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Qatar’s movement towards a more democratic political system highlights the country as a progressive force in the region, which can help it gain assistance and recognition by important international actors such as the United States or the European Union. < Back The First Democratic Elections in Qatar- Democratic or Diplomatic? By Emilia Kohlmeyer November 29, 2021 On October 21, the Gulf emirate Qatar held its first elections for the government’s legislative body, Majlis Al Shura (commonly referred to as the Shura or Advisory Council). The monarchy has been continuously delaying its elections since 2007 — although the Qatari constitution outlined the first elections to commence as early as 2004. The Shura is composed of 30 popularly elected seats and 15 seats appointed by the Emir. It is responsible for approving the national budget as well as drafting, discussing, and voting on proposed legislation — however, with some legal restrictions. Eligible to vote are native Qatari citizens over the age of 18 — excluding a large number of naturalized citizens. While Qatar has a population of almost three million residents, only about 10% hold citizenship — and an even smaller portion is of 'native' descent. The controversial electoral law, outlined in the 2005 Nationality law, requires proof that one’s grandfather was born in Qatar. This led to backslash over the exclusion of the prominent Al Murrah tribe, sparking multiple arrests of members. Independent candidates over the age of 30 are permitted to run for an office term of four years, given that they are recognized native citizens, have no criminal convictions, exhibit good character, and are fluent in written and spoken Arabic. Political parties are banned in the emirate. Furthermore, foreign funding was strictly prohibited and a maximum budget of two million riyals, equivalent to 500.000 euros, was set for a maximum campaign of two weeks. The vote was divided in 30 electoral districts with a total of 284 candidates distributed on 30 seats. There were 28 female candidates, however none were successful. The elected candidates were largely composed of former government officials and influential businessmen. The functions of the Shura Council According to the constitution, Qatar has a democratic system which is based on the separation of powers. Furthermore, Article 76 states, “The Advisory Council assumes the Legislative Power, approves the State's public budget and exercises the function of ‘watchdog’ over the Executive Power, according to the manner stipulated in this Constitution.” The Majalis Al Shura has the power to approve the national budget and to draft, discuss, and vote on proposed legislation. In ordinary circumstances, the Cabinet would propose laws which are then passed on to the Shura Council for verification. Once the Advisory Council passes a bill by majority, it must be passed to the Emir for approval. If he rejects the bill, it must be resubmitted to the council within three months with a given explanation. However, if the Council passes the same bill again by a two-thirds majority the emir is required to pass the law. The emir, as executive power, also has the right, according to Article 70 of the constitution, to issue laws in ‘exceptional circumstances’ for a limited period of time – without consultation of the Council. However, to extend this law, the Shura Council must approve it with a two-thirds majority within 40 days of submission. Hence, constitutionally, the executive’s power is limited by the requirement to consult the Shura Council. Elections in Qatar: Progressive or Utilitarian? Qatar is one of the wealthiest states of the world, possessing the third largest natural gas reserve, which provides the state with 70% of government revenue and 60% of the GDP. This has allowed the country to provide generous benefits to its citizens, such as free healthcare, education, no taxes, and a monthly income. Therefore, while neighboring states such as Bahrain and Saudi Arabia faced political turmoil in context of the Arab Spring protests, Qatar faced essentially no opposition by its population. The Arab Opinion Index of 2019/2020 affirmed that 98% of the population believed the political situation in Qatar was either good or very good. Furthermore, the level of democracy was assessed as 7.5/10, ranking remarkably higher than other countries in the region. This can be mostly attributed to the rent the population receives, but as well due to their size. The government is known to have historically made concessions with tribal figures, which largely dominate the civilian political discourse. Qatar’s political sphere is therefore largely run under the notion of ‘no taxes, no voice.’ However, the elections can be seen as an anticipatory effort by the government to decrease the number of natural resources while the population increases. This will inevitably reduce the economic rent, and limit the government's leverage over the population. To maintain the social contract on which the monarchy relies, an increase in popular political participation reduces the responsibility of providing rent, and potentially facilitates the implementation of policies such as taxation. Furthermore, the elections can be regarded as a move to appeal to international powers. Qatar has been increasingly acting as a mediator in conflicts, such as in Middle Eastern countries during the Arab Spring, as well as negotiating with Israel on behalf of the Palestinian cause. This has conflicted with Saudi Arabia’s anticipations as the guard and mediator of the region. Its movement towards a more democratic political system highlights Qatar as a progressive force in the region, which can help it gain assistance and recognition by important international actors such as the United States or the European Union.

After two political comebacks and an ongoing legal battle, this term presents Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s final opportunity to alter his legacy. < Back As Netanyahu Regains Power, the Far-Right Flourishes By Peyton Dashiell November 30, 2022 With nearly all votes counted from the Nov. 1, 2022, Israeli election, former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is poised to return to the role, continuing his reign as the longest-serving prime minister in Israeli history. As his Likud party and several right-wing coalition partners obtained a stable parliamentary majority, there may be an end in sight for Israel’s protracted political crisis, which has sparked five snap elections since 2019. Netanyahu, who formerly served as Prime Minister from 1996 to 1999 and 2009 to 2021, leads the center-right Likud party. His decades-long political career has overseen the Oslo Accords, both Intifadas, disengagement from Gaza and the Abraham Accords. Netanyahu’s position on Palestinian statehood has shifted many times. After opposing a Palestinian state early in his career, he reversed course in his 2009 Bar Ilan speech, supporting a two-state solution as long as the Palestinian government agreed to demilitarize. However, he condemned a two-state solution ahead of the 2015 Israeli elections, and many of his coalition partners support full Israeli annexation of the West Bank. Within Israel, Netanyahu advocates for free-market principles — he has eased Israeli foreign exchange controls, reduced the size of the public sector and passed anti-monopoly and anti-cartel laws to increase economic competition. Regionally, he has attempted to maintain a delicate power balance with Iran and Saudi Arabia, strongly condemning any Western nuclear deal with Iran as a threat to Israel’s security. And despite his alignment with religiously conservative parties, Netanyahu himself comes from a secular background and supports some progressive social issues like same-sex marriage. In 2019, Netanyahu was indicted on charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust, all of which he denies. The investigation into these charges is ongoing; a loophole in Israeli law requires officials under investigation for corruption to resign from all government offices except that of prime minister, allowing Netanyahu to take office despite his legal battles. His trial resumed on November 7 — the Jerusalem District Court will hear testimony regarding the Gifts Affairs, in which Netanyahu and his wife are accused of accepting $200,000 in gifts from billionaire Arnon Milchan in exchange for helping him obtain a U.S. visa and securing tax exemptions. Israel is a parliamentary democracy — the Israeli President, whose power is mostly ceremonial, nominates a member of the parliament (Knesset) to become Prime Minister, typically the leader of the largest party. The nominee is then tasked with creating a multi-party coalition with at least 61 out of 120 Knesset seats to retain power. This election was the fifth in four years due to a parliamentary crisis over Netanyahu’s leadership — the liberal wing of the Knesset has refused to create a coalition with Netanyahu, while Likud has insisted on keeping Netanyahu as party leader, resulting in an unstable coalition majority. In this election, Likud secured 32 Knesset seats, the largest share of any party. The Yesh Atid coalition, led by outgoing Prime Minister Yair Lapid, earned the second-largest share with 24 seats. Netanyahu has begun coalition talks with the Religious Zionism, Shas and United Torah Judaism parties, which won 14, 11 and seven seats, respectively. Overall, the coalition will hold 64 seats, safeguarding it against the fragility of past coalitions with smaller majorities. The far-right Religious Zionist party, led by Bezalel Smotrich, merged with Itamar Ben Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) party to gain 14 Knesset seats and join Netanyahu’s coalition. Ben Gvir is associated with the Kahanist movement and Kach party — both banned by Israel in 1994 due to incitement of terrorism and racism against Arabs and labeled as terrorist organizations by the United States, the European Union and Japan. Ben Gvir, who was disqualified from service in the Israeli Defense Forces due to his radical views, has faced dozens of hate speech charges and called for the expulsion of Palestinian citizens of Israel viewed as disloyal to the Israeli government. The domestic agendas of Religious Zionism and Otzma Yehudit espouse religious conservatism — both parties oppose same-sex marriage and call for increased federal funding for religious studies. Additionally, Religious Zionism has expressed aims to vest the Knesset with the power to override the Israeli High Court. Right-wing leaders have heavily criticized the High Court for rulings on settlement construction, detention of African asylum seekers and the ability of Reform and Conservative Jewish converts to gain Israeli citizenship. While Netanyahu distanced himself from Ben Gvir on the campaign trail, the leaders met in coalition talks in Tel Aviv on Nov. 7. Ben Gvir expressed his aim to become public security minister, a role that manages police oversight and training. The success of Religious Zionism and Otzma Yehudit came at the expense of the Israeli left. For the first time since its establishment in 1992, left-wing party Meretz failed to pass the electoral threshold and gain any Knesset representation. Meretz leader Zehava Galon denounced the Religious Zionist party and labeled the election results a “disaster for Meretz, a disaster for the country, and yes, a disaster for me personally.” Prime Minister Yair Lapid has garnered blame for blocking coalition efforts between Meretz and Yesh Atid, claiming that both parties would securely pass the threshold. English Track first-year Roey Ofer has supported Meretz in the past five elections due to their resistance to West Bank annexation and advocacy against human rights violations. Ofer rejects the narrative that Lapid is solely culpable for left-wing failures: “I believe the respective leaders of each party are to be blamed for not being willing to unite their lists as well as providing voters with a solid ideological alternative which is not merely a negation of their opponents.” Arab parties Ra’am and Hadash Ta’al increased their seats to five each, while the Balad party failed to cross the electoral threshold. The three parties, along with Mada, previously comprised The Joint List, a coalition of Arab-majority parties that served as the third largest faction in the Knesset. However, the coalition dissolved in September after several members from different parties left due to ideological disputes. Palestinian citizens of Israel, who make up nearly one-fifth of the Israeli population, have much lower voter turnout rates than Jewish Israelis — only 55 percent cast votes this cycle. While second-year Sama Nabulsi attributes this low turnout to the Knesset’s disinterest in ameliorating Palestinian conditions, she doesn’t believe that past anti-Palestinian legislation or disillusionment from prior coalition shortcomings should discourage Palestinian citizens from voting: “ I think Palestinians with the ability to vote should vote for three main reasons. First, to push the power away from far-right and generally racist parties. Second, if they choose to vote for Arab parties, to be able to secure some control and representation in the parliament. And third, to be able to build strength in the Palestinian voice for future elections and parliaments, a higher voter turnout creates an efficient voting bloc that would help constitute what the future government may look like. I don’t know how far a Palestinian voice can go in the makeup of the Israeli parliament today, but I believe that the battle isn’t over yet. ” Reversing trends seen globally, the rightward shift in this election was primarily driven by young, first-time voters — supporters of right-wing, religious parties specifically skewed young, male and Orthodox. A pre-election survey from the Israel Democracy Institute found that 71 percent of Israelis under age 24 identify as right-wing, compared to 47 percent of those 35 and older. Once a political pariah, Itamar Ben Gvir enjoys support from the incoming prime minister, and Religious Zionism is now the third largest party in the Knesset. Regarding overall election consequences, an anonymous second-year said, “there are many concerns that arise from this election, from the incorporation of once extremist and radical views into the Israeli political mainstream to dangers to Israel’s democracy, especially within the judiciary.” They also noted increased division within Israeli politics: “the high number of Orthodox and Ultra-Orthodox lawmakers and the ever-increasing rift between Israel and Diaspora Jews also offer little reason for hope.” Despite his cumulative 15 years in office, Netanyahu’s third term is unlikely to bring stagnancy to Israeli politics. Emboldened by his strong coalition majority, Netanyahu can pursue an ambitious agenda — he has highlighted normalization with Arab countries as a key priority, building upon the 2020 Abraham Accords he signed with former U.S. President Donald Trump. However, questions remain about the impact of his religious, right-wing coalition partners — will they significantly shape Israeli security and social issues, or will Netanyahu work to temper their aims and maintain the status quo? After two political comebacks and an ongoing legal battle, this term presents Netanyahu’s final opportunity to alter his legacy.

