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< Back Romania: East or West? Amer El-Ibrahim December 31, 2024 More and more Eastern European countries are swept by liminal illiberal parties and rulers, which alienate themselves more and more from the European sphere of influence and tend, vicariously, toward Russia. Slovakia, Bulgaria and Hungary have shown that they sympathize with the Federation, especially through their actions during the ongoing Ukrainian conflict. Following the latest presidential elections in Romania, saying that this statement applies to it as well will increasingly be more difficult. Will it fall prey to the vying tentacles of the Kremlin and join the aforementioned list of countries? The first round of the presidential elections was held on Nov. 24, and the surprising results came out on Nov. 25. The clear winner of this election was Calin Georgescu, a seemingly independent candidate whose main form of publicity was through TikTok. The second candidate in the hierarchy was Elena Lasconi, coming from an ex-anti-system party that strives for anti-corruption. The candidates for the main political parties that have dominated Romanian politics over the last decade, The Social Democratic Party and the National Liberal Party, shockingly failed in getting to the second round of elections. Going back to the winner, Georgescu has made his campaign almost exclusively on TikTok, where he posted himself saying general, mostly false, statements that would greatly appeal to the public, such as the fact that the Ukrainians are getting too much help from the government. His mystical-nationalistic utterances aimed at stirring a very primordial and nonsensical patriotism in his viewers. Additionally, he portrayed himself as a new man, who was not part of the system and who would save the precarious economic and social situation of Romania—in short, a Messiah, another Il Duce on the panoply of history. What is important to observe that the Romanian diaspora has voted mostly for him, and this action/protest became the utter expression of the disgust towards the current political class I state this because Romania is the 17th globally at emmigration rates, with almost 6 million Romanians having decided that living abroad is better than home. However, after the results were released, a considerable amount of incriminating evidence surfaced about Georgescu. He has been a man of the political system since the fall of the Iron Curtain, being part of important ministries, enjoying strong connections with neo-fascist groups and having a campaign funded by foreign state powers, namely Russia. According to Romania’s Secret Services, he also used bots and influencers to secretly promote himself on TikTok. The general consensus regarding his win is the fact that the majority of the population, at home or abroad, is sick and tired of the usual suspects of Romanian politics: the two aforementioned parties and their people. They wanted something new, far away from the perpetual corruption and callousness of the main parties (their candidates refused to participate in any debate, betting on the fact that one of them will get in the second round of elections by default). It was a vote against the system. The ineffectiveness and incompetence of institutions of all kinds have also played a role in this affair. The utter expression of the failure of the Romanian state was the fact that the extremely generously funded Secret Services could not find—or did not want to publish them in due time—any link between Georgescu and the Russians during the presidential campaign, revealing such information three days before the second round of elections. Subsequently, the Constitutional Court of Romania decided the following day to cancel the elections and redo the whole process once again. On a second level, this decision evinces officials’ lack of connection and tact regarding what one would call the “obvious reality.” By cancelling the elections, the Constitutional Court allowed more radicalization and division in society. People who were already disappointed with the state of the nation felt, and that is the best word one can use in this context, that the current power—the status quo— was doing everything in its reach to prevent a transfer of power, thus leaving the impression of an authoritarian kleptomaniac rule and not a democratic one. Regardless of whether the decision to cancel the elections was dictated or not by the government, this impression will last for all subsequent elections. The average citizen feels lost, lied to, abused and distrustful of all information sources and quite justifiably so, since almost all major media outlets have received millions of euros from party coffers. Change was what was wanted, but is this the change we all are striving for? I doubt that.

< Back Turkey Inches Closer to Landmark F-16 Acquisition By Yasmin Abbasoy January 31, 2024 The unending odyssey of the F-16s has perhaps been the most salient conflict in U.S.-Turkey relations in recent years. President Erdoğan’s 2021 request to purchase 40 of these jets along with a number of upgrade kits for its existing fleet introduced a significant point of leverage to the traditionally strained relations between the two states – one which has been maneuvered to apply to almost every aspect of foreign policy since. Recent dramatic developments in global politics have also drawn the uneasy allies closer in some arenas and further out in others. A common interpretation of the Turkish request is that it was made as a sort of last-resort bid for U.S. loyalty – a final chance for the U.S. to step up as Turkey’s most important ally, and the endmost bulwark against the culmination of a potential Turkish pivot to Russia. The concept of a F-16 sale did after all materialize as a reaction to Turkey’s ejection from the F-35 joint fighter program, a network of U.S. NATO allies which have been funding the development of the new-generation planes with the eventual hope of integrating them into their defense apparatus, which came about as a result of the purchase of the Russian S-400 system on Turkey’s part. The justification for this purchase, which triggered a harsh round of sanctions, was U.S. reticence on the transfer of the F-35 planes, mostly in reaction to Turkey’s aggressive conduct in Cyprus and Greece. The delay in the F-16 sale did not truly materialize in a turn eastward for Turkey, mostly due to the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Erdoğan did, however, take a more subdued stance on Russian aggression than many of its NATO allies, keeping comparatively closer ties with Putin that allowed Turkey to host potential peace negotiations in 2022. Furthermore, Turkey has kept itself relatively well-integrated with Russia, as demonstrated by the significant increase in trade between the two countries post-invasion. Given the outsized presence of Russia in the U.S.-Turkey relationship, it is fitting that Russia would be the nation to indirectly provide Turkey with its most important bargaining chip vis-a-vis the United States. The invasion of Ukraine brought the concept of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) strength and unity to the forefront of the global political consciousness, which contributed in large part to Finland and Sweden applying for membership. Potential members must be approved by all existing NATO nations, as happened to Finland. Sweden, however, was a tougher sell: it had an unofficial arms embargo on Turkey and had previously provoked ire from Turkey on its allegedly permissive attitude towards the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, which it sees as a separatist terrorist organisation. Using these justifications, Turkey has been able to delay the ratification of Sweden’s membership indefinitely, dealing an important blow to the conception of a strong, united NATO that the U.S. has been central in promoting. Significant progress has recently been made. In light of security guarantees from Sweden, the Foreign Commission of the Turkish Parliament has approved the membership bid. This means the ratification is now able to be put to a vote in the assembly, in which Erdoğan and his allies hold a majority. Afterwards, Erdoğan must sign the bill into law in order to end a full 19 months of continuous delays to the process. Erdoğan has, since the beginning of the process, been very careful in emphasizing the role of the F-16s in the ratification procedure–the ratification is widely interpreted as a form of concession to the United States, one which deserves some sort of recompense. It was not, however, the end-all of this diplomatic snag until very recently. The past few weeks have seen a revealing shift in Turkish rhetoric regarding the potential sale: officials have always been quick to point out their discontent with what they have seen as an unfair conflation between the ratification and the F-16 deal on the part of the Biden Administration, with Erdoğan himself calling the rhetoric “deeply upsetting.” The Department of Defense has been forced to clarify that no such linkage between the two topics has been officially acknowledged. The beginning of December, however, saw Erdoğan tying progress on the ratification to the F-16 sale, mentioning his expectations of further steps from the Biden Administration in exchange for his own work in the Turkish parliament. Biden has consistently been very supportive of the sale, having already unofficially informed Congress and expressing an intention to complete the sale repeatedly. The primary obstacle is the attitudes of key figures in Congress, who have been characteristically reticent about supplying Turkey with more weapons. Key members of the committees engaged with foreign affairs work in both the House and the Senate have cautioned that the approval for Swedish membership will not be enough for Turkey to secure the jets it has been seeking for so long, which has been a major point of concern for Ankara. Politicians on both sides of the aisle have more than sufficient basis for their worries, however, as Turkey’s recent military maneuvers have done little to endear it to the Americans. In Azerbaijan, Turkey provided political support to the ethnic cleansing of the 120,000 ethnic-Armenian citizens of the breakaway Republic of Artsakh, which had been situated within Azerbaijani borders in the region of Nagorno-Karabakh. This put it in direct opposition to the US and other Western partners, who all roundly condemned the events. In Northern Syria, Turkey has been battering civilian infrastructure such as power stations and hydraulic plants in response to a terror attack in the vicinity of the National Assembly which was claimed by the Kurdistan Workers’ Party. Turkey has also targeted the Syrian Defense Forces, U.S. allies which are considered to be linked to terrorist organizations by Turkey. Furthermore, Turkish action close to a U.S. base in the area resulted in the unprecedented downing of a Turkish drone. Turkey has also had a historically strained relationship with Greece, having an established record of invading Greek airspace with political motivations and the eventual goal of normalizing its unique and expansionist conception of maritime borders. As Congress seems unwilling to be persuaded on the matter, Erdoğan has pivoted to place even more importance on the ratification process as a large concession on the part of Ankara. If Washington responds favorably to these developments, the long-debated F-16 sale could finally materialize, marking a new chapter in the complex dynamic between the two nations.

Prenant tous ces éléments en compte, il est possible de voir l'extrême droite non pas comme le mal mais simplement un des symptômes d’une Europe fragmentée et dont une grande part des populations doutent aussi. < Back L’Union Européenne confrontée à elle même By Anna Halpern December 31, 2023 Qu’est-ce que l’Union Européenne? Cette question devient de plus en plus cruciale avec la montée au pouvoir de partis d'extrême droite qui ne soutiennent pas forcément l’UE et qui divisent l’Union de plus en plus. Le Brexit était un premier signal très flagrant et un “wake up call” pour l’Union Européenne, mais la question de sa viabilité et de son futur est de plus en plus pressante. Entre ceux qui prônent une centralisation et un fédéralisme Européen et ceux qui veulent sa dissolution, où va t-on? Cette question de la structure européenne est apparue après la chute de l’Union Sovietique et l'expansion sans précédent de l'Union Européenne vers l’Est avec notamment l’élargissement de 2004 à 10 pays, passant de 15 à 25 membres. Cet élargissement est un moment charnière pour l’opposition à l'Europe, car il a permis de développer la notion que l’Europe avait perdu son but/raison d’être d'après-guerre et s'était élargie à des pays ayant une histoire politique et une économie très différente. A cela s'ajoutent les crises migratoires et économiques auxquelles toute l’Europe fait face, surlignant des divisions de fond. Ces divisions sont les fondements des tiraillements que l’on peut observer aujourd’hui. Je me dois de souligner que je ne peux pas répondre à cette question, mais il faut les garder en tête en regardant la montée historique de l’extrême droite en Europe. En effet, l’année 2022 seule a vu Giorgia Meloni monter au pouvoir en Italie, le grand succès du bloc d'extrême droite en Suède ainsi qu’un score historique pour le Rassemblement National en France. Les finlandais et les néerlandais ont eux aussi témoigné une montée de l'extrême droite en 2023. Ceci a des impacts non seulement sur la politique de ces pays, notamment en Italie où le débat fait rage sur les propositions de changement de la constitution amenées par le gouvernement Meloni, mais aussi sur l’Union Européenne. En effet, l’UE apparaît de plus en plus divisée. Face à la guerre en Ukraine et à la problématique migratoire, les pays européens se divisent entre les pays gouvernés par l'extrême droite et le reste de l'Europe. Cette divergence fait aussi et surtout rage sur les sujets de la démocratie et la protection des libertés fondamentales avec l’affrontement entre l’Union Européenne et la Hongrie et la Pologne au sujet de tendances autoritaires que ces pays ont progressivement adoptées (notamment la libertée de la presse et la séparation des pouvoirs sont sous pression), culminant en une confrontation juridique. En de tels temps, des questions se posent sur la viabilité de l’UE telle qu’on la connaît. Néanmoins, il serait trop facile de blâmer l'extrême droite pour tous les maux de l'Europe. En effet, les ressentiments se sont fait sentir de toutes parts, notamment après 2008 dans les pays d’Europe de l’ouest tels que la Grande Bretagne dont la population avait le sentiment de trop cotiser et de ne pas en bénéficier autant, créant la base de l’argument pro-Brexit. D’autant plus que la tendance vers la droite n’est pas universelle dans les pays membres avec l’exemple de l’élection de Donald Tusk, du parti pro-UE, comme premier ministre en Pologne, un changement radical par rapport à la dernière administration. Prenant tous ces éléments en compte, il est possible de voir l'extrême droite non pas comme le mal mais simplement un des symptômes d’une Europe fragmentée et dont une grande part des populations doutent aussi. Ces doutes vont très certainement influencer les résultats des élections européennes de juin.

