This bill represents the latest step in Uganda’s hostile agenda towards the LGBTQ community, a sentiment strongly linked to the nation's colonial history. < Back Ugandan Parliamentary Bill Continues LGBTQ Crackdown By Peyton Dashiell September 27, 2023 After a nearly unanimous vote on March 21, the Parliament of Uganda passed a set of sweeping anti-LGBTQ legislation, continuing a brazen crackdown on homosexuality in the East African nation. While homosexuality is already illegal in Uganda, the new legislation is harsh and vaguely defined — members of the LGBTQ community and others accused of promoting homosexuality may receive life in prison or the death penalty under the law. As international outcry mounts, the bill awaits a signature or veto from Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, a longtime opponent of LGBTQ rights and recognition. This bill represents the latest step in Uganda’s hostile agenda towards the LGBTQ community. In 2013, the Ugandan Parliament passed the Anti-Homosexuality Act, which broadened legal penalties for homosexuality in Uganda, and permitted the extradition of Ugandans abroad accused of violating the law. The act was based on the 2009 Anti-Homosexuality Bill, which Member of Parliament David Bahati introduced. Before the act, individuals convicted of homosexual acts could face prison sentences of up to 14 years. While the act faced an intense outcry from the international community and was annulled on procedural grounds a year after its passage, anti-LGBTQ sentiments and legislation attempts have continued within the Ugandan Parliament. This anti-LGBTQ sentiment is strongly linked to Uganda’s colonial history. Before British colonialism, homosexuality was socially acceptable among the Baganda, Uganda’s largest ethnic group. Additionally, the Lango people recognized a third gender, mudoko dako. Laws prohibiting homosexuality were first enacted by British colonial authorities in 1902, later enshrined in the Penal Code Act of 1950, and remained even after Uganda gained independence in 1962. In the late 19th century, Christian missionaries began to proselytize in Uganda under British colonial authority. While this arrival was relatively late compared to other African nations, Christianity rapidly took root, countering the existing spread of Islam among the Ugandan population. Today, around 85 percent of Ugandans practice Christianity — Roman Catholicism represents the largest denomination, but there are also significant populations of Anglicans, Pentecostals, Jehovah’s Witnesses and Baptists. If the new legislation is signed into law, Uganda will become the only Christian-majority nation to punish homosexuality with the death penalty. In recent decades, Evangelical Christian organizations from the United States have played a key role in shaping Ugandan attitudes toward homosexuality. Their campaigns have linked homosexuality to pedophilia, accused LGBTQ organizations of “recruiting” children and vulnerable populations for sexual exploitation, and characterized homosexuality as a Western import aiming to destroy the traditional Ugandan family. Evangelical missionary Scott Lively has spearheaded these efforts. Lively has advocated for the criminalization of homosexuality globally, pushing for harsh anti-LGBTQ legislation in Russia, Latvia, and Uganda. Additionally, he authored the conspiratorial 2007 book “The Pink Swastika,” which asserts that gay people held prominent roles in the Nazi Party and exacerbated Nazi Germany’s militarism – a grave historical denial, especially considering that gay people were among those sent to concentration camps in the Holocaust. In 2009, Lively traveled to Kampala, Uganda, along with Don Schmeirer and Caleb Lee Brundige to host a conference on the dangers of the purported “LGBTQ agenda.” Thousands of Ugandan government officials, police officers, and teachers attended, and the meeting heavily influenced the 2009 draft of the Anti-Homosexuality Act. But despite the imperialist origins of this legislation, anti-LGBTQ sentiment has become incredibly widespread among Ugandans today. A 2013 poll from the Pew Research Center found that 96 percent of surveyed Ugandans believed that homosexuality should not be accepted by society. In a notable reversal of Western trends, older people displayed higher rates of LGBTQ acceptance than younger generations — seven percent of people over 50 believed that homosexuality should be accepted compared to a mere three percent of those 18 to 29. Efforts to advocate for the LGBTQ community have faced intense government opposition in Uganda. In 2004, activist Victor Mukasa founded Sexual Minorities Uganda, quickly becoming Uganda’s top LGBTQ human rights organization. However, Mukasa’s home was raided by police, prompting him to flee to South Africa, and Sexual Minorities Uganda was ordered to halt all operations in August 2022. Other independent events have been interrupted and brutalized by police, and Pride Uganda was canceled in 2017 after threats from the government. International human rights organizations and intergovernmental bodies immediately condemned this new legislation. According to the United Nations, including the death penalty in this bill constitutes an arbitrary killing. It is, therefore, a violation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. UN Human Rights Council appointed experts urged President Museveni to “tread a new path towards respect of human rights and acceptance of difference, and reject the proposed law,” while the United States has threatened broad economic sanctions if the law is enacted. Additionally, a group of large multinational companies, including Google and Microsoft, rallied against the bill, citing potential damage to the Ugandan economy. According to the coalition, Uganda’s neighbor Kenya loses 1.7 percent of its GDP annually due to business withdrawal based on anti-LGBTQ discrimination. While President Museveni is known for his socially conservative leadership, he has expressed concern for the effects of social policy on the Ugandan economy in the past. The international condemnation of this bill may succeed in halting the legislation. The outcome of a singular bill will not reduce the pervasive anti-LGBTQ ideology in Ugandan society nor repair the widespread effects of Western imperialism that caused these ideas to fester. However, stopping the discriminatory legislation could be a step in the right direction for activists. Additionally, attitudes within the country may shift if local actors — rather than just international, especially Western, actors — can reestablish operations.

Sanctions do more than empty out grocery aisles and indirectly kill the innocent recipients. While the proposed intention is to combat autocratic regimes through economic means, rather than traditional uses of violence, the effect is often counterintuitive, propping up the very regimes they aim to weaken. < Back Sanctions: The Key to a Longstanding, Powerful, Authoritarian Regime Isabella Suels for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton April 30, 2025 We have entered a new era of warfare. Rather than tanks, bombs and guns, sanctions have become the weapon of choice. Unlike the aforementioned tools of destruction, sanctions do not cause direct harm. Rather, their harmful nature is disseminated through food shortages and inflation, which are de trimental and, in some cases, deadly. Nevertheless, sanctions do more than empty out grocery aisles and indirectly kill the innocent recipients. While the proposed intention is to combat autocratic regimes through economic means, rather than traditional uses of violence, the effect is often counterintuitive, propping up the very regimes they aim to weaken. Autocrats feed off sanc tions. Financial penalties are often the glue that holds a nation together. They create the perfect launching-point for the creation of the rally ‘round the flag : a period of increased short-run popular support of a country's government or political leaders during periods of international crisis or war. This phenomenon compels us to look at the imposition of sanctions as an indirect attack on a country; leaders use the implementation of these sanctions to forge a strong sense of national identity, often placing themselves as a figure of unity and strength for their people. For instance, in Iraq, during the reign of Saddam Hussein, the U.S. imposed heavy sanctions on Iraq. The side effects of these sanctions included the usual suspects: food insecurity and malnutrition, which continued through the thirteen years of sanctions. However, the effects of U.S. sanctions spanned far beyond that period. The effect of ongoing malnutrition, specifically among children, resulted in long-term health problems and cognitive deficits. The suffering experienced by children and vulnerable communities in Iraq during this period changed Iraqis’ perception of the West. As the spread of disease throughout the population came as a consequence of the sanctions imposed by the West, it became clear that Western powers were to blame for the humanitarian crisis. With sanctions as the main perpetrators, pressure was taken off Saddam Hussein and his track record of enforced disappearances, killing, torture, execution, and more during his tenure. Although the sanctions were framed as “denying Saddam access to funds,” their reach went far beyond that, denying ordinary Iraqis access to basic rights. Therefore, resulting in an onset of hyperinflation, the government could not provide people with livable wages, and critical government institutions crumbled. Hence, the detrimental effects of Western sanctions strengthened Saddam Hussein’s argument that the West was the enemy of the Iraqi people. The primary goal of Western sanctions was to create enough pressure to oust Saddam Hussein from power. However, his reign would persist until April 2003, following the United States’ invasion of Iraq. Years after his demise, the legacy of Saddam Hussein is complex and the negative memory of the sanctions remains unchanged. This is why countries must be cautious of the power their economic sanctions hold. There is a fine balance between political pressure and human rights violations that gets buried under the sanctions. Once that line is crossed, it is hard to jump back to the other side, and it leaves a vacuum that gets filled by newfound alliances. Sanctions breed isolation as countries are discouraged from trading with sanctioned countries in fear that Western countries will cut ties, thereby motivating countries under heavy sanctions to forge alliances with each other. Alliances built on the common trait of isolation are not uncommon and hinder the original goals of sanctions. If the point of this economic weapon is to ostracize, it completely falls short when countries join forces to keep themselves above water in the midst of economic turmoil. As was best highlighted between the relationship of the U.S.S.R. and Cuba during the Cold War, the heavy U.S. sanctions placed on both these countries allowed them to craft a strategic alliance that kept Cuba afloat during the reign of Fidel Castro. Even today, decades after their initial relationship blossomed, Cuba and Russia benefit from one another. For instance, since late 2023, Cubans have even been lured to fight in the Russian army with the prospect of high pay and a Russian passport as a reward for their services. This renaissance of Cuban and Russian relations further demonstrates how the consequences of sanctions outlive presidents, governments and, in this case, even countries. With the ongoing trade war between the United States and countries around the globe, it remains to be seen how these current events will influence our world today. As the United States unloads its economic arsenal, it is only a matter of time until it resorts to sanctions. The only thing that remains for certain is that sanctions are an extremely powerful tool, and if used without caution, they could aggravate rather than tame. Photo source: Unsplash

MEDMUN’s President and Vice-President, Inès Jabri and Maria Azadian, respectively, have been unequivocally toiling away to put together a schedule and a plan so that you, dear Sciences Pistes, can get excited about the newest SPMUN and MEDMUN conferences of 2022 and 2023. < Back New Year and New Plans for the Mediterranean Model United Nations: What Should We Expect? By Georgia McKerracher September 30, 2022 Well, it’s becoming more than clear that the summer break is officially over. Despite the straggling remains of tourist crowds traipsing through the streets of Menton, ice creams in hand, Menton’s Sciences Pistes are starting to smell the beginnings of a new academic year. Readings are already stacking up, various looming assessment deadlines are being discernibly placed in calendars, and the once-toasty temperature feels as though it may be beginning to drop at Sablettes. However, with the onset of this fresh new year, Menton’s student organizations are beginning to get their acts together. The Mediterranean Model United Nations is no exception — not only have interviews been conducted, but the board is coordinating two major events to be hosted in Menton this year. MEDMUN’s President and Vice-President, Inès Jabri and Maria Azadian, respectively, have been unequivocally toiling away to put together a schedule and a plan so that you, dear Sciences Pistes, can get excited about the newest SPMUN and MEDMUN conferences of 2022 and 2023. Now, ‘what is the difference between these two conferences?’ you may well be asking yourself. Fortunately, Jabri and Azadian took the time to let us all in on this information. SPMUN is a conference that “caters to people with interests in all regions of the world,” Azadian states. It offers an opportunity for all Sciences Pistes with passions “from the Americas to East Asia” to come together and get to know one another. A pivotal part of this conference will be drawing inspiration from our fellow students’ passion, learning from one another’s experiences, and considering what it means to be a globally-engaged citizen in an ever-changing socio-political environment. The theme for this year’s SPMUN on the Menton campus is “Reconstruction and Redirection: Imagining a Post-Crisis World.” Intrigued by the decisions behind the choice of such a compelling theme, I quizzed Azadian about some of the thought processes that underpinned the MEDMUN board’s final choice. “We had many discussions about the theme for this year’s conference,” she said, “[and] we noticed that the discussion often centers around the ‘why’ and the ‘how’ of conflicts today.” While deliberation about the current crises — the crippling consequences of climate change and the ongoing public health crises, to name a couple — were all taken into consideration, Jabri and Azadian considered how these everyday topics and questions “miss a part of the bigger picture.” “With the geopolitical, economic, environmental, political, social and judicial thematics,” Jabri says, “participants will get a multifaceted perspective of today’s global issues.” Instead, people need to think more openly of the disturbingly daunting question that humanity should be asking itself now: “how can we rebuild (our) world?” Under the umbrella of such a moving theme, SPMUN will bring together Sciences Pistes from all six of the Menton Campus’ neighbors — a unique opportunity for the Mentonese to get to know some of their otherwise distanced peers (and in some cases, rekindle a few close connections to other students from across campuses originally made in Reims last year). Moreover, for the first time in its history, the SPMUN conference will be trilingual — with committees discussing global issues in English and French and now in Spanish. MEDMUN also focuses on the Middle Eastern and Northern African regions, allowing for dialogue with delegates who either come specifically for the conference’s unique regional focus or who simply enjoy the opportunity to meet a few new faces and enhance their understanding of diverse worldviews and opinions. Jabri eagerly states that MEDMUN expects over 400 students from all over the globe to arrive in Menton, allowing for the “accomplishment of a year of teamwork,” which she reflects will “make our little city shine.” Regardless of some key differences in the content explored by the conferences, both will undoubtedly offer their participants a diverse number of unique and exhilarating opportunities. As Azadian puts it, “each conference, at the end of the day, creates its community of people passionate about debate and diplomacy.” Jabri further elaborates, saying that “having two MUN conferences on the Menton campus is an incredible opportunity” for all students to benefit from “not only… the intellectual aspect of these experiences, debating topical subjects in different committees,” but also to “share their culture, knowledge and advice.” Despite its poeticism, Jabri’s firm belief that “diversity and multiculturalism become the backbone of these events” rings true for all participants. Heads of Crisis, David Ederberg and Riwa Hassan, are also cooking up a storm. Ederberg emphasized his excitement at seeing “students from all campuses… use their different backgrounds and perspectives” to come to meaningful and insightful conclusions in their respective “captivating crisis” committees. Both conferences will offer Sciences Pistes some of the most fantastic opportunities to meet new and exciting people from France and the world. Menton’s upcoming MUNs create incredible opportunities to “learn about international relations,” and “expand network[s] and lifelong friendships,” according to Azadian However, aside from the cerebral rewards of conference participation, “debating with a stunning view of the Mediterranean right outside your window is not such a bad thing either!” Jabri correctly puts it when she states, “Get ready for the first intercampus event of the year, located on the beautiful Riviera, where you will have the opportunity to debate, create memories [and] share your experience!” SPMUN will be held in Menton from the 11th to 13th of November, 2022, and MEDMUN will be held from the 31st of March to 2nd of April, 2023.