Many young Tunisians, 1A Amira Zargouni notes, are “filled with disillusionment due to the long, arduous process of democratic transition” and have not experienced the direct rewards of democratic gains during the post-revolution period that their parents or grandparents did. < Back The False Revival of the Moroccan Political Scene By Bechar Benmoumen September 29, 2021 History On March 17, 2011, HM King Mohammed VI announced with great fanfare in a speech to the nation the establishment of a new constitution in order to "complete the construction of the rule of law and democratic institutions" in the Kingdom of Morocco. Faced with popular demands, the Sovereign submitted to a referendum a text slightly limiting his powers and announced that new elections would be held. The Justice and Development Party (PJD), the Moroccan branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, triumphed and entered the government for the first time in its history, thanks to its active role in the February 20 Movement and its charitable networks in many poor neighborhoods. Tale of a Disgrace Two terms later, the Islamist party experienced the largest political decline in Morocco's contemporary history, dropping from 120 seats out of 395 in the 2016 elections to just 12. Normalization with Israel, signed by the former Head of Government Saad-eddine El Othmani, has been put forward by many observers to explain the break with the party's conservative base. However, in my opinion, this remains anecdotal as the PJD's record was marred by a more than conflicting relationship with the Monarchy, which prevented it from implementing the economic, social and societal reforms for which it was elected, as well as by political problems that definitively completed the rupture between the party and large sections of Moroccan society. This defeat is also remarkable because it is the first time that the Islamist movement that took power in the wake of the Arab Spring has been deposed at the ballot box. An unprecedented participation Despite the health restrictions imposed by the pandemic, which forced the campaigns to take place mainly on social networks, the legislative, regional and communal elections had a high turnout of 50.18%, which had not been seen since the 2000s. In addition, it is notable that turnout in the Saharan provinces (in the territory internationally known as Western Sahara) was significantly higher than in other regions of Morocco by about ten points, which helps to legally discredit the separatist intentions of the Polisario Front. The large win of the RNI The Rassemblement National des Indépendants (RNI) — a party close to the Monarchy with a conservative liberal tendency and led by one of Morocco's biggest fortunes, Aziz Akhannouch — was the clear winner of the election, taking 102 of the 395 seats in the House of Representatives. Present in all the successive governments since 2007, Aziz Akhannouch, who has just been entrusted by HM King Mohamed VI with the task of composing the government, will have to face a difficult context, as Morocco is hit hard by the consequences of the socio-economic crisis linked to the pandemic, to ever increasing levels of inequality, as well as to the distrust of a large part of the Moroccan population, which reproaches him for being entangled in scandals of conflicts of interest. His oil company Afriquia had in fact been one of the targets of a boycott campaign launched on social media in 2018 aimed at denouncing economic cartels and the lack of respect for competition. The victory of the RNI also does not mark a renewal in Moroccan political life, as the political formation has joined the last two government coalitions and occupied key ministries since 2016. It remains to be seen whether their position as leader of the future coalition will coincide with a greater control of the Monarchy over the executive or, on the contrary, a greater complacency on the part of the latter, which no longer feels threatened by the confreres' influences from abroad that weighed on the PJD. Thus, these elections are part of the gradual democratization process initiated by the Kingdom in the wake of the Arab Spring. The large defeat of the Islamist movement has put political Islam in Morocco on hold. However, it would be incongruous to neglect this force in the future, given its numerous entanglements in the Moroccan socio-associative fabric. Finally, we must move away from analyses in terms of ideological cleavages to explain the results. Moroccan parties still rely too heavily on clientelistic approaches and quickly question their ideological principles in order to form coalitions that allow them to enter government.

After winning Istanbul’s mayoral elections, Imamoğlu’s victory was annulled on the grounds that it was fraudulent. When he won for the second time, he called election officials “fools.” AKP officials viewed this as an insult to the Turkish administration and a defamation court case was opened in June 2019. < Back What Ekrem Imamoğlu’s Unjust Imprisonment Reveals About Erdoğan’s Plans For Turkey By Ecesu Basara January 31, 2023 “Şeytan tüyü,” a Turkish proverb that translates literally to "feather of the devil," is used to refer to persons who are thought to have an easy time winning the acceptance and love of others. If you are familiar with the name Ekrem Imamoğlu, you are aware of his undeniable possession of this special “feather.” Businessman and skilled communicator, he made his fortune in construction before entering politics. Member of the Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP), a secular and leftist party founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Ekrem Imamoğlu knows how to seduce beyond his political affiliation; he appeals to the Kemalist and nationalist electorate but also the Kurds, which is surprising given the current dynamics of Turkish politics, which tend to isolate and divide different ethnic and religious groups. Despite his active participation in the construction sector, which he inherited from his family, Imamoğlu first appeared to be relatively obscure to the general public. However, his reputation and career took off in 2019. In one of its most humiliating defeats, he beat Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP), the conservative party in power since 2002, to win the Istanbul municipal elections with the help of CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. Growing censorship and the outlawing of oppositional parties have been hallmarks of the AKP's administration. In light of this, the election of Imamoğlu presented itself as a beacon of hope for many Turks who do not identify with the ideology of Erdoğan, and for the first time in almost 20 years, it made them feel like their voices had been heard. These two political figures may seem irreconcilable to one another, but they share many uncanny traits that show Imamoğlu's potential as a future Turkish leader and justify Erdoğan’s desire to hinder Imamoğlu’s candidacy in the upcoming 2023 presidential elections. First, it is noteworthy to mention that Imamoğlu and Erdoğan both originate from the Black Sea region of Turkey, an area that has historically played a crucial role in Turkish politics. Also, both Erdoğan and Imamoğlu have served as mayor of Istanbul — Erdoğan from 1994 to 1998, and Imamoglu since 2019. In addition, both Imamoğlu and Erdoğan cherish religion and publicly express their devotion, despite the fact that Imamoğlu’s discourse on religion is substantially more inclusive of Islamic minorities and non-Muslim groups in Turkey while Erdoğan opts for an idealized global Sunni vision of Islam. The similarities between the two figures further demonstrate Imamoğlu's capability to be a leader as powerful as Erdoğan in the coming years and the voice of the long-silenced. Undoubtedly, Erdoğan is aware of this reality, and in an effort to maintain his position as ruler for a few more years, takes care to minimize Imamoğlu's exposure to the Turkish people. Even after winning Istanbul’s mayoral elections in March, Imamoğlu’s victory was short-lived — the vote was quickly annulled on the grounds that it was fraudulent and pushed to a date three months later. When he won for the second time, he used the term “fools” to describe election officials who had canceled the vote on unjust grounds. AKP officials viewed this as an insult to the Turkish administration and a defamation court case against Imamoğlu was opened immediately in June 2019. The court announced its decision in mid-December 2022 and Imamoğlu was sentenced to two years, seven months and 15 days in prison in addition to a political ban. He has decided to appeal this decision, so the sentence is currently suspended. What is most shocking about this brutal verdict is that the Minister of Internal Affairs, Süleyman Soylu, called Imamoğlu a “fool” before Imamoğlu had said it. Soylu escaped legal action or even mild consequences. Imamoğlu used this in his defense, but the court ruled that he had not meant the term “fool” in the same way that Soylu had. In his defense he also included that, in Turkey, the word “fool” is usually not regarded as an insult, but the Court had an answer for this as well. It determined, based on the manner the word "fool" was used in the sentence and the emphasis given to it, that Imamoğlu had meant for it to mean "dumb and idiotic." In short, the Court found that, when two people say the same word, the one who says it first should not get called out, whereas the other is condemned to prison and a political ban. It does not take long to see that this case, particularly given its timing (five months before the presidential elections), is politically motivated. Decided by a judge who has photos with AKP leaders and who demonstrated clear bias, this courtroom drama features ludicrous allegations and aggressive demands from the prosecution. Erdoğan’s fear of losing his position as president has once again undermined the integrity of Turkey's justice system and further eroded the democratic norms that the nation previously upheld strongly and proudly. Erdoğan has demonstrated yet again that he is willing to do whatever it takes to get reelected in May 2023.

Among lawyers, graphic designers, and writers, could imams be the next professionals fearing artificial intelligence taking their jobs? < Back Tech vs. Tradition: Could AI Oust Islamic Leaders? By Colette Yamashita Holcomb December 30, 2023 Among lawyers, graphic designers, and writers, could imams be the next professionals fearing artificial intelligence taking their jobs? On Sept. 8, the Egyptian cabinet’s media center denied rumors that the government planned to use artificial intelligence to prepare Friday sermons, replacing the imams who write them. These rumors were spurred by comments made by Muhammad Mukhtar, the Minister of Religious Endowments, who declared that he had experimented with using artificial intelligence to write a Friday Khotba and rated the output an “8 out of 10,” but acknowledged that the output included religious mistakes. While the rumors in Egypt may have been disproven, the nation isn’t the only one exploring using artificial intelligence in religious practice. Across the Islamic world, government and religious leaders have grappled with the question of whether technology has a role in religion. While Iranian religious leaders have emphasized that artificial intelligence efforts are simply to add to “the toolkit of Islamic leaders,” in the United Arab Emirates, the government discontinued the Virtual Ifta program within two years, electing to focus on applying artificial intelligence in business. Iran has faced increasing pressure to modernize on the heels of the mass protest movement that began last year, evolving to a broader call to replace the Islamic republic with a modernized, secular state. The nation’s religious establishment views technology as a potential avenue of development, all while strengthening Islamic national identity and values. The head of Qom Seminary, located in the Iranian holy city of Qom, has warmed up to artificial intelligence, primarily focusing on how it could accelerate the Islamic studies of senior clergy and communication with the public. The seminary has partnered with the city’s leading AI research center. “The seminary must get involved in using modern, progressive technology and artificial intelligence…we have to enter into this field to promote Islamic civilization,” the head of Iran’s seminary, Ayatollah Alireza Arafi, said this summer. Most clerics follow the traditional approach to religious study and adapt Islamic rulings to modern life, analyzing lengthy documents that can take weeks to prepare. The top-ranking clerics, the majority aged 80 to 100, aren’t expected to divert from this traditional style. However, younger clerics may be more open to utilizing technological advances. Yet, some doubt whether a quicker process would benefit Islam. Many figures caution against the use of artificial intelligence for interpreting religious texts because interpretations of religious teachings require a deep historical, sociological, and theological understanding beyond simple linguistic knowledge; some have advocated concerns that artificial intelligence may oversimplify or misinterpret nuanced religious teachings. Artificial intelligence would also challenge the principles of the Islamic educational system, such as strong teacher-student relationships. The Journal of Islamic Studies highlighted that supplementing, let alone replacing, these relationships with artificial intelligence platforms could erode the essential human element in religious teachings since it cannot provide the same emotional and spiritual guidance. Moreover, if students lack personal connections to the text, often found through these teacher-student relationships, it could weaken both their understanding and relationship to the text and their faith. For non-clergy Muslims, artificial intelligence has more apparent benefits. Artificial intelligence could strengthen an individual’s understanding of Islam and the Quran because programs can explain concepts and passages differently based on individual learning styles and a personalized 24/7 learning experience that is impossible to find in a traditional setting. Additionally, the increased global reach appeals to those who want to spread Islam worldwide; artificial intelligence platforms can make Islamic teachings accessible to a global audience through in-depth explanations and real-time translation. Yet, like with clergy members, the impersonal nature of artificial intelligence could create a disconnect with faith. The risk of bias and misinformation is still prevalent, which could harm the understanding of Islam through misinformation. For some, the integration of artificial intelligence by imams is not a departure from tradition but an evolution that aligns with the needs of modern society. Meanwhile, others view artificial intelligence as a pressing risk to Islamic values and traditions, representing a decline in society's faith and moral fabric. In some countries, such as Egypt, this exploration has exacerbated tensions between state overreach into clerical roles and the question of how Islamic states may be redefined and reimagined in the coming years. While the jobs of imams may not be up for grabs quite yet, it is clear that artificial intelligence is no longer a hypothetical future; it is the reality in every area of our lives.