The Oscars, once regarded as the highest award form of artistic recognition, have increasingly been subject to scrutiny over their selection process, inclusivity and cultural relevance. While the ceremony continues to attract global attention for viewers tuning in from all over the globe, one cannot help but ask: is the Academy truly honoring the best in cinema, or is it simply reinforcing the industry’s biases and political inclinations? < Back A Review of the Oscars Nil Celik March 31, 2025 “No one mourns the wicked” is the opening number of Wicked , the Broadway musical that made its highly anticipated transition to film this year. Wicked was all people talked about , especially after wondering why Ariana Grande and Cynthia Erivo were crying constantly in interviews. The movie, intended to highlight society’s tendency to make a villain out of those who challenge norms, feels especially relevant when assessing the 2025 Academy Awards. The Oscars, once regarded as the highest award form of artistic recognition, have increasingly been subject to scrutiny over their selection process, inclusivity and cultural relevance. While the ceremony continues to attract global attention for viewers tuning in from all over the globe, one cannot help but ask: is the Academy truly honoring the best in cinema, or is it simply reinforcing the industry’s biases and political inclinations? The 97th Academy Awards , held on March 2, 2025, at the Dolby Theatre in Los Angeles, was an event that aimed to celebrate a year of outstanding filmmaking. However, it was also a night filled with predictable victories, controversial choices and moments that highlighted both the strengths and weaknesses of Hollywood today. While independent cinema was seen as a winner in several major categories, particularly with Anora , the awards ceremony also revealed the ongoing tensions between artistic merit and the industry’s tendency to prioritize narratives that align with its current political and cultural discourse. However , after the news that $18 million dollars was spent on “Anora’s” Oscar campaign, marketing and distribution, surpassing the initial budget of $6 million dollars the film was produced with, left viewers divided on whether actual filmmaking wins you the Oscar or if you can just pay your way into winning an award? Hosting the Oscars has become an increasingly difficult task since many hosts tend to face backlash for out of pocket jokes or their inability to engage the audience in more than one way. This year, Conan O’Brien was selected by the Academy to host. Conan’s opening monologue at the 97th Academy Awards addressed the ongoing controversy surrounding Emilia Pérez star Karla Sofía Gascón's past offensive tweets. He stated that the film Anora used the F-word 479 times, "three more than the record set by Karla Sofía Gascón's publicist." O'Brien further joked, advising Gascón that if she planned to tweet about the Oscars, she should remember his name as Jimmy Kimmel, referencing the former Oscars host who had a particularly hard time hosting. A win for independent filmmaking? One of the night's most significant moments was when Anora , an independent film directed by Sean Baker, won the Best Picture category. With a relatively modest budget compared to films within the same category, Anora was an example of powerful storytelling, masterful cinematography and the power of character-driven narratives. In an industry dominated by high-budget studio films, the victory of Anora was a refreshing acknowledgment of artistic integrity over commercial appeal. The Best Actor category has historically been one of the most important categories on the night. Adrien Brody won his second Oscar for his performance in The Brutalist , marking a career-defining comeback after years of relatively low-profile roles. His portrayal of an architect navigating the complexities of post-war trauma was emotionally moving and led the person to reflect, reaffirming his status as one of the most talented actors of his generation. However, the competition in this category was notably weaker than in previous years. While competing nominees delivered strong performances, neither achieved the level of critical or public consensus needed to challenge the dominance of Brody. This raises the question: was Brody’s win truly the result of the best performance, or was it partially influenced by the Academy’s tendency to favor narratives of personal and professional redemption, as seen before in the case of Mickey Rourke’s Oscar loss to Sean Penn in 2009 ? One of the night’s most touching wins was Mikey Madison’s victory in the Best Actress category for Anora. At just 25 years old, Madison delivered a performance that was subtle yet profoundly moving. This indicated her ability to convey complex emotions without the need for theatrical extravagance, showing the subtle side of Hollywood acting. Her win was a rare moment where critical acclaim and audience sentiment aligned. This showed her place in the acting industry as a rising star. However, it also demonstrated a broader shift in acting recognition. The Academy is increasingly rewarding performances that prioritize realism and vulnerability over grand, dramatic gestures. Once bold, Hollywood acting shifting towards a more subtle style had never been seen before. While this shift is admirable, it raises the question of whether high-intensity performances, which have traditionally been favored in this category, are now being overlooked in favor of a more minimalist acting style. The documentary No Other Land received the Best Documentary Feature award, marking a significant moment in Oscar history. The film, co-directed by Palestinian activist and journalist Basel Adra and Israeli journalist Yuval Abraham, showed the ongoing struggles Palestinians face in the occupied West Bank, particularly focusing on the village of Masafer Yatta and the challenges they face due to home demolitions and forced displacements by Israeli settlers. In their acceptance speeches, both directors delivered important messages that resonated deeply with the audience. Basel Adra began by expressing his hopes for his newborn daughter, stating that: "About two months ago, I became a father, and my hope to my daughter is that she will not have to live the same life I am living now, always fearing violence, home demolitions, and displacement that my community is living and facing every day." He further emphasized the film's reflection on the constant difficulties faced by Palestinians, calling on the global community to take decisive action to stop the ongoing injustices and the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people. His message was powerful since the ongoing struggle of the Palestinians was disregarded by most of the people sitting in that audience, who chose to stay silent. Abraham indicated the collaborative nature of the film, emphasizing the power that is derived from joint Palestinian and Israeli efforts, stating: "We made this film, Palestinians and Israelis, we see each other." He underscored the differences in their lives, noting that while he has freedom under civilian law, Adra lives under strict military rule. Yuval Abraham called for a political solution based on equality, respecting the rights of both peoples. He also criticized U.S. foreign policy for blocking progress toward peace, asking a powerful question to stress how their futures are tied together. He asked, "Can't you see that we are intertwined? That my people can be truly safe if Basel's people are truly free and safe?" Their speeches showed the personal impact of the conflict and called on the world to recognize and act on the struggles of Palestinians. One of the most controversial moments was the recognition of Emilia Pérez . It is a film that mixed crime, gender identity and musical elements in a way that left audiences divided. While it earned multiple nominations, many questioned whether its wins were based on artistic merit or Hollywood’s growing focus on social and political messaging. The Mexican community voiced strong criticism, arguing that the film misrepresented their culture and reinforced harmful stereotypes rather than offering an authentic portrayal. The Best Supporting Actress win for Zoë Saldaña was also met with backlash, with many feeling her performance, while good, was not the strongest in the category. Adding to the awkwardness, one of the film’s winners broke into a strange, off-key song during the acceptance speech, confusing the audience and turning the moment into a viral moment. Furthermore, Conan O’Brien’s jokes about Karla Sofía Gascón’s past offensive tweets further highlighted the tensions surrounding the film, showing a contrast between the so-called "message" that was trying to be delivered. The 97th Academy Awards were filled with victories, controversy and loss that identified the complex nature of filmmaking. While the victory of Anora paved the way for independent filmmaking, the controversy involving Emilia Pérez indicated concerns regarding authenticity and the true nature of inclusivity. In the end, we were left with an important question: Are the awards truly about great filmmaking, or do outside influences shape the winners? Photo source: Adarshy Upadhy, Flickr

Si la guerre en Afghanistan a montré que vaincre des terroristes islamistes dans des terrains montagneux est un objectif difficile à atteindre, la Seconde Guerre mondiale nous rappelle que, lorsque la guerre est inévitable, il vaut mieux la mener tant que l’on dispose d’une supériorité militaire écrasante et ne pas céder aux menaces des extrémistes. < Back Attaques des Houthis en mer Rouge : une escalade est-elle inévitable? By Jonathan Smidtas Schalita January 31, 2024 Les Houthis refont parler d’eux. Alors que le monde semblait les avoir oubliés, ces acteurs de la chaotique guerre au Yémen ont détourné le 19 novembre un navire et pris en otage ses 25 membres d’équipage. Ils multiplient les tirs de missiles et de drones sur des navires marchands en mer Rouge et ont ciblé une frégate française le 9 décembre. Les impacts de ces attaques sont importants, tant sur le plan économique que politique, et une nouvelle intervention occidentale se dessine dans la région. Les Houthis, groupe rebelle chiite en conflit avec le gouvernement yéménite depuis les années 2000, ont montré leur puissance avec la conquête de la capitale Sanaa en 2014. L’intervention d'une coalition menée par l'Arabie Saoudite en 2015 n’a pas réussi à éliminer la menace posée par les Houthis, et a entraîné une catastrophe humanitaire du fait, notamment, du blocus saoudien. Soutenus par l'Iran, les Houthis se positionnent dans un "axe de la résistance" anti-occidental et anti-israélien, avec un slogan marquant leur idéologie islamiste terroriste : “Dieu est le plus grand, Mort à l’Amérique, Mort à Israël, Malédiction sur les Juifs, victoire à l’Islam” Dans le contexte de la guerre opposant Israël au Hamas, les Houthis ont lancé des missiles et des drones en direction du territoire israélien, mais ces attaques ont été contrées, tantôt par les forces israéliennes, américaines et saoudiennes, les missiles et drones violant parfois l’espace aérien saoudien. À ce jour, elles n’ont pas entrainé de riposte israélienne, qui est davantage préoccupé par les opérations militaires à Gaza contre le Hamas et à la frontière libanaise contre le Hezbollah, deux groupes alliés aux Houthis. L’Arabie Saoudite n’a pas non répliqué, le pays craignant une escalade alors qu’une trêve est observée depuis plusieurs mois avec les Houthis, qui disposent d’un arsenal capable de frapper durement les infrastructures civiles et pétrolières saoudiennes. Les attaques contre des navires en mer perturbent gravement le commerce maritime, qui pour 40% transite par la mer Rouge. Elles ont conduit plusieurs armateurs à emprunter le Cap de Bonne-Espérance en longeant les côtes africaines plutôt que d’emprunter la mer Rouge pour rejoindre la Méditerranée en passant par le canal de Suez. Les trajets sont plus longs et donc plus coûteux. Les primes d’assurance sur les navires empruntant la mer Rouge ont également fortement augmenté, ce qui entraînant un surcoût considérable pour les livraisons. Tout cela provoque des retards de livraison et une augmentation des coûts de transport, rappelant à certains égards la crise logistique du blocage du canal de Suez en 2021. L'Égypte est peut-être le pays qui risque le plus d’être déstabilisé par les actions des Houthis. Elle dépend grandement des revenus du canal de Suez, qui assure le passage entre la mer Méditerranée et la mer Rouge. Le canal lui a rapporté plus de huit milliards d’euros sur l’année fiscale précédente. Le pays est plongé dans une crise économique aiguë, avec une inflation à près de 40% et une dette qui ne cesse de se creuser. La perte de ces rentrées fiscales pourrait avoir des impacts désastreux sur un pays faisant face à de nombreux défis. Conscient des enjeux sous-jacents aux attaques d es Houthis, les États-Unis ont mis en place une coalition afin de défendre le commerce en mer Rouge. À l’heure où ces lignes sont écrites, une dizaine de pays l’ont rejointe. Pour l’instant, cette coalition se contente de détruire les missiles et les drones envoyés par les Houthis contre des navires. Cependant, la disproportion des coûts entre les moyens d'attaque des Houthis et les systèmes de défense de la coalition soulève des questions sur l'efficacité et la viabilité financière d'une telle réponse. Un drone Shahed iranien, utilisé par les Houthis, coûte environ 20 000 dollars alors qu’un missile antiaérien Aster de fabrication franco-italienne se chiffre à plus d’un million d’euros. Dans un article paru le 3 janvier, Le Canard enchaîné révèle que la France envisage sérieusement une opération militaire offensive contre les Houthis au Yémen. Le président Macron aurait déclaré à des proches qu’ « il est probable q u’on ne se limitera pas à des actions défensives». Une interventio n militaire risque d'avoir des conséquences imprévues sur une région déjà instable. Dans le même temps, les chancelleries occidentales sont dans l’impossibilité de laisser les Houthis continuer à perturber l’économie mondiale et à constituer un foyer de déstabilisation dans la région. Il n’est pas impossible qu’une concentration importante de troupes au large des côtes du Yémen couplée à des menaces directes vis-à-vis de l’Iran, qui est le principal soutien des Houthis, puissent convaincre les Houthis de cesser leurs attaques et qu’une désescalade s’enclenche. Cependant, il convient de s’interroger sur l’intérêt de cette dernière. Cela permettrait à l’Iran de continuer à renforcer l’arsenal des Houthis, déjà capables de provoquer d’importantes nuisances. Dans la perspective d’une escalade future avec l’Iran, un scénario plausible, il serait dans l’intérêt des États-Unis et de leurs alliés d’éliminer auparavant les milices pro-iraniennes présentes au Moyen-Orient. La guerre opposant Israël au Hamas à Gaza aboutira vraisemblablement à la neutralisation du potentiel militaire du groupe palestinien. Si la guerre de basse intensité opposant Israël au Hezbollah le long de la frontière libanaise s’intensifie, cela pourrait mener à la destruction des capacités offensives de l’organisation terroriste libanaise à moyen terme. La voie serait alors ouverte à une attaque contre les sites nucléaires de l’Iran qui continue son programme de développement nucléaire en dépit des sanctions occidentales. Les capacités de représailles de ce dernier seront somme toute limitées. Néanmoins, deux freins subsistent à toute opération offensive majeure contre les Houthis. D’abord, les opinions publiques pacifiques des pays occidentaux, qui ne souhaitent pas voir leurs pays s’engager dans une nouvelle guerre au Moyen-Orient. Ensuite, les capacités militaires limitées des États-Unis et de leurs alliés, qui doivent dans le même temps renforcer leur présence en Europe de l’Est et du Nord face à la Russie et en Asie-Pacifique face à la Chine, ainsi que soutenir l’Ukraine en lui fournissant du matériel militaire. Si la guerre en Afghanistan a montré que vaincre des terroristes islamistes dans des terrains montagneux est un objectif difficile à atteindre, la Seconde Guerre mondiale nous rappelle que, lorsque la guerre est inévitable, il vaut mieux la mener tant que l’on dispose d’une supériorité militaire écrasante et ne pas céder aux menaces des extrémistes.

The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. < Back Association Feature: Feminist Union By Zélie Savinien September 30, 2021 The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. To do so, we organize multiple events such as the consent talks at the beginning of the year or octobre rose (Pink October.) We want everyone to feel included in this association, so if you have any questions, do not hesitate to contact us on our social medias!