On average, 24% of women within the EU face Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). In Finland this figure rises to 30% with Denmark being even higher at 32%. In the context of the Nordics, 28% and 27% of Swedish and Norwegian women experienced IPV respectively. These relatively high statistics are described as the Nordic paradox, which explores why countries that are often described as models of egalitarianism face the highest rates of IPV. < Back What Women Learn to Endure: How Early Socialization Shapes the Structural Roots of Intimate Partner Violence Elly Loiseau November 26, 2025 On average, 24% of women within the EU face Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). In Finland this figure rises to 30% with Denmark being even higher at 32%. In the context of the Nordics, 28% and 27% of Swedish and Norwegian women experienced IPV respectively. These relatively high statistics are described as the Nordic paradox, which explores why countries that are often described as models of egalitarianism face the highest rates of IPV. Understanding why this contradiction exists requires looking beyond numbers and into the social dynamics that shape behaviour. The Council of Europe defines sex and gender-based violence as “Violence founded on a gender-based power imbalance … deeply rooted in the structures, norms and social and cultural values of society”. Consequently, the coexistence of strong equality frameworks and persistent violence therefore suggests that the roots of IPV lie within these cultural, social, and structural foundations, not simply in the absence of legal progress. Some believe the Nordic paradox may be due to backlash effects, in which progressive gender-equality ideals provoke resistance from traditional norms. Given the comparatively high levels of equality in the Nordic region, this resistance may be magnified, helping to explain the paradox. Conversely, it is suggested that Nordic countries' advanced gender equality laws help destigmatize reporting and thus we see an increased rate of IPV, not due to a true difference between the countries but rather as there are increased reports. This would reveal, however, a darker truth that IPV is more prevalent in other countries, but due to under-reporting, we just remain ignorant of its fact. Devon Buchanan, flickr The existence of the Nordic paradox prompts a larger reflection on the limits of policy. Not just what we as a society put in place to combat inequality but also as to why IPV continues to persist regardless. Similar contradictions appear in global data. For example, studies in low and middle-income countries have found that women's improved economic or educational status can either protect them or increase their risk of IPV victimization, depending largely on cultural and interpersonal context. This supports the idea that IPV's causes are embedded in culture and society regardless of policy changes. These patterns begin shaping vulnerability at an early age. Kelly Liz, a professor of sexualised violence , states that the “underlying theme is that daughterhood as currently constructed sets women up to be victimized”. She emphasizes that vulnerability is not accidental, but produced. Reflecting on this, I first felt men’s eyes on me when I was 12, and by 13, I had already become hypervigilant of my surroundings. At 14, I was catcalled in front of a construction site on my way home from school; to this day, I feel uneasy walking past one. At 15, my friends traded stories about how men had driven by calling them “easy”, or tried to take pictures up their skirts or followed them home. Recently, one of my friends asked me whether it was normal that a guy at the club had put his hands under their clothes and kept touching them despite their objections while holding them in place. I highlight these moments because they are not anomalies; for every second woman, they are simply life. What may appear as isolated incidents for an outsider actually reflects broader patterns that shape how girls learn to move through the world. These experiences impact a woman's sense of boundaries; it warps inappropriateness into a normal part of growing up, and is an infringement of their human rights as women. This normalization of discomfort forms the backdrop against which women learn to manage, rather than confront, danger as it all fades into the background noise of becoming a woman. roga muffin, flickr After interviewing women on their experiences, Kelly Liz concluded that the reason behind women's non-reaction was typically for two reasons: fear of escalation and the inability to think of an appropriate response. I can say from personal experience that the impulse to ignore such behavior is both ingrained and normalized. Living with that persistent sense of fear becomes a form of violence in itself. It degrades boundaries and rewires reactions . The normalization of discomfort in girlhood may shape how women later interpret, tolerate, or respond to controlling behaviours in relationships. If so, these learned responses are not individual shortcomings, but reflections of a social environment and institutional practices that continue to reproduce the conditions for IPV. The West may have seen progress regarding the elimination of discrimination against women within a legal framework, yet, as the UN describes , “it is no accident that family law remains the slowest to change”. Family law shapes women’s rights around marriage and divorce. It is not enough to say that culture alone makes women vulnerable, but rather necessary to look at how institutions themselves reproduce this vulnerability. This gap between formal rights and lived reality. These dynamics become particularly visible when looking more closely at factors that shape a woman's decision to leave abusive relationships and marriages. The liberalization of divorce law is often presented as proof that modern states have already done their part for women. Many countries in the West have seen a shift from fault-based divorce, which studies show has consequently led to a decrease in female suicide, a reduction in reported domestic violence and fewer cases of intimate partner homicide. However, this progress narrative obscures the truth that for many women, the process of leaving remains dangerous and institutionally unsupported. Joelle Hatem, flickr This gap between formal progress and lived danger is echoed in women's testimonies. Kelly Liz observes that leaving abuse is rarely a single event, but rather a process marked by endurance and adaptation. A record linkage study done in Finland strengthens this point: demonstrating that the risk of partner assault was sharply elevated two to three years before divorce, with especially higher rates for women with children under the age of 12. Their risk remains higher even a year after the divorce. Between 2003 and 2013, roughly 65% of women killed in Finland were killed by their current or partner. Mothers face additional vulnerability as joint custody means they must remain in contact with their abuser throughout the process and perhaps the rest of their lives. These statistics are key in seeing how divorce for women in abusive relationships often concentrates the violence rather than ending it. Furthermore, violence often escalates when women attempt to leave their abusive partner. Rane and Holmes describe divorce as one of the most stressful events in someone's life. Women often face cultural pressures to keep families together. These expectations shape how a woman perceives her personal safety. Scientific data suggests that “with the exception of parents faced with unresolvable marital violence, children fare better when parents work at maintaining their marriage”. Although this conclusion explicitly excludes situations of abuse, it reinforces a broader social message that preserving a nuclear family must be prioritised above all else. As a result, many women come to absorb the notion that their own safety is secondary and treated as negotiable rather than an unquestionable human right. Beyond immediate safety, leaving exposes women to steep financial penalties that leave them more vulnerable; women see a 27% decrease in their standard of living as a result of divorce. Additionally, across the EU, women's income dropped by roughly 24%, a figure that can drop to 50% for custodial mothers, while men's losses are smaller. Women ultimately bear the brunt of the marital loss in a divorce, creating a level of economic dependence that makes the decision to leave far more complicated. Compounding this, criminal justice institutions systematically fail to act on reported violence. Data from the UK shows that while reports of rape have reached record highs, the number of prosecutions has fallen by around 70%, with many women withdrawing their cases due to exhaustive and hostile interrogation. Sexual and domestic violence remain among the only crimes where the victim is routinely treated as the main object of suspicion, showing that women continue to be held responsible for male aggression. Taken together, these dynamics show that IPV cannot be understood merely as individual behaviour or legal failure; there is a level of complexity that goes beyond equality clauses. The question “why didn’t you just leave?” overlooks how women have been culturally taught to absorb harassment, take responsibility for others’ actions, and endure. This continuity is the thread that ties private experience to institutional behaviour. It is necessary to see how these traditions shaped institutions put in place to protect women, and how history continues to repeat itself. Until institutions stop mirroring the culture that harms women, the promise of equality will remain only partial. Photo Source: Chase Carter, flickr

Cette crise est donc révélatrice de défis de taille, mais également de discordances profondes concernant la politique agricole : alors, comment concilier ces revendications, comment satisfaire à la fois les agriculteurs qui souhaitent augmenter leurs productions et leurs revenus, tout en prenant en compte les enjeux écologiques du siècle, mis en avant par les partisans d’une transition agroécologique ?  < Back « Ce n’est pas l’Europe que nous voulons » : entre protectionnisme, libéralisme et écologie, l’explication d’une crise agricole européenne By Maëlys Malaboeuf-Lasselle for European Society February 29, 2024 Ces dernières semaines ont été marquées par de violentes contestations des agriculteurs dans toute l’Europe : Allemagne, France, Italie, Belgique, Pologne, Lettonie… ont été le terrain de grandes manifestations et blocages de la part du monde agricole. Leurs revendications sont nombreuses : hausse des revenus, améliorations des conditions de travail et de vie, suppression de certaines normes contraignantes en matière d’environnement, et amélioration des politiques nationales. Mais ils témoignent surtout d’un mécontentement général autour de la PAC, la politique agricole commune, qui ne date pas d’hier. Revenons à la mise en place et l’évolution de ce marché agricole européen, source première de la crise. C’est en 1962 que naît la PAC, suite aux ravages causés par la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Première politique commune de l’Union européenne, ses objectifs sont clairs : accroître la productivité agricole, assurer un niveau de vie décent aux agriculteurs, garantir la sécurité des approvisionnements, stabiliser les marchés, et harmoniser les règles de concurrence. Un système économique de soutien des prix et du marché est donc instauré, afin de relever le défi de l’autosuffisance alimentaire à l’échelle du continent. Réunissant les six pays fondateurs, elle est aussi un moyen de placer l’Europe sous le signe de la paix et de l’unité. Les résultats sont bénéfiques : la productivité alimentaire et la disponibilité des denrées ont augmenté. Néanmoins, les revenus restent faibles. C’est alors qu’un certain Mansholt, alors commissaire européen à l’agriculture, propose un plan modernisateur pour résoudre le problème. Appliquée en 1970, cette réforme passe par l’optimisation des surfaces cultivées, et la fusion des exploitations pour agrandir les unités. L’évolution de la PAC se poursuit en 1984 avec l’instauration de quotas afin de ralentir la surproduction et gérer l’offre, alors supérieure à la demande européenne. La PAC opère un revirement six ans plus tard, lorsque le soutien du marché est abandonné au profit d’une aide directe aux agriculteurs. Toutefois, des premières déceptions se font ressentir : le marché européen s’ouvre aux marchés internationaux, la concurrence s’accroît, ainsi que les pressions économiques qui effraient les agriculteurs. Malgré une volonté d’élargir les domaines d’actions de la PAC, à la dynamisation des zones rurales ou à l’écologie, elle est le sujet de fortes tensions, exprimées lors des blocages de ces derniers jours. Des divisions émergent au sein du monde agricole. Certains dénoncent un abandon de la part de l’Union européenne, qui, en dépit de la pression croissante des industriels et de l’accroissement compétitivité mondiale, multiplie ses traités avec les pays producteurs à bas coût, comme le CETA avec le Canada ou le traité avec le Mercosur, vu comme un véritable couteau dans le dos pour les agriculteurs européens. Le 1 février 2024, des milliers de manifestants de plusieurs pays et 1200 tracteurs ont envahi les rues bruxelloises, faisant entendre « ce n’est pas l’Europe que nous voulons », « sortons l’alimentation du libre-échange », « moins de normes ». Les lourdes procédures administratives de la PAC sont aussi visées par le mécontentement. D’autres en revanche, partisans d’une agriculture biologique respectueuse de l’environnement et de la biodiversité, reprochent à la PAC son laxisme en matière d’écologie. C’est aussi le reproche fait à la France, déjà condamnée pour inaction climatique en 2021 et pour non-respect de ses engagements environnementaux en 2023. Suite aux violents blocages en France, Gabriel Attal a décidé de stopper le plan Ecophyto, dont l’objectif était de réduire les usages de produits phytopharmaceutiques de 50% et de sortir du glyphosate, ce qui réveille la colère des agriculteurs écologistes et des ONG environnementales : c’est un « cadeau empoisonné fait aux agriculteurs » selon Marie Toussaint, « à contre sens de l’urgence écologique » selon Agir pour l’environnement (via Le Monde). Des agriculteurs sensibles aux questions environnementales interrogés par Le Monde disent vouloir conserver la production biologique et les traditions agricoles, mais l’abandon progressif de l’Etat, qui a supprimé une aide pour les exploitations biologiques en 2017, complique les choses. Alors que l’agriculture est confrontée aux défis du dérèglement climatique, aucun moyen n’est mis en place par l’Etat pour repenser nos productions et évoluer vers une agriculture plus durable. Toutefois, l’écologie est un sujet qui divise les agriculteurs. La FNSEA, la Fédération Nationale des Syndicats d’Exploitants Agricoles, s’indigne quant aux normes environnementales comme le plan Ecophyto, qui limitent la production massive et donc favorisent les productions des pays à bas coûts, peu chers, facilement importables par les pays européens, et plus accessibles financièrement aux ménages dans les supermarchés. Elle alerte également sur la dureté du quotidien des agriculteurs, indispensables à notre alimentation, travaillant sans compter, et dont les revenus et les rendements restent pourtant faibles. Or, selon Guilhem Roux, agriculteur économiste, la question n’est pas d’accroître la production mais le profit. Incités par le marché international et la pression en amont des emprunts à rembourser et en aval des distributeurs, ils sont poussés à vouloir toujours produire plus. L’important reste la marge, et un changement de modèle est nécessaire à l’augmentation des revenus des exploitants agricoles. Mais encore faudrait-il un consensus au sein de la communauté agricole, ce qui est loin d’être le cas. La FNSEA ne semble pas faire l’unanimité : sa négligence des questions environnementales lui vaut des critiques, vue comme ayant « sacrifié le bio » (via Le Monde). Les blocages ont finalement été levés après l’appel du syndicat, mais les revendications n’ont pas toutes été entendues : des efforts de la part de l’Etat français sont attendus, sans quoi les manifestations pourraient reprendre de plus belle, risquant à terme une panne agricole sans précédent avec des répercussions à l’échelle européenne. Mais la France n’a pas été le premier pays à se mobiliser : effectivement, le mouvement allemand dure depuis janvier, avec le blocage des autoroutes menant vers les grands ports ou les aéroports Les causes sont semblables à la France : ils s’insurgent contre la décision du gouvernement de supprimer les avantages fiscaux sur le gazole agricole, en place depuis 1951, et de taxer les véhicules. Or, cette décision suscite la colère car les agriculteurs n’ont aucune autre solution électrique pouvant remplacer le gazole. Tout ça en subissant de plein fouet les conséquences du dérèglement climatique : sécheresses, gelées tardives, pluies diluviennes qui bouleversent les récoltes et n’arrangent donc en rien le souci des revenus des agriculteurs, à la différence des distributeurs qui en profitent pour s’enrichir. Les subventions, estimées à plus de 9 milliards d’euros par an, alimentent la dépendance des agriculteurs envers l’État. D’autant plus que celui-ci tend à favoriser les grandes exploitations au détriment des petites. Ces révoltes fragilisent directement le gouvernement, jugé déconnecté de la réalité et incapable de répondre aux demandes, alors qu’il mène simultanément un combat depuis quelques semaines contre la montée de l’extrême droite en Allemagne. Même chose dans les autres pays européens : l’Italie, troisième puissance agricole de l’Union européenne, a vu ses agriculteurs aux portes de la capitale, rejoint ensuite par les syndicats espagnols, puissance exportatrice de la plupart de nos fruits et légumes, et portugais qui bloquent contre la Politique Agricole Commune, la précarité et la sécheresse que le secteur connaît depuis maintenant 3 ans. Mais aussi Belgique et Pays-Bas où des feux ont été allumés ; Pologne, Bulgarie et Lettonie qui dénoncent une concurrence déloyale de l’Ukraine ; Grèce où les agriculteurs déplorent le retard des indemnisations suite aux feux de forêts et inondations qui ont ravagé le pays l’an dernier. Enfin, contre toute attente, les agriculteurs suisses rejoignent le mouvement le 3 février, avec une première journée de mobilisation contre le maintien des importations de céréales et de denrées alimentaires russes dans l’Union. Cette crise est donc révélatrice de défis de taille, mais également de discordances profondes concernant la politique agricole : alors, comment concilier ces revendications, comment satisfaire à la fois les agriculteurs qui souhaitent augmenter leurs productions et leurs revenus, tout en prenant en compte les enjeux écologiques du siècle, mis en avant par les partisans d’une transition agroécologique ?