Sports Recap — February 2023 < Back February Sports Recap By Hugo Lagergren February 28, 2023 Football Manchester City has been charged with 115 breaches of financial regulations by the Premier League. The charges mark the end of a four-year investigation conducted by Premier League officials into the club’s financial dealings from 2008 to 2020. The breaches can be split into three categories. The main issue raised by the Premier League relates to the financial irregularities of Man City’s business dealings. Secondly, the Premier League requires clubs to be transparent and honest about their financial activities, which they say has not been the case with City. And lastly, the Premier League has accused City of not cooperating fully with the investigation. Two years ago, similar charges were brought forth by the Union of European Football Associations against Man City. However, after being reviewed by the Court of Arbitration for Sport, the charges were thrown out. According to the Times’ chief sports writer, Martyn Ziegler, City will not be able to appeal the charges this time. The Premier League has not issued sanctions at the time of writing. Possible sanctions include fines, possible points deduction or exclusion from the League. Brazilian footballer Vinicius Jr. said that not enough is being done to combat racism in Spanish football and Spain more generally. Vinicius tweeted, “Let’s start to punish those people, or we’ll go back to how it was before,” following an incident that saw Brazilian basketball player Yago Dos Santos being subjected to racist abuse during a EuroCup game. Borussia Dortmund player Sébastien Haller scored his first league goal since his return three weeks ago from chemotherapy. Haller was diagnosed with testicular cancer in August of last year. Since then, Haller has continued to raise awareness in the football community for the fight against cancer. The date of his goal coincidentally fell on International World Cancer Day – an occasion which Dortmund marked by slightly altering their center circle to represent a tumor. L’Olympique de Marseille managed to knock out bitter rivals Paris St-Germain (PSG) in the last 16 of the Coupe de France. PSG’s poor form in the previous few matches has seen them drop points several times. This has put pressure on the manager, Christophe Galtier, to deliver silverware in an increasingly tricky season for the Parisian side. Rugby After a narrow victory against Italy, Six Nations favorites France continued their shaky start to the tournament by losing to a well-oiled Irish team, who looked organized and structured compared to their French opponent, which struggled to escape their own 22 at times. On the other hand, the number one ranked Irish team has moved to the top of the table with comfortable victories over France and Wales. Scotland has continued their impressive run of form, with victories over England and Wales, to move to second in the Six Nations behind Ireland. A big test for Gatland’s men will be in two weeks when Scotland travels to the Stade de France to face a wounded French side. Handball Denmark beat France in an exhilarating final to claim a historic third successive International Handball Federation World Handball Championship. After the Danish victory, operators of the Oresund Bridge, which connects Sweden and Denmark, lit the bridge in red and white to honor Denmark’s achievement. For co-host Sweden, the tournament ended in disappointment as they lost 39-36 to Spain in the bronze medal game. Basketball Lebron James became the National Basketball Association’s all-time top points scorer with 38,387 points as the Lakers fell to the Oklahoma City Thunder. He surpasses Kareem Abdul-Jabbar’s point total — a record he has held since 1984. American Football The Kansas City Chiefs defeated the Philadelphia Eagles 38-35 to win their second Super Bowl in the last four years. For the second time, Patrick Mahomes, the quarterback for the Chiefs, was awarded the National Football League Most Valuable Player Award. Olympics Earlier this month, the International Olympics Committee (IOC) issued a statement saying that it would allow Russian and Belorussian athletes to compete at the 2024 Paris Olympic Games, on the condition that no anthems or flags from the two countries are displayed. This has sparked outrage from politicians and fans alike. President Zelenskyy commented that the decision from the IOC highlighted that “terror is somewhat acceptable”.

Russia in the corner, China's embarrassment, the EU financing arms, and heavy sanctions: following the invasion of Ukraine, a new political, economic, social order arose. < Back Putin's War Changed The World (More Than The Pandemic) By Florian Heydecker March 30, 2022 The pandemic transformed the world, but Putin's war is changing it much more, and at lightning speed. In some cases, it is an immediate earthquake; in others, it is a tectonic shift that will have enormous consequences in the future. Vladimir Putin was once considered a genius, an over-the-top strategist. Now, he is a lonely, isolated man who made the mistake of a lifetime — underestimating the Ukrainians and the West. He was a leader to entice; now, he is a violent and dangerous dictator. Hollywood movies usually display the US president handling a nuclear briefcase, but reality has proven that the Russian president appeals more to this strategy. Russia is an international pariah, dragged into a corner politically, economically, and financially by the man who wanted to make it great again. Although the country has undoubtedly potential to figure among the great powers, the ruling armed kleptocratic regime is a severe obstacle to its development. Russian democracy was already debilitated, and now, repression will probably become even harsher. Germany is changing: pacifist until a few days ago, terrorized by its past, secured to Angela Merkel's mercantilism, today it decided to rearm — putting in place 100 billion euros for the army, and sending weapons to the defenders of Ukraine. With Germany, Europe awakens: it buys weapons for the first time, and Ursula von der Leyen announced that Kyiv could join the EU, a prospect that, if materialized in a fast accession procedure, could further galvanize the Ukrainian resistance and disrupt Putin’s project. It is a situation that — if Emmanuel Macron, Mario Draghi, and other Western European leaders rise to the occasion — could lead to the construction of a concrete European Defense. This process would occur under the aegis of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Putin's aggression strengthened the unity of the West to an unexpected level, which until a month ago was considered almost non-existent. Turkey chose to side with the West; Sweden, and Finland could join NATO; and Switzerland abandoned centuries of neutrality, including banking neutrality, by freezing Russian bank accounts. The countries of Eastern Europe, frequently overlooked by the West, have found a new role — starting with Poland and the three Baltic states. The experience and memory of Soviet domination provide both Baltic and Eastern European states with leverage in the European Union decision-making process. Now the EU is no longer just Germany and France. Above all, the EU will undergo a consolidation process to handle foreign policy with coordination. Business and trade can no longer detach from geopolitics. Recent years have witnessed the rise of autocratic regimes that challenged democratic values, and Putin’s bold move has turned the trend: autocrats and dictators are sturdy in appearance, yet their sturdiness can lead to political isolation, economic recession, and perhaps institutional collapse. Xi Jinping's China was taken aback and showed all its embarrassment. At the UN Security Council, China abstained on the resolution condemning aggression against Ukraine, not vetoing it as Moscow did. It has an onerous balancing act to perform now. Beijing has many clients but no friends; Xi Jinping says he has one, Vladimir Putin, who has chosen excessive adventurism. As Putin attacks Kyiv, he disrupts the hegemonic agenda of China, which has different methods and timelines for conquering Europe. Putin positions himself as the leader of the new order in the Eurasian supercontinent, a role Beijing has no intention of leaving to others. Not only that, with its aggression, the Kremlin is strengthening the West and its democracies instead of weakening them. China's leader cannot appreciate that: it risks rolling back its strategy of enfeebling America and Europe by years, and it can undermine its theory of the West's inevitable decline. China needs Russia to confront Washington geopolitically and access vital resources, especially energy. But in the enormity of the step taken by Putin, it sees dangers and serious setbacks. Beijing is monitoring, but the conflict might not provide China with the desired loser. The wave of sanctions bearing down on the Russian economy can potentially accelerate the process of decoupling free and state economies. The dollar and euro currency areas will exclude the Russian banking system. This policy combines with the now strong tendency in China to close down entire sectors of its economy and bring activity back under the stringent guidance of the Communist Party, to the detriment of private individuals who have been the main protagonists of the boom of the past decades. The trend towards decoupling — the dollar-euro area on one side, the yuan on the other — will presumably strengthen the climate of conflict. The latter would entail severe consequences on supply chains and increasing protectionism involving Europe and the world. The invasion of Ukraine accelerated the character of the new Cold War of the 21st century. The emotion, the tears, the demonstrations that crossed European cities in the last weeks communicate that Putin's assault has not only moved governments, politicians, armies, and diplomacy. Citizens are more in shock than they have been in decades. The tragic pictures and videos from Ukraine outscore even the risk of witnessing gas and electricity prices rise. Indeed, emotions will fade as time goes on, and differences of opinion will come back into focus. Yet, we already comprehend that that morning of February 24 saw the dawn of a new world. Before long, we will understand if we enjoy it.

< Back Myanmar: Public Unrest Erupts in the Face of Coup d’État and Aung San Suu Kyi Deposition By Viola Luraschi December 31, 2021 On February 1, 2021, a military coup d’état led to the fall of democracy in Myanmar and the implementation of a military regime. Since 2015, the National League for Democracy (Myanmar’s liberal democratic party led by Aung San Suu Kyi) has been ruling the country. Its ascendance to power marked the end of 50 years of military rule. Although not detected by independent election observers, the military claimed massive voter fraud. The military justified their coup by asserting that their takeover would guarantee a “true and disciplined democracy”. However, it cannot be argued that the current state of Myanmar fits the description of a democratic state. Leading the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s military, is the coup’s Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing. He has been subject to condemnation and sanctions from international entities as a consequence of his alleged role in the military-led attacks on ethnic minorities in Myanmar. The country is currently under a state of emergency, which was first declared when the military came to power in February and which was subsequently extended for a further two years. However, the military has promised a “free and fair” election following the state of emergency. Suu Kyi was under military detention from 1989 to 2010 due to her “commitment to establishing democracy in Myanmar.” In 1991, when Suu Kyi was still under military detention, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her commitment to establishing democracy within Myanmar through non-violent means. She would have become president in 2015 when her party won by landslide victory, had it not been for a rule that prohibits people with foreign national children from taking office. However, she was regarded by many as the legitimate ruler, and Win Myint was merely the face of Myanmar. Her public image received a negative impact following the events of the Rohingya crisis of 2017, during which Myanmar saw the largest wave of Rohingya fleeing the country due to what has been considered by many a genocide. In fact, in 2019 Suu Kyi was called to appear before the United Nations International Court of Justice and stand in defense of her country, which faced accusations of genocide. The new leader, Min Aung Hlaing, has now assumed all state power in his capacity as commander-in-chief. With this role he has prioritized an investigation into fraud claims of the new elections, which had supposedly been won by the National League for Democracy. As a result of the investigations regarding the recent elections, Suu Kyi is now facing a prison sentence after being found guilty of violating coronavirus restrictions as well as incitement. The case regarding her sentencing was based around statements that had been posted on the Facebook page of the National League for Democracy; this, however, was posted by other party members only after she and other leaders of the party were already being detained by the military. The charges of incitement and violation of coronavirus regulations are only two of eleven charges which the former prime minister is currently facing. Suu Kyi has denied all of these charges and, as a result, her sentence has been reduced from what was previously four years to two.The reduction of the sentence was approved by Junta Chief Min Aung Hlaing. The details are, however, still unclear regarding where, when and if Suu Kyi will be placed in prison, and her current location is undisclosed. Former President Win Myint is a co-defendant in Suu Kyi’s trial, as he has also been placed on trial, and his sentence is the same as Suu Kyi’s although this could be subject to change. Salai Maung Taing San, a spokesperson for the National Unity Governmentand professionally known as Dr Sasa, said that the “military generals are preparing for 104 years of sentences for [Suu Kyi] in prison.” International voices have spoken out against the trial and the military coup. In fact, Amnesty International has used the word “bogus” to describe the charges for Suu Kyi and Myint, accusing them of serving as the “latest example[s] of the military’s determination to eliminate all opposition and suffocate freedoms in Myanmar.” Michelle Bachelet, UN Human Rights chief, has claimed that the “sham trial” will only “deepen rejection of the coup” on both international and domestic fronts. Furthermore, the foreign secretary of the United Kingdom, Liz Truss, has said that “the arbitrary detention of elected politicians only risks further unrest” and that it can be identified as “another appalling attempt by Myanmar’s military regime to stifle opposition and suppress freedom and democracy.” Due to its high-profile nature and the controversy that surrounds the trial, the proceedings have taken place in a closed court and no access has been given to observers, no information regarding the legal cases have been disclosed to the public. Furthermore, Suu Kyi’s lawyers have been forced to sign a gag order. The military justified their coup by asserting that their takeover would guarantee a "true and disciplined democracy”. However, since February, Myanmar has seen more than 10,600 people arrested and a minimum of 1,303 deaths by the junta during demonstrations. Thus, it cannot be argued that the current state of Myanmar fits the description of a democratic state.