My mom got breast cancer when I was ten and, although she is the strongest human I possibly know, I got to see how much it destroyed her. To face an illness which makes you stand on a thin, thin line between life and death is one hell of a changing experience. < Back Pink October: Let’s Run for a Cause By Wang Di October 30, 2021 One event worth featuring this month was the “Octobre Rose,” or Pink October event, jointly organized by our very own Feminist Union (FU) and the Bureau des Sports (BDS) of the SciencesPo Menton campus. On October 3, a fundraising sale and run took place in Menton, with the support of the Institut du Cancer de Montpellier, for the student population to raise awareness on breast cancer prevention and diagnosis, as well as donating to the cause. The event consisted of merchandise and food sales that began at Bastion from the late morning, culminating in a 4km run/walk to the Italian border post and back to Bastion. Even as it began to pour at the beginning of the run, the organizers and participants were undeterred and remained determined to complete the 4km route. Despite the odds, the runners completed the run and were able to support a good cause. The mood back at Bastion after the run was ecstatic. Below is an interview with Cloé Azria (Co-President of the FU) and Samanéa Rousseau (President of the BDS) on their motivations and experiences in organizing the Octobre Rose event. The interview has been lightly edited for the purpose of this feature: What is your objective of organizing the October Rose event? What is the beneficiary organization, and which other student associations did the FU partner with to achieve this aim? Cloé : Organizing Octobre Rose has been one of my most beautiful projects as breast cancer is a cause that I really care about. Breast cancer is and must remain a matter of common concern. It is not just about women and girls suffering from a disease which can be potentially treated, it is a cause which can affect our friends, our sisters, our mothers or any other woman on this earth. It is thus important to remember that breast cancer is the most common cancer among women and the second most common in the world after prostate cancer. After spending my summer as a volunteer at a cancer patient support centre, I really understood the terrible stakes of this disease. This is why I wanted to unify the students of Menton around such a beautiful and touching subject. In addition, as I used to participate in the Pink October races in Montpellier, the idea of doing a similar event in Menton could not be more evident. My aim: organizing a “not serious” race for a serious cause (What I mean by these words is a fun run which supports a very serious cause). As I couldn’t organize Octobre Rose last year because of Covid 19 and the sanitary situation, I was more than eager to concretize my project. As one of the Co-Presidents of the Feminist Union and Vice-President of the BDS, it became obvious that the run would be a collaboration between the two associations, especially with Samanéa, the President of the BDS, who has been a great help in both organization and realization of the event! Samanéa : I think we can all agree that breast cancer overall is a very important cause which must be fought for. It represents a very special cause to me because I got to see the effects it can hold both mentally and physically on one individual. My mom got breast cancer when I was ten and, although she is the strongest human I possibly know, I got to see how much it destroyed her. We tend to think that the diagnosis and the treatment are the hardest to go through yet the step after you are finished is even harder – especially as a woman – to accept her body after breast cancer. Once the treatments are done, once you have been accommodated with chemo, radiotherapy, the tons of operations and ins and outs at the hospitals, getting back into the real world; to your job, to social gatherings... To run basically any task once you go through something that so drastically and unexpectedly changed you is the hardest. You never can really heal from cancer. It takes acceptance and faith to take back your life where you “left” it and I admire my mom- and all these women- that are going through or have gone through a breast cancer suspicion or diagnosis. Pink October is the occasion for celebrating the little but giant fighters that these women are -because let me tell you that- to face an illness which makes you stand on a thin, thin line between life and death is one hell of a changing experience. Pink October is the occasion to raise funds for the foundations supporting these women during their treatments, the hospitals, the NGOs, the research institutes helping the treatments improve. Pink October is also the occasion to raise awareness amongst men and women. I am one of many who has seen a loved one go through a cancer diagnosis so please share the information. Ladies check up on yourselves, men make sure your surroundings know about this cause and how important check-ups are. It is never a fun topic but truly, the earlier you notice it, the better. That is what Pink October is about. That is what the pink ribbon means. When Cloé came to me with the plan of organizing an event containing a race for Pink October, the matter was set, and I was thrilled to put my BDS board and myself to collaborate with the Feminist Union on this cause. What is the greatest challenge you have faced in organizing this event? Cloé : Even though the organization was a bit complex as I had to face challenges regarding logistics, the city, the stands, the day... It was an amazing experience which taught me a lot as I had to learn how to deal with the Mairie, the various problems, the hospital, etc… Samanéa: Cloé did such a good job with handling the administrative burden of getting authorization- THE struggle haha- and got such great ideas to make this event enjoyable for a serious cause. What is the amount of funds that you managed to raise during the event? Cloé : Along with the sale of goodies and the run, we have launched a prize fund to collect all the donations to fight Breast Cancer. For now, we have collected about 800€ which is amazing! The prize fund is open until the end of October and we hope with all our hearts that people will still give something to support the fight against breast cancer, as all the donations will be given to the Cancer League. What is your greatest takeaway in organizing this event? Cloé : Organizing this event took me many weeks but I had an incredible team by my side, first Samanéa and then both the FU board and the BDS board. We even decided to go to Ventimiglia to buy all the food and drinks we needed and it was really fun to do! The fact that our event was also sponsored by the Institut du Cancer de Montpellier was amazing: they sent us goodies (USB keys, pens, shirts, bracelets...) and gave the race more impact!! I sincerely want to thank all the people who helped me in this touching event, it couldn’t have gone better. I also want to thank the Institut du Cancer de Montpellier for supporting us. Samanéa : Seeing the project take form by Cloé’s side was very warming. Seeing the associations of our campus supporting our project and encouraging their boards to participate encouraged us. Seeing our students engage was touching. Seeing all of us get together for this cause was beautiful. Organizing the event with our great team made it easy and enjoyable. We thank you for bringing your smiles to your event and for making it count with your donations. Special thanks to my board for being incredible ;) Let’s keep it up. Given Cloé’s and Samanéa’s recount of events, it would have been an understatement to call the Octobre Rose a success, for it fully demonstrated the solidarity of the campus to unite around a singular cause that continues to affect the lives of millions around the world. For all inquiries regarding breast cancer or how to donate to the prize fund, please feel free to reach out to either Cloé or Samanéa directly in person or through social media.

< Back La COP 28: pourquoi Dubaï? By Calista Cellerier January 31, 2024 La COP28 s’est déroulée aux Emirats Arabes Unis (EAU) en novembre dernier. Elle promettait une approche globale et détaillée des futures actions pour le climat, réunissant les pays du monde entier dans le combat contre le réchauffement climatique. Pourtant, une fois de plus depuis la Coupe du Monde au Qatar, il semblerait que les pays du Moyen Orient soient au cœur des débats critiques environnementaux, politiques et sociaux. Alors, qu’est-ce que la COP28 aux EAU, et pourquoi tant de scandales? Pour commencer, qu’est-ce qu’une COP? COP pour Conference of the Parties , il s’agit d’un rassemblement annuel à l'échelle gouvernementale, réunissant de nombreux pays dans l’objectif de répondre à la crise climatique et de trouver des solutions et plans d’action contre le réchauffement climatique. La COP28 a pour but, comme les autres, d'adresser la crise climatique. Elle se déroulait entre le 30 novembre et le 13 décembre 2023 sur l’ancien site de l’Expo 2020 à Dubaï. Parmi de nombreux consensus, les pays se mettent d’accord qu’il nous faut transitionner au-delà des énergies fossiles, de manière équitable et organisée. Il est attendu des pays les plus développés de transitionner vers l'énergie verte plus vite que les pays en développement. Cette COP se concentrait aussi sur le financement climatique et l'inclusivité de tous les pays dans les accords et actions. En revanche, pas d’obligation d’agir ni de plan chronologique proposé. Selon les Nations Unies, la COP28 était une COP très importante, car non seulement elle devait mettre les pays d’accord sur le plan d’action, mais aussi, pour la première fois, comment le mettre en œuvre. C'était un premier bilan mondial, décidant de ce qu’il nous reste à faire et guidant les pays dans les méthodes et technologies nécessaires pour accélérer les choses. Pourtant, les critiques fusent. Défenseurs de l'environnement, journaux et médias reconnus, tous s’accordent à dire que la décision des Nations Unis de placer la COP28 aux des Emirats est une erreur compte tenu de l’empreinte écologique monstrueuse du pays. Mais le problème ne s'arrête pas là, car il semble que le choix du président de la COP28, fait par le gouvernement Émirati, ne fasse pas l'unanimité internationale. En effet, la nomination du Dr. Sultan Al Jaber a la présidence de cette conférence rencontre de l’opposition car il est aussi l'exécutif en chef de la 12eme plus grande compagnie de pétrole au monde, la Abu Dhabi National Oil Company , ou Adnoc. De plus, des documents secrets publiés sur de nombreux médias comme la CNN affirment que Al Jaber prévoit de nouveaux contrats avec d’autres acteurs politiques pour augmenter et distribuer plus de pétrole. Quel paradoxe donc, que le président de Adnoc soit aussi celui de la COP28. Ainsi les théories du complots émergent quant aux véritables intentions de Al Jaber. Bien qu’il nie ces allégations, le Guardian affirme avoir découvert des échanges par email affirmant ces dernières, soulignant le manque de responsabilité et de jugement de la part des Nations Unis et du gouvernement Émirati. La COP28 est qualifiée de “scandale” par Manon Aubry, politicienne française, ou encore de “ridicule” par Greta Thunberg, jeune activiste suédoise déjà très reconnue mondialement. Il n’est un secret pour personne qu’une partie du business des Emirats est basée sur le commerce du pétrole. Les EAU se classent 8eme dans le monde en termes de production et 24eme en termes de consommation. La production et consommation de pétrole ne cesse de grandir année après année, faisant des Emirats l’un des pays les plus polluants du monde. En effet, selon le site Our World in Data , ils réunissaient 0,66% des émissions globales de CO2 en 2022, un record dans l’histoire des Emirats. Selon les dernières statistiques de la Banque mondiale, les expositions à la pollution sont 8 fois plus élevées dans le pays que ce qui est considéré comme sain pour la santé par l’Organisation Mondiale de la Santé (OMS). Les EAU font face à de nombreuses critiques quant au recyclage de l’eau, au gaspillage de nourriture et aux effets néfastes de l'activité humaine sur l'environnement, comme la construction d'îles artificielles. Les conséquences sont importantes : augmentation de la salinité de l’eau, destruction des habitats naturels et immense contribution du pays au réchauffement climatique. Mais les Emirats sont-ils vraiment une cause perdue en matière de changement vers une société plus eco-friendly ? S’il est vrai que les Emirats sont l’un des pays les plus pollueurs au monde, il ne faut pas ignorer les récents efforts mis en place pour améliorer cette image. Les EAU sont le premier pays du Golfe à avoir annoncé vouloir atteindre la neutralité carbone d’ici 2050. Le défi s’annonce de taille, mais l'idée est là, ainsi que les actions. En 2023, les EAU se plaçaient seconds dans la consommation mondiale d'énergie solaire, derrière l’Australie. A Dubaï, le parc solaire de Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum est déjà en opération et continue de se développer, dans l’espoir d’atteindre une capacite totale de 5 giga watts, pouvant ainsi réduire la consommation de CO2 de 6,5 millions de tonne par an. Une autre initiative, illustrant cette volonté de tourner au vert, se trouve être le développement de Masdar City, un quartier 100% eco-friendly à Abu Dhabi. Développé en partie par l’entreprise Masdar , dont le président n’est nul autre que Sultan Al Jaber, Masdar City offre une architecture désignée spécialement pour économiser l’eau et l'énergie, comme un surélèvement des quartiers pour éviter que l’air chaud du désert ne réchauffe la cité. Recyclage de l’eau, climatisation naturelle et utilisation d'énergies renouvelables. Seul problème, Masdar City n’est pas très peuplée, suscitant des questions quant à l'efficacité de l'émergence soudaine de nouvelles villes, ce qui pousse les villes déjà construites et connues, comme Dubaï, à se développer de la même manière. Le gouvernement Émirati annonce continuer de travailler avec ses entreprises d'énergie, dont Adnoc, pour continuer sur cette lancée et transformer sa consommation d'énergie. Alors, la COP28 pourrait bien être un moyen de se débarrasser de cette étiquette. Aujourd'hui, le cheikh des Emirats Arabes Unis, Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, s’engage pour un futur plus vert, et déjà l'Émirat de Dubaï ne repose plus son économie sur le pétrole, mais bien sur le tourisme et les investissements dans les secteurs du luxe, de la finance et de l’immobilier. La même affirmation est vraie pour les autres émirats des EAU, car le pétrole et les énergies fossiles ne sont plus la base principale de l'économie du pays. La décision de confier la COP28 à Dubaï n’est donc pas anodine. S’il est évident que le pays ne renoncera pas aux productions et exportations de pétrole d’ici peu, Al Jaber semblait être le parfait candidat pour la COP28. Habitué des discussions sur le climat, il est surtout le visage du développement vers les énergies renouvelables des EAU, avec des projets tels que Masdar City. Al Jaber affirme qu’il souhaite entreprendre une transition graduelle mais efficace sur le long terme, avec une approche balancée entre répondre à la demande mondiale en énergie et transitionner de manière adaptée à tous les pays. Lors d’une conférence pétrolière annuelle en 2021, il déclare: "Oui, les énergies renouvelables se développent rapidement. Mais le gaz et le pétrole restent les plus grandes énergies du mix énergétique et le seront pendant des décennies. Le futur arrive, mais il n’est pas encore là. On ne peut pas tout simplement débrancher le système d’aujourd’hui". Si Al Jaber affirme pouvoir faire de la COP28 une COP historique, réunissant tous les pays du monde, les populations indigènes et les industries d'énergies fossiles et renouvelables dans le combat contre le réchauffement climatique, reste à voir s’il y arrivera, et dans le temps limite que nous avons pour sauver notre planète.

