légèreté.

The Oscars, once regarded as the highest award form of artistic recognition, have increasingly been subject to scrutiny over their selection process, inclusivity and cultural relevance. While the ceremony continues to attract global attention for viewers tuning in from all over the globe, one cannot help but ask: is the Academy truly honoring the best in cinema, or is it simply reinforcing the industry’s biases and political inclinations? < Back A Review of the Oscars Nil Celik March 31, 2025 “No one mourns the wicked” is the opening number of Wicked , the Broadway musical that made its highly anticipated transition to film this year. Wicked was all people talked about , especially after wondering why Ariana Grande and Cynthia Erivo were crying constantly in interviews. The movie, intended to highlight society’s tendency to make a villain out of those who challenge norms, feels especially relevant when assessing the 2025 Academy Awards. The Oscars, once regarded as the highest award form of artistic recognition, have increasingly been subject to scrutiny over their selection process, inclusivity and cultural relevance. While the ceremony continues to attract global attention for viewers tuning in from all over the globe, one cannot help but ask: is the Academy truly honoring the best in cinema, or is it simply reinforcing the industry’s biases and political inclinations? The 97th Academy Awards , held on March 2, 2025, at the Dolby Theatre in Los Angeles, was an event that aimed to celebrate a year of outstanding filmmaking. However, it was also a night filled with predictable victories, controversial choices and moments that highlighted both the strengths and weaknesses of Hollywood today. While independent cinema was seen as a winner in several major categories, particularly with Anora , the awards ceremony also revealed the ongoing tensions between artistic merit and the industry’s tendency to prioritize narratives that align with its current political and cultural discourse. However , after the news that $18 million dollars was spent on “Anora’s” Oscar campaign, marketing and distribution, surpassing the initial budget of $6 million dollars the film was produced with, left viewers divided on whether actual filmmaking wins you the Oscar or if you can just pay your way into winning an award? Hosting the Oscars has become an increasingly difficult task since many hosts tend to face backlash for out of pocket jokes or their inability to engage the audience in more than one way. This year, Conan O’Brien was selected by the Academy to host. Conan’s opening monologue at the 97th Academy Awards addressed the ongoing controversy surrounding Emilia Pérez star Karla Sofía Gascón's past offensive tweets. He stated that the film Anora used the F-word 479 times, "three more than the record set by Karla Sofía Gascón's publicist." O'Brien further joked, advising Gascón that if she planned to tweet about the Oscars, she should remember his name as Jimmy Kimmel, referencing the former Oscars host who had a particularly hard time hosting. A win for independent filmmaking? One of the night's most significant moments was when Anora , an independent film directed by Sean Baker, won the Best Picture category. With a relatively modest budget compared to films within the same category, Anora was an example of powerful storytelling, masterful cinematography and the power of character-driven narratives. In an industry dominated by high-budget studio films, the victory of Anora was a refreshing acknowledgment of artistic integrity over commercial appeal. The Best Actor category has historically been one of the most important categories on the night. Adrien Brody won his second Oscar for his performance in The Brutalist , marking a career-defining comeback after years of relatively low-profile roles. His portrayal of an architect navigating the complexities of post-war trauma was emotionally moving and led the person to reflect, reaffirming his status as one of the most talented actors of his generation. However, the competition in this category was notably weaker than in previous years. While competing nominees delivered strong performances, neither achieved the level of critical or public consensus needed to challenge the dominance of Brody. This raises the question: was Brody’s win truly the result of the best performance, or was it partially influenced by the Academy’s tendency to favor narratives of personal and professional redemption, as seen before in the case of Mickey Rourke’s Oscar loss to Sean Penn in 2009 ? One of the night’s most touching wins was Mikey Madison’s victory in the Best Actress category for Anora. At just 25 years old, Madison delivered a performance that was subtle yet profoundly moving. This indicated her ability to convey complex emotions without the need for theatrical extravagance, showing the subtle side of Hollywood acting. Her win was a rare moment where critical acclaim and audience sentiment aligned. This showed her place in the acting industry as a rising star. However, it also demonstrated a broader shift in acting recognition. The Academy is increasingly rewarding performances that prioritize realism and vulnerability over grand, dramatic gestures. Once bold, Hollywood acting shifting towards a more subtle style had never been seen before. While this shift is admirable, it raises the question of whether high-intensity performances, which have traditionally been favored in this category, are now being overlooked in favor of a more minimalist acting style. The documentary No Other Land received the Best Documentary Feature award, marking a significant moment in Oscar history. The film, co-directed by Palestinian activist and journalist Basel Adra and Israeli journalist Yuval Abraham, showed the ongoing struggles Palestinians face in the occupied West Bank, particularly focusing on the village of Masafer Yatta and the challenges they face due to home demolitions and forced displacements by Israeli settlers. In their acceptance speeches, both directors delivered important messages that resonated deeply with the audience. Basel Adra began by expressing his hopes for his newborn daughter, stating that: "About two months ago, I became a father, and my hope to my daughter is that she will not have to live the same life I am living now, always fearing violence, home demolitions, and displacement that my community is living and facing every day." He further emphasized the film's reflection on the constant difficulties faced by Palestinians, calling on the global community to take decisive action to stop the ongoing injustices and the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people. His message was powerful since the ongoing struggle of the Palestinians was disregarded by most of the people sitting in that audience, who chose to stay silent. Abraham indicated the collaborative nature of the film, emphasizing the power that is derived from joint Palestinian and Israeli efforts, stating: "We made this film, Palestinians and Israelis, we see each other." He underscored the differences in their lives, noting that while he has freedom under civilian law, Adra lives under strict military rule. Yuval Abraham called for a political solution based on equality, respecting the rights of both peoples. He also criticized U.S. foreign policy for blocking progress toward peace, asking a powerful question to stress how their futures are tied together. He asked, "Can't you see that we are intertwined? That my people can be truly safe if Basel's people are truly free and safe?" Their speeches showed the personal impact of the conflict and called on the world to recognize and act on the struggles of Palestinians. One of the most controversial moments was the recognition of Emilia Pérez . It is a film that mixed crime, gender identity and musical elements in a way that left audiences divided. While it earned multiple nominations, many questioned whether its wins were based on artistic merit or Hollywood’s growing focus on social and political messaging. The Mexican community voiced strong criticism, arguing that the film misrepresented their culture and reinforced harmful stereotypes rather than offering an authentic portrayal. The Best Supporting Actress win for Zoë Saldaña was also met with backlash, with many feeling her performance, while good, was not the strongest in the category. Adding to the awkwardness, one of the film’s winners broke into a strange, off-key song during the acceptance speech, confusing the audience and turning the moment into a viral moment. Furthermore, Conan O’Brien’s jokes about Karla Sofía Gascón’s past offensive tweets further highlighted the tensions surrounding the film, showing a contrast between the so-called "message" that was trying to be delivered. The 97th Academy Awards were filled with victories, controversy and loss that identified the complex nature of filmmaking. While the victory of Anora paved the way for independent filmmaking, the controversy involving Emilia Pérez indicated concerns regarding authenticity and the true nature of inclusivity. In the end, we were left with an important question: Are the awards truly about great filmmaking, or do outside influences shape the winners? Photo source: Adarshy Upadhy, Flickr

Domenico Lucano was the mayor of the small Italian town, Riace. Now he is facing up to 13 years and 2 months in prison and a €700,000 fine for his lifelong devotion to the integration of migrants and refugees. < Back ‘If Humanity and Solidarity Have Become Crimes, He Is Guilty’: The Case of Dominico Luciano By Viola Luraschi November 29, 2021 On October 1, Maurizio Zavaglia started a message to his friends with “ti rispondo ora perché non ho più lacrime da cacciare fuori” — I am only answering now because I no longer have any tears in me . This message came following the events that took place in the small town of Riace, a commune of the city of Reggio Calabria, south of Italy. Since 1998 the community of Riace has been practicing what has come to be called “l’ospitalitá diffusa,” or widespread and spontaneous hospitality . The term describes the system of inclusion and integration that the community has implemented with regards to migrants and refugees; the hosting of families and individuals in the infrastructures available. In fact, one afternoon in 1988, the arrival of a boat overcrowded with Kurdish refugees first mobilized the town. The community made itself available to host the people who had abruptly arrived. For this reason, the concept of hospitality was not seen as a choice but rather as part of daily life in the town of Riace and its neighboring area. This initiative was led by Padre Giancarlo Maria Bregantini, who built all possible housing structures, and allowed Mimmo Lucano to start volunteering as a child. Zavaglia then refers to the period that followed as a time during which “no ci si é farmati” — they couldn’t stop — and for many years until 2004, they practiced “l’ospitalitá diffusa,” not only through housing but also through craft workshops that gave the refugees and migrants a chance to become involved in the community with a form of employment. Migrants and refugees were making glass utensils, ceramics, clay and textiles, and people started using Riace as a travel destination, making the town grow in numbers. In 2004, Riace became part of the system of accoglienza (hospitality) of the state, the same year Mimmo Lucano became mayor. Riace experienced a turnaround: it went from a town at a very high risk of being underpopulated, to a town that was full of life. In fact, in Riace and the contouring areas, the ‘ndragheta (organized crime specific to the region of Reggio Calabria), “il malaffare” ( ill deal ) and violence had been causing young people to flee towards other areas of Italy. As the years passed, more migrants as opposed to refugees started arriving in Riace, and with the integration of young people into the town, the school — previously at risk of being closed — was kept open. Schools and shops became areas of local development. The more Riace became known as “il luogo dell’anima e dello spirito,” or the place of the soul and the spirit , the more the place, which was previously depopulating, had a growing population of young people working for the local economy. For many, Riace stood as a symbol of hope, and potentially a new and improved life. The town became a place that housed more migrants than local citizens, and Maurizio described the older citizens coming back out onto the streets to sit and interact as a community. Statistics showed the rates of robberies, and general violence to have decreased, and the word “tranquilitá” ( tranquility ) was the one used by Maurizio to describe the town. It was not long before Riace had attracted national attention that, according to Maurizio, it started bothering some because it did not adhere to the notion that “gli immigranti rubano il lavoro,” or that migrants steal jobs ; the attacks against Riace and Mimmo Lucano began. The judiciary case that has been ongoing since 2016, when Mimmo was first arrested, came to a decision in September of this year when the sentence of 13 years and two months, along with 700,000 euros, was announced. The first degree sentence came as a shock to many as 13 years was seven more than the prosecution had asked for from the court. Judges within Italy have also disagreed with the sentence imposed on Mimmo Lucano, and it is a shared belief that the sentence was too harsh. In fact, the prosecution had asked for seven years less than what was given in the final sentence, creating dispute on the fairness of the judges and the judicial system in Italy. Journalists, magistrates and the public were all shocked by the sentence awarded. The sentence claimed that Mimmo misused public resources, these resources being 35€ awarded by the state, daily, per migrant. Mimmo believed this amount to be too much and said that hospitality could have been granted with a lot less money. Therefore, part of this budget was used for projects that he believed would better lead to the inclusion of migrants, including artisanal shops, collection of recycling, and fattorie didattiche, which is an educational program which attempts to promote a connection between the city and countryside. With this money, an oil sanctuary was also realized, and Maurizio said that, “i soldi sono stati usati per includere, no separate” — the money was used to unite, not separate . Mimmo was also accused of organizing a marriage of convenience between an Italian citizen and a refugee woman in order to help her obtain citizenship. Furthermore the accusations included a belief that he gave a four year-old an identity card. Maurizio describes Mimmo as “una persona che ha dedicato la sua vita agli altri, ai piu deboli, a chi non ha voce, a chi arriva dalle guerra, fame, poverta, a chi scappa da situazioni terribili rischiando la loro vita in mare, povera gente,” or a person who has dedicated his life to others, to those weaker, to those who have no voice, to those who come from war, hunger, poverty, to those running from terrible situations risking their life at sea, poor people . To Maurizio, Mimmo is a person who “ha dedicato la sua vita in termini di stabilità del suo nucleo familiare” — has dedicated his life in terms of familial stability . Maurizio says that Mimmo lives a spartanic lifestyle, at the limit of poverty but “é un idealista, una persona che ha sempre inseguito i valori della pace, del’egualianza, lui non ha mai commesso reati; l’unico reato commesso è il reato del’umanita” ( he is an idealist, a person who has always followed the values of peace, of equality, he has never committed any crime; the only crime committed is the crime of humanity ). Today, Riace is a community which has been bent but which wants to react, said Maurizio. Riace is not to be spoken of in the past tense, Riace is a part of the present and future. The current idea that holds the 60 people who decided to stay in Riace is that of not letting hope die. Maurizio finished the interview with this message: “Se l’umanitá e la solidarietá diventano un reato, lui è colpevole" — If humanity and solidarity have become crimes, he is guilty .