Sur l’air solennel de la Marseillaise et le dépôt traditionnel de gerbes sur la Place de France à la Case Rocher, le 27 février 2024 marque l'installation d’un nouveau préfet à Mayotte, François-Xavier Bieuville. < Back Le droit du sol sur une île en crise: Retours sur l'actualité de Mayotte By Salomé Greffier March 30, 2024 Sur l’air solennel de la Marseillaise et le dépôt traditionnel de gerbes sur la Place de France à la Case Rocher, le 27 février 2024 marque l'installation d’un nouveau préfet à Mayotte, François-Xavier Bieuville. Pour la ministre déléguée chargée des Outre-mer, Marie Guévenoux, cette nomination vise à renouer le dialogue, rompu avec le précédent préfet, entre les autorités publiques et le collectif citoyen “Forces vives”, afin de “garantir l’ordre public et rétablir durablement la paix civile dans le département” . Trouver des solutions durables pour ce territoire traversé par des crises à répétition en termes de sécurité, d’immigration clandestine, d’accès aux biens de premières nécessités, de pauvreté,... devrait être au cœur du programme de l’ancien juriste ayant exercé dans des territoires ultramarins. En effet, alors que le 101 ème département français fait face à des barrages routiers depuis un mois de la part des “Forces vives”, l’enjeu du pouvoir central semble devoir se concentrer sur le rétablissement du dialogue et la prise en considération des revendications mahoriennes. La société civile qui proteste aujourd’hui, accuse l’Etat français d’abandon et condamne le climat d’insécurité palpable sur l’île, ainsi que l’immigration illégale. Concernant l’insécurité, l’INSEE relate en novembre 2021 que 48% des habitants de Mayotte se sentent en insécurité, principalement dans leurs quartiers, soit cinq à six fois plus que les habitants de l’Hexagone. Un sentiment confirmé par une délinquance d’appropriation élevée dans la région, puisqu’environ un ménage sur cinq a été victime d’au moins un cambriolage ou d’un vol sans effraction. Les logements et biens matériels motorisés (voitures, bus) s’avèrent être les principales cibles des délinquants. Des épisodes plus violents entraînant l’usage d’armes blanches (couteaux, machettes) ont également été répertoriés dans les écoles et les transports publics notamment. Ces agressions sont, le plus souvent, l’oeuvre de jeunes mahoriens organisés en bandes rivales mais demeurent associées au problème de l’immigration illégale. En effet, l’île de Mayotte, située au cœur de l’archipel des Comores, compte 55% d’étrangers dans sa population. Cette proportion s’explique par l’arrivée massive de comoriens (95% des étrangers) dans le département. La principale motivation de cette migration reste avant tout économique dans la mesure où Mayotte constitue le territoire le plus riche et doté d’infrastructures de services publics plus accessibles que dans le reste de l’archipel. Ces déplacements de population marquent également le 101 ème département français d’un taux de natalité s’élevant à 4,7 enfants par femme en 2022, soit 10 730 bébés de mères domiciliées sur l’île la même année. Surnommée ‘la maternité’ de la France, Mayotte et ses services publics, avec en première ligne la maternité de Mamoudzou, peinent à faire face à cette explosion démographique. La majorité des nouveau-nés sont issus de parents comoriens souhaitant obtenir pour leurs enfants la nationalité française en invoquant le droit du sol. Une pratique dénoncée par le gouvernement actuel ayant déjà initié l’opération Wuambushu en avril dernier afin d’expulser les migrants illégaux amassés dans des bidonvilles dans l’objectif de faire barrage à la crise migratoire. L’exécutif a choisi de répondre par la force et la destruction à une situation migratoire jugée intolérable et incompatible avec le développement de Mayotte. Or, l’ethnologue Sophie Blanchy rappelle d’une part que les liens entre comoriens et mahorais demeurent étroits en termes de culture, de langue, de religion; la seule distinction les caractérisant se trouvant dans la possession de la nationalité française ou non. D’autre part, la chercheuse avance que, dans cet espace insulaire doté de peu de ressources, la migration a toujours été une nécessité. D'autant plus que le transfert d’argent acquis par le déplacement des individus permet d’alimenter l’économie du département. Ainsi, l’argument nourrit par les discours de la métropole quant au fait que la migration à Mayotte ne serait motivée que par l’obtention de papiers administratifs reste à nuancer. L’article reviendra prochainement sur ce point. Dans l’immédiat, il semble nécessaire de se tourner vers la récente proposition du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Outre-Mer, Gérald Darmanin, pour couper “ littéralement l’attractivité qu’il peut y avoir dans l’archipel mahorais ”. Soutenu par Emmanuel Macron, le ministre souhaite assurément endiguer le phénomène migratoire en annonçant le 11 février dernier vouloir réformer les articles relatifs au droit du sol de la Constitution. Ce droit inscrit dans l’article 21-7 du code civil stipule que les personnes nées en France de deux parents étrangers peuvent obtenir la nationalité à l’âge de 18 ans si elles résident en France depuis une période continue ou discontinue d’au moins cinq ans depuis l’âge de 11 ans. De plus, l’enfant peut dans ce cadre obtenir la nationalité avant sa majorité sur demande de ses parents entre 13 et 16 ans ou sur demande personnelle entre 16 et 18 ans, sous conditions de durée de résidence en France. Ce droit du sol dit “simple” se complète d’un double droit du sol avançant que toute personne née en France ayant au moins un parent français peut obtenir la nationalité dès sa naissance. Dans le cas de Mayotte, c’est le droit du sol simple qui semble être visé par les mesures proposées par Gérald Darmanin. Dès lors, invoquer une mesure d’exception pour Mayotte contournerait le principe d’indivisibilité inscrit dans l’article premier de la norme suprême. En 2018 déjà, Emmanuel Macron s’était trouvé à l’initiative de la Loi Collomb réduisant les possibilités d’obtention de la nationalité française par le droit du sol. En effet, ce texte impose qu’à la date de la naissance d’un enfant né à Mayotte, l’un de ses parents au moins réside en France de manière régulière, sous couvert d’un titre de séjour, et de manière ininterrompue depuis plus de trois mois. Or, les observations montrent qu’en 2022, si seulement 800 mineurs ont obtenu la nationalité contre 2800 en 2018, les problèmes migratoires et tensions internes n’ont pas décru. Par conséquent, la proposition du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Outre-mer apparaît inutile voire dangereuse selon les partis de l’opposition. A droite, alors que le Rassemblement National se réjouit de cette mesure, Marion Maréchal Le Pen craint un “appel d’air” migratoire qui pourrait atteindre l’Hexagone. La chef de fil du parti d’extrême droite Reconquête, critique en outre la fin du visa territorialisé qui permettait de limiter la circulation des personnes étrangères en situation irrégulière au seul département de Mayotte. Sur les bancs de la gauche, Manuel Valls, anciennement affilié au Parti socialiste, défend que “ cette réforme repose sur le fantasme que le droit du sol est responsable du chaos à Mayotte [... ]on ouvre un boîte de Pandore qui me paraît extrêmement dangereuse dans notre débat national ”. En effet, toucher au droit du sol remet en cause des piliers fondamentaux de la République française tels que son caractère indivisible et social. Cette mesure marque davantage encore l’inefficacité de l’Etat français à mettre en œuvre des actions concrètes pour pallier la pauvreté qui divise les îles de la Lune. Alors que l’eau est coupée presque trois jours par semaine, que son prix est assez exorbitant pour que les mahorais en consomment via des systèmes d’approvisionnement vétustes et porteurs de bactéries telles que l’E.coli, le gouvernement s’attache à poser la responsabilité de cette situation sur les étrangers. Certes, la pression démographique implique une prise en charge complexe des services publics sur l’île, mais elle n’est pas la seule coupable d’une crise structurelle plongeant 77% des habitants sous le seuil de pauvreté. Emmanuel Macron se veut rassurant en affirmant que la réforme constitutionnelle annoncée ne fera pas le jeu de l’extrême droite tout en soutenant qu’il reste “ très profondément attaché à ce droit pour la France ”. Par ces paroles, le gouvernement évite finalement une fois encore de résoudre les problèmes par des solutions et place Mayotte en périphérie de ses préoccupations nationales.

< Back Where is Peng Shuai? The Silencing and Disappearance of Chinese Tennis Player Peng Shuai By Saoirse Aherne November 30, 2021 On November 2, 35-year-old Chinese tennis star Peng Shuai accused former Chinese Vice President Zhang Gaoli of sexually assaulting her. The twice-Grand Slam doubles champion made the accusation on Weibo, a Chinese social media network. Within minutes, the post was deleted, a censor appeared to block the word “tennis” from search results, and Peng disappeared from the public view. According to Peng, she engaged in a secret relationship with Zhang between 2013 and 2018. Over this period, Peng claims to have had consensual sex with Zhang on numerous occasions, however she alleges that on one occasion, the sex was not consensual. Though the Chinese media has suppressed the story, screenshots of Peng’s initial post continue to circulate. This affair has caused outrage around the world. On November 17, the state-owned Chinese television broadcaster CGTN released an email allegedly written by Peng. The email said, “the allegation of sexual assault is not true. I am not missing, nor am I unsafe. I’ve just been resting at home.” In response to the email, the Women’s Tennis Association (WTA) Chairman Steve Simon asked for further proof that it was written by Peng, expressing difficulty “believing that Peng Shuai actually wrote the email,” and claiming its release “only raises [his] concerns as to her safety.” A number of other organizations have continued to voice concerns regarding Peng Shuai’s whereabouts. Amnesty International called for proof of Peng’s safety, asserting that her case “highlights the treatment faced by women survivors of sexual abuse in China, whose allegations are routinely ignored and who are often targeted for speaking out.” The International Tennis Federation spokeswomen Heather Bowler stated that “player safety is always… top priority,” and expressed support for a “full and transparent investigation into this matter.” On November 21, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) President Thomas Bach met with Peng on a 30-minute video call and subsequently released a statement asserting that Peng was “doing fine” and had asked “to have her privacy respected.” That same day, China Open posted videos and photos of Peng appearing at a youth tennis tournament in Beijing. Human Rights Watch (HRW) has raised major concerns about the virtual call, and accused the IOC of helping China in light of the Winter Olympics set to occur in Beijing next year. According to Sophie Richardson, China’s director for HRW, “the IOC has shown… how desperate it is to keep the Games on the rails no matter the human cost.” CNN has also raised concerns over the video call regarding the fact that the IOC never explained how the video call was organized. In a statement to CNN, the Women’s Tennis Association underlined that the call does not “alleviate or address the WTA’s concern about her well-being and ability to communicate without censorship.” Peng can be added to a lengthening list of Chinese celebrities targeted for political dissent. In a similar fashion to Peng, Alibaba founder Jack Ma stopped making public appearances for three months after criticizing state regulations in 2020. Ren Zhiqiang, a real estate tycoon, also disappeared from the public eye in 2020 after condemning the Chinese government’s handling of COVID and was later sentenced to 18 years in prison on corruption charges. Hong Kong native Annie Wong notes that the man accused by Peng of sexual assault is no longer relevent to the CCP. Nonetheless, “any accusation to the CCP is an accusation against Xi,” she said, referring to current Chinese Chairman Xi Jin Ping. Wong also underlined that women’s rights in China have long been seen as an example of “Western influence,” which has led to a heavy repression of the #metoo movement. Wong said, “In a functioning democracy, you would be able to make an accusation of this nature in a court.” Peng did not have this option, there was no potential to seek justice through legal means and thus she “was forced to resort to social media.” Finally, Wong asks the question: “If someone of this status cannot get justice, what does that mean for the average Chinese woman?”