June 10, 2026 The Reinvention of Coachella Since the beginning of the year, 2026 has been dubbed “the new 2016” across various social media platforms. Young people online seem to be yearning for a resurgence of how life was ten years ago. The rose-tinted social media filter has been revived and 2016 pop music is having its moment, with Zara Larsson’s hit “Lush Life” reentering the Billboard’s Top 100 for the first time in years. Read More June 3, 2026 Comment Hollywood a façonné la figure de l’Arabe Le 25 novembre 1992, aux États-Unis, environ 1,5 million de personnes quittent leurs domiciles un jour de week-end pour se rendre au cinéma le plus proche. Et pour cause : c’est la première diffusion du film Aladdin, production tant attendue du groupe Disney. Une histoire d’amour entre un voleur pauvre surnommé « Diamant brut » pour son cœur en or, et une princesse prisonnière de son statut, qui rêve de se rebeller contre les traditions… Quoi de mieux pour faire rêver les amateurs d’amour impossible ? Read More March 15, 2026 Cinéma et masculinisme : comment les films cultes nourrissent la manosphère En 1999, David Fincher livrait Fight Club, portrait d'une génération d'hommes désœuvrés, englués dans le consumérisme et en quête désespérée de sens. Vingt-cinq ans plus tard, le film n'a pas seulement acquis un statut culte, il est également devenu une sorte de texte sacré pour les communautés masculinistes en ligne. Dans les forums incels, Tyler Durden (Brad Pitt) est érigé en modèle de virilité à retrouver, et ses répliques sont scandées comme des mantras sur les réseaux sociaux. Read More February 23, 2026 Le True crime: quand l’horreur devient divertissement Imaginez regarder les aventures de meurtres comme ceux de Jeffrey Dahmer ou l’affaire des frères Menendez. C’est ce que propose la série Netflix Monsters qui, malgré les polémiques, a tout de même enregistré 12,3 millions de vues lors des quatre premiers jours du lancement de la deuxième saison. Read More November 13, 2025 The Mediterranean Charm: Why Writers and Painters Keep Coming Back to This Sea On a tranquil Mentonnais weekend, two weeks before the midterms rush, I boarded a train bound for Antibes. As I wandered through its cobbled streets, the Mediterranean shimmered next to me, breathing light into every corner of the city; a scene not so different from that of my hometown in Alexandria, Egypt. Apparently, this feeling of familiarity with this vast blue sea is nothing new—a feeling shared by many people no matter on which shore one is standing. Read More November 10, 2025 “When They Tell You to Sing, You Just Sing.”: The Khmer Rouge’s Musical Manipulation of Cambodian Society “If you want to eliminate values from past societies, you have to eliminate the artists.”, reflects Prince Norodom Sirivudh of Cambodia, in the 2014 documentary “Don’t Think I’ve Forgotten: Cambodia’s Lost Rock and Roll”, recounting the systematic erasure of music from Cambodian society under the brutal regime of the Khmer Rouge in the 1970s. Read More October 23, 2025 Is being a Virgin as Cool as Being a BRAT? : A Review of Lorde’s Latest Studio Album BRAT was summer. BRAT was coming to terms with your suppressed desires, the hate you bore and the complicated friendships you were a part of. The fun, the ugly and the embarrassing. It was about the euphoria of partying into the light of early summer mornings and the walks of shame back home. Drug abuse, sex, and all other kinds of highs of life was what BRAT encompassed. It encouraged difficult conversations about fertility and friendship, revealing that fame doesn’t equate feelings getting spared or receiving grace. Read More October 5, 2025 Is Romance Dead?: How Reality TV Shows Reflect Modern Dating How does watching strangers fall in love on national television reflect the most complicated parts of our emotional lives – dating? The transition from heartful romcoms to dating shows such as Love Island, Love is Blind or Too Hot to Handle perhaps indicate romance has died. Read More September 30, 2025 Politicizing the Heartland: The Conservative Instrumentalization of Country Music Given country music’s association with the American South and its conservative majority, it is difficult to ignore the correlation of country music's revival with the rise of the far-right in the US. However, can one link these phenomena? Is country music inseparable from conservatism? Read More September 28, 2025 Americans on the Riviera At the start of the 1920s, although hard to imagine today, the Riviera was practically deserted during the summer months. Hotels and restaurants catering to the European elite would close shop after spring, as their wealthy patrons would leave for colder climates. The Murphys were the first to convince hotels in Antibes to stay open during the summer months, as a way to host their American friends. Thus beginning the transformation of the Riviera into the summer destination it is today. Read More September 28, 2025 Threads of Memory: The Story of Palestinian Tatreez In Palestine, threads carry stories. Each stitch of tatreez — the traditional Palestinian embroidery — embodies memory, identity, and resilience. On a quiet afternoon, an elderly woman sits with fabric in her lap, weaving patterns passed down through generations. Read More September 27, 2025 The Pen, the Camera, and the Microphone: The Egyptian Kit of Soft Power The truth is this: Egypt has never ruled merely by sword or throne. Its empire was always one of imagination, where a pen could be sharper than steel, a song louder than artillery, and a camera brighter than any spotlight. The world may forget armies, but it remembers stories. And Egypt has always known how to tell them. Read More April 30, 2025 “Clean Girl” or “White Girl”? Exploring Racial Double Standards in the Fashion Industry It’s time to embrace these styles as more than just ‘trends’, but as a long-lived facet of Black culture. Recognizing the enormous influence that Black communities have had on fashion and aesthetics will allow for the long-overdue dismantling of structural hegemonies, which not only ignore Black culture but also build an alarming double standard between races in the fashion industry. Read More April 30, 2025 Thrifting and the Price of Exclusion: Gentrifying Secondhand Stores in Toronto The question of immorality does not pertain to the act of thrifting itself, but how the thrift environment has been redesigned to serve corporate interests at the expense of those it was initially designed to support. Read More March 31, 2025 Who is “Saving” Europe? In the digital age, the responsibility of verifying and trusting information falls on us, the users. While content under the branding of Save Europe might not be falsified, it is deliberately presented with emotional imagery, evocative music and slogans—blurring the line between political activism and propaganda. Read More March 31, 2025 Fasting, not a dividing element after all Fasting in different religions does not divide us. It just makes us realize how similar we are, how we have the same needs, temptations and desires. And that’s precisely what I realized when I came to Menton, a campus full of diversity—ethnically, culturally and religiously. At the core, we are all the same… Read More March 31, 2025 Love is in the Air? Une Lutte Contre le Vent If the campus is about 70% female and 30% male, and of the women, 75% are available and heterosexual, and of the men, about half are gay and maybe 25% are in a relationship, how many available, straight men does that leave for the single women, keen and looking? No need to do the math. We are not all EcoSoc majors. To put it simply, the answer is not a lot. Read More March 31, 2025 Le racisme aussi peut être pluraliste Sans qu’on puisse mettre un trait d’égalité entre le RN et la Nouvelle droite, il faut saisir l’apport essentiel de cette mouvance à l’extrême-droite tant sur le plan idéologique que sur la formation intellectuelle de ses cadres. La Nouvelle droite est une entreprise de blanchiment car derrière le ‘pluralisme’ dont elle se targue, se cache directement le nazisme et le néo-fascisme terroriste. La grande blanchisserie aujourd’hui est le Rassemblement national. Read More March 31, 2025 With Prada and Ten Protagonists on to a new self-destruction feminism Feminism does not always require being vocal, an activist, or engaging in mass mobilization. Sometimes resisting is retreating—in the choice to withdraw from cultural pressures knowingly. Dissociative feminism expands the scope of what feminist action can entail. Read More March 31, 2025 A Review of the Oscars The Oscars, once regarded as the highest award form of artistic recognition, have increasingly been subject to scrutiny over their selection process, inclusivity and cultural relevance. While the ceremony continues to attract global attention for viewers tuning in from all over the globe, one cannot help but ask: is the Academy truly honoring the best in cinema, or is it simply reinforcing the industry’s biases and political inclinations? Read More

The United States border crisis is a human rights emergency — there is no room for bipartisan hatred and broken promises in our immigration system. American leaders must act to protect the legal right to seek asylum and ensure that migrants are treated humanely and fairly at all steps of the immigration process. < Back Amnesty: The United States Border Crisis is Still a Human Rights Emergency By Peyton Dashiell December 31, 2022 For decades, migrants have used the United States’ vast border with Mexico as a crossing point to enter the United States and seek asylum. While most migrants originate from Mexico or Central America, thousands of migrants from Russia, China, India and Turkey seeking U.S. residence have flown to Mexico and crossed the frontier to potentially evade border patrol when crossing by land. The migrants and asylum seekers arriving at the border have a variety of motivations, from fleeing violence to wanting to join family members or seeking better economic opportunities. While anybody with a legitimate fear of persecution can apply for asylum, most asylum applications in the United States are rejected due to a cap on refugee admissions and specific requirements for asylum seekers, such as not having been convicted of a serious crime or felony. As a result, many migrants crossing the border aim to do so illegally and evade immigration controls so they can start their lives in the United States without having to undergo the long and arduous process of obtaining asylum. In 2014, the Obama administration declared a crisis at the border due to a sharp increase in unaccompanied minors and women illegally crossing. Illegal immigration has long been used as a right-wing scapegoat for the issues the United States faces, including high unemployment and increasing violent crime rates. This rhetoric featured prominently in the presidential campaign of Donald Trump, in which he mobilized supporters with calls to build a border wall and made inflammatory statements about the character of migrants, notably stating that “They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.” In January 2017, Trump began his term by signing Executive Order 13767, which directed the U.S. government to start the construction of the border wall. Throughout his term, a wall was constructed along 455 miles of the border, 49 miles of which previously had no barrier. By 2020, much of this construction was in danger of collapsing due to erosion. Several officials, including Trump advisor Steve Bannon, were indicted for defrauding investors and using wall funds for personal gain. Additionally, Trump sparked controversy with policies designed to separate migrant children from their families, detain migrants in overcrowded detention centers in dangerous and unhealthy conditions, and end the practice of allowing asylum seekers to live in the U.S. while awaiting court proceedings. In 2018, the conditions of migrant detention centers run by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) were exposed in the media. Journalists and human rights monitors who visited the centers discovered egregious human rights violations, including sexual abuse, a lack of food and clean drinking water and insufficient medical care. Many members of Congress visited the detention centers to observe the poor conditions firsthand in what Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielson labeled a “Hill stunt.” The international community quickly condemned the detention centers. Amnesty International released a report detailing the poor conditions on both sides of the border. United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet said she was “deeply shocked” at the treatment of children and expressed concern for their development and wellbeing. In 2019, Trump implemented the Migrant Protection Protocol, or “Remain in Mexico” policy, which forced asylum seekers to stay in Mexico while their immigration papers were processed. This policy returned at least 70,000 asylum seekers to Mexico, many of whom were trying to escape threats and persecution experienced in the country. While President Biden pledged a sharp turnaround from Trump’s cruel immigration policies while on the campaign trail, his leadership has demonstrated outright hypocrisy and little progress on border matters. He vowed to reunite migrant families separated by the Trump administration, close ICE-operated detention centers, end construction of the border wall and raise the annual cap for refugee admissions. However, none of these promises have been delivered during his two years in office, and there is little evidence that conditions for migrants at the border have improved from the standard set by the Trump administration. Despite his mantra of “not another foot” of border wall development, in July 2022, Biden’s administration quietly began construction to fill four major gaps in the border wall near Yuma, Arizona — one of the busiest locations for illegal border crossings. Additionally, while Biden ran on a promise of ending the Migrant Protection Policy, it remains in place after the two years he has spent in office, although he did exempt LGBTQ asylum seekers and people with certain medical and mental health conditions, recognizing their vulnerability in Mexico. Furthermore, President Biden has controversially used Title 42, a COVID-19 control policy, to increase expulsions of migrants at the border. Title 42 was first enacted by Trump in 2020 to rapidly expel asylum seekers to control COVID-19 and has been used 2.4 million times since its establishment. Title 42 was ruled unconstitutional by a federal court in Nov. 2022 in response to a lawsuit filed by the American Civil Liberties Union. Still, the Biden administration appealed the ruling on Dec. 8 to continue expulsions under the guise of public health. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is reportedly working with Biden to formalize this policy as a permanent health measure, despite lifting most other COVID policies. The United States border crisis is a human rights emergency — there is no room for bipartisan hatred and broken promises in our immigration system. American leaders must protect the legal right to seek asylum and ensure that migrants are treated humanely and fairly at all steps of the immigration process.