< Back 3 Ans Après le Meurtre de Mahsa Amini, un Bilan sur la Situation des Femmes en Iran Bronwen Sutcliffe September 30, 2025 Le 16 septembre 2025 marque le troisième anniversaire du décès de Mahsa Amini aux mains du régime iranien. La politique répressive envers les femmes perdure. Cependant, l’Iran a connu d'importants bouleversements à la suite de cet outrage, notamment portés par le mouvement international Femme, vie, liberté. Ces mobilisations ont-elles réellement amélioré la condition des femmes ? Trois ans après, faisons le point sur la société iranienne depuis le soulèvement Femme, vie, liberté. Le meurtre de Mahsa Zhina Amini En septembre 2022, Mahsa (Zhina) Amini, jeune Iranienne kurde, se rend à Téhéran avec son frère. Elle est arrêtée sur place par la « police des mœurs » (gasht-e ershad), connue pour contrôler arbitrairement les femmes ne respectant pas les lois strictes sur le port du voile. Selon des témoins, les agents l’ont violemment poussée dans un fourgon et battue avant de l’emmener au centre de détention de Vozara. Les autorités ont déclaré qu’elle devrait y suivre une « séance éducative » pour corriger son comportement.Quelques heures après son arrestation, Mahsa Amini est victime de coups à la tête et perd connaissance. Après trois jours dans le coma, elle meurt, le 16 septembre 2022, à 22 ans.Le gouvernement parle de causes naturelles, mais la famille de Mahsa affirme qu’elle était en parfaite santé avant son arrestation. Suite à la mort de Mahsa Amini, trois mots—femme, vie, liberté—ont rythmé un mouvement de manifestations de masse. Son meurtre a choqué la communauté iranienne et internationale et a montré une réalité effarante : la répression systématique et la violence envers les femmes par le régime iranien. Des milliers de personnes se sont mobilisés dans les rues pour contester la loi rendant obligatoire le port du voile, dénoncer les abus de l'État et revendiquer les droits des femmes, le tout accompagné de gestes symboliques forts, tels que ôter le voile, le détruire, ou couper ses cheveux. Aujourd’hui, entre répression et résistance Après le mouvement Femme, vie, liberté , la repression s’intensifie. En 2023, la rédaction de VICE News, un média américain, a obtenu de rares visas pour se rendre en Iran et couvrir la situation des femmes. Dès leur arrivée, les journalistes ont été confrontés à une forte surveillance : leurs déplacements étaient limités à des lieux approuvés et ils ont été arrêtés à plusieurs reprises, leurs images étant parfois supprimées. L'équipe a toutefois pu monter un documentaire présentant des fragments de la réalité : étudiants contraints de signer des engagements pour respecter le code vestimentaire et ne pas assister aux manifestations, cafés et commerces fermés lorsqu’ils permettaient aux femmes d’entrer sans voile, quartiers centraux des manifestations étroitement surveillés et jeunes enfants formés à soutenir le régime à travers des organisations religieuses et sécuritaires. Une intervenante anonyme a même révélé que la police lui avait tiré dessus avec des balles en caoutchouc lorsqu’elle était au parc avec ses amis. S’entretenant avec la seule femme du gouvernement iranien, celle-ci a répeté les revendications du gouvernement, affirmant que Mahsa Amini n’avait pas été tuée et que le gouvernement est plus démocratique que dans d’autres pays. Selon elle, le gouvernement considère le hijab comme un moyen de protéger les femmes et affirme que si, un jour, il estime que ces lois leur nuisent, il les supprimera. Des propos nettement trompeurs. Les jeunes interviewés dans le documentaire ont été nombreux à demander l'anonymat. La peur est palpable. Un article publié dans la revue La Pensée écologique en 2023 décrit comment de nombreux Iraniens et Iraniennes vivent depuis leur plus jeune âge dans une « schizophrénie généralisée ». Ils doivent adopter des comportements contradictoires selon le contexte—à la maison, à l'école ou dans l’espace public, naviguant entre les exigences du régime et leur vie privée. La politique répressive du gouvernement, mêlée à la corruption, à l'hypocrisie, aux mensonges et aux détournements de fonds, exerce une pression quotidienne. C’est à travers de gestes simples mais profondément courageux que, malgré la répression, les femmes s’offrent des gouttes de liberté et contribuent à transformer progressivement la culture de l’espace public : elles se rendent à leur école ou sur leur lieu de travail sans porter le voile obligatoire et roulent à vélo ou même à moto (ce qui est interdit aux femmes). Selon Sedigheh Vasmaghi, théologienne et universitaire qui a elle-même été arrêtée pour être sans voile, « le système politique [iranien] ne peut plus remonter le temps ». Elle précise que L’État, confronté à d'énormes problèmes de politique intérieure et étrangère, n’est plus en mesure de contrôler les femmes à travers le pays, en particulier les adolescentes et les jeunes femmes, qui ne veulent plus porter de voile. De nombreux témoignages suggèrent que les policiers détournent le regard des femmes sans voile, soit par épuisement, soit par crainte d’attirer davantage de mauvaise presse, mais certainement pas par volonté de remettre en cause le régime en leur accordant plus de liberté. En décembre 2024, le Conseil national de sécurité d’Iran a présenté un projet de loi draconien sur le hijab, prévoyant de lourdes amendes, jusqu'à 15 ans de prison pour les récidivistes ainsi que l'obligation pour les commerces de signaler des contrevenants. Face à des protestations publiques et aux objections des organismes de surveillance internationaux comme Amnesty, ce projet a été suspendu . Toutefois, la suspension de la loi ne reflète pas forcément une libéralisation des conditions des femmes, plutôt une continuation du statu quo qui pourrait s’aggraver à tout moment. Toutefois, la surveillance des femmes se poursuit à travers des applications de signalement, la reconnaissance faciale, la surveillance aérienne et le contrôle des réseaux sociaux, créant une pression constante. Même si de nombreuses femmes non-voilées échappent à des sanctions directes, les militantes féministes, journalistes et femmes dans l’espace public—comme Vida Rabbani, Saeedeh Shafiei, Niloofar Hamedi, Elaheh Mohamaddi ou Narges Mohammadi—vivent en péril, emprisonnés ou poursuivis pour des accusations comme « propagande contre l'État » ou « rassemblement contre la sécurité nationale », en représailles à leur travail et à leur engagement public. Un futur incertain L’afflux de femmes revendiquant leur liberté dans l’espace public signale une transformation graduelle de la société vers l’émancipation des femmes. Toutefois, une amélioration réelle du statut des femmes ne pourra se faire sans un changement du gouvernement et la réforme, voire la sécularisation, du code civil, qui, entre autres, d ispose que le mari détient l'autorité exclusive au sein du foyer, que l'épouse a un devoir de soumission sexuelle (tamkin) et qu’il peut contrôler son lieu de résidence ainsi que l’exercice d’une profession. Ces lois institutionnalisent une réalité profondément sexiste ne pouvant être déconstruite sans de profonds changements institutionnels. Ce n’est pas pour minimser les contributions des manifestants que mon article a mis un accent sur la répression par l’État ; les Iraniennes et Iraniens qui ont soutenu le mouvement Femme, vie, liberté ont eu un impact enorme, étendant la cause iranienne à l’échelle mondiale et exerçant une pression sur le gouvernement iranien. De nombreuses femmes ont pu en profiter pour jouir, quoique illicitement, de davantage de libertés dans leur vie quotidienne. Toutefois, le comportement oscillant du régime iranien pour appliquer des lois répressives révèle un désir profond de maintenir son pouvoir et sa légitimité en se pliant le moins possible à la pression populairee. Après le conflit israélo-iranien de juin 2025, le débat sur la stabilité du régime islamique a été relancé. Étant donné sa longévité, certains le qualifient d’un retour du religieux, mais des enquêtes non-gouvernementaux du GAMAAN (Groupe d’analyse et de mesure des attitudes en Iran) révèlent une sécularisation croissante et un large désir de changement au sein de la majorité de la société iranienne. Si les trois ans suivant le meutre de Mahsa Amini n’ont pas mené à une révolution, ils ont porté la situation à un point de rupture imminent. Photo Source: Loco Steve, Flickr