The truth is this: Egypt has never ruled merely by sword or throne. Its empire was always one of imagination, where a pen could be sharper than steel, a song louder than artillery, and a camera brighter than any spotlight. The world may forget armies, but it remembers stories. And Egypt has always known how to tell them. < Back The Pen, the Camera, and the Microphone: The Egyptian Kit of Soft Power Amena Elkayal September 27, 2025 Whether it is “ Huna al-Qahira ’ (Here is Cairo) echoing from radios in the beginning of every radio program, “ Cairo writes, the world reads ” proclaiming the Egyptian pen’s might, or Om Kulthum – known as Kawkab al-Sharq (the Star of the East) – mesmerizing hearts with her voice, Egypt has always spoken to the world through culture. Its soft power has always been a timeless symphony of word, image, and sound. In order to grasp the true reach of this subtle weapon of soft power, we must journey backward in time. Not to the recent golden age of cinema or the era of Nasser’s radio, but much farther into the fertile soil of the Nile and the texture of the papyrus, to Ancient Egypt—seven millennia ago. From tender love songs in hieroglyphs in temples in the Egyptian city of Aswan to tales like the Eloquent Peasant , Egypt's stories reached the farthest points of the earth and gave the scribe’s pen the power of a sword: they gave the nation its own legitimacy, unique persona, and influential cultural heritage. Centuries later, in Alexandria, the greatest library of the ancient world was the headquarters of literature, poetry, arts, and sciences, giving birth to some of the world’s greatest poems, epics, and scientific discoveries. What united these eras was not the might of armies but the sway of ideas–the ability to move nations through fascination and respect for its heritage and legacy rather than fear. It is this very idea that Joseph Nye would much later name soft power , defined as “the ability to affect other’s behavior by coercion, inducement or attraction.” The main sources of soft power are diplomacy but also culture, including music, media, literature, science, and cinema; thus, states achieve desired outcomes through attraction rather than coercion. As Janice Bially Martin later observed , this attraction Nye referred to in his definition of soft power is " constructed through communicative exchange" which emphasizes that soft power lives and dies in the art of storytelling: whether it's through the pages of a book, the melodies of a song, the flash of a camera, or the strength of the spoken word. By this measure, Egypt has long been a maestro of attraction. In 2025, Business Insider Africa announced Egypt 1st in leading soft power in Africa and 38th globally. Its score, 47.8 points out of 100, rested on pillars varying from trade, international relations, culture and heritage, media and communication to people and values. Under Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Egyptian call for justice and unity through its media thundered across the Arab world. Nasser believed that his revolution should not be carried only by soldiers but by soundwaves. The radio broadcasting station Sawt al-Arab (The Voice of the Arabs) was launched in 1953 as Egypt’s revolutionary radio station. It played a huge role in spreading Nasser’s ideas of Pan-Arabism, nationalism, socialism, and anti-colonialism across the region. Through radio waves, Cairo became the capital of Arab and African unity broadcasting the spirit of independence to Algeria, Kenya, and beyond. When Algerian revolutionaries spoke from Cairo in both Arabic and French: “The Voice of the National Liberation Front Speaks to You from Cairo”, this was proof that Egypt’s microphone was as mighty as any arsenal. On the other hand, while the radio spread words, music touched souls. Om Kulthum’s voice was an ocean of tarab (as the Guardian described : “ a state of rapturous enchantment, where time and self dissolve in the music”) in which millions willingly drowned. Her reach extended far beyond the region, as Western artists like Bob Dylan and Maria Callas confessed that Kawkab al-Sharq is like no other. Before Om Kulthum, Sayed Darwish had already proven that music could shake empires, rallying Egyptians during the 1919 Revolution until even the British felt threatened by his melodies. The pen, too, carved Egypt’s name into the cultural map. From Abbas Mahmoud Al-Aakkad’s pioneering contributions to the world of play-writing and philosophical essays to Naguib Mahfouz’ labyrinthine novels introducing the Arab world to the art of novel-writing; Cairo strongly embodied the saying “Cairo writes, Beirut publishes, Baghdad reads” . Mahfouz, the Arab world’s only Nobel laureate in literature, actually introduced the modern novel to the Arab world, turning Cairo’s alleyways into characters in their own right, therefore vividly capturing and conveying the essence of the Egyptian spirit to the world. And then came the camera. Egypt, producing 75% of Arab films in the 20th century was called the Hollywood of the East . This did not only shape stories, but a wide range of Arab identities; dialects, fashions, ideals, jokes, morals, and general taste. Stars like Omar Sharif who conquered Hollywood with Lawrence of Arabia and Faten Hamama who bewitched Arab audiences with her grace, made Cairo both stage and spotlight. To this day, Ramadan dramas and Eid films keep Egyptian screens flickering in living rooms from Baghdad to Rabat. Yet, brilliance is never eternal. In recent decades, Egypt’s cultural production has drifted into shallow waters; its once-vast sea of creativity and influence now narrowed by profit-driven media chasing sensation over substance. Increasing censorship and the tightening grip of centralized control have been among the major currents dragging this deterioration. Before the revolutions of 2011 and 2013, there was more freedom given to Egyptian drama to weave political references and to mirror, however imperfectly, the pulse of the nation and its people. However, when such reflections began to rattle the system, more state control over media led to the retreat into safer terrain of content leaning more towards ‘social’ dramas. In an article by The Arab Weekly, Nader Khalifa, a critic and scriptwriter, lamented “the age of Egyptian drama is over”. That is, according to him, resulting from the trend of mediocre serial dramas that absolutely lack representation of the Egyptian people, their pulse, their truth. Instead of what was once a means of cultural influence, representation, and genuine portrayal has taken a turn now into being a commodity measured only by financial return rather than its artistic and cultural worth. The trend is unmistakable. Today’s Egyptian drama leans almost entirely toward depoliticized social stories, detached from the nation’s lived realities. Despite the rise of inflation and the economic crisis, no discussion or portrayal of these realities seems to ever be present in current shows. An essay published by Mohamed El Aswany, Egyptian journalist and critic specialized in Arab arts and entertainment industry and its relationship to society, discussed the reality of the class stratification currently present in Egyptian Ramadan shows and how producers split the content into 3 class categories: Class A, B, and C. Class A shows are completely detached from the harsh reality the Egyptians are living in, while the so called “shaabi drama”, popular drama of Class C, is by far the most produced, however unfortunately misrepresenting Egypt's lower social classes rather than being a voice for the voiceless. Violence, drug dealing, mistreatment of women, gangs, and vulgarity: caricatures that misrepresent the very people they intended to capture, gradually erasing a hundreds-of-years legacy. But not all is lost. Even though Egyptians themselves might blame the government’s shift to private sector and building new cities and festivals, yet it is undeniable that this is one of the things keeping the country’s splendour alive: El Gouna Film Festival , the cultural vibrancy of Alamein , Cultural and historical Events like Pharaoh's golden parade , and the Sahel (Egypt's North coast) scene keep Egypt in conversation with the world. The truth is this: Egypt has never ruled merely by sword or throne. Its empire was always one of imagination, where a pen could be sharper than steel, a song louder than artillery, and a camera brighter than any spotlight. The world may forget armies, but it remembers stories. And Egypt has always known how to tell them. So for all Egyptians out there, keep in your bag a pen, a camera, and a mini microphone and… rise to power! Photo Source: Aldas Kirvaitis, Flickr

< Back Loi “immigration” en France : entre crises politiques et institutionnelle By Salomé Greffier January 31, 2024 Le 19 décembre 2023, les députés et sénateurs français réunis dans une commission mixte paritaire adoptent le texte controversé de la Loi “immigration” proposée par le gouvernement macroniste dès février de la même année. Cette loi ne constitue que le prolongement d’une politique menée au cours des cinquante dernières années par les gouvernements français successifs. Ainsi, depuis 1974, sous la présidence de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, la mise en place de mesures pour encadrer et limiter les flux migratoires, sous couvert de sécurité nationale, marque le paysage politique français de clivages profonds. Dès 2006, le gouvernement évoque la notion d’immigration choisie supposant des mesures d’aide au retour dans les pays d’origine des réfugiés, un durcissement des conditions du regroupement familial ou encore l’instauration d’une carte “compétence et talents” pour sélectionner la main-d'œuvre étrangère. Au centre de ces mesures gravitent les idées de mérite, d’assimilation et d’identité nationale. Sur ce terreau historique, la dernière Loi “immigration” défendue par l’actuel ministre de l’intérieur, Gérald Darmanin, était présentée comme un compromis entre contrôle accru de l’immigration et une meilleure intégration. Le texte proposait en filigrane une pression prononcée sur l’obtention des droits de séjour pour les étudiants, familles et travailleurs, ainsi qu’une limitation toujours plus importante du nombre d’entrées sur le territoire et un encadrement de l’obtention de la nationalité en invoquant le droit du sol. La version proposée par le gouvernement a d’abord été votée par le Sénat puis remaniée par la commission des lois de l’Assemblée nationale. L’adoption d’une motion de rejet de la part des députés a rendu caduque cette version du texte, nécessitant l’intervention d’une commission mixte paritaire. Les conclusions de cette dernière convainc alors 214 sénateurs principalement centristes et affiliés à la droite, à l’exception d’une abstention dans le rang des Républicains, face à 114 voix associées à la Nupes, au Parti Socialiste, aux communistes et aux écologistes. Les élus de Renaissance, le parti du président, se sont quant à eux montrés clivés avec 15 voix en faveur de la Loi contre 4 en défaveur et une abstention. De même, à l’Assemblée nationale, le texte rassemble 349 députés et souligne des divisions au sein du parti de d’Emmanuel Macron: 20 députés s’étant prononcés contre la Loi et 17 choisissant l’abstention. L'évocation d’une démission de la part de six ministres appuie davantage encore la situation de crise engendrée par la ratification de cette Loi. En conséquence, l’adoption de la Loi “immigration” constitue une victoire pour la majorité sénatoriale de droite et signe, selon les partis de gauche, l’officialisation de son intégration à la majorité gouvernementale. Plus largement, cette mesure marque selon le journal quotidien espagnol El País une remise en question de “l’essence du macronisme, qui se proclame ni de gauche, ni de droite” faisant par ailleurs de cette caractéristique son principal instrument électoral. Désormais, le parti est associé à ce “compromis humiliant avec les partis de droite” affirme le journal suisse Le Temps , un signe supplémentaire du glissement de ce gouvernement vers la droite, faisant écho au mouvement politique actuel dans une grande partie de l’Europe. Au-delà de cette crise politique, résultant de l’obédience politique du gouvernement actuel, la Loi “immigration” interroge sur le respect des valeurs républicaines. Si pour certains sénateurs tels que Philippe Bonnecarrère (Union centriste) ce texte “exprime une autorité régalienne forte dans le respect de l’Etat de droit” faisant état du bon fonctionnement des institutions, d’autres affirment que ce texte s’éloigne des valeurs républicaines d’égalité et de fraternité. Ainsi, les partis de gauche accusent le Sénat et le Parlement d’alimenter des idées extrémistes telles que la préférence nationale et le populisme. Alors que Gérald Darmanin avance que “Des mesures sont manifestement contraires à la Constitution”, rendant certaines mesures de la Loi inapplicables, il faut sans doute considérer les raisons pour lesquelles de telles mesures ont pu être votées au sein d’institutions républicaines. La Loi “immigration” ne sera donc probablement pas appliquée dans les faits, mais il n’en demeure pas moins que sa rédaction alarme quant au maintien des valeurs fondamentales de notre République.