“I Am A Drug Lord” is a manifestation of the drug business and how it started, and most importantly, what happens to relationships at the micro and macro level in the initial stage of drug trade. < Back “I Am A Drug Lord”: A Glimpse Into International Security By Catarina Vita for Sciences Defense February 29, 2024 After an arduous goodbye from my parents and a weekend in the wonderful city of Rome, I decided to browse the local airport bookstore to distract my mind. Originally planning on going to my gate earlier, something caught my eye. An orange and black book cover lured me into the bookstore, and it read: “I Am A Drug Lord.” What enthralled me the most by this book, however, was the author: Anonymous. This book is not supposed to be scrutinized grammatically or dissected with technical, stylistic and storytelling devices. “I Am A Drug Lord” is a manifestation of the drug business and how it started, and most importantly, what happens to relationships at the micro and macro level in the initial stage of drug trade. This book starts with an intricate demographic analysis of the setting, the island of Ibiza. The author details the difficulties his parents encountered being from outside Spain but still having volunteered to fight the subsequent dictator Francisco Franco. After years of injuries, exclusion and scrutiny in Ibiza, the author presents his relationship with his uncle, who lived in the United Kingdom, and eventually took the protagonist to study in a prestigious boarding school in the country. After suffering racism and bullying, Anonymous returned to his homeland, Ibiza, to find his mother sick and his parents divorced. Shortly after, the uncle also capsized on his way back to Ibiza, killing him. Anonymous, confronting feelings of grief and anger, did not expect to be involved in a drug trafficking cartel, but the leader of the cartel argued that his uncle had an outstanding debt, and Anonymous was in charge of covering it. “I Am A Drug Lord” is not to be regarded as an informative book, or even an autobiography; due to the need to preserve the identity of certain individuals, especially with key characteristics and names, this book is too altered to be considered informative. However, the book shows unprecedented details about cartel involvement, and what flashy Netflix shows such as Narcos and Griselda (which are still amazing and worth the watch) cannot disclose due to television regulations. Evidently, Anonymous pairs the dynamic nature of being in a drug cartel to his love life and sentiments, but this adds to the reader being able to think how a previous drug lord thought, and feel like a drug lord felt. Nonetheless, a common misinterpretation of this book and other means of art inspired by drug cartels is that too much luxury is showcased, possibly convincing people to be involved in cartels. In “I Am A Drug Lord,” Anonymous definitely shared the luxuries his uncle obtained suddenly after a few months of implied drug trade. However, Anonymous also anecdotes how in each of his uncle’s luxuries, such as his race car and boat, either him or his uncle found themselves in danger. The general critique that people ingress in the drug trade business solely out of pure desire is refuted upon reading this book. Although the author describes his regret for continuing his business and committing certain actions during his time as a drug lord, he also takes time to recount his story and the part that contingency and path dependency played on his future. As his uncle left him the alleged debt, Anonymous was not aware of his participation in the drug trade due to his young age. The book also describes situations that would put his father and ill mother in danger upon threats if a certain package was not delivered or if a certain meeting was not conducted. In essence, Anonymous does not wish to blame his drug trade on himself or say that he is entirely blameless; he wishes to broaden the concept of what it is to get involved in a drug trade and emphasize the implications of this business. “I Am A Drug Lord,” with its easy digestibility and informativeness despite the necessary anonymity, can be considered a precise glimpse into international security. Besides giving specific intel on how a drug cartel functions intersected with the niche demographic of the island of Ibiza, the book also shows the complications of international relations after the drug market became one of the key movers of the economy — but describing what Anonymous talked about international relations would spoil the book too much. This book is necessary for demystifying the drug cartel business and tracing the economic and social impacts back to Ibiza and Francoist Spain, through a young boy’s perspective.

La liberté implique-t-elle nécessairement la solitude? Ou bien avons-nous, malgré tout, besoin d’un témoin, d’un appui, d’une présence pour exister pleinement? < Back Corps et Conscience: L’Écriture révoltée de Nawal El Saadawi Christy Ghosn for Feminist Union February 28, 2025 Lire Combien de cœurs , c’est s’exposer au feu d’une parole qui ne s’éteint jamais. Nawal Al Saadawi, écrivaine égyptienne, médecin et militante féministe , ausculte son propre corps, le corps d’autres femmes et, à travers eux, la maladie qui gangrène nos sociétés: le patriarcat. Née en 1931 dans un petit village égyptien, El Saadawi a consacré sa vie à dénoncer les injustices faites aux femmes, tant dans ses écrits que dans ses actions militantes. Fondatrice de l'Association de solidarité avec les femmes arabes en 1982 (ensuite interdite en 1991) et militante pour l'abolition des mutilations génitales féminines, ses prises de position souvent exprimées à travers ses œuvres lui ont valu des persécutions et des contraintes à l'exil. En 1981, sous le régime de Anwar el-Sadate en Égypte, son opposition à la loi instaurant le parti unique conduit à son emprisonnement. Libérée après trois mois de détention suite à l'assassinat du président Sadate en octobre 1981, et après plusieurs années d'exil aux États-Unis, Nawal El Saadawi revient en Égypte en 1988, continuant son combat pour les droits des femmes. Elle décède au Caire le 21 mars 2021, laissant derrière elle un héritage littéraire et militant. Son écriture ne rassure pas, elle bouscule. Elle refuse la complaisance, l’illusion du progrès sans combat. Dès les premières pages, son texte crépite comme une autobiographie, bien que l’autrice s’en défende. Ce n’est pas seulement son histoire que l’on traverse, mais une mémoire collective pour toutes celles qui, un jour, ont senti leur existence corsetée par des traditions, des lois, des silences imposés. Al Saadawi regarde la médecine comme elle regarde la vie: sans fard. Déconstruisant la binarité des rôles genrés, elle révèle une vérité crue et universelle: nous sommes toutes prisonnières d’un système qui a fait de nos corps des objets de contrôle, de convoitise, de domination. La science au service de Saadawi Dans Combien de cœurs, premier roman de Saadawi publié en 1957, l’autrice ne se contente pas de nourrir son propos d’émotions et de réflexions philosophiques: elle intègre également des arguments scientifiques pour étayer sa vision d’une égalité fondamentale entre les hommes et les femmes. Elle écrit: « La science nous enseigne que les organes de la vie, qu’ils soient féminins ou masculins, fonctionnent avec la même logique, la même recherche de survie et de bien-être. Toute prétention à l’infériorité est une erreur de lecture des faits. » Saadawi utilise la science avec une intelligence stratégique, la transformant en un outil de démystification pour rappeler que les différences biologiques entre les sexes n’ont rien à voir avec une quelconque infériorité intellectuelle ou physique des femmes. L’un des aspects les plus frappants de Combien de cœurs est la manière dont Saadawi aborde la place des femmes dans le milieu médical. Malgré leurs compétences, elles restent toujours sous-représentées aux postes de pouvoir. En Égypte aujourd’hui, beaucoup de femmes médecins sont largement cantonnées à la pédiatrie et à la gynécologie, les spécialités « attendues » pour elles, tandis que la chirurgie reste dominée par les hommes. Au Moyen-Orient, il nous est souvent appris dès l’enfance que nos mains sont faites pour caresser, non pour inciser. Que nos esprits doivent comprendre le corps des autres, mais jamais prendre le pouvoir sur lui. Féminité en cage Nawal El Saadawi fustige également avec une acuité poétique la dévalorisation de la féminité à travers une citation qui frappe par son imagerie singulière: « Dieu devait sans doute préférer les oiseaux aux filles. » A la fois dérangeante et profondément évocatrice, cette phrase incarne le rejet systématique de la grâce et de la liberté inhérentes à la féminité dans une société patriarcale. Les oiseaux représentent tout ce que la culture dominante refuse d'attribuer aux filles: l’innocence libre et la capacité de s’envoler sans entrave. Par contraste, les filles sont présentées comme des êtres destinés à porter le poids de la conformité, à être façonnées par des normes qui les limitent dès leur plus jeune âge, sans possibilité de fuir. « Le conflit entre ma féminité et moi-même a commencé bien avant que je n’aie des attributs féminins, avant même que je puisse reconnaître en moi ce qui, par la force des conventions, devait être perçu comme une faiblesse. » écrivait-elle. Un cœur libre, mais vulnérable Alors que tout au long de l’œuvre, Saadawi se présente comme une femme farouchement indépendante, affirmant sa capacité à se suffire à elle-même sur les plans intellectuel et émotionnel, elle conclut pourtant par ces mots troublants: « J’avais besoin d’un homme pour pleurer. » Cette confession ouvre un débat sur la nature même de l’émancipation féminine dans son récit. En effet, certains critiques y perçoivent une contradictio n avec l’ensemble du discours de Saadawi. Dans un livre où elle prône l’égalité et l’autonomie absolue, admettre une forme de dépendance affective envers un homme peut sembler en décalage avec ses idéaux. La liberté implique-t-elle nécessairement la solitude? Ou bien avons-nous, malgré tout, besoin d’un témoin, d’un appui, d’une présence pour exister pleinement? Avec réflexion et d’un point de vue ‘humaniste,’ j’y vois une reconnaissance sincère de la com plexité des émotions humaines. Loin de contredire son engagement féministe, cette phrase pourrait illustrer l’idée que l’indépendance ne signifie pas l’absence de vulnérabilité, mais plutôt la capacité à accepter ses émotions sans crainte, y compris dans le cadre de relations interpersonnelles. L’œuvre de Saadawi, tout en relevant des questionnements intimes, ouvre en somme la voie à une analyse concrète des avancées et des défis rencontrés par les femmes dans le monde arabe. Outre la médecine, d’autres secteurs témoignent également d’une montée en puissance des femmes. Dans l’enseignement supérieur, par exemple, les femmes représentent souvent une majorité dans de nombreuses disciplines, et en droit comme en sciences humaines, elles occupent de plus en plus de postes de responsabilité. Toutefois, le chemin vers une égalité totale reste semé d’embûches. En effet, dans l’ensemble du monde arabe, la condition féminine oscille entre avancées et régressions. Si certains pays, comme l’Arabie Saoudite, ont récemment levé certaines restrictions (droit de conduire, accès au marché du travail,..) d’autres durcissent leur contrôle sur les femmes, notamment en matière de droits civils et vestimentaires. Le combat de Nawal al Saadawi reste donc d’une actualité brûlante. Son roman n’est pas seulement une critique du passé, mais un miroir de luttes toujours en cours. Combien de coeurs est une œuvre à lire, pour être secoué, pour questionner et pour ne jamais accepter ce qui nous est présenté comme une fatalité. Photo credits: freshheadfilms on Flickr

Agree or disagree: “Most refugees who come to my country will successfully integrate into their new society”? If, on a global average, half of the people believe this to be true, the people of Europe seem less optimistic. < Back Borders after Borders: How Europe is Falling Short in the Integration of People on the Move Maria Francisca R. Costa for SPRH October 31, 2024 Agree or disagree: “Most refugees who come to my country will successfully integrate into their new society”? If, on a global average, half of the people believe this to be true, the people of Europe seem less optimistic. Under 40% of people seem to have faith in the integration of refugees in their societies—with France, Greece, Germany, the Netherlands, Bulgaria, Belgium, and Hungary, among the countries where this share of the population is one of 35% or below. These countries are also among the ones ranking the lowest in the percentage of population believing that refugees are likely to have either a positive or neutral impact in their country’s culture or way of life; in Germany and in the Netherlands, the share of people believing that they will have a negative impact in this field almost reaches 50%. A study conducted to examine the impact of local populations’ perspectives on refugees on their social integration in Germany found that negative natives’ attitudes do, in fact, reduce the chances of a successful social integration. This last term is defined by whether refugees “feel welcomed in their municipality”, “how much they trust others”, “how often they feel disadvantaged due to their heritage” and “social ties” assessed through “how much time they spend with Germans in general” and in particular “time spent with their German neighbours.” Locals’ attitudes towards refugee populations appear therefore to generate a vicious cycle: more discrimination, less integration and vice versa. Two factors have been found to influence the attitudes of acculturation from locals to refugees: “perceived value, similarity and threat”. Those who are perceived as more similar to the host community—and thus perceived as having greater “value”—have a greater chance of a successful integration. On the other hand, cultural minorities are frequently perceived as threatening, leading local communities to adopt an exclusionary attitude, “ endorsing more ethnocentric forms of acculturation,” towards these groups of refugees. These attitudes perpetuate other obstacles to integration, such as “in the face of hostility and prejudice, refugees’ disengagement front the host society may function as a self-protective mechanism to avoid further rejection.” In the EU, many non-institutional and institutional factors play a significant role in the difficulties faced by refugees in integrating their host societies. A comparative study between France, Germany, and Switzerland, found frequent discrimination of refugees in accessing employment: “a refugee with higher education and proper training in France described submitting 30 applications for jobs at local pharmacies and all of them being rejected” and “women who wear hijabs were routinely rejected for employment.” Additionally, governmental institutions make the recognition of refugees’ qualifications difficult by demanding “coursework, examinations, and lengthy times of supervision.” These issues generate frequent underemployment within these groups. Accessing the job market is a crucial means for refugee integration, as “it allows them to learn the language, build a future, regain confidence, and establish status.” Focusing on the relevance of the value perceived of a refugee by the host community, we can easily deduce that such obstacles to achieve status through employment only serves to generate greater stereotyping and discrimination against refugees. Furthermore, the lack of a stable income hinders refugees’ ability to attend community events which reduces the opportunity to establish links within their host societies. These obstacles generate a distance between refugee communities and locals that is likely to further perpetuate misperception and discrimination against refugees. The most frequent forms of discrimination encompass the “overgeneralization of stereotypes and religion.” As the same study notes, “masses of refugees from the same population” were pictured as “backward, inferior, terrorists or supporters of the Islamic State ISIS, lazy, job-stealing, criminals, and religiously radical”. Together with their institutions, many European societies struggle to make the successful integration of refugees a reality. The institutional obstacles posed to the economic and social establishment of these groups are those which contribute to perpetuating a devaluation of their position in host societies. Refugees are impeded access to mechanisms of cultural participation and their chances of acculturation and social integration are reduced due to further discrimination. European policies must be redesigned so the reception of people on the move is not thought of as a process to obtain asylum—but one where the acquisition of a refugee status is but the first border to be crossed.