The question of immorality does not pertain to the act of thrifting itself, but how the thrift environment has been redesigned to serve corporate interests at the expense of those it was initially designed to support. < Back Thrifting and the Price of Exclusion: Gentrifying Secondhand Stores in Toronto Téa Breedon April 30, 2025 In Toronto, thrift stores have recently introduced a collection of higher-end, thrift “boutiques.” These boutiques sell name-brand clothing at marked-up prices to attract a wealthier crowd and drive in profits. Value Village —a for-profit thrift enterprise popular among thrifters in Canada—has replaced its former thrift stores with thrift “boutiques,” limiting its clientele to upper-class individuals and neglecting those who formerly relied on secondhand stores for everyday essentials. The shift to luxury retail symbolizes not only the gentrification of thrift stores but also a broader trend of sidelining the economically disadvantaged in favour of company interests. With real estate prices skyrocketing in Toronto due to high mortgage rates and low property supply, coupled with the homeless population quickly growing by 25 percent between 2023 and 2025, it becomes clear that thrifting corporations are exacerbating a trend of urban inequality. Toronto is aptly fit for examining broader patterns of urban inequality, as it is exemplary of spatially visible class differences. The city has experienced a trend of growing affluence among the wealthy that juxtaposes deepening poverty and growing unaffordability felt by the lower- and working-classes, culminating in an economic landscape that disproportionately disadvantages economically marginalized groups. The gentrification of thrift stores—now evident in the shift from affordable inventory to high-end and luxury brands—is thus symbolic of this landscape, reflecting how sanctuaries of sustenance once rooted in accessibility are being reoriented toward the spending capacity of wealthier consumers. Aside from this trend of gentrification, thrift stores have also increasingly become concentrated in various regions of the city, attracting consumers with large spending capacities. This process is characterized by the strategic situation of thrift stores in middle- and upper-class neighborhoods, making them inaccessible to those who need them the most. Moreover, a majority of these stores are located in downtown Toronto, just minutes away from the city’s major tourist attractions. The top recommended Google search when inputting “Toronto thrift stores” is “Toronto thrift stores downtown,” illustrating how thrift enterprises increasingly cater to a clientele of tourists looking for vintage and secondhand stores in downtown Toronto. As such, by clustering in Toronto’s primary tourist district, these thrift stores function more as curated attractions rather than a resource for the economically disadvantaged. But what is it, besides the profit motive, that is so appealing to thrift corporations about strategically leasing buildings in upper-end and tourist-dense neighborhoods or converting former thrift stores into thrift “boutiques?” Shouldn’t they worry about losing a significant portion of their clientele by catering to a social class that is less reliant on secondhand shopping? Unfortunately, thrift enterprises are no longer alone in recognizing the value in reselling used items at an elevated price. Online resellers have capitalized on this same logic, carefully picking out name and designer brands from thrift stores to mark up for a profit. Thrift enterprises find—or, at least, found —their clientele in lower-income populations, tailoring to individuals who relied on affordable clothing as a necessity rather than a fad. Today, online resellers—found on Depop, Etsy, Vinted, and Poshmark—use reselling platforms to allure a clientele of trend-driven consumers seeking secondhand luxury items that they may not be able to find at their local thrift stores. Online resellers are therefore following the path paved by thrift enterprises, recognizing the potential in the business of reselling items at marked-up prices. By tailoring to those who can afford elevated prices, resellers generate demand for high-end pieces from thrift boutiques, contributing to a cycle that favors a curated inventory over affordability. As a result, traditional thrift stores are being converted into thrift boutiques, distancing themselves from lower-income communities not just spatially, but also through rising price points that compromise affordability. It is in this sense, then, that the shift from affordable thrift corporations to high-end boutiques is driven both by the motive of profit and that of a guaranteed clientele. The recent trend of reselling has provided thrift corporations with a reliable flow of buyers, sustaining their operations while fueling demand for boutique-style stores. Similarly, independent online resellers find their consistent clientele of buyers in trend-chasing consumers who are able to afford their elevated prices. This domino effect, triggered by thrift enterprises, thus entrenches a market dynamic that prioritizes profit and resale value over accessibility. Is all this to say that thrifting is immoral, betraying the initial ethical purpose of thrift stores? Of course not, as it remains more environmentally and financially sustainable than buying first-hand. What is immoral is how thrift stores—operating within a for-profit framework—capitalize on an increasing demand for high-end clothing by jacking up the price s of donated items and orienting their inventory toward wealthy consumers. The question of immorality does not pertain to the act of thrifting itself, but how the thrift environment has been redesigned to serve corporate interests at the expense of those it was initially designed to support. Thus, in rebranding necessity and affordability as a fad, the modern thrift landscape has s hown how the thrift industry can be morphed into a mechanism that reproduces the very inequalities it sought to confront. Photo source: Rob Durdle on Flickr

The pervasive use of historical analogy has not always had quite the same stranglehold over public discourse as it does today. These analogies have not always been used as a central axis in massively polarizing issues e.g., Israel-Palestine and U.S. domestic politics. In light of the growing use and misuse of historical comparisons, when should they be used or avoided? < Back The Use and Misuse of Historical Analogy in Contemporary Discourse Niccolo Gentile You’ve probably heard historical analogies deployed to describe contentious events: the Russo-Ukrainian War compared to World War II or Vietnam; the Jan. 6th, 2021 Capitol Building riots in the United States paralleled the burning of the Reichstag; Vladimir Putin likened to Adolf Hitler or the War in Gaza to the Holocaust. These links have become a typical element of political discourse for millions and a rhetorical tool levied to argue opposing cases in these conflicts. However, the pervasive use of historical analogy has not always had quite the same stranglehold over public discourse as it does today. These analogies have not always been used as a central axis in massively polarizing issues e.g., Israel-Palestine and U.S. domestic politics. In light of the growing use and misuse of historical comparisons, when should they be used or avoided? Linguists have long examined the use of analogy as a whole and how it can enhance the popular understanding of the present. In everyday communication, the use of rhetorical tricks like simile, metaphor and analogy all enhance one’s ability to understand and relate to the experiences of others. It is no surprise then that the comprehension of contemporary political matters, especially those taking place half a world away, often attracts comparisons with well-known past events. It is an innate element of the human condition that we confound the unknown with the knowable. The specific use of analogy in regard to history complicates matters. In relation to the history of these analogies, Professor Denis Charbit, specialist of the history of ideas at Sciences Po, argues that these comparisons emerged from the “crisis of modernity, of time” that occurred around the '60s and ‘70s. Hitherto, under the sway of modernism, humanity’s point of reference was placed firmly in the future, whether that be a proletarian revolution or a homogenous ethnostate. This is not to say that historical analogy emerged, contextless from a virgin birth, in the middle of the 20th century. Doubtlessly, it was employed far before this to relate like event to like event. The inundation of this method, however, in the popular imagination seems to be a phenomenon which can be roughly dated, traced and followed in its swell of use over the past few decades. From the historian’s perspective, analogy is a dangerously sweeping tool only to be used in the most damning of circumstances. As Dr. Augusto Petter, lecturer at Sciences Po Menton and expert in the philosophy of history, explained to me, the use of analogy in academic work is generally frowned upon today. Of course, a core element of the historian’s work is to compare events in the past. But drawing an actual link in the form of an analogy or metaphor necessitates an overwhelming, impossible burden of proof so as to make even rhetorical tricks practically absent from the field. Additionally, these analogies have the ability to imbue arguments with immense ethos, pathos and logos, often through cheap or inaccurate means. To quote Kenneth Minogue on the discourse analysis of Quentin Skinner, ‘historical’ analogies “are historical in the popular sense of referring to the past, but not historical in the sense of being contributions to the academic problem of attempting to understand some passage of events in a properly historical manner.” The historian’s highly restrictive and critical view cannot be expected of the wider public, nor should it be sought. To apply the same rigor to popular discourse would cripple any chance such discussion has of producing productive understanding and inspiring the action needed to keep democratic institutions functioning, which discourse should inculcate. To further illuminate the point of criticism here, take one prime example of this discourse and its accuracy in some of the issues from the past few years. What I’ve chosen to examine is not the most current events but one with relevance, some temporal removal and well-established facts from which to base this analysis. Today, commentators and politicians compare Western policy towards Russia with the policy of appeasement that much of Europe took towards Nazi Germany in the years preceding WWII. At a glance, this would seem like a cogent topic to bring into the discourse. Benoît Bréville takes a different position, stating that harkening back to events like the Munich Conference and the invasion of Poland only serves to aggravate tensions that should be soothed to bring an end to the bloodshed. Moreover, these connections simply do not stand up to deeper inquiry. For example, the war in Ukraine is isolated to one country and has dragged on for years whereas Munich and Poland were but brief glimpses of the global conflict to come—one which modern-day Russia is clearly not able to persecute given its performance in Ukraine. This is not to take away from the often rightful case made by these arguments but to encourage a greater level of discernment when choosing one’s evidence so that it holds up beyond our ephemeral present. A couple of caveats should be mentioned. One key difference that Professor Charbit argued for is the difference between using historical analogy and collective memory. This might take the form of an Israeli comparing something to the Holocaust or a Palestinian drawing a connection to the Nakba. However, heed care even here, for as Ada Yurman formulates , such terminology can be used “by those who do not grasp the dimensions of the catastrophe.” Another is to keep in mind the difference between drawing a sweeping analogy and a specific, evidence-based comparison. Though it is ridiculous to compare contemporary French government coordination with private industry to Italian fascism’s corporatism, particular elements can indeed be likened to one another to argue a broader point. The world is a fraught place where meaning seems increasingly intangible, even as the bonds linking our societies to the past are frayed or twisted. We are watching a large-scale military engagement take place around Kursk and Volgograd (formerly Stalingrad) while far-right parties are sweeping European elections in Germany, Italy and Hungary, and multipolarity is pushing most countries into two great blocs or into a position of non-alignment. It is nigh impossible to refute the importance of recalling the past and comparing its causes and outcomes to the present. Alongside this, though, a more critical examination of how and why we use these terms to describe the present and whether they are unjustly coloring our view of current events is due to better engage with both the past and the present.

It is a sequence of events Europe has seen before. A firebrand — either of humble, apolitical origins or from a generations-long political dynasty to uphold — rallies their formerly left-voting, working-class base who feel alienated by the establishment. < Back Rise of far right in Europe By Colin Lim October 31, 2022 It is a sequence of events Europe has seen before. A firebrand, — either of humble, apolitical origins or from a generations-long political dynasty to uphold — rallies their formerly left-voting, working-class base who feel alienated by the establishment. On a continent that aspires to be — and is widely lauded for being — tolerant and open to the rest of the world, the far right has attained an incongruously high standing in recent years. In addition to the more established Fidesz Party in Hungary, the UK Independence Party, and the Law and Justice Party in Poland, the recent electoral success of the Sweden Democrats and Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy have added momentum to the populist machine. Fueled by the increased flow of refugees and migrants from the Middle East and North Africa region and the broader Global South since 2015, such political actors have relied heavily on the othering of those whom they perceive as dangerous to and incompatible with European society. The European Union is also presented as a faceless, bureaucratic and undemocratic institution whose sole goal is to over-regulate citizens’ lives and to tear asunder their individual national identities. The omnipresent menace of the “globalists,” chief among them Hungarian-American philanthropist George Soros, is also a common feature in extremist rhetoric. Many of these parties have roots in neo-fascism or neo-Nazism, which remain persistent political entities despite their often highly public rebranding efforts. For instance, the recently elected Brothers of Italy, headed by Giorgia Meloni, has often been described as neo-fascist, and despite the party’s attempts to soften its positions to appease more moderate voters, its stances on the EU, the Russia-Ukraine war, reproductive rights and LGBTQ equality, among others, have alarmed people across Italy and the world. The line between ostensibly moderate right-wing parties and more extreme ones has been severely blurred. As radical parties occupy a non-negligible number of seats in legislatures, it becomes increasingly difficult for center-right parties to govern without cooperating with extremists, or at least strategically adopting some of their stances. Emmanuel Macron, as the head of his self-created centrist Renaissance party, has adopted stricter stances on border control, migration and secularism, all in an attempt to lure would-be Reconquest or National Rally voters and avert a complete usurpation of power. Bulgarian second year, Sara Kovacheva asserts that the renewal of her country’s right-wing in October 2022 parliamentary elections makes her “terrified” that the political right has gained too much power in recent years. “I really wouldn’t want to live in a far-right Europe,” she passionately declared. The recent trends across Europe make it “feel like we are only going backwards,” she continues. The vision of a united Europe is threatened by the rise of the right, but it is not a uniquely European phenomenon. The factors behind this emboldened far-right ideology — migration, Euroscepticism, wars in Europe’s neighborhood — are uniquely European, but the rightward and nativist shift is a global phenomenon that will hopefully be resolved before extremism has a chance to cement itself in the mainstream.