< Back Sciences Po Bans Chat GPT By Colette Yamashita Holcomb February 28, 2023 With the recent creation of Chat GPT, dystopian visions of a world dominated by artificial intelligence (AI) left the confines of sci-fi. ChatGPT is the AI tool that has made headlines for its impressive range of abilities — from its potential to replace the London School of Economics president, as advocated in a student petition, to its capacity to pass bar exams and the Medical College Admission Test (MCAT). The free program works similarly to Google: users type a question into a box and hit enter, to which the chatbox responds with everything from detailed explanations of code to essays on immigration law. The general public has access to this groundbreaking software for the first time. Yet, while its creation has opened new opportunities, it has also evoked new fears. The service’s audience is not limited to students — its ability to explain complex topics concisely has drawn a significant number to the platform from across the globe. Some use it innocently — describing how to derive a formula, for example — while others have abused the technology’s power to have it essentially complete assignments for them. Student use of the platform has sparked fevered discussion amongst the education community. Sciences Po students at all campuses received a message addressing ChatGPT from Sergei Guriev, Sciences Po Paris’ Economics Provost, on Jan. 25, 2023. “The use of ChatGPT or any other tool using AI, without the transparent referencing, is strictly forbidden in the academic space under the penalty of expulsion from the institution or even from the entire system of higher education,” Guriev warned. While Chat GPT poses threats to academic integrity, many — including Guriev — also seem to see its potential as an educational tool and the changes it will bring to the future of education. In his message, Guriev announced that, in spring 2023, Sciences Po plans to host a series of conferences and workshops on teaching and research in the era of growing AI importance. Across the Menton campus, students have been experimenting with the program and reflecting on its pros and cons. For example, some students argue that tools like ChatGPT will prevent future students from learning skills in research and argumentation. In contrast, others believe that aversion to this new technology parallels the apprehension around tools like Wikipedia becoming wildly available to our generation. Therefore, the system must adapt rather than resist these developments. “I agree [with the Sciences Po administration] that ChatGPT shouldn’t be used on exams, but I think it can be an important tool that makes work more efficient and shouldn’t be completely banned,” remarked one anonymous student. On the other hand, some students believe that adaptation to these developments, including allowing ChatGPT and other AI tools, to be used on exams and assignments. When asked about using the platform, many students said it helps them primarily with small tasks like writing emails. Some use it to make preliminary outlines for projects or to summarize readings but have found mixed results with its accuracy. “It is definitely a formulaic response; you can tell when an outline was written on ChatGPT because it always follows the same format,” a student said. Several other students agreed with this observation, saying that it is impossible to rely solely on ChatGPT to complete assignments, but it can be beneficial to start brainstorming. Similarly, many noticed that certain summaries of readings were inaccurate because they summarized the author’s work entirely — opposed to just the chapter or section — making them unreliable. However, as technology expands, it will likely become more and more accurate. “Because ChatGPT makes tasks more efficient, it opens up our abilities to accomplish more in the time it saves, which creates more opportunities for societal progress,” concluded another student. While opinions on its role in education may differ, it is clear that AI will only continue to develop and alter our society and education system.

Division colors our everyday existence, but do we understand it? From where does the phenomena of polarization arise? In what way does the human psyche interact with digital platforms? How is technology being harnessed to sustain conflict and control the spread of information? And how does this impact our society at large? All this and more will be discussed in the upcoming Student Agora TEDx conference on April 9. < Back The Event of the Year: Student Agora Brings TEDx to Menton By Saoirse Aherne March 31, 2022 Our generation has witnessed the world become increasingly polarized. We were raised on technology which drives conflict, swings elections, fractures families, and facilitates the manipulation of millions. Division colors our everyday existence, but do we understand it? From where does the phenomena of polarization arise? In what way does the human psyche interact with digital platforms? How is technology being harnessed to sustain conflict and control the spread of information? And how does this impact our society at large? All this and more will be discussed in the upcoming Student Agora TEDx conference on April 9. We hope that in the process of understanding these issues, the means by which they can be overcome will begin to take form. Division. Dilemma. Dialogue. The Student Agora has been a presence on the Menton campus since 2016, though it has since gained the TEDx logo. However Agora has always aimed to create a platform for honest dialogue pertaining to contemporary issues. Agora president, Orianna Merer, underlines that the association connects actors within the Menton campus, drawing in artistic talent and consulting expertise from other student-led organizations. But beyond this, Agora aims to involve the community of Menton as a whole by inviting local residents to the April 9th event. Agora - The marketplace in Athens, used for popular meetings, or any similar place of assembly in ancient Greece. The name of this organization encapsulates its mission to create a meeting space where ideas can be explored and developed. In this pursuit, Agora emulates the values of our campus community; we aim to question all that we perceive, we seek to challenge our worldviews, and we build spaces in which productive and authentic discussion flourishes. Each year, the Student Agora organizes a conference, drawing in external and internal speakers to discuss a common theme. The first Agora conference was hosted in 2017, centered on the theme “Dare to Know.” This event showcased a Nobel prize nominee, a Middle East Broadcasting Center spokesperson, and a Syrian online celebrity among other impressive internal and external speakers. Since then, the Agora has continued to facilitate discussion surrounding topics such as “Walls and Shadows” in 2018, “Tales of Expression” in 2019, and “(R)evolutions: Motions for Change” in 2021. Moreover, the Agora has brought the world to Menton and Menton to the world by connecting a network of activists, journalists, filmmakers, politicians, correspondents, and even a Nobel peace prize winner, with the students of our campus. Though the mission of Agora has been interrupted by the presence of COVID-19 over the past two years, Agora returns in 2022 stronger than ever. This year, the conference will be centered around the theme of “Division, Dilemma, and Dialogue,” with a focus on the role of digital platforms in the phenomenon of polarization. Merer notes that what makes Agora so special is the diverse array of internal and international speakers who participate in the conference. She underlines the value of providing an equal platform on which both students and experts can share their experience. According to Merer, an excellent roster of internal speakers has been selected to present at the upcoming conference, from Ismaeel Yaqoob, who will discuss the means to create productive dialogue on campus, to Ferida Altun and Carmen Guintrand, who will explore the instrumentalization of political identities in the upcoming French election. Attendees of the Agora conference can look forward to six thoughtful and provocative speeches from some of our very own Mentonese SciencesPistes on April 9. This year's external speakers are equally as impressive, coming from across the MENA region, North America, and Europe. Each of the external speakers is described in greater detail below: Daoud Kuttab Daoud Kuttab is a Palestianian journalist, media activist and former professor of journalism at Stanford University. Currently, Kuttab is the director general of a non-profit organization dedicated to preserving and advancing independent media in the Arab world. At Agora 2022, Daoud Kuttab will be discussing how journalists in the MENA region can overcome censorship. Remy Dandan Remy Dandan is a French lawyer and YouTuber. On this platform, Dandan provides legal and personal perspective on fundamental rights and freedoms in French public law. Makram Rabah Makram Rabah is a lecturer in the Department of History at the American University of Lebanon and author of a number of books, notably “A Campus at War: Student Politics at the American University of Beirut, 1967-1975.” At Agora 2022, Rabah will be discussing the assassination of his friend at the hands of Hezbollah and the subsequent efforts of cyber armies to silence calls for justice. Rabah will explore threats to freedom of speech in the digital sphere in the context of Lebanon, pairing his insight as a seasoned professor with personal anecdote. Gary Klein Gary Klein is a senior scientist at MacroCognition LLC and a research psychologist. He has developed several research and application methods such as the critical decision method and the knowledge audit for doing cognitive task analysis. Klein was a pioneer in the development of the field of naturalistic decision making. At Agora 2022, Klein will help to contextualize the psychology behind polarization and decision making in conflict situations. Amanda Montell Amanda Montell is a linguist and the author of two acclaimed non-fiction books; Cultish: The Language of Fanaticism and Wordslut: A feminist guide to taking back the English language . Cultish was named one of best books of 2021 by NPR. Montell is also the creator and co-host of a podcast, “Sounds Like A Cult,” which peaked at #20 on Spotify’s top podcasts in the USA. At Agora 2022, Montell will delve into the power of language as a tool for indoctrination and polarization. Ezzedine Ghlamallah Ezzedine Ghlamallah is a teacher, researcher, and doctoral student in management sciences at CERGAM. After eight years of experience in the world of finance insurance, he decided to add an ethical dimension to his career by co-founding SAAFI in 2014. SAAFI provides consulting services relating to the legal and financial feasibility of structuring insurance solutions. Ghlamallah has contributed to “ethical finance” sections in newspapers such as the Tribune, the Argus de l’Assurance, and the Huffington Post. At Agora 2022, he will provide insight into Islamic finance. Join us this April! Agora is sure to offer one of the most enriching on-campus events of the year. What makes it stand out, by Merer’s account, is the centrality of storytelling. Agora provides a place for educational growth, but in a medium that is personal and vulnerable. Agora aims to evaluate issues through the lens of human experience; an approach sometimes forgotten as we study the technicalities of social sciences here in Menton. Indeed, Merer is optimistic that the Agora event will humanize what we explore every day in class, deepening our understanding issues in the MENA region and beyond by providing a portrait of the individual experience. Places are limited so be sure to book your tickets now to partake in a true celebration of exploration and curiosity. Aid us, the Student Agora, in our mission to foster productive discussion regarding topics which have long acted as a source of conflict on our campus and in the world at large.

While viewers might think Trump has exhausted the myriad anti-immigration rhetoric, his comment at the most recent debate appeared to be a particularly bizarre innovation. The idea of immigrants eating residents' pet animals encapsulates both the image of invasion of property and barbarity. But this myth of foreigners feeding off domestic or protected animals is not new, and it has long been used to fuel xenophobic feelings. < Back They Are Eating the Pets: Animal Consumption as an Anti-Immigration Myth Pedro Meerbaum September 30, 2024 "In Springfield, they're eating the dogs. The people that came in. They're eating the cats. They're eating, they're eating the pets of the people that live there. And this is what's happening in our country, and it's a shame." Former American President Donald Trump uttered these words during the 2024 presidential debate on Sept. 10 2024. In this jarring comment, the Republican candidate referred to a recent viral claim that illegal immigrants from Haiti who had settled in a small city in Ohio had eaten domestic pets. The assertions originally stated that the Haitians were slaughtering ducks and geese, and the discourse online "reports" that the city is a locus for the settling of illegal immigrants. The reports mainly originate from social media platforms, such as Reddit and Facebook groups, and were confirmed as not credible by BBC Verify. Trump's comment was followed by immediate laughter from the Democratic candidate and current Vice President, Kamala Harris. It was clear to Harris—and the viewers—that Trump's remark was preposterous. Most of the former president's campaign, both recently and in his other electoral years, has surrounded the topic of immigration to the U.S. His coining of the term "Illegal Aliens" is consonant to his aggressive approach to migration and border control. He is particular in his use and emphasis of language; he differentiates the people that came in from the people that live there . Trump actively constructs a narrative of “othering,” one where the "American" people are endangered by the "alien" and "undesired" foreigners. While viewers might think Trump has exhausted the myriad anti-immigration rhetoric, his comment at the most recent debate appeared to be a particularly bizarre innovation. The idea of immigrants eating residents' pet animals encapsulates both the image of invasion of property and barbarity. But this myth of foreigners feeding off domestic or protected animals is not new, and it has long been used to fuel xenophobic feelings. 20 years ago, Nick Medic, a Serbian ex-patriate and journalist, published an investigation into a dubious article from the British tabloid newspaper The Sun: "Swan Bake - Asylum Seekers Steal the Queen's Birds for Barbecues." The Sun’s article consisted of an exposé of East European asylum seekers poaching, stealing, and eating protected royal birds. It went on to assert that "To these people [Eastern Europeans], they [protected royal birds] are a perfectly acceptable delicacy." As one of "these people," an Eastern European former asylum seeker, Medic reminded his audience in the Telegraph that Swans and Geese are not a part of their cultural diet, nor is it considered a "perfectly acceptable delicacy." It does not come as a surprise that 20 years later, the streets of Britain would be occupied by far-right protesters who scream their hatred towards the "barbaric" immigrants. The anti-immigration feeling has dated roots that fed under this precise rhetoric of barbarity and invasion present in sensational faulty stories. But this issue did not begin 20 years ago. In 1904, soon after the US victory in the Philippine-American war, a "world fair" was hosted in St. Louis, Missouri, "exposing" different cultures and customs of the public, carnival-style. The main attraction of the circus-like event was a replica of a village with "authentic" Igorot people, an indigenous Filipino group. The Igorot people were instructed to grill and feed off dogs to an international audience during the fair. The exhibition aimed to celebrate the "civilizing" effect the U.S. would have in the Philippines post-victory. 120 years later, the dog-eating stereotype is still the most ubiquitous form of anti-Asian discrimination in the U.S. The East Asian dog-eating discourse took on a new shape during the COVID-19 pandemic due to the outbreak's initial locus in Wuhan, China and its association with the consumption of bats in local markets. According to the Pew Research Center , "about one-third of U.S. Asians know another Asian person who's been threatened or attacked since COVID-19." Additionally, federal-recognized hate crime incidents of anti-Asian bias increased by 372.15 percent from 2019 to 2021. It was former president Donald Trump himself who coined the term "Chinese Virus" to refer to COVID-19, fostering a hostile environment amidst the global crisis. Trump's language use during the COVID-19 pandemic is a prelude to his comment during the debate. The attempts to antagonize immigrants as "the people that came in" and position them against "the people that live there" is a dangerous narrative. History is stained by moments where groups of people who were labeled as “others” and dehumanized fell victim to unprecedented violence. The narrative that "pets are being eaten" is an indiscrete and dissonant effort to, through significant international broadcasting, degrade and generalize a group of individuals who are already at a high level of vulnerability. None of the Haitians were illegal immigrants or savages, and the pets were safe and sound. The truth is barbarity is not found in Ohio. Instead, it knocks on the doors of the White House and asks to reinstall itself again.