Trump’s new border policy isn’t as simple as just closing the border and getting “terrorists the hell out” of the United States. It encompasses a myriad of endeavors, each dealing a blow to the U.S.’ immigration program, which comprises one-fifth of the entire world’s international migrants. < Back America First, Migrants Last: Trump’s New Southern Border Policy Loowit Morrison for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton February 28, 2025 In a flurry of 37 executive orders signed by President Donald Trump during his first week in the Oval Office, eight regarded immigration. This proportion is unsurprising; Trump’s campaign revolved tightly around promises to stunt immigration, having long pledged to “restore the travel ban, suspend refugee admissions, stop the resettlement and keep the terrorists the hell out of our country.” Trump’s new border policy isn’t as simple as just closing the border and getting “terrorists the hell out” of the United States. It encompasses a myriad of endeavors, each dealing a blow to the U.S.’ immigration program, which comprises one-fifth of the entire world’s international migrants. Below lists a handful of the Trump Administration’s embryonic, yet already destructive, immigration policies. It is crucial to understand the impacts of Trump’s agenda, as it will fundamentally transform the U.S.’ immigration process as we know it today. To do so, we must observe what actions Trump has taken so far, and what each of these policies will entail. Eliminating CBP One “CBP One came like a gift from God”, reflects Yoandis Delgado, an immigrant from Nicaragua who entered the U.S. in 2023. Launched in 2020 by U.S. Customs and Border Protection, CBP One is an app that offers resources for migrants, including scheduling appointments, securing travel authorization and accessing a plethora of migration-related materials. It has been cherished as a “salvation” by many migrants, principally those from Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Haiti. However, CBP announced the app’s termination on January 20, 2025. Tens of thousands of appointments scheduled for upcoming months were canceled after the notice, leaving migrants stripped of CBP One’s resources. In its short lifetime, CBP One helped admit nearly one million migrants. Ending humanitarian parole for migrants On the first evening of his term, Trump halted an initiative that allowed migrants to apply for non-land -based entry in cases of “urgent humanitarian reasons or significant public benefit”. After receiving a U.S.-based sponsor and background check, these migrants could stay on American soil for up to two years with a work permit, which would shield them from deportation. Since 2023, nearly 532,000 migrants, predominantly Haitians, have benefitted from this program. Undeterred by its advantages, Trump argued that terminating the program would “protect the American people from the disastrous effects of unlawful mass migration and resettlement”. In reality, this program was crucial to reducing pressure on the land border with Mexico. Canceling flights for refugees, including those already approved for travel Thousands of refugees already approved for travel were blocked from entry after Executive Order 14163, “Realigning the United States Refugee Admissions Program,” indefinitely paused refugee resettlement. Over 10,000 refugees in the process of coming to the U.S. from Afghanistan, Africa, Latin America and the Middle East are now barred from entry. Trump’s harsh policy towards refugees is unexpected — in 2020, the number of admitted refugees sank to an incredibly low 11,000, as compared to 100,000 under Biden in 2024. In line with his “America First” policy, President Trump holds that continuing to receive refugees would burden American communities, which are unequipped to absorb them. He did not, however, comment on how terminating the program would burden the refugees, who already live under acute threat. Expanding Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) powers Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), a branch of the Department of Homeland Security, is notoriously responsible for the enforcement of immigration laws. Although it already has a considerable amount of monetary power — its annual budget is approximately $9 billion — ICE’s abilities have expanded substantially under the Trump Administration. ICE now has the power to deport migrants who temporarily entered the country under Biden-era programs and sidestep immigration courts to accelerate deportation by labeling undocumented immigration as an “alien invasion.” The past weeks have seen a flood of ICE raids and arrests, sometimes resulting in over 1,000 arrests per day. A new directive revealed that “sensitive areas,” such as schools and churches, can now be targeted by officials, and undocumented immigrants who happen to be present at the arrest of a criminal can be arrested as well. While some “ sanctuary cities ” — those that limit their cooperation with efforts to deport undocumented immigrants — are fighting against this development, the Justice Department has threatened to prosecute local and state officials who resist federal immigration crackdowns. Declaration of a “national emergency” at the southern border. Since 1978, there have been 83 national emergencies declared under the National Emergencies Act of 1976. The most recent of these is the Declaration of a National Emergency at the Southern Bord er of the United States, under the justification that the U.S. is being threatened by widespread crime. The statement permits President Trump to unlock billions of dollars without congressional approval, ones he will likely use for border wall construction and the deployment of the military and National Guard. Typically, the National Emergencies Act is invoked in times of acute stress, allowing the executive to respond quickly to sudden and exceptional cases. Immigration, however, is not sudden , nor is it exceptional. Instead, immigration is a phenomenon that has long occurred on the U.S.’ southern border, leading many to dub this declaration as a worrisome abuse of executive power. Deployment of troops to the southern border. On January 20, the landscape of the U.S.’ southern border was drastically altered with the signing of two executive orders: Securing Our Borders and Clarifying the Military’s Role in Protecting The Territorial Integrity of the U.S . These orders authorized the deployment of personnel to the southern border with the goal of ensuring “complete operational control” and maintaining the “sovereignty, territorial integrity, and security” of the nation. Following the executive orders, the Department of Defense immediately sent 1,500 troops to the border, joining the stationed 2,500 troops and 18,000 Border Patrol members. While most troops will work in logistics and support tasks, deployment poses the potential for heightened issues at the border, as “military personnel are trained and equipped to destroy enemy forces, [...] regard[ing] civilians as a potential threat,” according to CSIS senior advisor Mark F. Cancian. The deployment of the military is an alarming reflection of Trump's militaristic goals and ruthless practices, both at the border and beyond. Restarting “Remain in Mexico” “Remain in Mexico,” a souvenir from Trump’s previous term, was ended by Biden in 2021 amidst concerns about abuses faced by migrants at the border. The program forces certain migrants to wait south of the border while their cases are processed. Requiring migrants to remain in Mexico during processing subjects them to the risk of kidnapping, extortion, rape and botched smuggling . At the border, migrants, including families and children, face pressure from drug cartels and often live in miserable conditions. In its first lifetime, Remain in Mexico saw some 70,000 migrants sent back across the border. How many more will suffer from its revival? “We are witnessing the reinstatement of some of the most inhumane and harmful immigration policies the U.S. has imposed in recent years,” states Avril Benoit, Chief Executive Officer of Doctors Without Borders USA. The crisis at the U.S.’ southern border — which has been ongoing — will only worsen with Trump’s brutal crackdown on immigration. Even before his inauguration, the border was home to a host of abuses, including cruelty, victimization, family separations, falsifying paperwork and a range of health issues, from heat exhaustion to drowning. The list of abuses faced at the border has not, and will not, deter Trump from pursuing his pillage at the border. His North Star is the “ America First ” doctrine, which outlines the aspirations of his border policy, justified by protecting American communities from strain and criminals. “America First” does not, however, mean “immigrants second,” nor third, fourth, or fifth. In reality, “America First” implies “everybody else last.” Highlighted in his endeavors from Panama to Gaza, Trump has made it clear that he will stop at nothing to “ protect ” Americans, even if this means abusing everybody else. The Trump Administration’s new border policy is actively working to dehumanize migrants, whom he has openly referred to as “animals.” Instead of working to improve the U.S.’ immigration system to aid both migrants and the communities which take them in, the administration has focused on efforts to eject and criminalize migrants. If the Trump Administration were, on the other hand, to center attention on reshaping and bettering the immigration system, both migrants and Americans would benefit greatly. Not only does immigration contribute to economic growth in the U.S., but migrants have permitted the U.S. to develop a diverse, multicultural social fabric. The U.S. flourishes thanks to immigration, a prosperity that is radically threatened by Trump’s new policies on the southern border. Photo credits: Alisdare Hickson, 2018

Feet planted firmly on purple and teal tiles faintly covered in a layer of filth, I was greeted by the familiar odor of buttered popcorn blended with a candy scent so sweet it could make your teeth ache. < Back Driven Snow; A Review of “The Hunger Games: The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes” By Maia Zasler January 31, 2024 Feet planted firmly on purple and teal tiles faintly covered in a layer of filth, I was greeted by the familiar odor of buttered popcorn blended with a candy scent so sweet it could make your teeth ache. Ever since the coronavirus pandemic disrupted and permanently altered our lives in 2020, movie-going has become an extra thrilling prospect, a novelty; we’re able to sit in an often densely-packed room, eating and drinking at our leisure, feeling a profound range of emotions alongside complete strangers. I was pleased to note that Short Pump Regal Cinemas, my local movie theater, had not changed in my absence. It was 10:30 p.m., the last showing of the night. The theater was practically empty save for me and my good friend from home. The two of us made our way down a dark hallway, ready to see the latest installment in Suzanne Collins’s Hunger Games franchise, “The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes,” released on Nov. 17, 2023. Until that night, we lived adjacent to “The Hunger Games” realm, uninterested in and fairly dispassionate to the story and its characters. Before this outing, I had not seen a single Hunger Games movie, ever. My friend and I were moved to see this new film only due to the immense social media hype surrounding it (and, candidly, a few well-done TikTok edits of one Coriolanus Snow). We found seats in the center of the unoccupied theater. We took a moment to run around the perimeter, enjoying the freedom from un watchful eyes and the subsequently liberating lack of social norms before the trailers stopped running. Silence then befell us both. The original Hunger Games trilogy is set in the dystopian, fictional nation of Panem, a country divided into 12 districts and ruled by the Capitol. Each year, the Capitol hosts a Hunger Games in which a boy and a girl (aged 12 to 18) from each district are “reaped” / selected and forced to fight to the death until just one survivor remains, the Victor. The competition is televised, serving as entertainment for the citizens of the Capitol. The annual, horrific spectacle also serves as a means of punishment for and control of the districts that had attempted a failed revolt 74 years prior. The Hunger Games themes of the growing divide between rich and poor, the weaponization of food access, and the normalization of violence as entertainment are also replicated in this movie-adapted prequel. “The Ballad of Songbird and Snakes” is primarily oriented around the 10th Annual Hunger Games and the development of the trilogy’s most prominent, detestable villain, Coriolanus Snow, President of Panem. The film chronicles young Snow’s ascension to power and the critical interactions and events leading to his apathy and dictatorial, sociopathic behavior as a totalitarian leader 64 years later. Dimly lit and foreboding, the first scene opens three years prior to the first annual Hunger Games. These “Dark Days” reveal a young Snow (Tom Blyth) and his cousin, Tigris (Hunter Schafer), fearfully running around desolate city streets littered with dead bodies in a desperate search for sustenance. The pair see a man violently chop the leg off of one of these dead bodies; Coriolanus asks Tigris why the man would do such a thing. She responds, simply: “He’s starving.” The film then jumps several years into the future, where 18-year-old Coriolanus is in his final year of schooling, hoping to attend university. His family (his grandmother / “Grandma’am” (Fionnula Flanagan) and Tigris) are struggling financially, masking their economic plight from Capitol society. The dynamics between the Snow family members emerge quickly in the plot; Coriolanus may seemingly prioritize his relatives, but there is a lingering sense that selfish motives drive these efforts. He works to preserve the Snow family name to present a strong front in hopes of climbing the political ladder of Panem. At this time, the Capitol notes that the Hunger Games are losing viewership. To help encourage more spectators, the Capitol enlists Coriolanus and his fellow classmates as mentors, assigned to each tribute, or competitor, from the districts. Whoever is able to make their tribute the greatest spectacle, whoever turns their tribute into a Victor , will be the designated recipient of the Plinth prize, an unfathomable sum of money. Coriolanus is assigned to Lucy Gray Baird (Rachel Zegler), an errant singer from District 12. Lucy Gray’s vocal gift captures the hearts of the Capitol audience, aiding in her chance for survival and sparking Coriolanus’s infatuation. The two strike up an unlikely romance, which must be put on hold throughout Lucy Gray’s coerced participation in the Games. In each scene where the two interact, the audience is left to determine whether or not Coriolanus is acting in good faith: Is he helping Lucy Gray because he genuinely cares for her and is willing to do everything in his power to ensure she makes it out of the Games alive? Or, is he instead helping her because he views her as a pawn in a larger game, a necessary piece in his pursuit of the Plinth prize and political prestige and power? The progression of the plot and intricate dialogue perfectly captures Snow’s moral regression, the series of choices he makes that increasingly favor “evil” over “good.” Coriolanus is a main character that we, as audience members, cannot, in good conscience, root for. His decaying core characteristics are juxtaposed with the goodness in Lucy Gray, her relative pureness to his internal corruption. In this prequel, Snow “lands on top” (to use his own words). Along this vein, the portrayal of humanity is thus intensely bleak. As the movie reached its final minutes, I sat, deflated. I longed for the triumph of good, or at least some insertion of hope for future change in Panem’s social structure. In a way, I mourned the hero that could have been, the failed and fraught love story, and the deaths of the only characters courageous enough to challenge the system that Coriolanus goes on to propagate. Truthfully, my upset and frustration felt a bit silly, but upon further reflection—and binge-watching all four original Hunger Games movies—I realized it was far from frivolous emotion. What ultimately prevails in “The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes” is a manipulative, over-indulgent, perverse ruling class profiting off of the labor and—in the case of the Games—relishing in the deaths of those in the districts, the masses. For the impoverished, the victims of a system that is structured to never be in their favor, unity and solidarity are a pipedream. As highlighted by the outcome of each Hunger Games (up until, of course, the 74th), alliances turn to enemies and there is no winning (other than survival at the expense of human life, of the violent extinguishing of children). The tributes make a show of themselves in hopes of attracting rescuers in the Capitol; the elite have the ability to send “gifts” (e.g., bottled water) to competitors in the Hunger Games arena. Through the lens of “art imitates life,” dystopian stories are often more eerily close to our realities than strict fantasy. Although this film may have been less of an overt political commentary or demonstration of existing societal inequalities and injustices, it astutely captures the initial transitional choices before devolving completely into authoritarian brutality of leadership/regime (on a micro level with Coriolanus Snow himself and on a macro level in the case of Panem). Income inequality in the United States increased by about 20 percent from 1980 to 2016 according to the Pew Research Center. American programs such as the food stamp system are known to cause resentment among the disinvested: the tax-paying low income and those who receive welfare. Food abundance, extravagance and waste are characteristics of the elite—often of “Western” nations—whereas the masses are deprived of necessities (not due to a lack of supply or resources, necessarily, but inefficient distribution and a focus on profit-driven production). The exploitation of violence for views is extremely prevalent in our modern digital culture. As the ancient Greek philosopher Plutarch asserted: “The poor go to war, to fight and die for the delights, riches, and superfluities of others.” The violence of war is turned into blockbuster Hollywood hits or best-selling novels, and the victims of real war, more often than not, do not perish in an honorable manner. They are slaughtered and, in several instances, serve the selfish interests of others more financially well-off. For survivors, veterans who return home are frequently overlooked, and they lack adequate support. This is a particularly prevalent issue in the United States. The Hunger Games—and, more pertinently, “The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes”—does not provide any answers to pressing social and complex moral questions but rather poses them; the film holds up a mirror to the audience and our society, allowing us to see the impurities, the risks, and the dangers that currently lay bubbling below the surface. What I thought this film prequel did most effectively (apart from the fantastic world-building, impressive cinematography, character portrayal, and an epic soundtrack) was incorporate veiled, almost diluted elements of silhouettes of real-world systemic issues and moral quandaries into an already action-packed and compelling narrative; at no point during its two hour and 38 minute duration was I bored. When I finally begrudgingly walked out of the theater, I whined to my friend; I wanted more — both more content (in which I happily absorbed watching the other movies), but also more in a grander sense of the word. We should be able to expect more from our leaders, from each other, and from ourselves. “The Hunger Games”—like any quality piece of art—gives us an opportunity to reflect, if not just to enjoy its aesthetics and intrigue. In a review published in the New York Times, Amy Nicholson shrewdly writes that the film and its content “moves us to spend its gargantuan running time reflecting on contemporary headlines, mourning the generational tragedy of anger and fear begetting anger and fear.” Through the medium of film, the Hunger Games illustrates the susceptibility of the inherent goodness and purity that we are born to the probability of it being tainted by our surrounding conditions. In this view, nurture trumps nature, and if this is true (which I believe it to be), then change can be made in both directions. What is done can be undone, laws can be written and rewritten, and extended power can be limited. After all, the “Victor” should be a healthy society where collaboration and understanding set a stage for the next generations to thrive.