Figure skating is an integral part of Russian culture and identity. It is the amalgamation of Russian persistence in sacrifice, the current government’s propensity to reject all things Western, and above all, the pathway to repairing the fragmented prestige of years past. < Back Focusing on the Figures: Insight into the War in Ukraine Through the Lens of Figure Skating By Maia Zasler October 31, 2023 “Government,” “war,” “authoritarianism,” and “nationalism” are all terms with which you are likely familiar. “Axel,” “lutz,” “pairs performance,” and “spiral” probably evoke less of a confident visual. But what if I asserted that these jargon are intrinsically connected? Figure skating blends the intensity of sport and athletic training and the gracefulness and personal expression of the most enchanting art forms with the fascinating and complex realm of global politics. The first account of organized figure skating dates back to 1772 with Englishman Robert Jones’ A Treatise on Skating . Skating has significantly evolved since Jones outlined initial, rudimentary patterns and practical advice in his instructive handbook. Investment in and commitment to skating athletic achievement has also evolved. Figure skating plays a particularly important role in quotidian and political life in Russia. After 1864–when Czar Peter the Great introduced figure skating to Russians–figure skating became an emblem of national unity and a source of immense pride. Throughout the 20th century, skating represented an outlet for domination on a global scale; the Soviet skaters made up arguably the most competitive force at the international level. Skating was publicly funded in Soviet states and remains so in present-day Russia. From a young age, children were (and are) selected for a rigorous track involving intense physical training, dieting, and mental strain, culminating in a brief window of time where they actually compete—and frequently win. In the Soviet Union, children were often separated from their families, moved to distant cities to train with specific coaches or with an assigned pairs partner. In every case, they had to commit to 10 hours of training at the ice rink, six days a week. Additionally, there are documented cases of emotional and physical abuse, especially in pairs skating. Female skaters often have to adhere to strict dietary regimes to suppress hormonal development and weight gain. There has long been a history of sacrifice in the sport: sacrifice for the sake of athletic success during performance, but primarily for the sake of “Mother Russia.” Between 1964 and 1991, Soviet skaters won seven consecutive Olympic gold medals and 24 of the 26 World Figure Skating Championship events in pairs skating; Ukraine was the primary exporter of illustrious and talented pairs of skaters. Historically, the USSR relied on Ukraine for agricultural production, storage of nuclear arsenals, and a constantly developing defense sector. Thus, Ukraine has served as the cornerstone of the Soviet Union in more ways than one. The Soviet collapse occurred in December of 1991. Ukraine’s declaration of independence earlier that same year is often interpreted as the inception of Russia's impending demise. Funds for figure skaters dwindled. Throughout the following years, Russian skaters brought home fewer and fewer medals, and sought-after coaches took their expertise abroad. The shrinking of their skating world reflected Russia’s geopolitical position at the end of the 20th century. In both contexts, Russians were left grasping for prestige and pride that once shaped their national identity. There was a general anxiety over losing a spot on the international stage and an absence of answers on how to reclaim it. Enter Ukraine (again). Ukraine has increasingly aligned itself with the European Union and Western nations in the last three decades. After the 2014 annexation of Crimea, Ukraine became a battleground in defense of its right to position itself apart from Russia. More recently, Ukrainians have had to take up arms again to fend off Russian aggression since February 24, 2022. They have had to persevere through Russian leader Putin’s threats of nuclear weapon use. Further, there have been upwards of 21,900 Ukrainian civilian casualties, severe infrastructure damage, and insurmountable trauma to the Ukrainian people. To some extent, through its aggressive military operation, Russia aims to impose its authority to prove to the rest of the world–and to itself–that the nation remains just as strong as it was before the Soviet Union collapsed. This mentality is mirrored by the pressure levied onto Russian figure skaters and their stature in Russian society. Take the case of Kamila Valieva, an immensely talented skater whose artistic and athletic legacy was tainted by the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics doping scandal. At just 15 years old, Valieva dominated the team event, representing the Russian Olympic Committee. She became the first woman to land a quad jump–rotating four times in the air before landing on a singular blade at an Olympic competition. But, before the women’s individual competition events, it came to light that Valieva had tested positive for a performance-enhancing drug: trimetazidine. Since she was a minor, she was allowed to compete in the women’s individual event. Although her short program was flawless, her free skate was riddled with falls, leaving her with a fourth-place finish. The International Olympic Committee announced they would not have hosted a medal ceremony if Valieva had finished among the top three. Amidst and following the scandal, Russian officials claimed that the illegal drug use accusation was a “Western conspiracy” and political issue in which Russia was the victim. Behind the scenes, Valieva’s coach, Eteri Tutberidze, scorned her: “Why did you let it go? Why did you stop fighting?” Once back home, Tutberidze received Russia’s most prestigious coaching award from none other than Russian President Vladimir Putin, and Valieva had a press photoshoot with him. How can we make sense of this? Russian figure skaters are forced to sacrifice a traditional childhood and healthy relationships (with people, food, and their bodies). They are subject to public scrutiny and private criticism from their coaches. They are scapegoats for paranoia surrounding the West. But, at the same time, they are celebrities. They are recognized across the country as national heroes, associated with the cult of personality that Putin has curated since he first took office in 2000. They are perceived as beacons of hope to propel Russia back to its position pre-Soviet collapse. Figure skating is an integral part of Russian culture and identity. It is the amalgamation of Russian persistence in sacrifice, the current government’s propensity to reject all things Western, and above all, the pathway to repairing the fragmented prestige of years past. American media personality Ted Turner said that “sport is like a war without the killing.” In the case of the war in Ukraine, sport may be a second military front and a valuable insight into Russia’s behavior.

The critical state of Lebanon’s cultural sites calls for the international community to guarantee the preservation of cultural heritage as a crucial component of peace processes and post-conflict resilience. < Back Lebanon’s Cultural Heritage at Risk: How International Frameworks Attempt to Safeguard It Saimi Hartikainen for MEDMUN November 30, 2024 The escalating conflict between Israel and Hezbollah has had a destructive impact on the lives of millions. Since October 2023, Israeli attacks on Lebanon have killed over 3,000 and displaced an estimated 1.2 million people. Hezbollah’s attacks on Israel have led to the death of 72 people, with more than 60,000 displaced in Northern Israel. In addition to the tragedies inflicted upon human lives, international concerns have been raised over the state of Lebanon’s cultural sites. On October 23, Israel launched air strikes on Tyre, known as ‘Sour’ in Arabic, one of the cities with the oldest, continuous human habitation in the world. The strikes have continued in nearby areas in southern Lebanon. On October 30, Israel targeted the ancient city of Baalbek, known for its unique Roman citadel. The attacks on Baalbek have since damaged three historical buildings, including the Gouraud Barracks and the Palmyra Hotel, in the proximity of the Roman temples. The UN Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has classified both cities as World Heritage sites. Damages to these cultural sites fracture Lebanese history for the country’s identity, further disrupting cultural continuity and collective memory in times of crisis. These events and their consequences have thus raised alarm domestically and globally, positioning international protection frameworks of cultural heritage in the spotlight. UNESCO’s classification of World Heritage sites attributes ‘cultural heritage’ with “outstanding universal value from the historical, aesthetic, ethnological or anthropological point of view.” UNESCO has nominated both Tyre and Baalbek based on different criteria : Tyre , the antique Phoenician metropole that ruled the Mediterranean and founded the colonies of Cadiz and Carthage, is home to ruins from the Roman period. It fulfills UNESCO’s criterion III of being “a unique or at least exceptional testimony to a cultural tradition or to a civilization which is living or which has disappeared” and criterion VI of being “directly or tangibly associated with events or living traditions, with ideas, or with beliefs… of outstanding universal significance.” Baalbek , the Phoenician city that maintained its religious significance throughout the Hellenistic and Roman periods is considered to comply with criterion I of “represent(ing) a masterpiece of human creative genius” and criterion IV of being “an outstanding example of a type of building, architectural or technological ensemble or landscape which illustrates (a) significant stage(s) in human history.” UNESCO pays special attention to safeguarding World Heritage sites as it considers that they constitute a foundation that can be later used “to rebuild a broken community, re-establish its identity, and link its past with its present and future.” These considerations illustrate the potential of international frameworks for the protection of cultural heritage in Lebanon. The crucial need for protection of cultural sites was echoed by Lebanese lawmakers who noted that it “ goes beyond physical preservation; it is about safeguarding the traditions, stories and values these sites represent, legacies that connect our past to our future.” Indeed, cultural heritage sites act as a material reminder of the historical phases of a country and its civilization. They function as points of reference for understanding one’s position in the world and the historical advancements made as a people. These shared experiences and memories foster a clearer sense of community and identity, anchoring a people to a place. Cultural heritage can also attract tourism and bring about economic opportunities, thus serving as a platform for sharing cultural experiences and livelihoods. In addition to the cultural, social and economic value heritage sites generate for local societies, they also enrich humankind. Destruction or damage of cultural sites hence “ impoverishes humankind.” Since cultural heritage is an integral part of national identity, offenses on a nation’s sovereignty are often accompanied by attacks on culture. Israel has been accused of targeting Lebanon’s cultural heritage, a charge that Israel has denied, and instead claimed that its strikes have been aimed at Hezbollah targets in nearby areas. Experts have warned that strikes might hit off-target and unintentionally damage important cultural sites. Either way, the impact on Lebanon’s collective memories and identity is shattering in case of such strikes succeeding. UNESCO and other international actors thus aim to protect World Heritage sites through a variety of international frameworks. The Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict, known as the 1954 Hague Convention, commits states to preventive measures against damage to cultural heritage in conflict and to “refraining from any use of the property and its immediate surroundings… in the event of armed conflict” and “from any act of hostility, directed against such property.” The 1999 Second Protocol to the Convention established the notion of ‘ enhanced protection,’ under which World Heritage sites shall be granted “high level immunity from military attacks as well as threats of making it a military target.” Lebanon has appealed to UNESCO for a swift process of inscribing the country’s Heritage sites under enhanced protection in light of the recent near-misses of Israeli strikes. UNESCO will discuss this in an extraordinary meeting in Paris on November 18. The agency is assisting local authorities in the transportation of World Heritage site artifacts to safety and has conducted remote assessments of the damage caused to the cultural sites. Lebanese lawmakers have noted the urgency of “the protection of these historic sites by mobilizing UNESCO’s authority, securing international attention and advocating for protective measures.” Ideally, UNESCO’s efforts will guarantee physical protection of the sites and raise international awareness that puts global pressure on the initiation of a peace process. However, the effectiveness of UNESCO’s work has previously been questioned . In 2019, Israel withdrew from the organization along with the United States, accusing the organization of anti-Israel bias. UNESCO had previously criticized Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem and, in 2011, made Palestine a member of the agency. Following this, Israel and the US stopped paying the required fees to UNESCO, signaling reluctance towards contributing to UNESCO’s mission of preserving culturally significant property. Due to such handicaps of UNESCO, some experts put their faith in other international bodies, such as the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The Court set a global precedent in a 2021 Armenia v. Azerbaijan landmark case that attributed destruction of cultural heritage with racial discrimination under the Convention for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD). Hence, the international community is working slowly but steadily towards better protection of cultural heritage and accountability of actors. The Israel-Hezbollah conflict has, without doubt, put Lebanon’s cultural heritage at risk, with World Heritage sites such as Tyre and Baalbek suffering damages that have raised grave concern over their significance for national identity as well as humankind’s collective memory and heritage. International frameworks aim to provide protection of these sites, highlighting their importance and the responsibilities of states. For example, UNESCO is considering placing Lebanon’s sites under enhanced protection. However, the effectiveness of these frameworks has come under question amid geopolitical tensions, as demonstrated by Israel’s retreat from UNESCO. The critical state of Lebanon’s cultural sites calls for the international community to guarantee the preservation of cultural heritage as a crucial component of peace processes and post-conflict resilience.