< Back Yves Juhel Elected Mayor of Menton By Saoirse Aherne & Cameron Sterling March 31, 2022 Introduction On February 6, 2022, Yves Juhel was re-elected mayor of Menton after a four month period of political turmoil. The office had previously been held by Jean-Claude Guibal, who had governed for 32 years, or six terms, with tenure spanning from 1989 to 2021. In late October, the office was vacated by Guibal, who died of a heart attack at age 80. Juhel, then the second-deputy mayor, was elected to succeed Guibal by the 35-seat municipal council on November 9, 2021. His candidature defeated Sandra Paire, then first-deputy mayor, by one vote. Juhel’s victory is considered controversial; one of his votes came from the Rassemblement National, a party labeled as extreme by many. Further, Paire, as the second-deputy, considered herself to be the natural successor to Guibal. Following her defeat, she led a string of resignations from the municipal council, leaving it nearly one-third vacant. This was a calculated move, forcing the municipality to hold another election in the next three months under article L2122-8 of the General Code of Local Authorities. According to Fanny, a 36-year-old shopkeeper, there was chaos after the election. The town was divided over who to support, with many conflicting views expressed on social media. Round One: A Strong Showing of Conservative Loyalty After rushing to build lists by the January 13 deadline, Menton saw five competing factions: Collectif Citoyen Menton Autrement, Réconcilions Menton, Menton Avec Vous, Unis pour Menton, and Menton pour Tous. Historically, Menton has been a strong base for conservative French politics, notably the party Les Republicains (LR). During this cycle, two lists — Collectif Citoyen Menton Autrement and Réconcilions Menton — ran outside of that label. Collectif Citoyen Menton Autrement, led by Marjorie Jouen, is a nonpartisan list seeking greater transparency in local governance. Réconcilions Menton, representing le Groupe Régional d’Europe Écologie, was headed by Stéphanie Loisy. Neither list made it past the first round of elections on January 31. The second round of elections saw competition between the three conservative lists: Yves Juhel’s Menton pour Tous, Anthony Malvault’s Menton Avec Vous, and Sandra Paire’s Unis pour Menton. In the end, Juhel’s list won with 43.11% (4,722) of the votes cast. He was closely followed by Paire, who won 40.24% (4,408). Malvault received the remaining 16.65% (1,824). Though the right wing saw a strong showing, it is important to note that turnout was relatively low, hanging at 50% of the voting population. Important Issues in the Election The 2022 municipal elections in Menton centered around three issues: youth life, urban planning, and security. Many citizens have expressed concerns about the economic difficulties that young people face in Menton. As mentioned by Frederic, a 41-year-old fisherman, the youth encounter a lack of affordable housing opportunities, need more aid in finding jobs, and more activities. On this issue, Mayor Juhel has several plans. In an interview with the Menton Times, he said that he is committed to “preserving Menton” while creating more housing. He is also planning on making Menton a more active town by developing nautical sports, opening a nightclub, authorizing places to stay open later at night, and further developing Bastion. He also plans on creating a committee to focus on youth life in Menton and a job service to centralize employment opportunities for young people. With this, Juhel also hopes to revive tourism in Menton and attract younger populations. On the issue of urban planning, many have expressed issues with traffic in town. Arlette, a retired 75-year-old, complained about traffic and parking, specifically the danger of speeding motorcycles. Juhel also has plans for this, hoping to expand the use of electric bicycles and charging stations. There is also the issue of security. Many, such as Arlette, complained that the police do very little and that there is a general security issue in France. Juhel agreed, naming the issue first when asked about problems in Menton. However, his platform on this issue is very vague with few concrete plans. Guib-oligarchy: The Role of the Guibal Clan in City Hall Jean-Claude Guibal, the late mayor, had a 30-year career in office characterized by corruption and scandal. Throughout his tenure, Guibal systematically spread his clan throughout important regional positions, with, according to Issey Bavarian, (Co-President) of Comprende la Mafia,“a family member in nearly every pertinent political body.” Guibal himself took part in this practice, heading the “communauté d'agglomération de la Riviera française” for 20 years. In addition, his wife, Colette Giudicelli, was Senator LP of the Alpes-Maritimes from 2008 until her death in 2020. She was also appointed deputy mayor by her husband in 1989, staying in the role for twenty years. Guibal’s daughter in law, Celine Giudicelli, remains the director general of the SPL ports of Menton. Guibal’s time as mayor saw the eruption of numerous scandals. A 2016 complaint filed by the anti-corruption association, Anticor, accused Guibal of using public funds to purchase 20,810 euros worth of cigars between 2006 and 2009. This case was dropped such that it was “insufficiently characterized” according to the Nice prosecutor. Anticor has filed other complaints pertaining to issues such as the award of fraudulent contracts and favoritism. However, the validity of these claims is questionable. Though Anticor claims to be a “bipartisan” group, it is represented by the leader of the opposition Parti Socialiste (PS) in the Menton City council. Furthermore, in July of 2021, the townhall, the headquarters of the local public office company, the ports of Menton, and the home of Celine Giudicelli were searched by local authorities. These searches were part of a larger investigation led by the Nice public prosecutor’s office over allegations of “influence-peddling, corruption, illegal taking of interests, and misappropriation of public funds,” with regards to the ports in Menton. The Guibal clan is not the only actor that has been accused of corruption. In November of 2021, Olivier Bettati, former mayoral opposition candidate, was arrested along with 35 others in connection to a network of organized crime operating throughout the Cote d’Azur. The operation aimed to bring down Aurelio Garcia, dubbed the “Godfather” of the Cote d’Azur by Nice Matin, for his connection with criminal association, racketeering, extortion, running gambling circles, and influence peddling. Also, as reported by Nice Matin, police accumulated hundreds of hours of evidence via microphones which were planted in bars and apartments across the region. These tapes revealed a number of racketeering projects, involving construction companies, along with intentions to “take over Menton: on its port, its private beaches, and its public market.” Olivier Bettati found himself implicated in this investigation due to a member of his “Menton Demain” list: Carole Bacoue. Bacoue is the girlfriend of Jean-Laurent Comparetto, the lieutenant of Aurelio Garcia. In spite of this, he was released from prison after five nights and sources close to the investigation claim that the Menton aspect of the case is largely unfounded. Same Story, New Actors? Though many hoped that a new mayor in November of 2021 would mark a new era of Mentonese politics free from corruption and scandal, this has not proven to be the case. After Juhel’s initial election in November, Menton saw an onslaught of corruption allegations. Juhel claimed to have witnessed two trucks removing 600 kg of documents from town hall to be burned. He also called for an audit on the town hall computer, which allegedly resulted in the discovery of an illegal email monitoring system. Both of these accusations are now under investigation by the Nice Prosecutor. However, after Juhel’s allegation of document theft, Sandra Paire noted, “Nothing has disappeared since all the files are computerized.” Paire has filed a complaint “for defamatory remarks in response to Juhel’s accusations.” In December of 2021, the investigation into missing documents from the Mairie progressed as three relatives of Guibal were taken into custody. Going into the January election, tensions mounted. On January 27, an anonymous citizen attempted to have Anthony Malvault’s late registration canceled, accusing him of lying about his motivation for moving to Menton. Malvault registered his list after the deadline of December 24, in accordance with Article L30 of the Electoral Code which asserts that those domiciled in another municipality for professional reasons may register after the deadline. However, Malvault moved to Menton on December 31 and established his scooter company on January 5. He presented this evidence at a public hearing and was acquitted of all charges on January 28. Following the first round of the election, Stephanie Loisy, the candidate for Europe Écologie les Verts, criticized irregularities, claiming to have noticed that “two ballot boxes were not sealed before the end of the vote and that an assessor was refused access to the polling station at 8:02 a.m.” There were also two fires on January 30, election day. The parents of Sandra Paire reported a fire in the courtyard outside their ground floor apartment. Paire’s mother, Georgette, speculated that the fire was intentional, however, authorities maintain it was an accident. Hours later, the Roquebrune-Cap-Martin home of Anthony Malvault’s parents also caught fire. Though Malvault’s parents, residing on the lower floor, were unaffected, one of Malvault’s business studios was lost. The candidate stated “I really hope this is all accidental. But no lead is ruled out. It came an hour after the election results fell… And with the legal case for which I was summoned, this address — where one of my companies is domiciled — has circulated a lot.” What is next for Menton? This month’s municipal elections mark the first time that Menton has had a new mayor in over 30 years. Running on a platform of youth engagement and civic revival, Juhel’s tenure in office may bring desperately needed changes to the town. However, most of city hall’s staff are holdovers from the Guibal administration, calling into question the town’s ability to escape its patterns of corruption and scandal.

< Back Chemical Weapons Used on Pro-Palestine Students at Columbia University By Selin Elif Kose February 29, 2024 On Jan. 19, students from Columbia University assembled in front of Low Library for a “divestment now” rally. The pro-Palestine protest was organized by the Columbia University Apartheid Divest, which is a coalition of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP). Howev er, after the protest, multiple students reported a putrid smell on their clothes, followed by physical symptoms including nausea, headache, and burning eyes for ten students, three of whom later sought medical care. Yet, the administration stayed silent which was quite unusual as Columbia sends alert emails for even small crimes like robberies around campus. Lacking administrative support, the Columbia University Apartheid Divest took the matter into its own hands and started an internal investigation into the incident by collecting testimonies, photographs, and videos from the students at the protest. According to the results of this inquiry and medical reports from hospitals, protestors were sprayed with skunk water, which is known to be a chemical that smells like “sewage mixed with rotting corpses,” and has been used by Israeli soldiers on Palestinians. This chemical was developed by the Israeli company Odortec and is marketed as non-lethal and non-toxic, yet high doses of this can produce severe physical symptoms and, at worst, may even prove lethal. The attackers were students from the School of General Studies who were also former Israel Defense Force soldiers dressed in fake keffiyehs to mix with the crowd. It was later revealed that one of the attackers also had been previously reported as calling Palestinian and pro-Palestine students “terrorists” and “Jew killers” but was not sanctioned. After four days of silence, on Jan. 23, Interim Provost Dennis A. Mitchell issued a statement saying “After the Department of Public Safety received an initial complaint late Friday night, the University immediately initiated steps to investigate the incident, and has since been actively working with local and federal authorities. The New York City Police Department is taking the lead role in investigating what appear to have been serious crimes, possibly hate crimes.” This vague statement faced serious criticism as it lacked transparency and simply did not identify the details and the sides in this incident while also not proposing any alternative safety measures for students. However, this is not the first time the Columbia and Barnard administrations failed to protect the pro-Palestine students on campus and their rights. Notably, three weeks after the Oct. 7 attack, the Department of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Barnard College released a statement on their official website declaring their stance on the conflict and said, “We support the Palestinian people who have resisted settler colonial war, occupation, and apartheid for over 75 years while deploring Hamas’s recent killing of Israeli civilians.” Just two days later, this statement was removed from the website by the Barnard administration without prior notice. This violation of academic freedom and freedom of expression in Barnard sparked protests in other American universities. Yet, Barnard refused to take a step back and altered their policies on political activity, website governance, and campus events, expanding their power to decide what is and isn’t considered permitted political speech and gaining the final say on everything published on the Barnard website. The censorship and limitations on freedom of speech were further followed by the banning of student organizations, Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) by University Director Minouche Shafik in November. This was the reason why Columbia University's Apartheid Divest was created in the first place. The New York Civil Liberties Union has publicly announced that they will be suing Columbia if they will not lift the suspension of SJP and JVP by March 1. The investigation by the NYPD still is ongoing but the victims are still frustrated by the lack of response from their university. The students who were hospitalized because of skunk spray shared that the Columbia administration refuses to reimburse their medical bills. This whole situation remains highly concerning both for student safety and the future of freedom of expression on campus.

La liberté implique-t-elle nécessairement la solitude? Ou bien avons-nous, malgré tout, besoin d’un témoin, d’un appui, d’une présence pour exister pleinement? < Back Corps et Conscience: L’Écriture révoltée de Nawal El Saadawi Christy Ghosn for Feminist Union February 28, 2025 Lire Combien de cœurs , c’est s’exposer au feu d’une parole qui ne s’éteint jamais. Nawal Al Saadawi, écrivaine égyptienne, médecin et militante féministe , ausculte son propre corps, le corps d’autres femmes et, à travers eux, la maladie qui gangrène nos sociétés: le patriarcat. Née en 1931 dans un petit village égyptien, El Saadawi a consacré sa vie à dénoncer les injustices faites aux femmes, tant dans ses écrits que dans ses actions militantes. Fondatrice de l'Association de solidarité avec les femmes arabes en 1982 (ensuite interdite en 1991) et militante pour l'abolition des mutilations génitales féminines, ses prises de position souvent exprimées à travers ses œuvres lui ont valu des persécutions et des contraintes à l'exil. En 1981, sous le régime de Anwar el-Sadate en Égypte, son opposition à la loi instaurant le parti unique conduit à son emprisonnement. Libérée après trois mois de détention suite à l'assassinat du président Sadate en octobre 1981, et après plusieurs années d'exil aux États-Unis, Nawal El Saadawi revient en Égypte en 1988, continuant son combat pour les droits des femmes. Elle décède au Caire le 21 mars 2021, laissant derrière elle un héritage littéraire et militant. Son écriture ne rassure pas, elle bouscule. Elle refuse la complaisance, l’illusion du progrès sans combat. Dès les premières pages, son texte crépite comme une autobiographie, bien que l’autrice s’en défende. Ce n’est pas seulement son histoire que l’on traverse, mais une mémoire collective pour toutes celles qui, un jour, ont senti leur existence corsetée par des traditions, des lois, des silences imposés. Al Saadawi regarde la médecine comme elle regarde la vie: sans fard. Déconstruisant la binarité des rôles genrés, elle révèle une vérité crue et universelle: nous sommes toutes prisonnières d’un système qui a fait de nos corps des objets de contrôle, de convoitise, de domination. La science au service de Saadawi Dans Combien de cœurs, premier roman de Saadawi publié en 1957, l’autrice ne se contente pas de nourrir son propos d’émotions et de réflexions philosophiques: elle intègre également des arguments scientifiques pour étayer sa vision d’une égalité fondamentale entre les hommes et les femmes. Elle écrit: « La science nous enseigne que les organes de la vie, qu’ils soient féminins ou masculins, fonctionnent avec la même logique, la même recherche de survie et de bien-être. Toute prétention à l’infériorité est une erreur de lecture des faits. » Saadawi utilise la science avec une intelligence stratégique, la transformant en un outil de démystification pour rappeler que les différences biologiques entre les sexes n’ont rien à voir avec une quelconque infériorité intellectuelle ou physique des femmes. L’un des aspects les plus frappants de Combien de cœurs est la manière dont Saadawi aborde la place des femmes dans le milieu médical. Malgré leurs compétences, elles restent toujours sous-représentées aux postes de pouvoir. En Égypte aujourd’hui, beaucoup de femmes médecins sont largement cantonnées à la pédiatrie et à la gynécologie, les spécialités « attendues » pour elles, tandis que la chirurgie reste dominée par les hommes. Au Moyen-Orient, il nous est souvent appris dès l’enfance que nos mains sont faites pour caresser, non pour inciser. Que nos esprits doivent comprendre le corps des autres, mais jamais prendre le pouvoir sur lui. Féminité en cage Nawal El Saadawi fustige également avec une acuité poétique la dévalorisation de la féminité à travers une citation qui frappe par son imagerie singulière: « Dieu devait sans doute préférer les oiseaux aux filles. » A la fois dérangeante et profondément évocatrice, cette phrase incarne le rejet systématique de la grâce et de la liberté inhérentes à la féminité dans une société patriarcale. Les oiseaux représentent tout ce que la culture dominante refuse d'attribuer aux filles: l’innocence libre et la capacité de s’envoler sans entrave. Par contraste, les filles sont présentées comme des êtres destinés à porter le poids de la conformité, à être façonnées par des normes qui les limitent dès leur plus jeune âge, sans possibilité de fuir. « Le conflit entre ma féminité et moi-même a commencé bien avant que je n’aie des attributs féminins, avant même que je puisse reconnaître en moi ce qui, par la force des conventions, devait être perçu comme une faiblesse. » écrivait-elle. Un cœur libre, mais vulnérable Alors que tout au long de l’œuvre, Saadawi se présente comme une femme farouchement indépendante, affirmant sa capacité à se suffire à elle-même sur les plans intellectuel et émotionnel, elle conclut pourtant par ces mots troublants: « J’avais besoin d’un homme pour pleurer. » Cette confession ouvre un débat sur la nature même de l’émancipation féminine dans son récit. En effet, certains critiques y perçoivent une contradictio n avec l’ensemble du discours de Saadawi. Dans un livre où elle prône l’égalité et l’autonomie absolue, admettre une forme de dépendance affective envers un homme peut sembler en décalage avec ses idéaux. La liberté implique-t-elle nécessairement la solitude? Ou bien avons-nous, malgré tout, besoin d’un témoin, d’un appui, d’une présence pour exister pleinement? Avec réflexion et d’un point de vue ‘humaniste,’ j’y vois une reconnaissance sincère de la com plexité des émotions humaines. Loin de contredire son engagement féministe, cette phrase pourrait illustrer l’idée que l’indépendance ne signifie pas l’absence de vulnérabilité, mais plutôt la capacité à accepter ses émotions sans crainte, y compris dans le cadre de relations interpersonnelles. L’œuvre de Saadawi, tout en relevant des questionnements intimes, ouvre en somme la voie à une analyse concrète des avancées et des défis rencontrés par les femmes dans le monde arabe. Outre la médecine, d’autres secteurs témoignent également d’une montée en puissance des femmes. Dans l’enseignement supérieur, par exemple, les femmes représentent souvent une majorité dans de nombreuses disciplines, et en droit comme en sciences humaines, elles occupent de plus en plus de postes de responsabilité. Toutefois, le chemin vers une égalité totale reste semé d’embûches. En effet, dans l’ensemble du monde arabe, la condition féminine oscille entre avancées et régressions. Si certains pays, comme l’Arabie Saoudite, ont récemment levé certaines restrictions (droit de conduire, accès au marché du travail,..) d’autres durcissent leur contrôle sur les femmes, notamment en matière de droits civils et vestimentaires. Le combat de Nawal al Saadawi reste donc d’une actualité brûlante. Son roman n’est pas seulement une critique du passé, mais un miroir de luttes toujours en cours. Combien de coeurs est une œuvre à lire, pour être secoué, pour questionner et pour ne jamais accepter ce qui nous est présenté comme une fatalité. Photo credits: freshheadfilms on Flickr