A woman choosing to live alone, escape abuse, and build a life for herself should never be seen as a desecration of family honor, and forcing women to live in fear of their husbands and male family members has no place in the “social fabric” of any nation. < Back Mourning Tiba Ali: A Reflection on Iraqi Honor Killings By Peyton Dashiell February 28, 2023 On Jan. 31, Tiba Ali, a 22-year-old Iraqi woman, was strangled to death by her father in Iraq’s southern Diwaniya province after a reported domestic dispute. In the days preceding her murder, Iraqi police reportedly attempted to mediate an argument between Ali and her father regarding her living arrangements. After being sexually assaulted by her brother in 2017, Ali moved to Turkey and wished to stay there permanently. She attended university, was engaged to a Syrian man, and gained over 20,000 followers documenting her day-to-day life on Youtube. Sadly, Ali’s killing is not an isolated incident; honor killings are prevalent in Iraq, and they are best documented in the Iraqi Kurdistan region. Hospitals in Iraqi Kurdistan report over 500 honor killings each year, but true numbers are likely much higher — many deaths claimed as suicides are believed to be honor killings concealed by responsible parties. Ali’s murder immediately sparked condemnation and protests from Iraqi women’s rights activists and feminist groups, who highlighted increasing violence against women in Iraq and underscored the need for better legislative protections. On Feb. 5, 2023, hundreds of women mobilized before the Supreme Judicial Council in Baghdad to decry Ali’s murder and advocate for stricter laws against gender-based violence. Politician Ala Talabani, head of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan Bloc in the Iraqi Parliament, stated that “women in our societies are hostage to backward customs due to the absence of legal deterrents and government measures — which currently are not commensurate with the size of domestic violence crimes.” Amnesty International joined a long list of human rights non-governmental organizations condemning the murder. Aya Majzoub, Deputy Director for the Middle East and North Africa division, echoed Talabani’s sentiment: “Until the Iraqi authorities adopt robust legislation to protect women and girls… we will inevitably continue to witness horrific murders.” The United Nations in Iraq called on the government to improve gender-based violence protections in accordance with international human rights standards and enhance aid services for survivors. The international community was previously drawn to the topic of honor killings in Iraq after Dua Khalil Aswad was killed in Mosul in 2007. Aswad, a non-Muslim Yazidi woman from the village of Bahzan, was stoned to death in front of over 2000 men for the purported “honor crime” of being in a relationship with a Muslim man. Four men, including Aswad’s cousin, were arrested and charged with her murder, but this is outside of the norm — Iraqi law is usually lenient toward domestic crimes and alleged honor killings. Article 409 of the Iraqi Penal Code specifically mitigates punishments for murders of female family members suspected of honor crimes. Article 41 allows husbands to physically “discipline” their wives and face no penalty. Draft legislation outlawing domestic violence was proposed in the Iraqi Parliament in 2014 but stalled after the opposition accused it of aiming to erode Iraq’s “social fabric.” Human Rights Watch defines honor killings as “acts of violence, usually murder, committed by male family members against female family members who are perceived to have brought dishonor upon the family.” Today, honor killings are most common in the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia, but they have been strongly influenced by the legacy of European colonialism. Article 324 of the French Penal Code of 1810 reduced punishment for murders in which a husband killed his wife after suspected adultery. This law inspired similar provisions in countries with French colonial influence, including Algeria, Iraq, Lebanon, Morocco, Syria and Tunisia. While it is crucial that the Iraqi government removes this harmful provision and enshrines protection from gender-based violence into law, more work must be done to address the underlying issues. A woman choosing to live alone, escape abuse and build a life for herself should never be seen as a desecration of family honor and forcing women to live in fear of their husbands and male family members has no place in the “social fabric” of any nation.

Palestine is often discussed as a geopolitical conflict. Yet it is fundamentally a feminist issue. Palestinian women face violence due to the genocide Israel is committing, seen through reproductive violence and healthcare deprivation. This leads Palestinian women to be disproportionately affected by different forms of violence fundamentally shaped by the occupation < Back The Question of Palestine as a Feminist Issue Elly Loiseau March 15, 2026 Palestine is often discussed as a geopolitical conflict. Yet it is fundamentally a feminist issue. Palestinian women face violence due to the genocide Israel is committing , seen through reproductive violence and healthcare deprivation. This leads Palestinian women to be disproportionately affected by different forms of violence fundamentally shaped by the occupation. Despite these realities, their experiences rarely occupy a central place within mainstream feminist discourse. Western feminism has historically focused primarily on gender as a field of inequality, often detaching women’s oppression from the broader political and colonial structures that shape it. The case of the Palestinian people forces us to address the intersections of gender, race and imperial hierarchies, revealing the limits of feminist frameworks that fail to address colonial domination. The gendered consequences of occupation become particularly visible in the examination of Israeli policies and their effects on Palestinian women’s reproductive health and access to medical care. If Western feminism seeks to confront violence against women globally, then it cannot ignore Palestine, where occupation produces forms of gendered violence. A clear example of gendered violence under occupation can be seen in Israel's attack on reproductive health infrastructure, including hospitals and nutrition programs—a colonial strategy of genocide, often described as “reprocide”. It is defined as the systematic destruction of reproductive capacity and therefore is a gendered form of violence. In the eyes of Israel, the size of the Palestinian population has served as a demographic threat, framed as an issue of national security. The assertion of Israel is that to maintain superiority over the Palestinians, Israeli Jews must demographically surpass the Palestinians to perpetuate control over the state. Through this, we see reproduction politicized. In 2023, it was reported that 50,000 women in Gaza were pregnant, with an average of 183 births a day, of which approximately 15 percent involved complications. In July 2025, there were reports of Israel preventing baby formula from crossing the blockade and mothers unable to breastfeed due to malnutrition. Additionally, Israel has targeted not only hospitals but also aid locations, forcing many women to give birth without medication. Moreover, the performance of Cesarean sections is sometimes done without sterilization or anesthesia, with women being forced to leave hospitals shortly after birth due to a lack of hospital space. The United Nations’ Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women and Girls, Reem Alsalem, states that “What is happening to Palestinian women and girls is not collateral damage of war,” but rather “It is the intentional destruction of their lives and bodies, for being Palestinian and for being women.” Israel’s treatment of Palestinian women has equated them to manifestations of nature needing to be tamed and controlled, thus using women's bodies as strategic sites of violence in conflict as a tool of genocide. However, the use of healthcare as a mechanism of control is not limited to contemporary events. Historically, Israeli policies have systematically restricted Palestinian access to medical services, reflecting more than institutional neglect but also the ideology of colonial governance. Underlying these policies is the enduring perception of Palestinian population growth as a demographic time bomb. Israel has successfully established conditions for reproductive health to become a tool of control over the Arab Palestinian population. Research conducted in the Ramallah district in 1981 cited an infant mortality rate of 91 deaths per 1,000 births, which stood in contrast to figures from the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, which reported rates of 14 deaths per 1,000 births among Israeli citizens. In parallel to today's situation, malnutrition was pervasive and pregnant women were revealed to have high levels of anemia due this. The average expenditure of health services by the government within occupied territories did not exceed $30 per person, whereas Israeli citizens averaged around $350 per person. Through the Israeli civil administration, Palestinians are made dependent on the few health systems that are made available to them. During the 1987 Intifada, Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin reduced the number of hospital beds in Israeli hospitals available to Palestinians, which, as Elise Young in her book “Women and the Israeli Occupation” claims, was to ensure further loss of life. Such policies illustrate how healthcare infrastructure has long functioned as a mechanism of political control within the occupation, producing conditions that disproportionately endanger Palestinian women and children through gendered burdens of reproductive care and labour. Within Israeli detention centers, women are subjected to severe sexual and gender based violence. The extent of the violence is given through graphic accounts from human rights organisations documenting forms of sexual humiliation and violence directed specifically at Palestinian women prisoners. Reports find that pregnant women are handcuffed while they are giving birth. Fabrizia Falcione, a women's human rights officer for the U.N., notes that when commenting about the situation, “the rights of Palestinian women prisoners are recognized, but not respected.” This comment resonates not only with the treatment of Palestine by Israel but also with the way Palestinian women are addressed internationally. They rarely occupy a central place within mainstream feminist discourse, reflecting a broader pattern within Western feminism which historically has framed women of the Global South as a homogenous group of cultural victims rather than political subjects shaped by colonial power structures. The case of Palestine reveals how structures of discourse show which women’s suffering is recognised within feminism. For decades, Western political discourse has framed Israel as a liberal democracy defending itself against a hostile environment. This framing has shaped not only political debate but feminist narratives. Within these narratives, Palestinian women are often portrayed as victims of their own societies and culture. This shifts attention away from the structural realities of Israeli military occupation while simultaneously dehumanising Palestinian men as inherently oppressive. Accordingly, we see this repeated tendency of scholars to use cultural explanation to justify conflict in the Global South, diminishing the central importance of historical contexts that shape situations faced by women of the Global South. Scholars Valerie Amos and Pratibha Parmar have identified this pattern within feminist discourse as “imperial feminism,” describing how feminism prioritizes Euro-American perspectives while excluding the voices and experiences of Black women and women of the Global South. Cultural explanations not only reproduce colonial narrative but also largely distort reality. This framework labels non-Western cultural practices as “ feudal residues ,” portraying women of the Global South as politically immature who must be educated in the values of Western feminism. Western feminist analysis of practices done by the Global South typically gives a simplified notion of oppression. Thereby positioning Western feminism as the normative standard against which other societies are judged. This tendency has long shaped Western feminist interpretations of women of the Global South. Cultural practices such as veiling have frequently been interpreted as symbols of women's oppression. Additionally, geopolitical interventions such as America's invasion of Afghanistan, with the justification of “ saving Afghan women ”. Such narratives frequently reinforce the notion of muslim women as passive victims in need of Western intervention. Within this framework, women in the Global South are frequently defined primarily through their victimhood rather than recognised as political actors navigating systems of power. This is particularly problematic within the Palestinian context due to the conditions faced by Palestinian women being dictated not due to cultural oppression but as a consequence of Israel’s settler colonial policies. Their suffering therefore becomes detached from the reality of occupation and reinterpreted as an inevitable product of society. Palestinian women are therefore reduced to a status of passive victims, a representation which serves as justification for their silence within feminist discourse and risks rendering them as merely casualties of Israel’s violence. The colonial assumptions within feminist scholarship prompt us to believe that silence is neutral rather than a political position, which reveals privilege and positionality. The relative silence of feminist institutions on Palestine is not an isolated event but rather a broader ideological and institutional complicity within Western academia. The silence translates as a form of epistemic violence, deliberately erasing Palestinian narratives and henceforth legitimising colonial structures. Scholars such as Al-Hardan note that Palestinian research is often forced into the framework of the “Israel–Palestine conflict,” a framing rarely required when examining other forms of oppression such as the Holocaust. This constraint limits how Palestinian experiences can be understood and reinforces the marginalisation of Palestinian perspectives within academic discourse. Al-Hardan argues that research “is only possible because of sanctioned epistemologies in academic institutions that treat colonized and stateless peoples as 'others,' to be consumed as objects of knowledge”. This epistemological structure shapes feminist representation of women of the Global South, creating a homogenous narrative of oppression of women which characterizes the representation of women of the Global South. This contrasts with the self-representation of Western women as educated, modern, in control over their own bodies and with the freedom to make their own decisions. While this does not necessarily reflect material reality, it is rather an ideological construction that sustains historical relationships between Western feminist knowledge and the women it claims to represent. A decolonial feminist framework is, therefore, necessary to move past the colonial narrative of the passive victims of the global south and instead provide agency through the recognition of the political structures that shape their lives. A recognition that gender oppression should not be separated from the intersecting forces of colonialism, racism and imperial power. And while Western feminism is not a monolithic or homogenic movement, its roots remain built on a relationship that is implicitly hierarchical with the Global South. When feminist analysis characterises women as a singular global group defined solely by shared oppression, it creates dangerous blind spots that obscure how geopolitical interests dictate which women deserve solidarity and those who remain invisible. In the Palestinian context, this dynamic becomes particularly evident through the frequent interpretation of cultural narratives used to account for the experiences of women living under occupation. Western feminism must thereby commit to dismantling structures of power that enable this oppression. As Palestinian scholar Ajour describes the need to decouple the colonial narrative from Western feminism and focus on the intersectionality to avoid separability and confront the political systems responsible for their suffering, “As a Palestinian with a family in Gaza: I Don't Want Sympathy. I Want Solidarity”. A solidarity that necessitates opposing systems and prioritizing justice over political interests. A decolonial feminism thus requires the liberation of women to be understood as inseparable from the liberation of the nation itself. Photo Source: Efrem Efrem, Pexels