The EU’s ongoing partnerships with authoritarian regimes, such as Tunisia, to control migration raises crucial concerns about the ethics and long-term efficacy of such agreements. While these arrangements may offer short-term containment, they fail to address the systemic drivers of migration, such as political repression, economic instability and environmental degradation, prevalent in many MENA countries. < Back EU-Tunisia Deal: Migration Control at the Cost of Human Rights? Eleni Dimitropoulou November 30, 2024 People have lost faith. International humanitarian law has lost its credibility and value, both in theory and practice. Nowhere is this erosion more evident than in Tunisia, where human rights have taken a backseat to geopolitical interests. In recent years, Tunisia has faced mounting criticism for its deteriorating human rights situation, exacerbated by an increasingly authoritarian regime. This crisis has drawn global attention, particularly due to the European Union's growing role in shaping Tunisia's migration policy. The Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), signed in 2023 between Tunisia and the European Union (EU), is officially titled the "Global Gateway Tunisia-EU Partnership" and involves financial support for Tunisia, in return for a commitment by the Tunisian government to curb migration to Europe. Although the deal aims to stabilize Europe's borders, it has been heavily criticized for its role in supporting a regime accused of widespread human rights abuses. Testimonies recorded by international human rights organizations are alarming. Tunisian authorities have been accused of arbitrary arrests, beatings, mass deportations and violent practices against migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, often leaving them abandoned in poor conditions at the border with Libya and Algeria. These practices expose people to extreme risks, as many are left without access to humanitarian aid or basic necessities. According to these testimonies, Tunisian security forces are applying violence against migrants at sea, using dangerous maneuvers against their boats, resulting in their frequent sinking and the deaths of dozens of people. The UN reported that in the first half of 2023 alone, at least 265 people died in these interception operations, and several others remain missing. Despite growing evidence of violent and abusive practices by the Tunisian authorities, the EU continues to financially support Tunisia as part of its strategy to outsource its border management. The memorandum of understanding includes the provision of 105 million euros to strengthen Tunisia's border control measures, as well as other investments in the digital sector, renewable energy and economic support for the country. The EU has tasked Tunisian authorities, including the National Guard and Coast Guard, with the responsibility of preventing migrant departures to Europe. However, this strategy has allowed the regime of President Kais Saied to double-down on its authoritarian practices, limiting the rights of citizens and immigrants. The international community is watching the intensifying repression of civil society in Tunisia with concern. Since 2021, core freedoms such as freedom of expression, freedom of the press and the independence of the judiciary have come under severe pressure. President of Tunisia Kais Saied has imposed severe restrictions focusing on dissent and political opposition, such as intimidating and imprisoning journalists, activists and political opponents, while humanitarian organizations are prevented from carrying out their work. Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and humanitarian organizations stress that Tunisia is not a safe destination for migrants to disembark, as many of them are vulnerable to serious violations of their rights during the deportation process. Authorities are accused of using collective deportations and not carrying out individual assessments to protect migrants, thus violating the principle of non-refoulement, a fundamental tenet of international law that ensures that no one is sent back to a country where they risk persecution, torture or serious harm. Although supported by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and some European leaders, the EU deal with Tunisia raises ethical and political questions. Some MEPs express their dissatisfaction with the EU's stance, accusing it of not taking sufficient measures to protect human rights. In a letter to von der Leyen, MEPs call for tighter conditions on funding to prevent further funding being responsible for serious breaches. They also warn that the current agreement does not ensure the protection of migrants while entrenching the EU's cooperation with authoritarian regimes in the Mediterranean region. Migration flows into Europe have been steadily increasing due to a combination of global crises, including armed conflict, climate change and economic inequality. In many regions of the world, worsening conditions are forcing people to flee their homes in search of safety, opportunity and a better life. For Europe, this means migration is no longer a distant concern; it’s a challenge at the region’s doorstep—one that will only intensify in the coming decades. By 2050, experts predict that climate change alone could force millions more to leave their homes, exacerbating the pressures on already strained migration systems. At the same time, economic disparities between Europe and other regions, particularly in Africa and the Middle East, continue to fuel movement across borders. For many, Europe represents the hope of a more secure future, but the rise in migration is testing the EU’s capacity to manage arrivals without compromising its commitment to human rights and dignity. Understanding the root causes of migration—and addressing them through more sustainable, cooperative strategies—is essential if Europe is to remain a beacon of hope while ensuring fair and effective migration management. However, political dynamics within Europe complicate these efforts. Anti-immigration rhetoric, fueled by populist movements, continues to shape public opinion and policy. While the EU must address these concerns, it cannot afford to compromise its foundational values. Transparent communication, highlighting the contributions of migrants and fostering solidarity among member states, will be essential. The EU's current engagement with external partners like Tunisia reveals the complexities of balancing migration control with the principles of human rights. This approach is emblematic of a broader strategy that prioritizes agreements with neighboring countries to manage migration flows. For instance, the EU’s collaboration with Turkey under the 2016 migration deal showcased a significant investment in curbing irregular migration routes in exchange for financial aid. Some critics argue that such deals often sacrifice the EU's values in pursuit of pragmatic solutions, creating a precedent for controversial partnerships. The EU-Turkey deal is often lauded for reducing irregular crossings in the Eastern Mediterranean, but it too has faced significant debate. Human rights advocates have pointed to overcrowded refugee camps on Greek islands as evidence of the deal's failure to ensure humane treatment for migrants. This demonstrates that while such partnerships may achieve short-term goals, they often fail to address systemic issues, such as improving asylum processes or offering viable resettlement options for displaced individuals. In contrast, some EU member states have worked to set positive examples in migration management. Sweden, for instance, has emphasized the integration of refugees through extensive language and vocational training programs, enabling them to contribute to local economies. Similarly, Portugal has actively sought to attract migrants and asylum seekers to address demographic challenges, fostering policies that encourage inclusion and community-building. These examples illustrate that humane approaches to migration are both possible and beneficial when politics align with long-term planning. To uphold its stated humanitarian values, the EU must reassess its reliance on third-country agreements that lack clear human rights safeguards. Establishing transparent oversight mechanisms, ensuring accountability in the use of EU funds, and prioritizing partnerships with countries that respect international law could mitigate risks of complicity in abuses. These measures should be complemented by internal reforms to create accessible legal pathways for migration, reducing reliance on external actors. The EU’s ongoing partnerships with authoritarian regimes, such as Tunisia, to control migration raises crucial concerns about the ethics and long-term efficacy of such agreements. While these arrangements may offer short-term containment, they fail to address the systemic drivers of migration, such as political repression, economic instability and environmental degradation, prevalent in many MENA countries. Rather than outsourcing border control to regimes with questionable human rights records, the EU should focus on policies that address the root causes of migration. This involves supporting sustainable development, peacebuilding, and climate resilience in migrants’ countries of origin, particularly in regions like the MENA, where instability is exacerbated by conflict, corruption and climate change. In the case of Tunisia, the EU's ongoing funding despite proven violations demonstrates the need for a more rigorous policy assessing human rights criteria before distributing funds. Ending cooperation with regimes accused of abuses and creating accountability mechanisms would protect migrants and uphold the EU’s moral credibility. Without such actions, the EU risks eroding the principles on which it is built, undermining its international legitimacy and prestige. Ultimately, the EU must evolve its migration policies to address both immediate concerns and long-term goals. By fostering internal solidarity, building ethical partnerships, and addressing the root causes of displacement, the EU can set a global standard for humane and effective migration management, reaffirming its role as a leader in promoting human dignity.

< Back Armed Militias vs Aid: The Extremity of U.S. Disaster Response Pracheth Sanka November 30, 2024 In Rutherford County, surrounded by demolished towns, downed trees and upturned roads in the wake of late September’s Hurricane Helene, Federal Emergency Management Agency officials had a new concern : a gun-wielding group of Western North Carolinians out for their blood. It was not just the aid that concerned them now; it was also their lives. At the command of the National Guard and FEMA administration, they were forced to evacuate the county, halting progress in their distribution of necessary material in a post-Helene North Carolina. Ultimately, only one person was arrested in connection to the report and the threat was not as dire as it first seemed. It shows, however, the startling and worrying distrust and menace some Americans hold toward their government. Even during an emergency, which is supposed to be a time of peace, coordination, and unity, disaster relief can become the catalyst for radicalism and resentment. As this case shows, hurricane response is a hotbed for political games, aid mismanagement and misinformation in the United States. Hit by two major storms in the fall of 2024, the American South is still reeling from Hurricane Milton and Hurricane Helene. Both wrought extensive and costly damage, especially to Florida, Georgia and the Carolinas. As of late October, FEMA has approved more than $2 billion for those affected by the storms. This money aids in house and personal property replacement, as well as in opening Disaster Centers that provide meals and housing to those in need. These are all ostensibly helpful programs, so why is there so much distrust coming from storm-affected Americans? Part of the reason lies in politics. Former President and now President-Elect Donald Trump and other high-profile Republicans have been very openly critical of the federal response, even at points lying about to whom and to where monetary aid went. Trump falsely stated that most of FEMA money was going to illegal immigrants, a continuation of his largely xenophobic anti-immigrant rhetoric. Georgia Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, whose state was directly impacted by Helene, made the ridiculous claim that the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, a federal agency tasked with weather forecasting and monitoring, had directed the storm toward conservative-leaning areas to disrupt the upcoming presidential election. Her claims were aided by the real data that showed Republican districts and Trump strongholds being disproportionately hit compared to liberal areas. Far-right and Trump-aligned internet conspiracy theorists also posited that FEMA would use storm response as a facade to bulldoze and replace rural towns, which they saw as an expansion of the central state. Instances of real political discrimination also stoke the fire of skepticism towards FEMA. In November, a FEMA worker from Florida was fired after directing employees to withhold aid from houses that displayed support for Trump. Their action was strongly condemned by Governor Ron DeSantis, who himself has distanced the state from federal assistance. DeSantis notably skipped a meeting with President Joe Biden, stating that a state-led response would move much more quickly than the Biden administration could. Trump also added fuel to the political fire by criticizing Democratic North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper, falsely asserting that Cooper’s administration deliberately blocked aid to the western part of the state, an area that was left in ruin by Helene-related flooding and which has historically leaned Republican. The politicization of what should have been an apolitical response highlights how the growing partisan divide and spread of misinformation creates mistrust toward the federal government. Conservatives, who are typically wary of large central states, now see FEMA’s disaster response as another possible means for government overreach, or in the eyes of some conspiracy theorists, a real means of harm. Liberals thus see Republican outrage as a hindrance to disaster response, further separating the two groups. But this politicization is by no means a new phenomenon, nor is it restricted to just natural disasters. Take for instance the Covid-19 pandemic. Americans signaled a marked decrease in trust in the Centers for Disease Control, which is responsible for pandemic regulation and guidance. Confidence in the organization dropped amongst all groups, but the most notable drop occurred amongst conservatives and Trump voters. Government trust was not the only political shift that was noted. Leaders of Democratic states complained that under the Trump administration, typically Republican states were given more favorable aid due to their electoral support. Analysts also raised concerns that Trump would use pandemic-era subsidies to farmers in important swing states in an attempt to gain voters. Trump is not shy about using federal aid as a political tool. He famously threatened Democratic California Governor Gavin Newsom by promising to withhold federal aid until he was told how many people in certain California counties voted for him. Trump also tried to leverage future wildfire disaster aid to get Newsom to sign a favorable freshwater drainage plan, though Newsom did not buckle. This has forced California to create its own disaster aid plans to “Trump-proof” the state, which is prone to severe wildfires, earthquakes, and floods. In a world of increasingly violent and frequent natural disasters, the nation is following a similar trajectory. Political storms and partisan divides mar the should-be peaceful process of relief and aid distribution. Two decades ago, the most extreme reaction to federal disaster response came when Kanye West, in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, appeared on television to proclaim that then-President George W. Bush “doesn’t care about black people.” Now, with armed militias and conspiracy theories rampant, West’s statement would be a politically tame and almost neutral response. As divided as the United States is now, polarization and political threats as a response to tragedy and disaster are likely to become much more radical and extreme. Both with administrative actions, like that of Trump’s, and individual instigators, like Rutherfordton’s armed militia, tensions between political actors and government agencies can have lasting consequences and could cost people their lives. These ramifications have no immediate solution and require long-term easing of the country's struggle. For her sake, the citizens of the United States should hope they can unite once again, facing disasters as the threat they are, not as pawns in a political game.

