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According to the erroneous idea we have of philosophy as a discipline totally detached from reality and concreteness, rooted in something metaphysical transcending the tangible world,  Hegel should be considered an anti-philosopher. < Back Aufhebung: The Importance of Hegel's Philosophy in Today's World By Francesca Di Muro October 31, 2023 "I then thought that Hegel would have been very sensitive to this object which has two opposing functions: at the same time not to admit any water (repelling it) and to admit it (containing it) . He would have been delighted, I think, or amused (as on vacation), and I call the painting Hegel's Holiday." - René Magritte According to the erroneous idea we have of philosophy as a discipline totally detached from reality and concreteness, rooted in something metaphysical transcending the tangible world, Hegel should be considered an anti-philosopher. However, there is nothing more embedded in reality than philosophy, and not a more perfect philosopher than Hegel. Careful in refulging any abstract reasoning, he brilliantly highlights reality’s shades and its dynamics. This article has no intention of being a description of Hegel’s philosophy. It has, rather, the mission of showing a Hegelian perspective on our reality, who we are, our lives and our beings. Hegel’s fundamental philosophical trait is its dialectic, which configures itself firstly as a universal law of beings. Born from the refusal of rigid binary logic, it has a triadic configuration. Reality is made up of three different stages, which interact reciprocally, and are in movement and strict correlation. These movements are referred to as thesis, antithesis and synthesis. The thesis is the affirmation, while the antithesis is its negation and the synthesis is no more than the union of both thesis and antithesis; the combination of the negation of what used to be the thesis’ negation (antithesis) and its affirmation. The most important passage is the one from the antithesis to the synthesis; it is the main nucleus of the reflection that is collocated. The synthesis, which etymologically means union of two, is a combination of two paradoxes, holding together parts of the thesis and parts of the antithesis, according to the key concept we refer to as Aufhebung . This German term has no perfect correspondent in other languages, and is often translated to the English term of ‘overpassing’ or ‘to surpass’, in order to convey the idea of overcoming certain parts of the thesis and antithesis; to give birth to a synthesis as union of both. The moment of synthesis, in fact, is also described as overpassing in the sense that it isn’t merely limited to the reaffirmation of the thesis, but to its integration with the negative parts of the antithesis. This is the nucleus of the concept of Aufhebung: an ‘elimination that keeps traces of what is eliminating’, the eradication of the antithesis but the permanence of its experience. And this is where Hegel’s philosophy meets our beings, our lives and our own relations, with things, peoples and ourselves. In what sense? By keeping us aware of the importance of the ‘negative’; of the ‘positivity’ of its role. By putting in contact and enhancing the dialogue between oppositions, the antithesis makes the differences edificant, telling us that the reality is in continuous movement, with encounters to different elements of tragedy, conflict, and defeat. However, it gives energy to them, hence encapsulating their dynamism. Defeat is essential and integral to our reality, through which we acquire knowledge and experience. In other words, defeat is something through which we grow; we develop the synthesis of who we are. The negative is seen as no more than the other side of positive. Through the moment of the synthesis, we can let all of our contradictions coexist, breathe and develop. After a tormented experience, the process of synthesis allows us to regain our identity, creating a certain unity from an initial fragmentation. We, humans, comprehend beauty only after having faced its contrary painfully. And, perhaps, if we learn to see the negative this way, contradictions will find their place in and outside of ourselves, giving meaning to our sufferings and directions to our pains in a superior perspective of unity. In this sense, Magritte’s quote at the top acquires meaning, giving value to both the thesis and the antithesis in defining one’s identity and one’s perspective.