How long will I continue to do what is right and feel like I am losing? When will it be my turn to be acknowledged for my sacrifices? When will people truly see the reasons behind my actions? Is it worth it to always be the "bigger person"? < Back I Only Have Two Cheeks: Is it Worth it to be the Bigger Person? By Rosie Betrosian March 30, 2024 How long will I continue to do what is right and feel like I am losing? When will it be my turn to be acknowledged for my sacrifices? When will people truly see the reasons behind my actions? Is it worth it to always be the "bigger person"? Talking to my friend on our designated FaceTime call, she expressed how draining it is to do the right things that still feel wrong. As I tried to convince her that being the bigger person is worth it, in the end, I started questioning my own beliefs. So I had to ask around – 9 Sciences Po students were prompted with this question engaging in a debate with no foreseeable end. What does it mean to be the bigger person? Being the bigger person is undeniably difficult. Its definition varies—some see it as a dedication to friendship, others as a testament to maturity, and a few as a commitment to honesty and truth. Many associate ‘the bigger person’ with traits such as setting aside their ego, knowing when to let things slide, and being willing to resolve conflicts even when they are in the right. It involves the ability to compromise to prevent situations from escalating. For some, it embodies maturity and the capacity to evaluate situations, people, and culture. Is the bigger person someone who dislikes conflict? If so, are they still the bigger person? Some believe that "the bigger person tends to isolate themselves." Suggesting that aversion to conflict is a common trait among ‘bigger people.’ They often seek to minimize disagreements, viewing them as arduous and futile. However, this raises the question of whether this behavior is driven by self-interest. Can we differentiate between those who avoid conflict for egotistical reasons and those who embody the bigger person? We can't distinguish between the two, but some participants argued that the bigger person is comfortable with conflict and expressing themselves. According to the same perspective, the bigger person would initiate a disagreement to express what is ‘right.’ However, this leads to a never-ending loop: is it justifiable to initiate conflict on the basis of right or wrong? This way of thinking is subject to a binary view of arguments, where one is right and the other wrong. In this case, isn’t it better to ‘swallow one’s truth? What if being the bigger person means allowing most things to slide... I questioned whether the bigger person is someone who will let things slide, most disagreed, viewing this behavior as passive or ineffective in achieving resolution. But how does one find the confidence to assert themselves when they feel they are right and thereby initiate conflict? The decision to engage in conflict doesn't emanate from the certainty of being right; rather, it often reflects a sense of being "stuck" in an argument, conflict, or situation. Thus, the optimal choice may be to express one's thoughts. Is being the bigger person akin to "turning the other cheek"? To "turn the other cheek" is to respond to an insult without retaliation, displaying a sense of moral and mental superiority. The adage advises individuals not to retaliate against those who have wronged them. But why adopt such a passive stance? Why welcome insults and endure pain? Participants in the discussion contested the notion that being the bigger person equates to turning the other cheek, arguing that this method generates an "identified victim." Is the bigger person the victim? “People do not always perceive the bigger person as a victim, believing that they always have the capacity to choose.” Being the bigger person can provide a sense of rectitude and moral superiority. Participants in discussions argued that the bigger person often opts for moral superiority to achieve personal satisfaction, wanting to confirm within themselves that they acted in accordance with their values. However, isn't this a trap? Often, being the bigger person becomes an assigned role within a group dynamic. So, can one escape this role once it has been assumed? Participants noted the difficulty in rejecting this role and even referred to the bigger person as being a personality trait. “It's just the way I am,” remarked one participant, also sharing that she is known as someone who avoids conflict. If being the bigger person is seen as a personality trait, how can we ensure that we do not compromise in academic and professional settings? Depending on the person, “the bigger person” changes its form. Some avoid conflict at any cost, and some initiate it to express truth. In this sense, the bigger person cannot be defined, making one ponder if this phrase is even relevant if it can be denoted with every behavior? I would like to thank everyone who participated and shared their insights. Special thanks to Sophie, Yeva, Saskia, Chaya, Isabella, Izzy, Eleana, Luna, and Manoah.

It's a smart idea—if you’re the US government. Get rid of all your pesky hazardous material on an irrelevant island 6,607 miles away from the land of the free. Burn it up, blow it up, it’s all the same. Unfortunately for everyone else, the cost-benefit analysis is slightly less clear-cut.  < Back From Paradise to Perimeter Defence: What Making the Pacific a Military Playground Means for its Indigenous People Lucy Tucker for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton March 31, 2025 French Polynesia: pristine beaches; international diving playground; tūrangawaewae to indigenous Polynesian communities; nuclear wasteland. Not that the last one is advertised on tourist brochures. 743 miles from Tahiti lies the Mururoa Atoll, a place where white sand beaches, palm trees, and ocean air are permeated with radioactive strontium-90, cesium-137 and plutonium. Between 1966 and 1996, France conducted 193 nuclear tests in Moruroa and the Fangataufa atolls in French Polynesia. These tests, often conducted in secret and without the consent of local populations, had devastating consequences for the environment and public health. The nuclear explosions released massive amounts of radiation, contaminating land, water and air. As a result, many Polynesians suffered from increased rates of cancer, birth defects, and other radiation-related illnesses. The French government long denied the health and environmental risks associated with the tests, dismissing concerns raised by indigenous leaders and activists. However, in recent years, declassified documents have confirmed that the French state knowingly exposed local populations to dangerous radiation levels. The French government has since offered limited compensation through the Morin Law , but many victims struggle through a process that is slow, bureaucratic and inefficient. As contaminated soil and water persist, many displaced communities are still prevented from returning to their ancestral lands. Militarisation of the Pacific is not, however, simply a scrawled annotation on one page of a dusty Cold War textbook. As geopolitical tensions rise in the Pacific, the region’s Indigenous communities find themselves at the centre of a growing human rights crisis. The expansion of military bases and security agreements by the United States, China, and Australia is displacing indigenous populations, eroding land rights and threatening the environment. While discussions on Pacific security often focus on great power competition, the voices of Pacific Islanders—particularly those affected by militarization—are often sidelined. Monoaeka Flores is indigenous to the territory of Guam, part of generations of family members ranching land on the U.S. territory. The island is the site of several major U.S. naval and air bases, with the U.S. Government owning more land than Guam’s local government after its seizure of the territory post-WWII. She is a member of the group “ Pritehi Litekyan: Save Ritidian ”, which consists of activists from the Chamoru community —the people who have called Guam home for 3500 years. Next to Monoaeka’s family land is the site where the US proposes to burn or detonate up to 3500 pounds of hazardous waste and leftover munitions each year—a plan which Pritehi Litekyan is taking the US military to court over. It's a smart idea—if you’re the US government. Get rid of all your pesky hazardous material on an irrelevant island 6,607 miles away from the land of the free. Burn it up, blow it up, it’s all the same. Unfortunately for everyone else, the cost-benefit analysis is slightly less clear-cut. The displacement of indigenous communities from their ancestral lands is one of the most pressing consequences of militarization in the Pacific. In Hawaii and Northern Australia, governments have expanded military facilities without adequate consultation with local populations. The constructions of Marine Corps Base Camp Blaz in Guam and Lombrum Naval Base in Papua New Guinea are just more examples of how land is repurposed for military use, often at the expense of Indigenous landowners. Local activists argue that these projects undermine their sovereignty, leaving them with little say over the fate of their land. The expansion of military activities in the Pacific has also resulted in significant environmental damage. One of the most alarming incidents was the Red Hill fuel spill (2021-2022) in Hawaii, where thousands of gallons of jet fuel contaminated local drinking water, leading to severe health consequences for Native Hawaiian families. Similarly, large-scale military exercises in Pōhakuloa Training Area and Makua Valley caused lasting environmental damage, affecting biodiversity and sacred sites. As history has shown with nuclear testing and fuel spills, military activities in the Pacific often leave long-lasting scars on the environment. If military expansion continues unchecked, rising pollution, ecosystem degradation and further contamination of water sources are likely outcomes. It is crucial for the global community to recognize the long-term implications of Pacific militarization. The voices of Indigenous peoples must be amplified in international discussions on security and development, ensuring that they have the power to shape policies that affect their lands and futures. Australia, for its part, has expanded military training programs and partnerships with Pacific nations, using indigenous lands for security purposes. In Northern Australia, Aboriginal landowners have raised concerns over the government’s prioritization of military interests over indigenous sovereignty. Meanwhile, Australia’s involvement in Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu reflects its broader efforts to counter China’s influence, often without considering the social and environmental consequences for local populations. The continued militarization of the Pacific carries significant risks, not only for Indigenous communities but for the stability of the region as a whole. As tensions rise between global powers, the Pacific could become a battleground for geopolitical conflicts, increasing the likelihood of military confrontations. Nations such as the United States, China, and Australia are increasing heavy investments in military infrastructure, which raises concerns that Pacific nations will be pressured into strategic alliances that do not serve their interests. Furthermore, as foreign powers expand their military presence, indigenous sovereignty is likely to be further undermined. The historical pattern of land dispossession, environmental destruction, and disregard for Indigenous rights suggests that future expansions will exacerbate existing injustices. The construction of new bases, the deployment of additional troops and increased military exercises could all lead to further displacement of Indigenous peoples and irreparable harm to their cultures and traditions. While the Pacific has become a hotspot for global military competition, its indigenous populations continue to suffer the consequences. If regional and global actors truly respect the Pacific Islands, they must prioritize Indigenous voices and rights over military ambitions. They should be empowered to determine their own security and development paths, free from external coercion. International institutions, human rights organisations and climate activists must work together to highlight the injustices caused by militarization and push for a demilitarised, sovereign and environmentally protected Pacific. Is it not finally the time to stop forcing indigenous communities to choose between foreign powers and instead respect their autonomy to decide their own futures? Photo source: Australian Institute of International Affairs

Eurocentrism, Brexit, and conservative populism have been increasingly popular conversation topics across continental Europe. The European Society of Menton discusses the implications of a rising far-right and secessionist sentiment. < Back Rising Euroscepticism in EU countries following Brexit: Will other countries leave the Union too? By Veronica Marcone and Barna Sólyom October 30, 2022 On June 23, 2016, the United Kingdom, then part of the European Union, held a referendum to vote on whether to leave the union. It resulted in a slight majority of the British population wishing to part ways with the continental collaboration, with precisely 51.89 percent of voters voting in favor of Brexit. The United Kingdom then officially separated from the union in 2020. Since then, other union members have grown fond of Euroscepticism, prompting the formation of internal political parties intending to follow the in the kingdom’s footsteps. Unlike the states in America, countries in the European Union lack a robust cultural identity which may negatively affect member states’ sense of belonging. Will this identity deficit cause other countries to walk away from the union, or will the economic and political benefits of membership be enough to convince the current nations to stay and work on building even stronger ties? According to Ankita Dutta, “The main reasons for the rise of Euroscepticism have been notions that integration weakens national sovereignty and the nation-state... The union is too bureaucratic and elite-driven... encourages high levels of migration... or is a neoliberal organization which benefits the business elite at the expense of the working class.” She explains that both sides of the political spectrum have reasons for their Euroscepticism, although it is more common among right-wing parties in union countries. The reasoning for such is based on the desire to preserve sovereignty and national identity. Despite being one of the countries that benefit the most from being part of the union, Germany is experiencing rising support for the right-wing Alternative für Deutschland party. Robert Grimm explains that the party’s argument for opposition to the Eurozone is the mounting tensions rooted in the separation between donor and debtor countries that the common currency brought. Since the end of the Second World War, Germany has been working on achieving long-lasting peace and rebuilding the economy; the Euro, according to former Chancellor Angela Merkel, is a necessary tool for maintaining peace. So, while it has been claimed that the Euro's employment brought serious economic drawbacks, it is still a guarantor of peace. Italy recently had elections that resulted in the victory of the center-right coalition, most of which have shared a somewhat anti-European stance in the past, which could move the country in a Eurosceptic direction. Nicolò Berti posits that an increasing number of Italians, especially following the pandemic, have seen the union as the cause of internal problems and that introducing the Euro in the country was detrimental to the economy. In 2020, the disapproval rate towards the union reached 42 percent, compared to just 26 percent two years prior. According to the above chart, Italy has the highest disapproval rate. Still, since 2020, the trend has slowly declined from 47 percent to 34 percent Germany, instead, follows the trends of the combined union countries, which have a consistent rate of under 30 percent for the past five years. The pandemic brought severe economic blows across the union, and this shared experience could have affected the trust people have in the union, both positively and negatively. The countries most affected by the pandemic could increasingly doubt the European project if they are not supported effectively. The more stable ones are tired of continuously offering their support to the former. This might cause the different country groups to gradually shift away from each other because of economic differences. According to the European Council on Foreign Relations, the pandemic's effect was mixed but tended towards a positive consolidating experience among the union's citizens. As shown in the chart, no one surveyed felt less European than before the pandemic despite the fluctuating collaboration between countries and the closure of all borders. It is then safe to conclude that, although right-wing parties have been spreading Euroscepticism among their citizens and proposing more nationalist stances, none of the member countries have had a dangerous increase in negative views of the union. The Anti-union propaganda brought around these countries has not reached an effective percentage to consider leaving as a viable option. As of now, all union countries will most likely not follow the steps of the Brits as citizens still believe that, despite many flaws, the union has brought more benefits than not within their country.