Palestine continues to dissolve like an Alka-Seltzer on global maps. Newly sworn-in Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu promised to enforce this in a Dec. 28 tweet: “The Jewish people have an exclusive and unquestionable right to all areas of the land of Israel.” < Back Radical Panaceas: Netanyahu Shamelessly Promises to Annex Designated Palestinian Territories By Lara-Nour Walton December 31, 2022 Palestine continues to dissolve like an Alka-Seltzer on global maps. Newly sworn-in Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu promised to enforce this in a Dec. 28 tweet : “The Jewish people have an exclusive and unquestionable right to all areas of the land of Israel.” Such a statement comes as an affront to official United States’ regional efforts, which claimed to prioritize “ peace over the sovereignty movement ” since Aug. 2020. Netanyahu’s predicted course of action would, conversely, “formulate and promote policies within whose framework sovereignty will be applied to Judea and Samaria.” Such an approach would remove distinctions between Israel and designated Palestinian Territories like Gaza and the occupied West Bank, thus paving the way for further settlement and strife under the Netanyahu administration. West Bank settler and Religious Zionism champion Bezalel Smotrich will be finance minister, overseeing essential aspects of Palestinian life in occupied territories. Similarly, West Bank settler and Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) leader, Itamar Ben-Gvir , will manage the state police per his national security minister position. Ben-Gvir is a particularly contentious pick considering his public expressions of racism and ardent support for Meir Kahane’s ultranationalist and anti-Arab Kach party. A spokesperson for Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas laments that the new Netanyahu coalition will “constitute a dangerous escalation and will have repercussions for the region.” Yet, Palestinian resistance has historically had little bearing on Israeli national vision — an estimated 600,000 Jewish Israelis reside in the 140 settlements that pockmark the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Israel’s 1967 occupation of the aforementioned regions is widely considered a breach of international law and directly contributes to the displacement and subjugation of the indigenous Palestinian demographic, though Israel disputes these claims. Palestinian self-determination within Israeli borders has been minimized to such an extent that Netanyahu’s coalition partners dismiss the two-state solution altogether. However, such a development has been a long time coming, with both Israelis and Palestinians increasingly scrapping the two-state compromise in favor of more radical panaceas. A 2014 Washington Institute for Near East Policy survey disclosed that most Palestinians hope to see the wholesale reclamation of historical Palestine “from the river to the sea,” while a mere 27 percent endorse a two-state solution. Declining support for moderate policies, like the two-state agreement, only extends the protracted regional quagmire, with neither side willing to relinquish land for fear of international erasure. However, one Palestinian Twitter user, @Jennineak, acknowledged the Israeli-Palestinian power imbalance by denouncing Netanyahu’s recent remarks as inciting “ ethnic cleansing .” Anti-Netanyahu animus is not confined to Palestinian populations. He is serving a record sixth term as Israeli Prime Minister, and his return was not smooth sailing. Only last year, eight opposition parties united to oust him from office after four deadlocked elections and a corruption scandal. The Yesh Atid coalition, led by the outgoing Prime Minister Yair Lapid, is one such party determined to regain state control. Netanyahu was sworn in without decorum — no ceremonial power handover took place and a note scrawled in Lapid’s handwriting “Lapid – 2024” awaited him on the Prime Minister’s desk. Furthermore, the Israeli public and international community fear that discrimination may surface with the ascendance of newly appointed Deputy Prime Minister Avi Maoz and his anti-LGBTQ Noam party. Maoz has already called for the ban of Jerusalem's Gay Pride Parade and opposes women’s military participation and non-Jewish immigration to the country. His strict observance of Jewish law has the potential to be institutionalized — Israel’s anti-discrimination law may be amended to allow businesses to refuse services on religious grounds. Despite Netanyahu’s move to include the openly gay Parliamentary Speaker Amir Ohana in his coalition, growing agitation is latent among certain Israelis. Queer activist Daniel Johnas expressed that, for the first time, he is afraid to fly the rainbow flag in his country’s streets. Other critics are apprehensive in the face of coalition resolve to pass legislation that would vest a parliamentary majority with the power to override Supreme Court decisions. Netanyahu remains unfazed by domestic and international disenchantment. He informed the Knesset that, alongside his annexation plans, his new administration aims to expand Israel’s arsenal of Arab regional allies and hinder Iran from acquiring nuclear weaponry. The Prime Minister was sworn in on Dec. 29, 2022, yet, his term has already proven to be turbulent. Only time will tell how the most right-wing government in Israeli history will fare.

J’ai beaucoup apprécié les valeurs transmises par le Parcours Civique, des valeurs indispensables dans la société : l’aide directe à la personne, la responsabilité sociale et collective, l’assiduité et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’engager dans un travail à temps plein. < Back La Volonté d’Aider et d’Interagir: Une Réflexion sur un Parcours Civique à la Croix-Rouge Monégasque By Lilou-Ornella D’Inca September 27, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? J’ai effectué mon Parcours Civique auprès de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque, principalement au pôle Migration de la Section Humanitaire Internationale de cette organisation. Mon rôle consistait principalement à créer des activités pour les migrants se trouvant dans le centre pour mineurs non accompagnés (MNA) de Menton. Par conséquent, j’ai été impliquée dans la mise en œuvre d’ateliers éducatifs et ludiques, spécifiquement pensés et élaborés pour cette catégorie d’âge. J’ai également pris part à la préparation et la distribution de repas, et au tri et à la mise à disposition de vêtements au centre Caritas à Vintimille. Enfin, mon rôle couvrait aussi d’autres responsabilités, telles que l’aide donnée aux infirmiers lors des permanences sanitaires au centre pour MNA, et la gestion de tâches administratives (comptes-rendus, communications par courriel, etc.) au siège de la Croix-Rouge à Monaco même. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? Mon intérêt pour la Croix-Rouge Monégasque est né de la volonté d’aider et d’interagir avec des migrants et des communautés vulnérables dans la région, ayant été témoin des obstacles non seulement physiques mais aussi sociaux, auxquels ces personnes sont confrontées chaque jour à la frontière franco-italienne. Les principes de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque — la neutralité, l’impartialité, et l’humanité entre autres — englobent toutes les valeurs qui me paraissent essentielles pour approcher un thème compliqué comme l’immigration avec un œil impartial et dépourvu de militantisme, bien qu’emphatique. Cette organisation permet d’être au contact direct avec les migrants et de compléter des activités très variées avec des tranches d’âge différentes, ce qui m’a tout de suite semblé une opportunité unique pour mon développement en tant que citoyenne responsable. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? Je suis rentrée à connaissance de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque à travers le forum organisé par Sciences Po lors de la semaine d’intégration, où des représentants de cette association avaient été invités. Le programme de Sciences Po m’a donc beaucoup aidée pour trouver mon Parcours Civique, d’autant plus que l’administration m’a fourni le contact direct avec une des responsables de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque. Cependant, ce contact a été envoyé assez tard dans l’année (30 mars), alors que ma lettre d’engagement avait déjà été écrite et que ma recherche de stage avait déjà commencé ; afin d’obtenir un stage dans les temps requis, il est convenable de contacter la Croix-Rouge déjà pendant le premier semestre, sans attendre de recevoir les contacts envoyés par l’administration. J’ai obtenu mon stage seulement début mai, car — étant encore mineure — les autorisations parentales à obtenir et les démarches à effectuer sont assez laborieuses. Il est bon de noter que j’ai essuyé de nombreux refus de la part d’autres organisations en raison de mon jeune âge, et il m’a fallu patienter plusieurs semaines avant de recevoir une réponse définitive de la part de la Croix-Rouge. Mon conseil pour les étudiants mineurs est de commencer la recherche de possibles organisations dès le début de l’année. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? Le stage n’a pas été rémunéré. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? Mon Parcours Civique a été une expérience incroyablement enrichissante à plusieurs niveaux. Tout d’abord, j’ai rencontré des migrants provenant de nombreux pays d’Afrique et — la plupart d’entre eux étant disposés à raconter leur histoire, leurs rêves et espoirs et leurs impressions sur leurs conditions de vie en Europe — j’ai pu réellement comprendre les raisons qui poussent certaines populations à quitter leur pays natal et leurs familles, ainsi que la différence entre leurs attentes et la réalité de leur expérience en Italie ou en France. Ces connaissances sont non seulement d’une grande valeur pour mon bagage humain et culturel, mais elles me permettent également d’analyser les pays étudiés à Sciences Po avec de nouvelles clés d’interprétation. En outre, j’ai beaucoup apprécié les valeurs transmises par le Parcours Civique, des valeurs indispensables dans la société : l’aide directe à la personne, la responsabilité sociale et collective, l’assiduité et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’engager dans un travail à temps plein. Je pense que ces principes sont une constante dans tous les stages de 1e année, mais ils ont été particulièrement significatifs à la Croix-Rouge, où chaque stagiaire est poussé à prendre des initiatives et à réfléchir sur les valeurs du volontariat à travers les comptes-rendus rédigés après chaque activité. Je considère donc que le programme de Sciences Po est une expérience instructive et très intéressante grâce à laquelle il est possible d’explorer un secteur qui nous passionne ou que l’on désire découvrir, et qui permet d’acquérir de nouveaux enseignements et valeurs. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? Essayez de trouver un organisme qui vous offre l’opportunité d’être au contact direct avec la communauté de votre choix. Bien que j’aie beaucoup apprécié mon temps au bureau de la Croix-Rouge pour la partie administrative du stage, c’est sur le terrain que j’ai le plus appris et que j’ai pu sortir de ma zone de confort. N’ayez pas peur de vous engager concrètement, même dans des secteurs dans lesquels vous manquez encore d’expérience ! Et, bien évidemment, n’hésitez pas à me contacter si vous avez des questions relatives à la Croix-Rouge, à votre lettre d'engagement, ou à tout autre doute !