Sanctions failed to make Saddam Hussein withdraw from Kuwait, unseat Fidel Castro, convince Haiti’s junta to honor democratic election results, or prevent India and Pakistan from testing nuclear weapons. Despite mounting sanctions against Iran, the violent suppression of protests has not abated — Iranian courts have begun to issue death sentences for those with links to the protests. < Back Are Iran Sanctions an Ethical Alternative to War? By Peyton Dashiell December 31, 2022 Since the rise of recent Iran protests after the killing of Mahsa Amini and subsequent violent crackdowns at the hands of Iranian officials, the international community has employed a range of responses. The United States stalled highly-anticipated nuclear negotiations, the United Nations Human Rights Council held a special session on the situation in Iran and new economic sanctions, travel bans, and asset freezes were applied to many individuals and companies with ties to the Iranian government. These actions are not new developments — since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the international community has applied various economic, trade and military sanctions against Iran with efforts spearheaded mainly by the United States. Reasons cited for sanctions include Iran’s nuclear program, the backing of the Houthis in the Yemeni Civil War and support for designated terrorist groups like Hamas, Hezbollah and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. As a result of sanctions, Iran has experienced a drastic reduction in oil revenue, billions of dollars of frozen foreign assets and almost complete exclusion from the global financial system due to sanctions on banks. Economic sanctions against Iran from the United States can be divided into two categories: primary sanctions, which prevent U.S. citizens and entities from engaging in economic activity with Iran, and secondary sanctions, which bar non-American entities from engaging in business with Iran if they want a presence in the United States. Due to secondary sanctions, multinational corporations do not operate in Iran due to the risk of being banned from the American market. The European Union and International Atomic Energy Agency have imposed their own sanctions on the Iranian regime due to unauthorized nuclear activity. In 2007, the European Union froze all assets of individuals with ties to Iran’s nuclear program, and in 2010, they joined the U.S. policy of banning all transactions with Iranian financial institutions. However, the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action lifted some sanctions against Iran in exchange for limits on its nuclear program. Initially a party to the deal, the United States withdrew in 2018, citing national security concerns. These sanctions have resulted in broad economic and humanitarian consequences. Since 2018, the Iranian currency has lost 50 percent of its value against the U.S. dollar, prompting inflation and higher living costs for citizens. And while American sanctions theoretically exempt humanitarian imports, many medical companies over-comply with these sanctions out of fear of retaliation and penalties from the U.S. government, resulting in severe shortages of medications and raw materials for medical production. According to Idriss Jazairy, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Effects of Sanctions on Human Rights, under economic sanctions, “people die but from lack of food and medicine, rather than from explosive devices.” Unfortunately, this has been true in practice. After the United Nations Security Council imposed economic sanctions and a complete trade embargo on Iraq in 1990 due to Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, an estimated 1.2 million Iraqis were killed due to malnutrition and disease — 500,000 of whom were children. Jazairy also argued that sanctions deserve the same recognition and concern in the international community as any act of war. These negative humanitarian effects are not an unprecedented consequence. After new U.S. sanctions were imposed in 2019, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo admitted that “things are much worse for the Iranian people, and we are convinced that will lead the Iranian people to rise up and change the behavior of the regime.” This lends credence to the idea that economic sanctions are a form of collective punishment — punishments imposed on a group for the actions of individuals. This practice is regarded as a violation of international human rights law and illegal under the Fourth Geneva Convention. Secondary sanctions imposed by the United States have been exceptionally controversial in international law due to their extraterritorial jurisdiction, and other major global powers have tried to mitigate their economic effects. After the 2018 JCPOA withdrawal, the European Commission issued a Blocking Statute, declaring U.S. Iran sanctions illegal. Businesses based in Europe became explicitly prohibited from complying with the U.S. sanctions and could recover damages from U.S. restrictions on legitimate business with Iran. Finally, sanctions as a foreign policy tool evoke broader questions regarding the morality of international intervention. Since the end of World War II and the advent of a new, post-Westphalian world order, the international community has taken on the responsibility of monitoring and upholding human rights through military intervention, sanctions and prosecution in international courts. But to what degree should this responsibility be applied — and are sanctions that worsen civilian conditions in the name of human rights hypocritical? Despite their prominent role in modern foreign policy, there are few examples of sanctions eliciting their desired political response. Sanctions failed to make Saddam Hussein withdraw from Kuwait, unseat Fidel Castro, convince Haiti’s junta to honor democratic election results or prevent India and Pakistan from testing nuclear weapons. Despite mounting sanctions against Iran, the violent suppression of protests has not abated — Iranian courts have begun to issue death sentences for those with links to the protests. As history has demonstrated, economic sanctions are an ineffective political measure that comes at an extreme civilian cost. While carefully calculated sanctions against specific industries or government officials may be a useful foreign policy tool, utilizing sanctions in the fashion of the United States — as an economic blockade spanning decades and forcing civilians to bear the effects — is an undeniable human rights infringement. Sanctions are not a flippant, inconsequential measure to respond to issues seen as not important enough to justify military operations — in some cases, they are more impactful than any act of war.

Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. < Back The Menton Times: A Year in Review By Celeste Abourjeili April 30, 2022 Mentoniya, Mentoniya. Last summer, I was struck with a vision for a newspaper that would synthesize campus discourse and bring all student events together in one collective monthly recount. Though I was committed to bringing it to life, I never foresaw the scope or size that it would reach in just one year. Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. The journey of creating a newspaper from scratch was filled with the unexpected — it was a turbulent yet irreplaceable experience. I got to watch our designer and my dear friend, 2A Ada Baser, create a layout template from scratch. She pieced together over 30 articles worth of content into one digital masterpiece each and every month. “Starting the design of a paper from scratch wasn’t the easiest experience… [but] at the end of the day, it’s been a pleasure to work with the many different members of the team, because designers need to communicate with reporters, photographers, and the editorial board,” said Baser. “I hope I have been able to bring their amazing works to life.” Her clean-cut designs have been praised by Mentonese students. “I really like the mise-en-page,” said 1A Amira Zargouni, “it’s really easy to read.” Our editorial team, made up of 1A Ayse Lara Selcuker, 1A Lara-Nour Walton, 2A Morgane Abbas, and myself, has had to edit just as many articles to fulfill our three-step editing process. “Editing felt special to me because journalism has been a really formative source for me,” said Walton. “To make this newspaper a reality was genuinely so fulfilling.” My role as Editor-in-Chief, besides managing and organizing the team, consisted of a wondrous albeit time-consuming process by which I had to review each article that was ever published. I knew that I was collecting stories from the students, combining them in one collective and polished form, and sending them back to the student body for all to read, and I wanted to do them justice. I grasped the significance of my job in qualifying the words our students were entrusting to the paper to send out to the world. Our photography team, led by 1A Hugo Lagergren and composed of 1A Emilia Kohlmeyer and 2A Wang Di, has brought each and every story to life with its talent and eye for the camera. “ The staff reporters and guest reporters, without whom this paper would not exist, made the decision to share their stories with us and with you — a decision for which we are endlessly grateful. “Writing for the Menton Times has been incredible! I joined the team with little writing experience, but I saw my skills improve through the feedback and support of our editors, and my articles allowed me to further immerse myself in the topics I am most passionate about,” said 1A Magdelena Offenbeck. Over the course of one year, we have worked with a team of about 20 people and around 39 guest writers. We wrote articles in collaboration with a variety of associations, ranging from Sciences Alcoolémiques to the Stone Skipping Society to the BDS to Babel, MEDMUN, TedX, Environnementon, and the list goes on. 2A Isabella Aouad, who contributed to the newspaper as a guest reporter, noted, “It was very impressive how, in one year, the Menton Times became a real thing. It was very consistent and rigorous and featured really high quality articles.” 1A Joudi Arafa, who claimed she was proud to contribute as a guest reporter, affirmed, “The Menton Times is a big campus name.” I’m proud of our team for creating a shared vision out of what started as a small idea. The process behind the paper starts with our monthly meetings, which take on the form of a team brainstorming session, to choose article topics for that month’s issue. “I really enjoyed the flexibility of choosing my topics instead of having them assigned,” said 1A staff reporter Luca Utterwulghe. I’ve always trusted our writers with the topics they chose, and I was ecstatic that they matched my trust with passion and motivation for the job. Besides our partnerships and guest articles, we try to include everyone on the campus by including student quotes and opinions in each article. “It’s fun interviewing people to get quotes for my articles,” said Utterwulghe, “I learned a lot from this past year at the Menton Times.” I am grateful to you, Mentoniya, for electing our association to be an official student initiative this past semester, opening up doors of opportunity for us with your trust. With the exception of the godforsaken month of February, we upheld our promise to you to publish each and every month. For the first year, our 7-1 success rate makes me quite proud. I recognize that our process wasn’t perfect. This was just the start of an association that I hope will live on for years after my departure. I believe in the future leaders of the association to not only enhance our process, but establish additional projects and events to make campus life even more robust. I am proud to announce that the association will be carried on by Lara-Nour Walton as