Whilst Damien Ferré confirmed that working in this field is particularly exciting and thrilling, the job is not what Hollywood might have us believe. < Back A James Bond Myth of International Security By Isabella Hehl Dalla Zuanna for Sciences Defense February 29, 2024 As someone who has spent the last better half of a decade hoping to work in international security, wishing to better understand how to enter the workforce and what it will require of me, I interviewed Damien Ferré, specialized in jihad consulting and analysis, and founder of Jihad Analytics in Geneva, to understand the realities of working in the field. Jihad Analytics, a consulting company specialized in cyber and global jihad and focused on data analysis, provides their clients with extensive reports on the military operations, strategies and methodology of specific jihadist groups through risk assessments and reports summarizing the findings from the analysis of gathered intelligence of OSINT training. According to him, many who choose a career in international security have fallen into the trap Hollywood set for us, through the portrayal of James Bond, Ethan Hunt, Jason Bourne and Jack Ryan. The story of a courageous hero who single-handedly, without bureaucratic limitations, an unlimited budget, and access to futuristic technology, whilst very entertaining, is not realistic. However, these charming womanizers, who seem to portray the essence of masculinity, have absolutely no personal lives, no receding hairline, perfect chiseled abs, a black belt in seemingly every single martial art, a bizarre and specialized iconic drink order, as well as questionable mental health, and seem to characterize every spy movie main character, generate a false perception for viewers that these are the realities of becoming an analyst, spy, or any international security-related job. Whilst Damien Ferré confirmed that working in this field is particularly exciting and thrilling, the job is not what Hollywood might have us believe. Firstly, the bureaucratic and administrative aspect of such jobs is not only present, but unavoidable. An analyst cannot simply decide to use company resources and data to go single-handedly save the world, whilst ignoring company restrictions and orders. Reports and missions, depending on the specific field of security one is working in, are done in a team, and require the acceptance of bureaucratic impositions. Secondly, in such jobs it is of utmost importance to keep a private life. It is too easy to become hyper-focused on the dangers analyzed during work hours and then veer into paranoia. Having loved ones, keeping your hobbies, and nourishing your social life is essential to prevent your work life from consuming you entirely. Having post-traumatic stress disorder from some of the data analyzed or field work is nothing to be romanticized, and without any private life it is practically impossible to tolerate and recover from. As one of the biggest fans of Hollywood’s spy movies, and someone who is first in line to go see the newest Mission Impossible movie in the movie theaters with a huge bag of caramel popcorn, it is an important reminder that whilst the James Bond life is exciting, appealing and full of mystery, one should not take the world and reality it portrays any more seriously than that of Harry Potter. It may be thrilling, but it remains fictional. Instead, one’s curiosity about the field of international security can revolve around the possibility of being up-to-date and aware of almost every security threat and event occurring, the possibility of being able to contribute to the safety of one country’s citizens, and the strategic and analytical skills required of someone working in the field. The association of Sciences Defense has invited him for a conference in March, in which he will tell us more about some of his stories in the field, some of his reports on terrorist groups such as the Islamic State, and the reality of the profession.

After two rounds of applications and additional interviews for the two campus directors, Ellie Carter and Magdalena Offenbeck, Sciences Po Menton was among the 8% of applications accepted to the Millennium Fellowship Class of 2022. < Back Sciences Po Menton Becomes a Millennium Fellowship Campus By Magdalena Offenbeck September 25, 2022 For the first time in the history of Sciences Po Menton, a group of students was awarded the Millennium Fellowship, a United Nations Academic Impact (UNAI) and Millennium Campus Network initiative to help young leaders achieve their sustainable impact goals. With our project Tabadol , we aim to facilitate a linguistic and cultural exchange between Sciences Po and Palestinian university students. Millennium Fellows are university undergraduates selected based on their leadership in sustainable development-related projects that advance their communities' Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). As Millennium Fellows, we will participate in a semester-long leadership development program to improve our student organizing, partnership building and community impact skills. During the semester, we will continue to develop our project, expanding Tabadol to allow more students in Menton to be paired with a Palestinian exchange buddy and partake in virtual events such as panels and discussions. After two rounds of applications and additional interviews for the two campus directors, Ellie Carter and I, Sciences Po Menton was among the 8% of applications accepted to the Millennium Fellowship Class of 2022. With a group of 12 students, we will meet throughout the first semester to work on the SDGs, UNAI and improve our leadership skills. With 75% of Millennium Fellowship alumni working in social impact professions after graduation, the program is a stepping stone toward a future social impact career. Additionally, it allows Fellows to meet peers from around the world. 200 campuses in 37 nations are participating this year and will be connected through networking sessions and the weekly webinars Millennium Fellows are invited to join. Here are co-campus director Ellie Carter’s thoughts on the program: “ Tabadol is the Arabic word for equal exchange of ideas. As such, this program is not just an opportunity for individual language growth but also an opportunity to foster connections and conversations that may not have been possible otherwise. We believe that education is a powerful tool for coexistence and empowerment, which is why we are thrilled to be working toward advancing this SDG and creating chances to learn for students both in Palestine and here at Sciences Po.” At the MENA Sciences Po branch, the Palestinian Question is widely discussed on and off campus. We learn about the region in many of our classes. We have taken courses on politics, sociology and the history of the Middle East, but many of us are not Middle Eastern, and even fewer are Palestinian. A large part of the student body’s interest in the region was only sparked by reports and books. The first-hand exchange with locals is an essential first step towards understanding a society and culture on a more interpersonal level. While our diverse student body already creates a vibrant platform for cultural exchange, students in Menton often lack direct experience with the region and obtain a superficial academic understanding. Tabadol aims to create a link between open-minded students who seek to learn each other’s languages and discover different cultures. Palestine is isolated from the international community, yet it is a frequently mentioned issue in our field of study. Likewise, many Palestinian students are interested in Europe, its cultures, languages and politics. Building a network between students at Sciences Po Menton and the Palestinian student community will create a platform for mutual understanding and allow students to experience parts of the world that they have often only experienced in a theoretical and academic framework. So far, Tabadol has successfully connected many students in Menton and Palestine. Many have told us that they were able to form strong connections through weekly meetings with their exchange buddies and even continued over the summer when the official exchange period had long ended. Students do not only participate to improve their Arabic — many students are already fluent or native Arabic speakers. The project is equally an opportunity to meet new people and learn about Palestinian culture while sharing your own and teaching your language. The Millennium Fellows have completed their first sessions, discussing the meaning of social impact and potential individual contributions to attaining the SDGs. However, sign-ups for Tabadol remain open, allowing new students to become part of the exchange whenever they desire.

Although many countries have designed written legal documents, such as the U.S. Constitution and France’s Fifth Republic Constitution, restricting the state from utilizing cruel and inhumane forms of punishment, reservations regarding the efficacy of contemporary punishment have been voiced as high incarceration, and recidivism rates persist. < Back Crime and Punishment: U.S. and France By Julien Zeman March 31, 2023 Punishment has existed since the birth of humankind, and though its application has evolved over time, from unregulated bloody revenge feuds to complex criminal prisons, its existence continues to maintain a pivotal role in the conduct and organization of modern societies. Today, legal scholars generally define punishment as “the imposition of something that is intended to be both burdensome and reprobative, on a supposed offender for a supposed crime, by a person or body who claims the authority to do so.” Although many countries have designed written legal documents, such as the U.S. Constitution and France’s Fifth Republic Constitution, restricting the state from utilizing cruel and inhumane forms of punishment, reservations regarding the efficacy of contemporary punishment have been voiced as high incarceration, and recidivism rates persist. In 2021, for instance, the U.S. incarceration rate reached 639 for every 100,000 people, possessing the highest rate globally. France’s incarceration rate for the same year was 106 for every 100,000 people. Further, according to t he most recent and complete data collected , the U.S. recidivism rate on a two-year follow-up was 60 percent in 2005, while in France, the rate for the same follow-up period was 40 percent just one year prior. Though high incarceration rates are important considerations in gauging societal failure, this article will focus on recidivism as it provides a more concrete measure of the failure of current punishment principles governing the criminal correctional system. Recidivism, more generally referred to as repeat offending, is a pervasive issue that continues to trouble both academics and the general populace alike, and though the issue is of no less importance in France, there exists a strikingly large statistical disparity of 20 percent between the two countries. By comparing these two countries, we can attempt to identify the elements which have led the U.S. to have a higher prevalence of recidivism. Once these elements are identified, it may become possible to tackle the more difficult task of isolating possible solutions that may reverse the high recidivism rates that seemingly plague contemporary modern criminal justice systems. In order to uncover solutions to such a complex issue, it is first necessary to analyze and compare each country's punishment philosophy. Unsurprisingly, there is a common consensus among France and the U.S. that those who inflict injury upon other members of a community should be punished. However, consensus diverges concerning the justification for punishment and, thus, how it should be implemented. Theories justifying punishment fluctuate with time, and it is, therefore, pertinent to understand what these theories are to comprehend how they impact the prison systems, or other forms of punishment, in their historical and societal contexts. For the purpose of this article, there are generally two different theories of punishment most frequently advocated for: utilitarianism and retributivism. Utilitarianism revolves around the principle of deterrence — one should only be punished if it provides the future societal utility of reducing crime. Utilitarians believe humans are rational beings and will avoid criminal activity if they believe the punishment will outweigh the benefits of committing a criminal act. For instance, a perceived utility of punishment under this theory is the avoidance of private vengeance-based feuds. It is important to note that there exist several sub-theories of utilitarianism, and the forms of deterrence that are stressed vary from general deterrence to the less common theory of rehabilitation utilitarianism, also known as reform utilitarianism. Whereas general deterrence adherents defend punishment on the grounds that it teaches a lesson that dissuades others from committing similar crimes, reform utilitarianists “prefer to use the correctional system to reform the wrongdoer rather than to secure compliance through the fear… of punishment.” In stark contrast, retributivists’ basic principle is that punishment is justified when it is deserved. Retributivists believe that humans possess free will. Therefore, if an individual freely chooses to violate society’s rules, it is morally justifiable that they be punished. The severity of such punishment should be proportional to the harm they caused. Retributivists are not concerned with whether or not others will be deterred from committing crimes or reform. Though, again, here it is important to stress that within the retributivist theoretical frame of punishment, there is nuance among the different subforms of retributivism. French punishment theory pivots more firmly around utilitarianism as it emphasizes the mitigation of the harmful effects of crime. While those working in the U.S. criminal correctional system claim to preach and apply utilitarian practices, a plethora of evidence suggests that, in practice, a retributivist form of punishment is more typically employed. The example of capital punishment can be used to illustrate this fact. Whereas France has abolished and prohibited the use of capital punishment, the US continues to utilize it in six states. In a comprehensive document debunking capital punishment myths, Amnesty International emphasizes, “Evidence from around the world has shown that the death penalty has no unique deterrent effect on crime. Many people have argued that abolishing the death penalty leads to higher crime rates, but studies in the USA and Canada…do not back this up.” Thus, capital punishment more closely serves to fulfill a retributivist approach to punishment. If it were true that the American justice system promoted a strictly utilitarian theory of punishment, the death penalty would, like France, be abolished in all states. Furthermore, the US Department of Justice (DOJ) Office of Justice Programs itself admits that “Sending an individual convicted of a crime to prison isn’t a very effective way to deter crime,” reasoning that “Prisons actually may have the opposite effect: Inmates learn more effective crime strategies from each other, and time spent in prison may desensitize many to the threat of future imprisonment.” Yet, in spite of this admission, an New York University School of Law report suggested nearly 40 percent of the U.S. prison population is behind bars with no compelling public safety reason, illustrating that the U.S. correctional justice system promotes retributivism. More than just failing to deter crime, the U.S. retributivist philosophy of punishment may actually encourage recidivism. Though factors such as wage, neighborhood and education do contribute to the susceptibility of an ex-convict to recidivate, this is only exacerbated by the application of a retributivist prison culture that emphasizes punitive measures rather than rehabilitation. Research has affirmed that increasing funding for rehabilitation in the criminal justice system correlatively reduces the propensity for an inmate to recidivate. In 2009, the French Act of 1987 relating to the public prison service was amended to grant inmates the right to “obtain identity papers, to vote, to get married or register in civil unions, and to obtain public assistance funds while incarcerated,” all of which reduce the criminogenic nature of prisons and further eases inmates’ transitions into society. In comparison, the American justice system is far more restrictive when it comes to issuing prisoner’s rights that will ease their reintegration into society — a difference that manifests itself in the higher rates of recidivism in the U.S. Furthermore, according to the American Psychological Association, “a combination of strict sentencing guidelines, budget shortfalls and a punitive philosophy of corrections has made today's (U.S.) prisons much more unpleasant — and much less likely to rehabilitate their inhabitants…,” a fact that is made abundantly clear when investigating U.S. correctional prisons’ disturbingly common and harsh use of isolation. The U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics found that on any given day in 2011-12, approximately 7.1 percent (approximately 11,200 inmates) of all inmates may be subjected to solitary confinement. This figure does not even take into account people held in solitary confinement within jails, military facilities, immigration detention centers or juvenile justice facilities. Being subjected to extended periods of solitary isolation has been proven to have significant detrimental effects on inmates' mental health, as demonstrated by the fact that just over 50 percent of jail and prison inmates suffered from serious “psychological distress.” Christopher Wildeman, a professor of policy analysis and management at Cornell University, asserts that “Being placed in solitary confinement substantially increases the risk of committing more crimes after getting released from prison, and may decrease the probability of employment.” Wildemen found that solitary confinement increased the risk of reconviction within three years by as much as 15 percent. Despite correctional officers justifying the use of solitary confinement on grounds of protecting the inmates and staff, the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics reported that, based on their empirical findings, “prisons with higher rates of restrictive housing (also known as solitary confinement) had higher levels of facility disorder….” The term “facility disorder” accounts for fighting within the facility, inmate-officer trust, inmates’ level of concern about being assaulted, reports of inmates yielding weapons, gang activity in the facility and more. Thus, in addition to negatively impacting recidivist rates, solitary also doesn’t achieve its intended goal. Though France does utilize solitary confinement as a mode of punishment, its use is far less routinized. A City University of New York research paper examining the French prison system observed that “The pervasive use of isolation in American prisons is disturbing to French correctional officials.” This does not that the French correctional system is without its share of problems. It is readily apparent that a 40 percent recidivist rate suggests a flawed law enforcement approach. Yet, while France has demonstrated a willingness to take concrete steps to mitigate recidivism by applying reform utilitarianism, little progress has been made in the US. The question that subsequently emerges is thus, what can be done to reduce recidivism? The simple solution is to emphasize rehabilitation over punishment. Research has demonstrated that improving mental health care, establishing educational programs and providing released prisoners with the necessary skills and connections to be successful in the work environment can significantly lower recidivism. For instance, inmates who participate in educational programs are 43 percent less likely to recidivate, while inmates who are provided the proper support to acquire valuable work skills and are given a job while incarcerated are 24 percent less likely to recidivate. Shifting prisons from punitive to rehabilitative institutions is, of course, easier said than done. A complete shift in national punishment philosophy is not an easy endeavor. However, as an American Civil Liberties Union research study observed , there is already a general inclination to reform the U.S. justice system given that “71 percent of Americans agree that incarceration is often counterproductive to public safety, since ‘sending someone to prison for a long sentence increases the chances that he or she will commit another crime when they get out because prison doesn’t do a good job of rehabilitating problems...”’ Conceding that the US populace is ready to make such a change, why has it not occurred? Though there have been efforts in the U.S. to reform prisons into rehabilitative institutions, such instances where concrete change was implemented are scarce. Essential to the reduction of recidivism is considering prison reform indivisible from broader criminal justice reform. Seriously reconciling the presently dominant principles that govern the way punishment is exacted is the first step to abating criminogenic institutions.