Il semble important de se rendre compte que donner une presence mediatique aux organisations telles que Women Wage Peace est un premier pas crucial pour faire evoluer les termes de la discussion et rapeller qu’aucun conflit n’est purement noir et blanc. Soutenir ces associations est le seul moyen de soutenir un drapeau blanc et un futur ou les deux peuples on l’opportunite de faire le deuil ensemble. < Back Women Wage Peace: Donner une Voix à L’Espoir Anna Halpern October 31, 2024 W omen Wage Peace est le plus grand mouvement populaire pacifiste israélien. Fondée à la suite de la deuxième guerre à Gaza en 2014, l’organisation est maintenant forte de plus 44 000 membres, en majorité des mères de famille qui s’opposent à voir leurs enfants mourir dans une guerre sans fin. En 2022 il s’associe au mouvement palestinien Women of The Sun, crée en 2021. Depuis, bien qu’on ne leur donne pas le quart de l’attention médiatique qu’elles méritent, ces femmes commencent à être reconnues pour leur immense travail. En effet, Dr. Yael Admi and Reem Hajajreh, représentantes de ces deux mouvements, ont été nominées dans la liste des 100 Femmes de l'année 2024 du Times Magazine. De plus, ces deux organisations ont été nominées pour le prix Nobel de la paix de 2024, le prix Sakharov (présentées par les groupes parlementaires européens S&D et Renew Europe ) et ont reçu le Albie Award. Dans le conflit brutal qui secoue la région, avec une prolifération de haine et de violence qui peut sembler omniprésente, ces femmes représentent une lueur d’espoir que l’on se doit de mettre en avant. En effet, ces femmes ne se sont pas perdues dans des discours de vengeance et de haine après la mort de Viviane Silver—activiste israélo-canadienne et co-fondatrice de Women Wage Peace —assassinée durant les attaques du 7 Octobre 2023. Elles n’ont pas non plus cessé leur combat au long cette longue année pendant laquelle les partis extrêmes de tous côtés n’ont eu cesse de promouvoir une idéologie de haine qui semble avoir touché le monde entier. Elles n’ont jamais cessé de se battre pour un meilleur futur pour leurs deux peuples. Elles représentent une opposition bien réelle à la politique du gouvernement d'extrême droite du Premier Ministre Benjamin Netanyahu qui, depuis le 7 Octobre, est souvent tenu pour responsable de cette guerre désastreuse qui a causé tant de morts et n’a toujours pas atteint son objectif affiché de ramener les derniers otages et « détruire le hamas. » Ces femmes offrent une alternative, une vision pacifiste d’un futur où ces guerres n’auraient plus lieu d'être. Women Wage Peace agit concrètement, rencontrant des dirigeants internationaux, mobilisant des foules en Israël et à l'international et sensibilisant à la réalité du conflit. Elles ont soumis une proposition de loi au Knesset qui, si adoptée, obligerait le gouvernement à considérer toutes les options politiques avant l’utilisation de moyens armés. Elles organisent toujours des marches, des rencontres avec des experts, des veillées, et des discussions avec des personnalités politiques israéliennes. Chacun d’entre nous peut activement participer en signant l’« appel des mères » lancé en association avec Women of The Sun , mais il est encore plus important que, chacun à notre échelle, nous gardions en tête que personne ne gagne jamais vraiment dans une guerre: les deux sociétés qui en souffrent se retrouvent chaque fois plus fractures et plus endeuillée. C’est une idée simple et universelle que ces organisations s’efforcent de soutenir malgré la difficulté de se faire entendre à travers le bruit des divisions partisanes qui s’empressent d'ajouter de l’huile sur le feu. Les personnes et gouvernements à qui ce conflit tient à cœur ont donc un devoir de partager et de promulguer cette vision plutôt que de répéter des slogans et discours divisifs proférés par les membres les plus extrêmes de chaque camp. En ce qui concerne l’attention, et l’« instrumentalisation » internationale du conflit, le fils de Viviane Silver le met extrêmement bien en mots, il ne sert a rien d’« importer notre problème au lieu d’exporter des solutions. » En effet, chaque vie compte, chaque personne mérite de vivre une vie longue et heureuse, et ceci ne devrait pas être une question partisane. Chaque dirigeant, chaque activiste et chaque individu devrait pouvoir s’en rendre compte et réussir à comprendre que « la vengeance n’est pas une stratégie , » et peut choisir d’apporter son soutien et son attention aux associations telles que Women Wage Peace . Chacun peut soutenir leur « appel des mères, » demandant aux dirigeants israéliens et internationaux de soutenir une solution pacifique au conflit et de promouvoir un futur viable pour les deux peuples. Malgré tout ceci, cette organisation, et les multiples autres organisations pacifistes, anti-gouvernement et pro-dialogue restent aujourd’hui largement noyés dans un raz de marée de violence et de discours brutalement insensibles proférés par les dirigeants de tous les partis. Il n’y a pas une seule raison à ce manque d’attention médiatique et cet abandon du public international de la cause pacifiste. Néanmoins, nous pouvons souligner quelques choses que nous avons souvent pu voir au niveau personnel en tant qu'étudiants en sciences politiques, mais aussi comme toute personnes subissant les spams des réseaux sociaux et de la politique du clic. Notre besoin de simplifier tout en ‘bien’ et ‘mal’ et de se placer dans une case bien définie pour se rassurer parmi un groupe établi de ‘partisans’ sans nuance nous pousse à des positions extrêmes qui justifient de perdre de vue l'humanité de ceux en face. Il est beaucoup plus difficile et courageux de savoir prendre ses distances et se positionner dans un juste milieu ou l’on accepte d'entendre des opinions divergentes et de sacrifier un peu de sa sacro-sainte doctrine pour une vision de paix. Il semble important de se rendre compte que donner une presence mediatique aux organisations telles que Women Wage Peace est un premier pas crucial pour faire evoluer les termes de la discussion et rapeller qu’aucun conflit n’est purement noir et blanc. Soutenir ces associations est le seul moyen de soutenir un drapeau blanc et un futur ou les deux peuples on l’opportunite de faire le deuil ensemble. En effet, « la mort est impartiale et la guerre est aveugle » comme l’a dit Yonatan Zeigen dans son hommage a sa mère Viviane Silver. Ces deux peuples ont le droit de se reconstruire sans la manipulation politique et internationale dont ce conflit a souffert depuis des décennies. Pour ceux que cela intéresse, je vous redonne le lien vers la pétition en vous encourageant à la signer: L'appel des mères - Women Wage Peace .

For us, Sciences Pistes, there are endless options, often just a click away on a lazy Monday morning, when the teacher is particularly uninteresting. The flight tickets are cheap, flying is fast and time is limited. We, Sciences Pistes, are respectful, interested in different cultures and exploring the hidden gems—not just the touristy areas. < Back Trends In Tourism: Solo Travelling and Slow Tourism Ema Nevřelová March 31, 2025 Are you trying to get through the crowded streets of Menton during Fête du Citron? Or are you lying on your sofa watching Tanya McQuoid, played by Jennifer Coolidge, enjoy her peppermint tea in The White Lotus ? I’m sorry to inform you that you are one of them–a tourist. For most of us, tourism has become a regular part of our lives, and not traveling during break makes some of us twitch. Unsurprisingly, flying is cheaper, orientation in new places is more accessible, and life is always shinier in undiscovered places. And because summer is swiftly approaching, I shall lead through some of the do’s and don’ts of tourism. I recently came across an article from the BBC with a striking title: Cover up or pay a fine, Portugal's Albufeira warns . However, Albufeira is not the only destination battling mass tourism. Cities like Barcelona or Venice have also employed measures to prevent tourists from overcrowding and, in some cases, even destroying the cultural sights. Coming from Prague, which has almost eight times more tourists visiting each year than its inhabitants, I understand the frustrations. It is not just about the crowds on Charles Bridge , it is about the locals choosing to avoid certain parts of the city and losing touch with its culture, history and with one another. Not to mention, prices have skyrocketed even outside of the city center. After one gets over the initial shock of a €4 cappuccino; there comes a worst nightmare of all—tourists discovering the local hidden gems. From a personal experience, there is no worse feeling than coming back to your favorite local business, realizing an influencer featured it in their reel, and you’re no longer able to sit and enjoy your overpriced beverage. However, there is another side. For us, Sciences Pistes, there are endless options, often just a click away on a lazy Monday morning, when the teacher is particularly uninteresting. The flight tickets are cheap, flying is fast and time is limited. At some point, most people will Google how to get affordable flight tickets, setting price alerts and always look for free Fridays, as it is the most inexpensive day to travel by plane. Of course, we are not like “the other tourists.” We, Sciences Pistes, are respectful, interested in different cultures and exploring the hidden gems—not just the touristy areas. In the years since the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a shift in the way people think about tourism. It is no longer about “seeing it all” (preferably in one day and for the price of a cappuccino in Prague). On the contrary, the emerging trend—sustainable or slow tourism—pushes those who participate in it to rethink their relationship to traveling. Sustainable or slow tourism can be defined as “the development of a region’s tourism industry in such a way that it does not damage or deplete the resources that make the region attractive to tourists.” For those who are traveling, it means being more conscious about the transportation they use to get to their destination as well as choosing accommodations that are committed to reducing their emissions or learning about the local culture, respecting it and taking the proper time to explore it and immerse in it. This trend is all the more important in the face of climate change, as global tourism emissions have reached 8.8 % of total greenhouse gas emissions in the pre-pandemic year 2019. While the tourism industry has not fully recovered to its pre-pandemic levels in 2023, the UN Tourism 2024 Edition of International Tourism Highlights has suggested : “a full recovery of international arrivals in 2024, following a 96% recovery in the first seven months of 2024.” The European Union, in its attempt to fight the climate crisis, supports the trend of slow tourism. For example, they offer students a free 7-day train pass to travel Europe under the initiative of DiscoverEU . It is proposed for 18-year-olds who live in one of the EU member states or countries that are part of the Erasmus+ program, such as Turkey, Norway, etc. The next round of applications opens on April 2 and will close on April 16. The program provides young people with a great opportunity to be environmentally mindful while seeing the beauties this continent has to offer. Two years ago, I signed up and embarked on my first solo trip from Prague to Madrid. As I was roaming the quaint streets of Munich, Zurich, Geneva and Barcelona—my three stops—I realized that I had just discovered my new favorite way of traveling, even though I, figuratively speaking, was not alone. Solo traveling has been on the rise, especially for women. What most women face, at least to some extent, regardless of their wealth, is the lack of safety in many public spaces. So, traveling alone is a great step towards reclaiming women’s agency despite the dangers that not all men embody, and is an important booster of self-confidence. Yet it does not mean that women can suddenly go outside at night and not feel unsafe just because they are in another country. One of the mantras of solo female travelers with a small budget is finding information on the safety of the place they will be staying. Sometimes the research takes hours, from finding a good location for the hostel—not too crowded but not too remote—to making a list of all the quarters and places to avoid. Sadly, even that is often not a guarantee that once women arrive, they will not be facing any potential or immediate danger. On all my solo trips, I have also shared the location with my loved ones and did not go out after 10 p.m. unless I met someone trustworthy enough to go with me. That is just a fraction of what women face when they decide to travel alone. While the statistics on deaths of solo female travelers do not exist, and the dangers at times feel omnipresent, there is hope. My recent trip from Rome to Menton on a night train restored my faith in humanity, at least momentarily. As I boarded the train with all the anxious what-ifs, I saw a young man sleeping on my seat. At first, I was consumed by fear and thought of all the ways I could potentially fend him off. But after a couple of minutes of casual conversation, it turned out that despite my limited French and his restricted English, we found a common ground. I learned a lot about the Congo and he willingly listened to old Czech songs. Nonetheless, I realize not all women have good experiences with men during their travels. Solo traveling can be intimidating, and there are a lot of factors women still have to take into consideration, but personally, I still find it worth it. However, solo traveling and sustainable tourism are not the only trends predicted to rise in 2025. Booking.com , an accommodation website, predicted that there will be a rise in “noctourism,” nocturnal tourism, which is traveling to experience the beauty of the night starry sky. According to the data gathered by Booking.com , around 60% of people in the survey conducted for the website answered that they were considering visiting a location with lower light pollution. As more and more people live in the cities, the chance of seeing the sky full of stars is close to none. While some are left suffocating from the air pollution in the cities, others, in their search for “raw” experiences, paradoxically do not shy away from polluting even more. Booking.com also predicts more “self-discovery” trips, emphasizing “men-only wellness retreats.” Surely, many women would like to see more men taking care of their mental health. The question is whether they will choose a path to more vulnerability or a trip supporting misogynistic stereotypes our society cannot stop perpetuating. The first step before setting out on a journey like in Eat Pray Love style is to be mindful of the impact of our actions and dismantle the unrealistic ideas we have about traveling. As in anything in life, perfection is unattainable, but the steps to becoming a slow and/or solo tourist are not unreachable. I found balance in combining airplanes, trains and walking; learning a few sentences in the local language before visiting and reading about the culture and heritage. And when you find yourself queuing in Prague’s city center during the summer, try the part called Holešovice instead. I cannot tell you my hidden gem, but the city has a lot to offer regardless. Photo source: Roberto Trombetta on Flickr