This climate-induced Arctic conflict demonstrates that the time has come for global warming mitigation to be placed at the heart of national security strategies and defense planning across the world.  < Back The Icebreaker Putin, Biden and Jinping Are Playing By Lucy Lönnqvist for Sciences Défense October 31, 2023 The geopolitical dimension of the climate crisis involves a question of appropriation of land, sovereignty and security. The world is becoming hotter in many senses due to global warming, and in addition to melting ice caps and rising sea levels, the climate has become a threat multiplier for military spending globally. Today, this climate-driven military posture is culminating at the world’s peak, in the Arctic region. The shrinking Arctic has revealed the geopolitical battlefield of once-inaccessible shipping routes, kickstarting the race for potentially priceless minerals and oil deposits. What was once the world’s neutral ground, an undisturbed, barren white sheet of uninhabited land, has now become a hotspot for increased violence and potential conflicts between three invested powers : Russia, the United States, and China. An arms race has begun in the Arctic, and Western efforts are lagging behind. If governments cannot raise efforts to mitigate global warming for biodiversity’s sake, the question remaining is whether they will take greater action when global alliances are on the line. This climate-induced Arctic conflict demonstrates that the time has come for global warming mitigation to be placed at the heart of national security strategies and defense planning across the world. The Arctic Region encompasses eight states: Russia, the U.S., Canada, Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, and Finland, which sought to preserve the Arctic as a region of cooperation, low tension and respect for international law; an approach referred to as “High North, low tension,” one the Nordic countries were particularly partial too. However, hopes for pacificity between sovereign states in the region seem to be melting down along the ice sheets, as world powers U.S., Russia and China extend their grip on military presence in this new polar arena. Russia’s increased military presence and operations in the Arctic present one source of tension and China’s increased diplomatic and economic activities in the Arctic are another. Meanwhile, Russia’s war in Ukraine has only amplified friction in the Arctic’s competitive environment, as Russia’s exclusion from the Arctic Council incentivized the country to redirect collaboration towards China – a decision that will undoubtedly strengthen the dual powers. Russia has expanded military forces across their share of the Arctic frontier of 25,000 kilometers, amounting to 53 percent of the Arctic border. But why is the Arctic region so sought-after, and how has the region changed geographically due to climate change? Physical changes in the Arctic consist of melting permafrost, intense cyclones, warming sea ice and vegetation alterations. All of which have been driven by emissions and GHG-induced feedback loops within the atmosphere. A monitoring report conducted by the Arctic Council in 2019 concluded that “ the Arctic biophysical system is now clearly trending away from its previous state [in the 20th century] and into a period of unprecedented change, with implications not only within but also beyond the Arctic .” These changes raise questions of statehood sovereignty and national security, thereby proving the dire need for states to adopt a climate-defense portfolio in their military strategy. The melting Arctic has effectively opened a whole ocean entirely, with new navigation routes being explored for the first time in recorded history. The most highly disputed path is the Northern Sea Route , which has paved new transport circuits for containerships and Navy missions, cutting shipping distances by over 6,500 kilometers – roughly two weeks of travel time. Russia upholds its claim over the Northern Sea Route as an inland waterway that falls under its territory, whereas the U.S. defends the idea that the Northern Sea Route is an international route. For China, as the leading exporter of goods across the world, the Northern Sea Route is a pivotal passageway from the Pacific Ocean to the Atlantic Ocean, allowing the country to trade with enhanced efficiency. Alarmingly, Russia has already begun expanding its armed presence in the Arctic well beyond U.S. presence, through an abundance of airfields, missile systems and nuclear-powered icebreakers in the region. The new ocean demands the need to balance competing claims of sovereignty over international waters and maritime borders in the Arctic. Under current international law, the Arctic is not subject to any regulation , triggering a pressing need to determine the status of the region. The only regulation calming the Arctic waters is the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea ( UNCLOS ). Currently, Denmark, Norway, Canada and Russia use UNCLOS to lodge legal claims on the Arctic Ocean, however the U.S. is not a party to this treaty, placing the country further behind in the global contest over the polar North. If the U.S. is serious about playing catch-up, signing the UNCLOS treaty would prove worthwhile. However, the prospects of this actually occurring are highly doubtful based on traditional U.S. stance towards binding itself to international law ( the U.S. has not ratified any UN treaties since 2002 in fear that tying itself to international laws would make it vulnerable to potential legal sanctions before the ICC ). As opposed to signing the UNCLOS treaty, the U.S. has elected to ramp up military presence in the Arctic, with the White House committing to "enhancing the capabilities required to defend our interests in the Arctic," as outlined in the Oct. 2022 National Strategy for the Arctic Region. Consequently, there has been a soar in U.S. spending on ships, aircrafts, infrastructure and soldiers disguised under the title of ‘climate expenditure’. It is almost ironic to see that although there has been no bipartisan support to curb emissions, there is bipartisan support for responding to Russia and China’s presence on a melting Arctic. What this ultimately demonstrates is that as we look forward, the grip that the climate now has on national security strategies is only going to grow. The seriousness of potential climate threats are imminent and must be accounted for in state defense budgets and planning. Rising sea levels, extreme weather, the scarcity of water, loss of ice cover and other climate change drivers are impacting human security today through the spread of epidemics, mass displacement of people and conflicts over receding resources – all of which require a security response. Soon enough, we may be looking at an altered map of the world, one with military competition occurring in places they never had before. The Arctic is interconnected with the rest of the world through the circulation of water, heat and carbon both in our oceans and atmosphere. Not to mention, it is connected through human systems of transport, energy and mineral production, tourism, and security. In light of this information, disputes of sovereignty over the melting Arctic and invested military powers at bay are of utmost concern for the world at large, calling on a climate defense strategy that takes our environmental crises with utmost severity.

On Feb. 25, Saied released a public declaration calling for the expulsion of all illegal migrants in Tunisia. In the document, he blamed sub-Saharan African migrants for increased crime and violence. < Back Human Rights Deteriorate in Tunisia Under President Kais Saied By Peyton Dashiell March 31, 2023 Tunisian President Kais Saied provoked controversy in late February and early March after a series of inflammatory anti-migrant statements and increasingly authoritarian political actions. On Feb. 25, Saied released a public declaration calling for the expulsion of all illegal migrants in Tunisia. In the document, he blamed sub-Saharan African migrants for increased crime and violence. He alleged a “criminal plot” to change Tunisia’s racial demographics, mirroring the “Great Replacement” theory discussed by white supremacists in Europe and North America. In recent weeks, arbitrary detentions have surged in Tunisia. Saied aims to stifle dissent and opposition by imprisoning dozens of media figures, businesspeople, and political opposition members — particularly those connected to the Ennahda Party and National Salvation Front coalition — on tenuous security-related charges. Saied’s anti-immigrant rhetoric has gravely endangered sub-Saharan Africans living in Tunisia, emboldening racist attacks both in-person and online. Ange Seri Soka, president of an Ivorian advocacy organization in Tunisia, has stated that some of the 5,000 Ivorians in Tunisia have been driven out of their homes and forced to sleep in rural olive groves. The Ivory Coast, Mali and Gabon have cooperated with the Tunisian government to voluntarily repatriate 1,300 citizens who wish to return home. Tunisian universities have also begun offering a virtual class option for those fearing racist attacks. Already grappling with a political crisis and economic downturn, Tunisians have begun to protest in the streets against Saied’s actions but face suppression from local authorities. Citing a plot against state security forces, Tunis officials denied protest permits to the National Salvation Front and threatened organizers with legal action. However, this did not halt demonstration plans. On Feb. 25, around 1,000 Tunisians gathered in Tunis to protest Saied’s racist attack on migrants. Additionally, the National Salvation Front and the Tunisian Labor Union (UGTT) mobilized approximately 3,000 supporters in Tunis to condemn Saied’s authoritarian measures and governmental failures, particularly the targeting of unions, arbitrary detentions, and general economic impoverishment. They specifically called for the release of Anis Kaabi, a UGTT official detained since February for participation in strikes. While protesters were met with verbal threats from police, the demonstrations were not stopped by force. Unfortunately, the current developments follow a concerning pattern of human rights violations under Saied’s leadership. Prior to recent events, Saied has come under fire for violating freedom of speech, targeting opposition and using military courts to jail his political enemies through opaque sham trials. Leading the country once hailed as the only democracy in the Arab world, Saied enacted a successful self-coup in July 2021, suspending the parliament and dismissing Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi from his post to seize almost absolute power. Throughout the past two years, Saied has continued to consolidate his rule. In July 2022, Saied initiated a referendum on a new constitution to replace the document enacted in 2014. The new constitutional draft expanded presidential power drastically weakened the judicial branch and threatened the secular nature of the government by characterizing Tunisia as an Islamic country. Many criticized the constitution drafting process for lack of transparency and non-inclusion of civil society groups and non-governmental organizations. While the constitution passed with nearly 95 percent of votes, a mere 30 percent of eligible voters appeared at the polls – groups like the Free Constitutional Party explicitly boycotted the election to avoid legitimizing Saied’s power grab, while other individuals failed to vote due to apathy and a lack of faith in the democratic process. While Saied’s government defended his recent remarks, with Interior Minister Taoufik Charfeddine calling accusations of racism “unjustified” and saying Tunisia equally applies the law to all who violate it, Saied has responded to public outcry by offering several protections for migrants and assuring that Tunisia is “proud to be African.” He relaxed visa policies for migrants, extending visa-free stays from three months to six months, and will allow migrants who overstay their visas to leave the country without paying fines. Additionally, a medical and psychological hotline has been set up for migrants to receive assistance and report violations of their rights. However, the damage of Saied’s rhetoric has been done, and the outcry against Saied’s racist sentiments has extended far beyond Tunisia’s borders – many multinational bodies and civil society organizations have denounced the repressive measures of his regime. On March 7, Agence France-Presse reported that the World Bank plans to halt cooperation with Tunisia on its Country Partnership Framework due to Saied’s “racially motivated harassment and even violence.” Additionally, the African Union condemned Saied’s “radicalized hate speech” and postponed the “Pan-African Network Conference on Fighting Illicit Financial Flows in Africa,” which was scheduled to take place in Tunis from March 15 to 17. Saied’s racist remarks represent a common tactic among unpopular politicians to distract from their failing policies — utilizing nationalism to unite their citizens against an “other” rather than their government. However, the public response to his statement shows that most Tunisians have not taken the bait. Amnesty International stands with the Tunisian people in calling for an end to Kais Saied’s racism, arbitrary detentions and authoritarian seizure of power.