Be it ‘evil-eye themed parties,’ jam sessions on the beach or ‘Aparathons,’ Sciences Pistes have a way of keeping things interesting. Somewhere along the creation journey, with no definite date demarking it, the Sciences Po Menton wedding tradition was born. < Back The Babel Initiative's 'Big Fat Cypriot Wedding’ By Maria Eirini Liodi February 29, 2024 As the 2As well know and the 1As are surely discovering, Menton is not your conventional university location. Being one of the most charming, crown jewels of the French Riviera, both students and locals are blessed with marvelous landscapes. However, with the buzz of city life only a distant whisper, Sciences Pistes are often tasked with the generation of fun-making, as things can get a bit monotonous around here. Be it ‘evil-eye themed parties,’ jam sessions on the beach or ‘Aparathons,’ Sciences Pistes have a way of keeping things interesting. Somewhere along the creation journey, with no definite date demarking it, the Sciences Po Menton wedding tradition was born. Just like Aphrodite, the tradition emerged amidst the foamy waves, in the sea of Sciences Pistes’ imagination —or excessive boredom. Despite little knowledge as to its exact roots, the whimsical event has been an eagerly anticipated one annually since its creation, adding a touch of humor and celebration to our busy academic calendars. Exclusive, mysterious and exciting, this year’s wedding was one for the books. Two Sciences Pistes were secretly selected, following serious deliberation and thoroughly strategic matchmaking. With a host of flower girls, a priest, family, and even wedding crashers, the Ummah came together to witness one of this semester’s most thrilling, and shocking, events. With the bride and groom only invited to the event merely hours before the ceremony, the suspense was real. Who were the chosen two? Our very dear Leo was the dashing groom, and our bride… Our bride is a person that knows how to make an entrance and steal the show – Kousai. This year's 'Fake Wedding,' hosted by the Babel Initiative took on a unique twist as it embraced the vibrant spirit of a 'Big Fat Cypriot Wedding.' Sablettes was transformed into a lively scene, filled with colorful decorations, traditional Cypriot music, and the unmistakable ambiance of the Mediterranean celebratory spirit. As one of Babel’s central aims is cultural awareness and the bridging of communities in the MENA region, the wedding needed to bring as many real-life elements to the table as possible. We had traditional Cypriot music played live, a Cypriot casted as the parent of the ‘bride’ and the impeccable celebratory spirit necessary. Beyond the entertainment value, the 'Fake Wedding' serves as a testament to the opportunity for diverse cultural experiences on our campus. Such traditions can provide a platform for students to break away from the rigors of academia and embrace a sense of camaraderie while promoting acceptance and diversity within the campus community. As this year’s festivities came to a close, the 'bride' and 'groom' could be found at the post-wedding celebrations at the ‘Black Out’ party at Soundproof. As a cornerstone to the Sciences Pistes of Menton, Soundproof was the perfect location for a Saturday night, post-wedding celebration. Now, as the echoes of traditional Cypriot music fade away, and the Mediterranean breeze continues to dance with the stars, Sciences Pistes are left with more than just memories. The festivities hosted by Babel, served as a vivid reminder of the creativity and cultural richness that define our Ummah, and make our university experience so distinctive. Here's to breaking free from the monotony, embracing diversity, and crafting stories that add a touch of laughter to our academic journey. Until the next whimsical event, cheers to Sciences Pistes and the wonderful memories we weave together!

After the European Union High Foreign Affairs Representative Josep Borrell delivered one of the worst diplomatic speeches of recent years, the international community is left to wonder about how Europe plans to face the increasing challenges of modernity in a time where once again, war, violence and division are on the rise. < Back No, Mr. Borrell, This Is Not the Image We Want the EU to Project! By Pau Carbonell November 30, 2022 Things are not going well for the European Union High Foreign Affairs Representative Josep Borrell. After delivering one of the worst diplomatic speeches of recent years, Borrell remained stoic amid the flurry of criticism that has fallen upon him in the European Parliament. On Oct. 13, Borrell made Eurocentric and inauspicious statements during his inauguration of the new European Diplomatic Academy in Brussels. His opening speech was supposed to encourage European diplomats to act with humility and respect towards global denizens. Instead, he communicated the opposite message: “Europe is a garden… Most of the rest of the world is a jungle, and the jungle could invade the garden… Keep the garden, be good gardeners. But your duty will not be to take care of the garden itself but [of] the jungle outside… they will not protect the garden by building walls. A nice small garden surrounded by high walls in order to prevent the jungle from coming in is not going to be a solution. Because the jungle has a strong growth capacity, and the wall will never be high enough in order to protect the garden.” Even as Borrell was delivering his speech tinged with racist and imperialist overtones, people in the audience felt uncomfortable, realizing how such a metaphor would damage European diplomacy. The fact is that his remarks mirror the age-old distinction between European “civilization” and the “barbaric” lands beyond. Since the 19th and 20th centuries, the garden analogy has been used by writers like John Stuart Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville to justify global European colonization and temper resistance to expansionist sentiment. The danger of Borrell’s speech lies in the reappearance of neo-colonial rhetoric in a century wherein Europe’s foreign policy is officially committed to aiding postcolonial economies and institutions. The implications of this speech are not and should not be diminished in the scope of their importance. In the modern world, people and nations are constantly listening and Borrell’s words have been heard worldwide. Apart from harsh criticisms of the speech spouted by politicians, journalists and columnists globally, Borrell has alienated European allies and strengthened its enemies. The United Arab Emirates summoned the interim head of the European Union mission in the country, Emil Paulsen, to discuss the “racist” inauguration and Russia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergei Lavrov said that “the garden Borrell talks about was built by plundering the jungle of the rest of the world during the colonial regime.” A piece in The New York Times has best summarized the gravity of the situation. Matina Stevis-Gridneff reported that Josep Borrell’s comments opened colonial wounds at a time when the European Union was working on ameliorating its legacy internationally. But this new scandal should not surprise those knowledgeable about European affairs — Borrell, who has served in his role since December 2019, has been involved in numerous diplomatic scandals during his tenure. Yet, this was a new low. With an ever-expanding divergence between the Central European and Eastern European member states, tense global multipolar outlooks and, in particular, Russia’s Ukrainian invasion, European policy cannot afford this type of discourse. Borrell’s paternalistic smugness, vainness, conceit and supremacism will hinder Europe from reinforcing old alliances or forging new ones. In her work “The European Union, Foreign Policy in a Changing World,” London School of Economics professor Karen E. Smith asserts that the European Union should pursue three foreign policy objectives if it wants to remain a global superpower. Firstly it must encourage regional cooperation and integration. Secondly, it should promote human rights. Thirdly, the union ought to bolster democracy and good governance. According to Smith, these factors are important since they all legitimize the European Union’s instruments to leverage in future international economic, diplomatic or military relations. Niccolò Machiavelli’s quote, “politics have no relation to morals,” does not seem to resonate with 21st-century European foreign policy — at least not nominally. Europe can only operate so long as it remains legitimate in the eyes of the governed. The notions of cooperation, integration, democracy, good governance and human rights included in the 1993 Maastricht Treaty demonstrate how union leaders have embraced the issues that its citizens seem to find important. That is precisely why Borrell’s speech is surprising — it is not only the type of discourse that Europe has been feverishly trying to avoid since the advent of unipolarity in the post-Cold War era, but because it was the face of European Foreign Policy, who said it. This blunder is representative of two situations that could be surfacing in the department of European Foreign Affairs. On the one hand, one could hypothetically consider this statement as merely the personal opinion of Josep Borrell. On the other hand, one could interpret it as a damning glimpse into the ideological core of European foreign policy. I hope that reality is closer to the former of the two explanations. Borrell’s garden allegory adds to a lengthening laundry list of statements showcasing the unmodern outlooks of European foreign policy movers and shakers. It is indicative of the growing feeling of wonder and uncertainty as to how Europe plans to face the increasing challenges of modernity in a time where once again, war, violence and division are on the rise.

“La seule manière de sortir de la violence consisterait à prendre conscience des mécanismes de répulsion, d'exclusion, de haine ou encore de mépris afin de les réduire à néant grâce à une éducation de l'enfant relayée par tous.” < Back Les enfants dans la guerre: un enjeu pour la paix By Salomé Greffier for UNICEF November 30, 2023 Le 7 octobre 2023 au matin, des milliers de roquettes déchirent le ciel entre la bande de Gaza, en Palestine, et le territoire israélien. Un mois après l’opération “Déluge d’Al Aqsa” perpétrée par le groupe terroriste du Hamas, l’escalade des hostilités a provoqué la mort de plus de dix mille personnes, majoritairement des civils. Cette nouvelle déclaration de guerre entre Israël et Palestine s’ajoute à la liste trop longue des conflits de notre siècle. Des guerres habitées par des divisions ethniques et religieuses, opposant des Etats souvent déliquescents à des groupes armés terroristes ou non, sur un fond d’inégalités profondes imposées par la mondialisation. Ainsi, Bertrand Badie et Dominiques Vidal dans “Nouvelles guerres, Comprendre les conflits du XXI° siècle” (2016) soulignent les changements de nature des conflits actuels. Asymétriques, transnationales et commercialisées, les violences se dirigent principalement vers les civils, en dépit du droit international humanitaire. En effet, la quatrième convention de Genève de 1949 énonce des principes tels que la distinction entre civils et combattants, la proportionnalité et la précaution dans l’attaque ainsi que l’interdiction des maux superflus et la protection des bâtiments civils. Alors que ce texte de loi dénombre 196 parties, soit 196 pays l’ayant reconnu et/ou ratifié, la guerre (que l’on pourrait adjoindre d’un pluriel) israélo/palestinienne témoigne de sa violation; les civils demeurant toujours les premières victimes du conflit. A l’occasion de la journée internationale des droits de l’enfant le 20 novembre, l’exposition des mineurs à la brutalité de la guerre retiendra notre attention. Pour Antonio Guterres, secrétaire général de l’ONU, Gaza “devient un cimetière pour enfants” et réitère ses appels à un cessez-le-feu immédiat. Dès les premières heures du conflit, l’organisation internationale et son agence, l’UNICEF, ont appuyé la nécessité de l’arrêt total des attaques armées, de l'acheminement de l’aide et de la libération des enfants enlevés. Malgré ces cris d’alerte, au 5 novembre, le bilan faisait état d’au moins 4 008 enfants décédés dans la bande de Gaza, 7 695 blessés et 1 150 portés disparus. Cela représente 400 enfants tués ou blessés par jour sous seulement 25 jours de conflit. Du côté israélien, les otages toujours retenus par les forces du Hamas comptent de nombreux enfants. Au delà de ce conflit, entre 2005 et 2020, les Nations Unies ont vérifié plus de 266 000 violations graves contre des enfants commises par des parties lors de conflits en Afrique, Asie, au Moyen-Orient, en Amérique latine et récemment en Europe avec la guerre russo-ukrainienne. Tués, mutilés, enlevés, violés, exploités sexuellement, les enfants sont touchés dans leur chair. Nous pensons dès lors aux enfants-soldats du Libéria, de Sierra Leone ou encore du Népal. La prostitution infantile touche tous les continents et particulièrement au Pakistan, Inde, Kenya ou encore le Brésil. De plus, il est nécessaire de considérer les impacts psychologiques relatifs aux violences commises envers les enfants, qui les suivent dans leur vie, comme un rappel constant des actes qu’ils ont subi. De même, l’accès à l’éducation, à l’eau, à la santé, sont des défis à relever pour les organisations internationales et associations. Enfin, les déplacements migratoires d’enfants restent une problématique pour l’UNICEF. Le Soudan demeure ainsi la plus grande crise de déplacements d’enfants au monde, avec 3 millions de mineurs fuyant la violence généralisée. Au total, ce sont plus de 43,3 millions d’enfants qui se trouvent forcés de quitter leurs domiciles. La majorité sont déplacés à l’intérieur de leurs pays d’origine. Le rapport de l’UNICEF “25 years of children and armed conflict: Taking action to protect children in war” (2022), traduit, selon Catherine Russell, directrice générale de l’organisation, de “l’incapacité du monde à protéger ses enfants contre les violations graves commises en période de conflit armé ”. Un aveu de faiblesse, rappelant à chaque partie leur responsabilité dans les conflits. Cette culpabilisation engage non seulement les Etats, mais aussi les organisations non gouvernementales et groupes armés à se soucier davantage des risques qu’ils pourraient encourir à l’avenir en sacrifiant des générations. Porter atteinte à l’intégrité des enfants met en péril la paix, la stabilité et la sécurité future globale. Construire la paix à partir d’un cercle de violences intégrées dans les représentations individuelles semble être vain. Néanmoins, si l’on en croit les mots de Françoise Héritier, l’éducation et la considération de l’autre en tant qu’être digne de respect et de considération, propose une issue à ces trappes de brutalités: “ La seule manière de sortir de la violence consisterait à prendre conscience des mécanismes de répulsion, d'exclusion, de haine ou encore de mépris afin de les réduire à néant grâce à une éducation de l'enfant relayée par tous. ”