In the digital age, the responsibility of verifying and trusting information falls on us, the users. While content under the branding of Save Europe might not be falsified, it is deliberately presented with emotional imagery, evocative music and slogans—blurring the line between political activism and propaganda. < Back Who is “Saving” Europe? Stanimir Stoyanov March 31, 2025 Loud electronic music, vibrant landscapes and the statue of a stern man. These are the ingredients used to produce a social media-driven movement with political undertones now growing in popularity. If you have browsed social media recently, it is possible that you have encountered one of these short videos promoting traditional European values while opposing migration and progressive views on gender and sexuality. Coinciding with the recent rise of the right in European politics, this movement appeals to social media users by inciting a sense of doom and urgency to “Save Europe.” It all started with music. In May 2024, a video went viral, depicting people in Germany chanting “foreigners out” and “Germany is for Germans” to the song “L’Amour Toujours” by Gigi D’Agostino. Following this incident, the song was used at demonstrations and by Nazi sympathisers, replacing the lyrics with the above slogan, which was also used by Hitler. This led to significant backlash, ultimately resulting in its ban at the 2024 Oktoberfest celebrations. The song itself is about the artist’s love towards his wife, but coupled with other disco hits, it can be found in music playlists using the slogan “Save Europe.” The most popular music compilations are called “Aryan Classics” or something similar and they remain widely available on streaming platforms such as YouTube and Spotify. Continuing in this vein, 2024 saw the rise of short-form content using these songs on platforms like TikTok, YouTube Shorts and Instagram. The average video juxtaposes clips involving historical European landmarks, nationalist symbols and modern-day street scenes, with footage of protests, immigration or urban unrest. The combination of nostalgic imagery with urgent messaging aims to evoke a sense of loss, framing contemporary societal changes as an existential crisis for European identity. These videos are often structured in a way that maximizes engagement—quick cuts, dramatic text overlays and emotional music. The messaging varies, with some videos calling for cultural revival and others pushing conspiracy-led narratives about demographic change. What can be noticed is a rebranding of nationalistic ideologies under the guise of social media culture. By blurring the line between meme culture and political activism, the visual and musical style of the short-form content makes it more accessible to mainstream audiences, especially younger viewers. The icon of this movement is the bust of a muscular male figure supposed to invoke a feeling of strength and resilience. The statue “ La Force ” is by the artist Arno Breker, who was a Hitler-appointed official sculptor for the Nazi regime in Germany. Breker’s work, heavily influenced by totalitarian aesthetics, was designed to showcase national pride and a rigid sense of cultural identity. Its prevalence in Save Europe content is no coincidence, as it aligns with the movement’s broader theme of rejecting a perceived societal decline. The clips used often depict immigrants in a negative light, aiming to incite fear of a cultural takeover and impending doom. By painting Europe as being in crisis, the movement fosters a narrative of salvation from decline in order to bring Europe back to a “golden age” through images of nature and grand architectural marvels. What makes the movement especially alluring to audiences is the fact that it feeds not only on xenophobic narratives, but also on actual current socio-political discourse. Save Europe claims to expose acts of social deviance committed by individuals. In doing this, it often portrays groups of people in a negative light, aimed at bringing up fear and even hatred on a racial and religious basis. The rise of Save Europe coincides with a turbulent European political landscape. The increasing number of people supporting the far-right signals a shift in the continent’s political landscape, and Save Europe is actively contributing to it. It is both reiterating existing rhetoric but also introducing it to new audiences. While the movement itself cannot be directly linked to any political party, its message is one of the most hotly debated in recent EU politics. Days before the German election, the eventual winner of the election, the Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU), collaborated with the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) to pass migration policies, highlighting concerns that mainstream parties are legitimizing extremist positions on immigration. An interesting recent development is the introduction of new rhetoric surrounding Save Europe. Instead of talking solely about migration and social policies, a lot of recent clips under the tag have been connected to the effort of European Union rearmament, using the quote “ReArm Europe,” in conjunction with the recent change in U.S. foreign policy regarding the EU. It seems the movement is evolving to the narrative of Europe standing alone, with clips ranging from portrayals of Europe as a lone soldier to calling for the federalization of the EU. With clips following the same format popping up in support of European rearmament, this could be considered as an adaptation of the movement to current political narratives, in turn making it more appealing to general audiences. At the same time, it could be a sign that other movements, such as ReArm Europe, are beginning to use the platform SaveEurope has created to spread their narratives through social media. While Save Europe and other such movements are gaining traction, the platforms they use have not taken an official stance towards them. A large number of the accounts using phrases like “Save Europe” are short-lived, as they often face restrictions or bans for posting inappropriate content. However, new accounts with these names are being created all the time. At the beginning of 2025, Meta, owner of platforms Instagram and Facebook, even loosened its fact-checking and content monitoring policies. This change has allowed for a more unrestricted flow of information, opening the gates for misinformation, a prime tool for manipulating opinions. In the digital age, the responsibility of verifying and trusting information falls on us, the users. While content under the branding of Save Europe might not be falsified, it is deliberately presented with emotional imagery, evocative music and slogans—blurring the line between political activism and propaganda. If you haven’t personally been exposed to Save Europe content, keep in mind that it is not the only politically charged content online. Even the simplest online meme can influence us, sometimes unconsciously. As this movement gains traction, its influence on public discourse and electoral politics remains uncertain. Whether it fizzles out as just another viral trend or evolves into a significant force in this rebirth of European nationalism depends on how political actors, social media platforms, and, most importantly, we, the public, respond to it. Photo source: Matthias Berg on Flickr

Whether it be the exploitation of industrial workers, the wars waged by Western powers, or populism masking intense elitism, London’s artists contend with the same ills we study here in Menton. That art can express those issues in a more eloquent and widely-accessible form than any research paper should justify its inclusion in a robust political life. < Back The London Arts Scene: A (Sciences Po) Student’s Guide Niccolo Gentile November 30, 2024 Visiting London for the fall break and desperate for a reprieve from Menton’s cultural black hole, I was inspired to explore the city’s arts scene. During my short week there, I spent a number of hours in the company of London artists and heard their opinions on the city’s current state, which, accompanied by a few visits to local shows, galleries and exhibitions, revealed a city teeming with worthwhile nooks to experience. However, in keeping with the overarching theme of our Sciences Po curriculum, I noticed that the politics of London and the United Kingdom at large threaten this fragile community as the UK endures an extended and worsening economic and, increasingly, political crisis. To ask what’s on offer in London probably entails a longer list than asking what isn’t. A brief survey of London’s most famous artistic endeavors is sure to include museums, such as the National Gallery, British Museum, Victoria & Albert Museum and Tate Britain and Modern. All of these are accessible to anyone for the incredible price of 0 £ and display, in my opinion, some of the best-curated collections in the world today. While the ethics of the British Museum’s collection remains a hotly contested subject in the UK and around the world, the personal highlight of this selection for me is the Tate Modern. The Modern not only contains a wealth of modern and contemporary art galleries but also uses its immense space, a former power station, to stage unique exhibitions on a monumental scale. The temporary display I encountered was “Open Wound,” by South Korean sculptor Mire Lee, though sculptures perhaps undermine the raw visuals of it. Suspended 5 meters above the concrete floor of the central hall, a turbine interwoven, or maybe caught, in chains and silicone strands reminiscent of strips of flesh slowly rotates, dripping a thick fluid onto a rack and the thin, cloth-like figures it supports. Throughout the display’s lifespan, these cloths were gradually dried and hung around the towering central hall. While I won’t wax too poetic about the images created, suffice to say that it certainly set a proper Halloween-esque mood. Outside of museums, smaller galleries and art shops abound in the London streets. An occult bookstore contained one of the most eclectic collections of ephemera and obscure essays I’ve ever seen. The main event for my visit was a major exhibition of Peter Kennard’s works in the Whitechapel Gallery. Titled “Archive of Dissent,” Kennard’s life works outline a politically and socially engaged artist. You might recognize some of his most famous pieces, which lean heavily into anti-war themes by juxtaposing repugnant images of death and destruction (a soaring missile, a barren skull) with those of humanity’s endurance and fragility (a clenched fist, our Blue Marble as seen from space). More specific to the British component of his work, he depicted Margaret Thatcher as a skeleton wearing a human face. It was this image that was chosen as the exhibit’s headline picture, fittingly, given that though he has an impressive tenure in the anti-war movement, raging against the annihilation of human life from Vietnam to Gaza, today he works in a UK art world scarred by years of Thatcherism and its subsequent iterations under both Labour and Conservative Party politicians. Speaking to Zoe Benbow, a long-time London-based painter, she expressed the prevailing discontent with the Conservative’s constant cuts to arts funding, particularly in regards to arts education, where it is becoming increasingly costly and restrictive to enter the art world even for students who continue to flock to the UK’s cutting edge humanities and arts courses. She also complained of the Labour government’s reluctance to counter this insidious cost cutting as they mirror the Conservative’s rhetoric of “tightening the belt” with continued spending decreases. These political pressures are being felt by artists in London, where an absurdly expensive property market is pushing more and more artists further and further from the city's beating heart. This central region contains not just world-class museums but also one of the two great Anglo-sphere theater districts: the West End. Classic shows like the English adaptation of Les Miserables and The Phantom of the Opera sit alongside newer hits, including Wicked and Hadestown. Similarly, Shakespeare’s Globe presents some of the most seminal plays in the English language. However, some of the most unique and innovative showings appear in the National Theatre, where I saw the incredible David Oyelowo’s staging of Shakespeare’s Coriolanus and A Tupperware of Ashes, a loose adaptation of King Lear set against the backdrop of a British-Bengali family navigating the tumult of the 2020s UK and the ails of dementia. The quality of both might only be contested by their ease-of-entry for students, who can show up an hour before they start to get 20£ tickets in prime seating. The most meaningful of these plays, though, was Coriolanus. Intermixing Shakespeare’s medieval interpretation of the Ancient Roman Republic with 20th-century military aesthetics, Lyndsey Turner weaves a narrative that uses the antique tragedy to critique contemporary populism and elitism in equal measure. What emerges is a stark criticism of the brutal politics we face today. This reflects the messages of Lee’s viscera-strewn engine and Kennard’s fierce denunciation of the British state, one painting a picture of a British art world at odds with the conditions of the modern West. Whether it be the exploitation of industrial workers, the wars waged by Western powers, or populism masking intense elitism, London’s artists contend with the same ills we study here in Menton. That art can express those issues in a more eloquent and widely-accessible form than any research paper should justify its inclusion in a robust political life.

Les Etats-Unis présentés comme terre mère de la démocratie et du libéralisme politique et économique sont aussi un état-continent appliquant toujours la peine de mort sur leur sol. < Back L'exécution de Kenneth Smith: une rupture dans l'application de la peine de mort aux Etats-Unis By Salomé Greffier Les Etats-Unis présentés comme terre mère de la démocratie et du libéralisme politique et économique sont aussi un état-continent appliquant toujours la peine de mort sur leur sol. Un pays, considéré comme la première puissance mondiale, qui laisse en effet vingt deux de ces états fédéraux condamner des criminels à la peine capitale. Un paradoxe soulevant des questions socio-politiques qui, malgré les interpellations, ne semblent guère faire agir la communauté internationale. Alors que 1 583 exécutions ont été répertoriées depuis 1977 sur l’ensemble du territoire, le 25 janvier dernier marque un tournant dans l’application de la peine de mort sur le sol étasunien. L’Alabama, état défenseur de la mise en vigueur de cette sentence, exécute Kenneth Smith par inhalation d’azote. Ce meurtrier âgé de 58 ans avait été condamné par le juge en charge de l’affaire à la peine capitale pour avoir commis le meurtre commandité d’Elizabeth Sennett en mars 1988. Kenneth Smith avait été payé par le mari de la victime, Charles Sennett Sr., pasteur et propriétaire du criminel, pour perpétrer l’assassinat. Suite à une tentative avortée d’application de sa peine, en novembre 2022, le condamné s’est vu imposer une exécution par une méthode non testée auparavant: l’hypoxie à l’azote. La Cour suprême avait en outre autorisé le procédé malgré l’objection de ses trois juges libéraux et les inquiétudes des opposants à la peine de mort, estimant que cette méthode pourrait potentiellement infliger des souffrances au condamné. Le procureur général de l’Alabama aurait, quant à lui, affirmé que l’azote gazeux “provoquerait une perte de conscience en quelques secondes et causerait la mort en quelques minutes”, rapporte l’agence Associated Press. Pourtant, la durée de l’exécution semble avoir donné raison aux préoccupations des libéraux et activistes luttant contre la peine de mort. Selon des témoins, la pénitence aurait en effet duré vingt deux minutes, entre le moment où le masque fut apposé sur la figure de Kenneth Smith et la déclaration de sa mort. Un délai également dénoncé par le conseiller spirituel du condamné, Jeff Hood, interrogé par la chaîne de télévision CNN. Il confie en ce sens qu’il n’avait jamais assisté à une telle exécution et qu’elle s’élèverait, d’après lui, au rang de la torture. (“I have never, ever seen anything like that [...] That was torture”) Par conséquent, l’essai de cette nouvelle méthode d’exécution, consistant à étouffer la personne à l’aide d’un gaz, soulève des questions morales et éthiques au delà du politique. Le problème dans ce cas n’est plus de savoir si la personne doit mourir pour le crime qu’elle a commis mais si celle-ci mérite d’être tuée en souffrant. L’histoire de la peine de mort aux Etats-Unis est à ce sens parsemée de condamnations ayant intenté à l’intégrité physique du condamné à cause d’aléas techniques. L’exemple de l’exécution de William Kemmler à la chaise électrique en août 1890 demeure dès lors significatif. Le condamné, après s’être vu infliger près de vingt secondes de courant électrique haute tension, perdit seulement connaissance, forçant les gardiens à réitérer l’opération malgré la souffrance de William Kemmler. Il en va de même pour toutes les innovations de techniques de mise à mort telles que la chambre à gaz ou l’injection létale. Chacune d’entre elles a été expérimentée sur un humain, un cobaye, au mépris du respect de la dignité et de l’intégrité humaine. Ainsi, la technique développée par l’Alabama semble nier les principes fondamentaux qui régissent le droit international relatif aux prisonniers. Volker Turk, le haut commissaire des Nations Unies aux droits de l’homme s’est alors emparé de la controverse en déclarant que l’étouffement par azote gazeux pourrait s’apparenter à de la torture ou à un traitement cruel et dégradant ( “I deeply regret the execution of Kenneth Eugene Smith in Alabama despite serious concerns this novel and untested method of suffocation by nitrogen gas may amount to torture, or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.”) Malgré cette dénonciation, il sera intéressant de se pencher sur les actions et condamnations possibles envers l’Etat de l’Alabama ou les Etats-Unis en général, de la part de la communauté internationale. Aux portes du couloir de la mort, les derniers mots prononcés par Kenneth Smith résument finalement tout l’enjeu soulevé par sa condamnation et méritent réflexion : “Tonight, Alabama caused humanity to take a step backward.” ( “Ce soir, l’Alabama a fait reculer l’humanité”).