< Back Sciences Po Director Mathias Vicherat Temporarily Resigns Following Domestic Violence Custody By Peyton Dashiell December 31, 2023 On Dec. 4, news broke that Sciences Po Paris Director Mathias Vicherat had been placed into police custody the previous evening for violence conjugale (domestic violence). According to AFP, Vicherat’s partner came to police the evening of Dec. 3 to file a complaint against Vicherat after he allegedly pushed her to the ground during a public argument. Additionally, she stated that Vicherat had broken her wrist six weeks ago, but no charges were pursued. Vicherat arrived at the police station shortly after his partner, accusing her of slapping him. Both were released the afternoon of Dec. 4, and no complaints were ultimately filed. Shortly after his release, Vicherat released a statement to students via email clarifying that no official complaints had been filed and expressing his desire to preserve the stability of his family, particularly for the sake of his young children. He affirmed his commitment to the “values of Sciences Po” and said that he will be meeting with student associations shortly to discuss the issue. The allegations promoted a strong reaction spanning across campuses, with several student associations, including Solidaire Etudiant.e.s., Sciences Po Paris En Lutte, and the Sciences Po Menton Feminist Union calling for Vicherat’s resignation. A “day of mobilization” was called for Dec. 5, and an independent petition was publicized calling for Vicherat to step down. The petition highlighted Vicherat’s previous promises to make VSS “his priority,” the fact that as director he holds the ultimate authority over campus VSS cases and sanctions applied, and concluded that “the trust between the student community and its director has been broken.” By Dec. 8, it had garnered over 1,300 signatures. In Menton, the Feminist Union and Solidaire Etudiant.e.s released a joint statement asserting that “as a matter of principle, Sciences Po cannot have a director accused of domestic violence.” This student condemnation of Vicherat was not solely confined to the digital sphere. On Dec. 5, Menton students gathered on the parvis to rally for Vicherat’s immediate resignation, hanging a large banner reading “Vicherat Demission.” Additionally, campus blockades occurred at the Paris, Reims, and Dijon campuses. Student reactions to these demonstrations were generally supportive albeit cautious. Anoushka Naik, an exchange student at Sciences Po Menton, expressed that “If it is found that Vicherat did engage in abusive conduct, calling on him to resign is absolutely the correct step. However, we as students have absolutely no idea what truly happened, and speaking as though we do is not how to properly support survivors of abuse.” Nearly a week after these efforts, the Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques announced via email that Vicherat would be temporarily withdrawing from his role as director. After consultations with the Sciences Po board of directors, this withdrawal was unanimously approved to end on January 29, 2024. It is unclear if any additional steps will be taken to address the allegations against Vicherat following this withdrawal period. Vicherat was appointed Sciences Po director in November 2021 after the resignation of Frederic Mion in the wake of the Olivier Duhamel affair. Duhamel, a Sciences Po professor, former politician, and head of the Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques , was accused by his daughter-in-law of sexually abusing her brother throughout their childhood in her January 2021 book La Familia grande . Mion initially feigned shock at the accusations, but later admitted that he had originally learned of them in 2018. Mion was one of at least seven people associated with Sciences Po who had knowledge of the allegations for many years. Duhamel admitted to the abuse in an April 2021 interview with the police minor protection brigade, but no charges could be brought due to the statute of limitations. In light of these events, as well as criticism of Sciences Po’s handling of sexual assault cases, Vicherat specifically outlined combatting VSS as one of his aims as director. In Feb. 2022, Sciences Po adopted an institutional action plan addressing VSS, which included mandatory awareness and training modules, a standardized reporting system, and a VSS guide distributed across all campuses. According to a 2023 progress update , 51 preliminary investigations were launched in 2022 for reported cases of VSS. Out of these 51, four were referred to the disciplinary committee and two resulted in sanctions against perpetrators.

How can believers trust an institution that continuously lies? How can they trust an institution that fails to live by the teachings of the word it claims to follow? How can one believe in the good, in the charity of an institution that causes so much pain? I am not suggesting the Church is inherently flawed, after all I still am a Christian and I still believe in the Church, but there is no denying the wrongdoings of its executive. The question is whether the Church will confront the sin lying in its foundation—for an institution like the Church cannot stand if it hides the rot within. < Back Broken Faith: Confronting Abuse within the Catholic Church Rebecca Canton For centuries, people around the globe have regarded the Catholic Church as an institution offering sanctuary, a place of rest and protection, evident in passages like Proverbs 18:10, ‘the name of the Lord is a strong tower; the righteous man runs into it and is safe.’ Christian children are taught religion is dependable as a source of guidance and truth, myself included. Yet, such promises do not tend to reflect current realities. The revelations of widespread abuse in the Church create a shadow over these ideals. The Church and its confessional, once considered a place for repentance and reflection, have become symbolic of secrecy and cover-up. I am a Christian, I believe in God, I believe in the Bible. Do I believe in the systemic abuse of children and vulnerable adults by priests and clergy members? Rather obviously not. I’m a Christian, not devilish. So then, why has this happened? Why have, since 1950, around 216,000 children in France been sexually abused by clergy members? 216,000 childhoods were destroyed in France alone, by people they were taught to trust. I’ve read the Bible and nowhere does it state ‘Thou shalt not refrain from assault,’ not one passage, phrase, nor implication suggests this is the Christian doctrine, that this is acceptable. Yet, until recently, they have gotten away with it. Protected by religion, protected by hierarchy, protected by institutions, such cycles of physical, sexual and mental abuse have been perpetuated throughout the Church for decades. The first time I heard of anything remotely related to abuse within the Church was in 2013. In my home country, the United Kingdom, Cardinal Keith O’Brien, who was the Archbishop of Saint Andrews and Edinburgh, resigned after revelations that he had engaged in predatory sexual relations with priests and seminarians in an abuse of power. I was eight and had just started religious studies. I remember my mother, who is a Protestant and my father, who is a Catholic, discussing this ‘scandal,’ but I did not think much of it. At the same time, I learned a phrase that rang particularly true, ‘a tree with a rotten core cannot stand.’ This metaphor resonates with the Church, with allegations of decades of abuse threatening the foundation of its institutions. It was in the 1980s that revelations of Catholic Church abuse first came to light, with allegations of decades of abuse. And that is just the modern Church. As early as the 11th century, abuse has been reported within the Church, notably when Peter Damian, an Italian Benedictine monk wrote ‘ Liber Gomorrhianus,’ which condemns priests having sexual relations with young boys. Now, since the 1980s, the Church has been hit with ‘scandal’ after ‘scandal.’ It only takes a quick search for ‘Catholic Church abuse’, for thousands of articles to emerge, from a multitude of countries. August 2005, Bell River, Ontario, Canada. Father Charles Henry Sylvestre pleads guilty to 47 counts of sexual abuse between 1952 and 1989. His victims? Girls aged nine to fourteen. August 2020, Germany. 1,412 people accuse at least 654 monks, nuns and other clergy members of abuse. 2017, Australia. The Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse finds that out of the 201 Catholic Churchs, 46% had allegations of sexual abuse towards minors. What becomes evident is that this is not one event. Not one ‘scandal’ like my parents told me. This abuse transcends borders, age and gender. It is systematic, ingrained within the very structures of the Church. Perhaps it is unfair to claim this is institutional. After all, not all Catholic priests are sex offenders. Institutions have taken steps, however small, to hold abusers accountable. There have been inquiries into sexual abuse in the Church with a court recently approving a $323 million settlement for abuse victims. Many priests have been forced to resign and in 2005, the ‘Ferns Report,’ an inquiry into allegations of clerical sexual abuse in Ireland, led to an apology from the Irish Prime Minister Brian Cowan and a promise to reform the Irish social service system. Such news fills me with hope. Whilst the historical abuse of children and vulnerable adults must not be ignored or neglected, the Bible teaches us to forgive. That hope is crushed when I see another article of another priest abusing another child in another country. That hope is destroyed even further when I read of how the Church has covered up another scandal. The Bible teaches us to forgive, but certain actions are unforgivable. The Church has apologized, but apologies mean nothing without incremental change. Further, are they really sorry, or are they just sorry they got caught? The most harrowing aspect to these cycles of abuse is that the Church was not unaware—they knew it was happening. So many of the Churches that housed these abusers knew. They knew and they did not care. In many prominent cases from all over the world, it has come to light that information surrounding abuse was intentionally suppressed. Take the 2010 Karadima case in Chile, for example, wherein Fernando Karadima, a Chilean Catholic priest, was accused of sexually abusing boys as early as 1984. Yet when it was found that these accusations were true, the Archbishop of Santiago, Karadima’s superior, took no action. In 2011, the Vatican found Karadima guilty of sexual and psychological abuse and he was forced into retirement and denied practice as a priest under the punishment of a ‘life of prayer and penance.’ Realistically, this was a slap on the wrist, as Karadima had no legal action against him due to the statute of limitations. Another example is from the United States, where on 29 December 2019, it was exposed that multiple bishops had withheld hundreds of names from the accused clergy list. Further, on 6 March 2020, an investigation by the Houston Chronicle and ProPublica revealed that the Catholic Church moved more than 50 accused clergy to other countries to avoid consequences for sex abuse. The story varies from country to country, but the patterns that emerge are the same: abuse has effectively been condoned, creating a system where clergy members think they can act without consequences and where victims are discouraged from coming forward. The hierarchical nature of the Church—characterized by a chain of command, has often led to an environment that leans towards mishandling and concealment of cases regarding sexual abuse. As in such a structure, the clergy and senior officials, the abusers, are protected by layers of secrecy. This system has long protected the reputation of the Church and loyalty over transparency and accountability, as many clergy members have been shunned from Church social circles, not for abuse, but for standing up for the abused. Likewise, it has meant that instead of being imprisoned perpetrators are simply reassigned. With a history of payouts, victims are compelled not to tell their stories. Further, in most religious communities, going against God is seen as blasphemous. Priests and Clergy members are meant to be his representatives, thus there is shame associated with questioning Church executives. Dissent or accusations towards Church members, especially high-ranking ones, can feel like a betrayal, promoting fear of condemnation or even eternal punishment. It is similar to why people tend not to testify against family members— there is a sense of loyalty. Loyalty not only to the Church, but to God and unless the victim wholly rejects religion, it can be hard for them to escape cycles of abuse. Likewise, it is not uncommon for priests and clergy members to have genuine relationships with their victims, acting as father figures to vulnerable children. For some, the Church becomes their family. “Seeing him in shackles and an orange jumpsuit, people asked me, ‘Why don’t you hate him? Why don’t you want to hurt him?’ Well, I do. But at the same time, I have some really strong conflicting feelings. It’s not hard to love the man that he was before he did what he did.” ~ Jim VanSickle The Vatican wishes for a “path of redemption,” which is how the narrative shifts. The very ones inflicting shame on the children they hurt, the ones seen as ‘holy’, now asking, begging, for forgiveness with statements of ‘pain’, of ‘regret’, of ‘institutional failings.’ But it is too late. You can not take back the suffering and erase the harm caused by the hands that touched perniciously. “Then, the next thing you know, he's reaching over there, touching you. You're asleep, wake up and somebody is touching you. I just remember freezing, frozen, kind of out of body.” ~ Mark Belenchia The Catholic Church has committed a heinous crime, the crime of failing generations, from Australia to Ireland, Rome to New York . In a way, the Church has failed not just the abused but its followers as a whole. When I think of God and Christianity, I feel loved, but when I think of the Catholic Church and the abuse of children, that emotion is replaced by disgust. These scandals, especially the failure to do anything about it, taints my religion and no amount of holy water can wash away the sins now ingrained in its very foundations. “I always listened as they said ‘lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil' but they were bestowing evil upon us at the same time” ~ Alicia Sample How can believers trust an institution that continuously lies? How can they trust an institution that fails to live by the teachings of the word it claims to follow? How can one believe in the good, in the charity of an institution that causes so much pain? I am not suggesting the Church is inherently flawed, after all I still am a Christian and I still believe in the Church, but there is no denying the wrongdoings of its executive. The question is whether the Church will confront the sin lying in its foundation—for an institution like the Church cannot stand if it hides the rot within.