Agree or disagree: “Most refugees who come to my country will successfully integrate into their new society”? If, on a global average, half of the people believe this to be true, the people of Europe seem less optimistic. < Back Borders after Borders: How Europe is Falling Short in the Integration of People on the Move Maria Francisca R. Costa for SPRH October 31, 2024 Agree or disagree: “Most refugees who come to my country will successfully integrate into their new society”? If, on a global average, half of the people believe this to be true, the people of Europe seem less optimistic. Under 40% of people seem to have faith in the integration of refugees in their societies—with France, Greece, Germany, the Netherlands, Bulgaria, Belgium, and Hungary, among the countries where this share of the population is one of 35% or below. These countries are also among the ones ranking the lowest in the percentage of population believing that refugees are likely to have either a positive or neutral impact in their country’s culture or way of life; in Germany and in the Netherlands, the share of people believing that they will have a negative impact in this field almost reaches 50%. A study conducted to examine the impact of local populations’ perspectives on refugees on their social integration in Germany found that negative natives’ attitudes do, in fact, reduce the chances of a successful social integration. This last term is defined by whether refugees “feel welcomed in their municipality”, “how much they trust others”, “how often they feel disadvantaged due to their heritage” and “social ties” assessed through “how much time they spend with Germans in general” and in particular “time spent with their German neighbours.” Locals’ attitudes towards refugee populations appear therefore to generate a vicious cycle: more discrimination, less integration and vice versa. Two factors have been found to influence the attitudes of acculturation from locals to refugees: “perceived value, similarity and threat”. Those who are perceived as more similar to the host community—and thus perceived as having greater “value”—have a greater chance of a successful integration. On the other hand, cultural minorities are frequently perceived as threatening, leading local communities to adopt an exclusionary attitude, “ endorsing more ethnocentric forms of acculturation,” towards these groups of refugees. These attitudes perpetuate other obstacles to integration, such as “in the face of hostility and prejudice, refugees’ disengagement front the host society may function as a self-protective mechanism to avoid further rejection.” In the EU, many non-institutional and institutional factors play a significant role in the difficulties faced by refugees in integrating their host societies. A comparative study between France, Germany, and Switzerland, found frequent discrimination of refugees in accessing employment: “a refugee with higher education and proper training in France described submitting 30 applications for jobs at local pharmacies and all of them being rejected” and “women who wear hijabs were routinely rejected for employment.” Additionally, governmental institutions make the recognition of refugees’ qualifications difficult by demanding “coursework, examinations, and lengthy times of supervision.” These issues generate frequent underemployment within these groups. Accessing the job market is a crucial means for refugee integration, as “it allows them to learn the language, build a future, regain confidence, and establish status.” Focusing on the relevance of the value perceived of a refugee by the host community, we can easily deduce that such obstacles to achieve status through employment only serves to generate greater stereotyping and discrimination against refugees. Furthermore, the lack of a stable income hinders refugees’ ability to attend community events which reduces the opportunity to establish links within their host societies. These obstacles generate a distance between refugee communities and locals that is likely to further perpetuate misperception and discrimination against refugees. The most frequent forms of discrimination encompass the “overgeneralization of stereotypes and religion.” As the same study notes, “masses of refugees from the same population” were pictured as “backward, inferior, terrorists or supporters of the Islamic State ISIS, lazy, job-stealing, criminals, and religiously radical”. Together with their institutions, many European societies struggle to make the successful integration of refugees a reality. The institutional obstacles posed to the economic and social establishment of these groups are those which contribute to perpetuating a devaluation of their position in host societies. Refugees are impeded access to mechanisms of cultural participation and their chances of acculturation and social integration are reduced due to further discrimination. European policies must be redesigned so the reception of people on the move is not thought of as a process to obtain asylum—but one where the acquisition of a refugee status is but the first border to be crossed.

“Sweet Caroline, Good times never felt so good” are the words that personify the pub, but as reality hits, how much longer will the croons of Neil Diamond sound true? < Back Pouring One Out for the Pub Rebecca Canton February 28, 2025 Over the Christmas break, I went to Germany and during my stay there I went to a self-proclaimed ‘Irish’ pub. Being honest, growing up in England, I had high expectations. Despite our differences, Germany is one of the few countries that has just as big of an established beer culture. Further, one thing the Germans do better is the time the pubs close. In England? Midnight strikes and you're out the door. In Germany? You have at least two more hours before bedtime. Unfortunately, that is where my praises end. I was with friends and they suggested we order the monstrosity that is a pitcher of Guinness. Guinness, the holy grail of the British Isles, is a notoriously difficult drink to pour. It is not a normal drink, neither a lager nor an ale. It is a stout: beer brewed with roasted malt. Favored by men of the same description, what sets Guinness apart from other drinks is the use of gas. It uses a nitrogen carbon dioxide, mix composed of 75% nitrogen to a 25% carbon dioxide ratio. What is also important is the use of the correct glass, a “tulip glass” and must have “Guinness” inscribed. Alongside this, there’s a sort of ritual associated with drinking Guinness. Known as “splitting the G”, the aim is to sip the beer until the level of the drink stops in the middle of the G of Guinness. How can you split a G when you’re drinking from a watering can? To make matters worse, it’s not like anyone drinks from the jug, it’s poured into another glass. What a waste of beer for such a disgrace. It thus becomes evident that you negate the delicate art of Guinness pouring, by chucking it into a glass jug. It is a crime. It is blasphemy. Yet, regardless of my rather loud complaining to my German companions who simply laughed at me, one thing struck me. In between my half-hearted groans, somewhere nestled in my disgust, I realized something—I felt warm. Not just from the alcohol mind you, but from the company I was with. I felt content basking in the dim dingy pub lights. Satisfied against the backdrop of the conversations of strangers. What becomes obvious is that, regardless of tradition, or attempts to humiliate Ireland, irrespective of language and culture, one thing remains the same: The pub is universal as a place for togetherness. A birthday party celebrating the friend you’ve known since you were 10 years old, cheers of joy and promises to never grow apart. Drinks after work with your coworkers, complaining about your boss, or that one customer determined to get you fired. A beer with a stranger who supports the same football team as you, who, by the end of the game, 3-0 up, you dedicate the role of best man to. One common theme becomes clear, the pub is more than just a building. It’s a place for awkward first dates, rekindling lost friendships, or a roast with your grandparents. A place for darts, pub quizzes and being taken home by your neighbour. Perhaps most importantly though, it is a place for socialization. My best friend lives back in the United Kingdom, over 1,000km away. Whenever I come back home, we always meet at the pub. Why? Where else can you sit as long as you like, with a beer and sausages for the grand total of £12? The relaxed atmosphere of our local Wetherspoons serves as an informal atmosphere for conversation to flourish. The best thing? No one has to host, no cleaning up or wondering when the night will end. It’s not just with close friends that pubs are useful, many places are local gathering spots. As an example, my local Farmers Union often meets at a pub. Such an institution, often overlooked as just a drinking house, becomes more. It creates a sense of belonging coupled with the opportunity to catch up with friends and local events. Yet this opportunity is steadily vanishing. In the United Kingdom, more than one pub a day closed its doors in 2024. Pub closures rose by 6.7% as opposed to 2023. At this alarming rate, this meeting point for generations will be irreparably damaged. It’s not just pints and chips being sacrificed, but history too. On 2nd February 2025, it was announced that the historic “Ye Olde Swiss Cottage” in London was set to close. It had been in business for nearly two centuries and the nearby tube station “Swiss Cottage” was named after it. Pubs or the “Public House” have been a part of English culture for centuries, with its history being traced back to taverns in Roman Britain and alehouses in Anglo-Saxon times. Although it was with the turn of the 19th century that pubs began to resemble their modern counterparts, in his diary written in the 17th century, Samuel Pepys claimed the pub was “the heart of England.” In lieu of sounding too patriotic, Pepys’ words hold truth. The British values of democracy, rule of law, respect, tolerance and individual liberty, are exemplified in the pub. You do not need to be a lord to drink, a musician to enjoy “ Mr Brightside”, or a Michelin star chef to enjoy a pub lunch. Such closure of public spaces damages culture that has been prominent for centuries. The major question, really, is why pubs are facing closure. Half of the closures of English pubs since 1980 have occurred since 2006. According to a report from the Institute of Economic Affairs, there are several reasons for this consistent demise. Contrary to popular belief, the United Kingdom does not hold the coveted title for the highest consumption of alcohol worldwide. We are not the shirtless beer-bellied football hooligans like how the rest of the world sees us. Countries like Romania, Austria, even the Seychelles all have higher recorded annual consumption of alcohol, with the United Kingdom sitting at a rather measly 22nd place. In fact, alcohol consumption is actually decreasing. The average literage consumed per person in 2016 was 11.4 compared to 10.8 in 2019. Such a number is only further declining, something that has severe consequences for the future of the pub. Perhaps more importantly, the drink falling out of favor is beer, also the most popular drink served at pubs. It’s relatively simple—people don’t drink beer, pubs die. Alongside this, there is the dreaded “cozzy livs” or the cost of living crisis. A UKHospitality survey found that businesses, including institutions like the pub, should expect an 82% rise in energy bills. Further, due to this prolonged cost of living crisis, fewer people can afford to go out to the pub on a regular basis, condemning an already struggling business towards financial ruin. The sad reality is that nothing changes if nothing changes. Many of these institutions of joy, companionship and laughter will soon be derelict. The United Kingdom’s long-standing culture of pub-going will be reduced to mere memories of times long gone. Yet it doesn’t have to be that way. To keep it English, sometimes all we need to get by is a little help from our friends. What most of these pubs need is more support to keep afloat, so that they can continue to be the stage for well-needed social interaction in an increasingly disconnected society. So, next time you’re out, raise a glass to the roof over your head. Pour one out for the pub, for if not, your last sip may come sooner than you think. Photo credits: Kamal H. on Flickr