Society that carries out capital punishment must think very carefully about the policy’s potential consequences. Taking an innocent person’s life is a grave enough reason to put someone to death, but shouldn’t there be accountability for those who sentence innocent people to the death penalty? < Back Execution in Missouri and the Death Penalty Ema Nevřelová October 31, 2024 My mother grew up in communist Czechoslovakia. She would often tell me the story of her first official act of free will. During the first months of 1990, Amnesty International was collecting signatures to petition for the abolition of the death penalty in the former Czechoslovakia and, at the age of 18, my mother signed it. For my mother, freedom lies in the ability to act and to stand up for what you believe in. In her view, the value of a person’s life is too high to risk the possibility of executing someone innocent—she would feel partially complicit if she did not protest. Three months later, in May 1990, former Czechoslovak President Václav Havel pressured the government and the death penalty was abolished. U.S. citizens have not unilaterally pushed the abolishment of the death penalty; support for capital punishment has historically fluctuated. A recent Gallup poll demonstrated that only 53% of Americans favor the death penalty. In Gallup’s research from 2022, there is an even greater disparity between Democrat and Republican party members: 35% of Democrats and 77% of Republicans were in favor of the death penalty. Unsurprisingly, typically “red” states such as Texas, South Carolina, Alabama, Idaho and many more have the death penalty, although it is not exclusive to states supporting Republicans. Meanwhile, California, a “Blue” state, still has not abolished it. But the current Governor of California, Gavin Newsom has put a hold on executions. There is no federal mandate on the capital punishment, meaning that the employment of the death penalty in the U.S. is determined at the state level. The State Attorney General has the final say, and if a prisoner wants to appeal outside of state, their only option is the U.S. Supreme Court of Justice—which does not review many death penalty cases. The death penalty also is also influenced by the forces at the federal level; it became infamous during Donald Trump’s presidency, during which a total of 13 executions were carried out—the highest number since 1896. However, apart from Trump’s presidency the federal death penalty is rarely carried out. The Gallup research helps to step out of the narrative that the supporters of the death penalty have some inherent characteristics or evil traits. While there is a trend among different political parties, there is no consistent definition of a person favoring the death penalty. However, the indisputable fact of procedural and systematic issues make scrutiny over the death penalty all the more important, especially given the irreversibility in case of wrongful conviction. Recent news about executions of Travis Mullis, Emmanuel Littlejohn, Alan Miller, Freddie Owens and Marcellus “Khalifah” Williams in the span of a week brought such discussions to the forefront of the U.S. social media discourse. Being Czech, I was surprised that 5 executions in one week are in fact not the everyday reality of the U.S., as it last happened in 2003. The execution of Marcellus “Khalifah” Williams was publicly opposed, as some people believed him to be innocent in the murder of Felicia Gayle, for which he was convicted. His case highlights two key issues with the death penalty: the closure myth and systemic racism. The closure myth is a commonly held belief that by executing the murderer, the family of the victim will get a closure. Surely, some families do, however the process of a murderer receiving a death sentence is lengthy and there is a lack of mental health and financial support. Often, it leaves the families of the victims struggling even after the execution, delaying the process of closure. In this case, Governor of Missouri Michael L. Parson, who appealed on certainty, indirectly used the closure myth by stating : “Withdrawing the order allows the process to proceed within the judicial system, and, once the due process of law has been exhausted, everyone will receive certainty.” Given the external factors influencing the family (financial and health issues) it is not surprising that a study by Eaton and Christensen from 2014 concluded that co-victims (family members of the victim) “expressed their views on closure in various ways’’ and those “who did mention closure were evenly divided on whether they felt the execution provided closure or not.’’ This deconstructs the narrative that execution is the only way to provide closure for co-victims and while it can put their minds to rest there are more usually aspects preventing them from doing so. However, the family of Felicia Gayle, the murder victim, approved , together with the court, for Williams to enter an Alford plea , a plea where a defendant can maintain innocence while accepting a plea bargain and allowing Williams to be re-sentenced to life in prison. However, the state attorney general’s office opposed and blocked the decision by appealing to the U.S. Supreme Court. Presumably, when it comes to closure and justice for the family, it is not the family who decides, but rather the system does it for them without even taking the family’s position into account. The second issue arising during Williams’ process of appealing the death penalty was the selection of a jury. In an emergency appeal made to the U.S. Supreme Court before the execution of Williams, his attorney declared : “Of the seven Black venirepersons (out of 131 in total), the trial prosecutor [St. Louis County Prosecuting Attorney’s Office] used peremptory strikes against six of them. His reasoning for excluding one of those venirepersons, Venireperson 64, was that he “reminded” him of Mr. Williams. He thought the men looked similar and that boy had ‘piercing eyes’ (App. 89a).” Later, the Supreme Court of Missouri found this reasoning to be race-neutral. A parallel can be drawn between the reasoning given by the St. Louis County Prosecuting Attorney’s Office of “piercing eyes”and of some white people complimenting black women’s hair while touching them without consent. On the surface it may seem innocent and “race-neutral,” but upon the addition of astriking imbalance of power, it becomes awfully clear that there are not many things in life that are race, gender or otherwise neutral . The selection process of jury pools is often based on registered voter lists or on driving licence holders, although other factors may apply. There is, however, no obligation to adapt mechanisms to achieve an equal representation of the community that the jury represents. Looking at the American justice system and racism in general, a 1990 study on Death Penalty Sentencing concluded that a “synthesis of the 28 studies shows a pattern of evidence indicating racial disparities in the charging, sentencing, and imposition of the death penalty […].” Furthermore, this study suggests that if a victim is white, the likelihood of the defendant receiving the death penalty is higher. This is disturbing on several levels including the fact that it implies the lives of Black people have lesser value when it comes to the severity of the penalty. The Innocence database is run by the Death Penalty Information Center, which records cases of people who have been sentenced to death but have been exonerated before the execution. Out of the 200 recorded cases, 108 wrongfully convicted people were Black, 21 were either Native Americans, Alaska Natives, Latinos or Asians. But these people are far away from being just numbers. This becomes evident in the case of Timothy Howard and Gary James, who spent 26 years in prison for bank robbery and murder as they were convicted in 1976 and freed only in 2003. On average, there is at least one person wrongfully convicted every year. It is true that the list of wrongful convictions ends in 2014, but it would be naïve to expect that it is because judges suddenly became infallible from then on. The Innocent database does not include people who have already been executed but could potentially be innocent. The Death Penalty Information Center provides a list of people who were executed and are now believed to be innocent, although according to the Center: “Courts do not generally entertain claims of innocence when the defendant is dead.” These statistics and the real human beings behind them tell heart-wrenching stories of a system failure that is irreparable. Even if we look at the cases of people who have been convicted because they were truly guilty, there are still aspects to the death penalty that make it morally questionable. Firstly, in the U.S., it is illegal to sentence a person with intellectual disabilities to death, yet mental illness is not included even though the American Bar Association states the following: “In short, the ABA finds that individuals with severe mental illnesses or disabilities present at the time of the crime should not be subject to capital punishment.” This is an unsurprising reflection of how U.S. society still views mental health. Mental health issues are weaponized when convenient—in the U.S. context, young school shooters are often portrayed as anomalies to a perfectly functioning system of gun control, without considering or acknowledging the dire situation of mental health struggles among young people. There is also this narrow-minded approach leading some to believe that mental illness is only used as an excuse, where in reality living with mental illness can be challenging to a level that people who have never experienced it can hardly imagine. The second problem is with the execution itself, as the preferred method of execution in the U.S. is death by lethal injection. There are recorded instances where the needle was administered incorrectly or the person executed was struggling to breath for tens of minutes to an hour before dying. Coming from the Czech Republic, a country which abolished capital punishment almost 35 years ago, the faulty procedures seem as vengeance, close to torture. Should society’s goal be to follow Hammurabi’s law “eye for an eye,” or should we let murderers sit with the horrors of their actions while not risking an execution of innocent people? Williams’s case should be a reminder that the death penalty is not a punishment standing on its own, rather there are external factors such as racism, lack of focus on mental health and the potential for false conviction. Society that carries out capital punishment must think very carefully about the policy’s potential consequences. Taking an innocent person’s life is a grave enough reason to put someone to death, but shouldn’t there be accountability for those who sentence innocent people to the death penalty? The answer is not simple and even if the U.S. were to abolish capital punishment, it does not put an end to the debate about it. Circling back to the example of the Czech Republic, although capital punishment has been abolished, we have only recently (in 2023) gotten to a point where the percentage of people opposing capital punishment is higher than that of its supporters. Yet, support for the death penalty is at 42 % and had we not had the constellation in which the capital punishment was abolished, Czech people might have had to face the same moral dilemma the Americans are facing today. And while my mother does live in a society without capital punishment and does not have to battle her conscience, the polarization on the topic has not vanished.

From Khuzestan to Tehran, we hear the phrase “زن، زندگی، آزادی” being chanted in streets by hundreds of Iranians. From Tehran to Paris, we see it take the form “femme, vie, liberté”; in New York and London we hear “women, life, freedom.” This central phrase of the protests exemplifies the basic values Iranians are fighting for — but what are they really related to and where do they stem from? < Back “Women. Life. Freedom” — What are the Iran protests fighting for? By Anonymous October 31, 2022 From Khuzestan to Tehran, we hear the phrase “زن، زندگی، آزادی” being chanted in streets by hundreds of Iranians. From Tehran to Paris, we see it take the form “femme, vie, liberté”; in New York and London we hear “women, life, freedom.” This central phrase of the protests exemplifies the basic values Iranians are fighting for — but what are they really related to and where do they stem from? On Sept. 16, 2022, the news of the murder of Zhina Mahsa Amini — a 22-year-old Kurdish woman who was visiting Tehran — by Iran’s morality police broke out. They brutally attacked Amini for wearing an “improper hijab,” causing a traumatic brain injury that put her in a three-day coma prior to her death. In an attempt to dodge accountability, Iranian officials claimed her death was due to pre-existing heart conditions. However, her family denied these allegations, confirming that she had no serious health problems prior to this event. This shocking report instigated a wave of visceral reactions, predominantly nationally but also internationally. People were outraged at the human rights abuses taking place, the systemic oppression against women and the extent to which the regime devalues the lives of their population. What started as women cutting off their hair on social media snowballed into Iranian women courageously unveiling themselves and burning their hijab in public, and has now transformed into the population taking to the streets of Iran and demanding their rights. To better understand this social movement, let us try to dissect its central slogan and its implications. Women As the first word of our phrase and the catalyst of the protests, Iranian women are central to this cause. Women’s rights (or lack thereof) in Iran takes several dimensions; nonetheless, a detail that gives a glimpse into the injustices they have to submit to is the imposition of the hijab and the existence of the morality police. The latter is a branch of the security force that ensures that women are abiding by the Islamic Republic’s strict dress code which forces all women, regardless of belief or religion, to wear the hijab and dress “modestly” through loose clothes and minimal to no makeup. Consequently, wearing an “improper” hijab or not wearing one at all, tight clothing or showing a little bit of skin is penalized. This general concept has existed since the 1979 revolution, but has been reshaped and taken its current institutionalized form during the Ahmadinejad presidency. The morality police operate as a patrol team in a van, generally including two to three women who lure in the victims and at least two men who may use force if she resists, as they did with Amini. They situate themselves in crowded areas of cities and their actions can range from a simple warning or a fine to taking women to the “center of education and commitment,” punishing those who resist, and occasionally arresting victims. The morality police’s abuse of power through the unjustifiable use of violence raises infinite distrust about their legitimacy. Furthermore, the police’s omnipresence shines a light on the ceaseless mistreatment of Iranian women who fear for their lives due to clothing further underscores their objectification by the regime as they are being obliged to cover up. The enforcement of the hijab strips women of their choice, acting as an instrument to control their bodies. Said instrument — this mere piece of fabric — symbolizes their oppression, informing Iranian women’s decision to burn it. After all, the hijab loses all meaning once imposed. By cutting their hair, Iranian women broadcast the tragic reduction of their existence to these few strands. This is not said to orientalize and pity Iranian women. As the face of the movement, their strength, bravery, and grace are to admire and undoubtedly to defend. Life The right to life should not be subject to negotiation because it is an essential and fundamental human right. Yet, it is clear that the regime values the lives of some over others’. This is epitomized by the discrimination against the Kurdish-Iranian population, illustrated through the murder of Zhina Mahsa Amini, who is believed by some to have provoked officials by speaking with a Kurdish accent. Amini’s choice to go by her Persian name (Mahsa) as opposed to her Kurdish birth name (Zhina) further confirms this perennial fear of ethnic intolerance. On a larger scale, Iran’s bombing of Iraqi Kurdistan on Sept. 26, accusing them of the protests happening in the country, displays the Iranian government’s hostility towards the Kurdish population. It goes without saying that the regime targets protestors, as the death count stemming from these protests has reached (at the time of writing this article) over 150 people. Let us turn to the Islamic Republic’s treatment of students — the future of their nation. How much does the government value a demographic that most would assume it would prioritize? How does it treat their “élite de la nation”? Even here, we find that students’ lives are practically worthless to the authorities who recently attacked Sharif University in Tehran, Iran’s highest-ranking engineering academy. They locked the entrances and exits, trapping the students, and started shooting, students even compared it to a “war zone”. Their identities no longer mattered — not whether they were innocent or guilty, nor whether they stayed longer to study or to talk with their friends. At this moment, they were all a threat, voices to be silenced, an existence that no longer served the government. One by one, with each bullet, another name, and another bright future was permanently crossed off the attendance list. Freedom The intense restrictions on freedom extend across almost every aspect of Iranian life, yet one kind of right — freedom of speech — is particularly endangered. I am sure, as Sciences Pistes, you have all seen the Fariba Adelkhah posters plastered in the corridors and amphitheater of campus. This Iranian Sciences Po Academic, this colleague of our professors and administration, was detained in 2019 simply for speaking against the regime. This fear lives within virtually every Iranian — extreme censorship is a pillar of the republic’s tight grip on power. The censorship ranges from day-to-day inconveniences, such as needing a VPN to access certain social media platforms, to fearing exile, arrest and even death for expressing one’s views. The magnitude of the repressive situation is highlighted throughout these protests as the government has shut down (or slowed) the internet for almost two weeks, so news cannot reach the electronics of everyday Iranians covering the process stays quiet. Moreover, countless journalists and political activists have been detained. As goes another slogan stated in the protests, “Evin has become a university and Tehran a prison.” “Evin” relates to a notorious prison in Tehran that incarcerates political prisoners. This same prison was recently set on fire by the regime, killing and injuring its prisoners often consisting of students, activists or protestors. This chilling reality is precisely the reason that it is vital that we, as the international community who can talk about this issue, do not cease to be the voice of Iranians living in Iran. The Iranian people depend on our efforts to spread the movement and prevent the dialogue from fading away. “Women. Life. Freedom.” A simple expression embodying a myriad of grievous realities that Iranians resist daily. The Iranian people are putting their lives on the line to be heard. From Rue Longue to Bastion, it is now our turn to show support. It is time for these three powerful words to resound through the Menton’s streets.