< Back Setting Precedents – Greece’s LGBTQ+ Rights Triumph and France’s Landmark for Abortion Rights By Maria Eirini Liodi March 31, 2024 Cause for celebration comes in the past months, as Greece became the first Orthodox Christian-majority country to legalize same-sex marriage and France enshrined the right to abortion within its constitution. Amid tense discussions on upcoming U.S. elections, multiple ongoing conflicts, and protests of all sorts recently setting central Europe ablaze, perhaps a moment of appreciation for these two recent ‘wins’ could be uplifting. On February 15, 2024, following months of deliberation, Greece emerged as a triumphant example of LGBTQ+ representation within the Southern European region. Despite opposition from the Orthodox Church and members of the political right, the measure was passed by the parliament with 176 voting in favor and 76 against, legalizing same-sex marriage and granting same-sex couples’ adoption rights as well. Granting the right to marriage translates into recognizing LGBTQ+ couples and children's rights on an equal footing within their familial structure. For those who remained unconvinced as to why equal marriage rights are important, various studies conducted over the years support the reality. One such example published in the National Library of Medicine, indicates that same-sex marriage constitutes an issue of public health, delineating clearly that: “ Being in a legally recognized same-sex relationship, marriage in particular, appeared to diminish mental health differentials between heterosexuals and lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons (in the study). ” Greece has been one of the relatively liberal countries on LGBTQ+ rights in Southern Europe, considering homosexuality had long been decriminalized in 1951, and same-sex civil unions were legalized in 2015. However, given the persisting tragedies of hate crimes against members of the LGBTQ+ community, it is important to keep striving for equal rights and protection for all the country’s citizens. As notably stated by the country’s Prime Minister on X, this moment is “a milestone for human rights” in Greece. As the 16th European Union country to legalize same-sex unions, following Estonia earlier in January of this year, Greece can serve as a precedent for other countries in the region that beyond civil unions, remain more conservative on the matter. Across the continent, France marked its own historic milestone on March 4, 2024, shifting the global narrative toward progressive social change. France has become the first country to enshrine the right to abortion within their constitutional framework. Why is this significant, given that abortion has been legalized since 1975 in France? Ensuing the U.S. Supreme Court’s disruptive downturn in deciding to overturn Roe v. Wade, activists both within the U.S. and elsewhere around the world have responded in an uproar. As of January of this year, twenty-one states prohibit abortion or restrict the procedure to earlier in the pregnancy than the standards set by Roe v. Wade. Women with pregnancy complications or subjects of rape still have to illegally or unsafely deal with this issue. Abortion is a human rights issue, and France has made it clear that “guaranteed freedom” to abortion is vital. In celebration, the Eiffel Tower was lit up with the words “ mon corps mon choix”, my body my choice, clearly delineating the stance the country has taken and continues to take for women. There have been debates on why Macron’s government decided to enshrine this right within the constitution, considering the pre-existing laws safeguarding abortion in France. Is this merely a political stunt? An effort to win popular support? Whatever the case on this front, one thing remains steadfast – laws can change. Putting this right within its constitution, France is providing a long-term safeguard for its women today, tomorrow and for future generations. This step serves as a statement; one which can be an important example for other nations, especially during an era where certain countries are facing regressive shifts in reproductive policies. By codifying this essential freedom, France is challenging deeply ingrained patriarchal structures – after all, what does a state say to its female citizens today if it does not permit them bodily autonomy and protection? Amid grim news feeds, Greece and France shed light on a progressive path toward more equitable societies. Let’s hope these victories resonate globally, prompting policy change toward acceptance and autonomy.

The global energy crisis began in October 2021 with the backdrop of resurgent demand from the re-opening of economies following the Covid-19 pandemic. There is no doubt that recent energy politics has certainly provided a fair wind for both Egypt and Israel. < Back Egypt and Israel: Quiet Beneficiaries of the Energy Crisis By Noor Ahmad October 31, 2022 The global energy crisis began in October 2021 with the backdrop of resurgent demand from the re-opening of economies following the Covid-19 pandemic. In 2021, China’s post-Covid recovery led to a demand for gas that is said to have risen by 8.4 percent. Gas imports are set to increase by 20 percent to satisfy this demand, resulting in less gas available for import to many European countries from gulf countries, such as Qatar, who could not ramp up natural gas supplies to Europe, as they were committed to their long-term contracts with Asian countries. The other major event that undoubtedly catalyzed the energy crisis was the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Russia supplied around 40 percent of the European Union’s gas consumption by pipeline, and the 75 percent cut to supply has significantly affected European countries which have relied on Russian gas for years. Russia started to reduce its supply of gas in 2021 on the pretext of maintenance to its major gas pipelines into Europe. This accelerated in the early part of 2022, when gas flow reduced by about 40 percent through the Nord Stream 1 pipeline, one of the major conduits of gas from Russia to Europe. By July of this year, the flow of gas through Nord Stream 1 was reduced to 20 percent of its capacity. On Sept. 30, a series of under-water explosions damaged both Nord stream 1 and 2 pipelines, most likely the result of sabotage. The union has not published its findings, but many suspect Russia to be the culprit. Amidst this chaos, two unexpected beneficiaries have been Egypt and Israel. The benefits have not only been economic but also political. Egypt, following the major discovery of offshore gas in 2015 by the Italian company ENI in the Zohr gas field, has been investing in its scope for exportation through the development of its gas liquefaction capacity. Liquefied natural gas has become a major method of transporting gas where piping gas is not possible. According to reports, Egypt now ranks in the top ten countries in the world with gas exporting capacity. Part of this success is due to its links with Israel through the Arab Gas Pipeline, which is used by Israel to export piped gas to Egypt for liquefaction and then is re-exported. Israel has become a significant gas exporter in recent years. It relies on its two major gas fields, Tamar and Leviathan, both offshore fields off its coast. Leviathan, which was discovered in 2010, has the capacity to supply Israel’s domestic needs for the next 40 years. Tamar gained significance around the same time. Most recently, in 2022, 60 billion cubic meters of gas was discovered in the Olympus Area, also in the Mediterranean. By some estimates, Israel, which currently exports 10 million cubic meters a year, has the capacity to more than double this in the coming years by investing further. For both countries, the rising price of gas and their export capacity have provided much needed hard currency to support their economies. Egypt’s economy has been severely impacted by rising commodity prices, particularly wheat, which is a mainstay for its population’s bread consumption. At the same time, sanctions on Russia have affected Egypt’s tourism industry, which relies on Russian tourists. In Israel’s case, a recent report published by the Ministry of Energy showed Israel’s profits from natural gas increased by almost 50 percent. Eleven percent of royalties from revenues from natural gas go directly to the treasury to fund state expenditure. Beyond this, Israel set up its own sovereign wealth fund, The Israeli Citizens’ Fund, to benefit from the increase in gas production; it raises its revenues from taxing excess profits. After a disappointing start, the fund, according to the Israeli Tax Authorities, was expected to collect between 300-$500 million dollars a year over the next decade. This turned out to be very conservative given that it raised 500 million dollars in less than three months in 2022. This fund will be invested for future generations, in line with how other sovereign wealth funds operate around the world. Beyond economics, the two countries’ geopolitical situations have also benefited. The European Union signed a trilateral Memorandum of Understanding between Egypt, Israel and itself in June 2022 to increase the export of Israeli gas. What has surprised many has been the union’s silence on the values it has held so dear for many years. Both Egypt and Israel have been targeted for various humanitarian issues – the Egyptian military regime’s treatment of dissenters is well documented. Moreover, the union has been historically vocal about Israel’s settlements and occupation of Palestinian territories and. It has been widely noted that the memorandum signed was the first in which the union failed to mention the Palestinian territories. A question was raised on the matter in the union’s parliament to the European Commission on the subject. A response on July 28, 2022 to the question, given by the Vice-President of the commission, Borrell Fontelles, stated that as this is a non-binding agreement, no territorial clause was deemed necessary. And while the union recommitted to abiding by United Nations Security Council resolution 2334, which calls for its member states to distinguish between the territory of the State of Israel and the territories occupied since 1967, the omission in this instance is unusual. There is no doubt that energy politics has certainly provided a fair wind for both Egypt and Israel.

For Iran it was an illegal assassination of a national hero; For the United States a justified pre-emptive attack on a terrorist. For the millions of civilians who reside within the Gulf region, it meant fear of what could be a death sentence by two powerful states in their unending quest for hegemony. < Back Iran and the United States: Fighting for Hegemony at the Cost of Civilian Lives By Emilia Kohlmeyer January 30, 2022 For Iran it was an illegal assassination of a national hero; For the United States a justified pre-emptive attack on a terrorist. For the millions of civilians who reside within the Gulf region, it meant fear of what could be a death sentence by two powerful states in their unending quest for hegemony. For the international community, it is a painful reminder of its continuous failure to uphold international law. January 3 marked the two-year anniversary of the US-led assassination of Iranian military commander Qasem Soleimani. Soleimani was commander of the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and on a diplomatic mission in Baghdad when he was killed by a US drone strike on the 3rd January 2020. This triggered counter strikes by Iranian forces on US bases in Iraq, injuring thousands of military staff. In Iran, thousands of mourners have marched in protest to what their government deems as “military adventurism”or reckless military strategies by the United States within the region. This is accompanied by Iraqi demands for the final withdrawal of US forces from their territory. The States legally justified the strike as anticipatory self-defense, however it was immediately disputed that the danger Soleimani represented was “instant, overwhelming, and leaving no choice of means, and no moment of deliberation.” They failed to provide concrete evidence of an imminent threat, in effect failing to justify the principle of self-defense. The United Nations special rapporteur for investigating extrajudicial and summary executions, Agnes Callamard, concluded, “Even at the most basic level, the U.S. did not demonstrate that striking Suleimani was ‘necessary.’” Furthermore, Iraq did not consent to the strike; therefore it concretely violated its sovereignty. Two years later, Iran’s continuous calls for action to the United Nations and Interpol sanctions on those responsible remain unanswered. International law should exist to provide a set of rules by which everyone is required to abide, despite one’s power or influence. It sets the basis for equality amongst states and their people, which is the foundation of conflict-resolution between multiple parties. When there is no consequence to the violation of said law for states which are considerably more powerful, international law fails to address its entire purpose:equal accountability. The assassination of Qasem Soleimani therefore set a dangerous precedent, highlighting that if powerful states such as the U.S. desire to bend the law according to their interests, they face no consequences. Why should other states therefore abide by the law at all? It could neither be considered fair nor necessary. This neglect of an accepted set of rules can endanger millions of civilian lives. In this particular instance, with the increasingly downright insulting rhetoric of both Iran and the States towards each other, armed conflict did not seem unlikely. Maybe Iraq would once again become the playground of the powerful – after all, strikes from both sides took place there. The ones who bear the burden of transgression from either side are innocent civilians, who are not even citizens of the perpetrating countries. They would share the same fate as Syrians, whose home is subject to a pissing contest between powerful states. The dangerous consequences of this fight for regional hegemony indicate that the current global mechanisms which are in place to protect civilians have failed to fulfill their duty. The pick-and-choose of which nation receives sanctions for its actions continues to allow a disproportionate exercise of power — often by countries that do not even lay within the region they seek to control. The guise of spreading human rights and global peace by such states can no longer serve as justification for foreign intervention. The international community cannot continue to accept it as such. Therefore, it is of increasing importance to hold officials of our own countries — and the organizations in which they participate – accountable. For too long this region has been a playground for the powerful at the expense of innocent lives. Two years have passed, and I am back in Qatar sitting in conversation with friends who have seen their homes fall victim to this power play. With the turbulence of COVID-19, many people abroad have forgotten how January 2020 felt. But we still live between 11,000 U.S. troops on the Al-Udeid base mere kilometers from our homes and our neighbor Iran, separated by a flight less than an hour. We joke about the time there was almost a war, but entrenched in our subconscious is the knowledge that any diplomatic misstep can claim our next home.