Editor-in-Chief, Magdalena Offenbeck as Managing Editor, Hugo Lagergren as Head of Photography. I originally intended for the Menton Times to be a route for students to be heard by their peers, an opportunity for one to collect their thoughts before making them public, and to bring attention to a particular experience or event. It was supposed to serve as a chance to create change in our small, cozy Mentonese ummah. My goal, above all, was to bring students closer together. In my original “Letter from the Editor” in our very first issue, I wrote that journalism is a pillar of democracy, a chance to touch the hearts and minds of those around us and change the course of history for the better. Here in Menton, I hope we’ve done that on a personal level — if nothing else, I hope we’ve helped you better understand and resonate with the going-ons of our little community. I hope we’ve informed you. Thank you for your attention, and for the last time this year, happy reading! Sincerely and with love, Celeste Abourjeili Founder & Editor-in-Chief Menton Times 2021-2022

When I first announced to my family that I would be doing my parcours civique with Care4Calais, a British organization that provides non-food items to refugees, most of my relatives acted as if I was about to become a war photographer in Sudan. Despite them, I managed to not have any image of Calais in mind before actually arriving. So what was Calais really like? < Back Calais: Between Migration and Solidarity Ema Nevřelová September 25, 2025 As I wrapped up my first year in Menton and embarked on a 16-hour train ride to the very north point of France, Calais, I had an intuition that the experience would be life-changing. If the first year of Sciences Po had taught me anything, it was definitely how to find ways to leave Menton, and France in general. So, the prospect of having to spend an extra month in France for my parcours civique was probably as thrilling as sitting through four hours of Jean-Pierre Filiu’s Question of Palestine . Painful, but somehow worth it in the end. War zone or just a regular town? When I first announced to my family that I would be doing my parcours civique with Care4Calais , a British organization that provides non-food items to refugees, most of my relatives acted as if I was about to become a war photographer in Sudan. Despite them, I managed to not have any image of Calais in mind before actually arriving. So what was Calais really like? Maybe it was the breeze of fresh air when I left the crowded, non-air-conditioned carriage of my train, or perhaps it was the image of finally having a bed to sleep in that made me instantly fall in love with my new short-term home. When I got out of the train station, I mostly could see young male migrants sitting on nearby benches.. Some of them I later recognized as I started volunteering. Contrary to the well-intentioned warnings from my family members, they were unfettered by my presence and were more interested in conversations with their friends. Give North of France a chance While dragging my suitcase around town, one of the first things that caught my eye, was Hotel de Ville de Calais. This breathtaking building towers over the rest of the city highlighting the striking contrast of once a wealthy region with today’s reality, because the rest of the city centre essentially resembles a ghost-town. For context, the North of France has historically profited from coal and textile production. During the economic recession in the 1970s the region took a hit. The main source of wealth was coal and textile but both of the industries started diminishing as the coal ran out. Not to mention, that the region was, and still remains, underfunded by the government. In 2015, for example, around 18.1 % of the city’s population lived below the poverty line. The average for France at the time was 14.2 %. Its portrayal in the media as a city struggling with migrants did not help its image, especially as the town mostly profited from tourists from the UK. Despite the dismal situation some of the citizens find themselves in, they still feel empathetic towards refugees. For example, the owner of the restaurant Mirador said : “I don't blame the migrants, they aren't aggressive and I do feel sorry for them, but I want to retire. My restaurant has been on the market for two years, but not one person has expressed any interest. I am 70 years old and penniless. Here in Calais, we are all on our knees.” Coming to Calais, Mirador was one of the first places I saw and thought of having lunch at. But as I learned on Google maps it was closed as well as most of the other restaurants in Calais. As someone who experienced France, mainly in Menton, where shops are open even on Sunday due to the number of tourists, this was a shock. The only place I could eat my lunch at on Monday was a fast-food place, the chain called O’Tacos. One of the first discoveries I made during this “life-changing” journey was that the French have their own tacos. Ema Nevřelová 2025 The House of Horror I chose to stay in a house that accommodates some of the volunteers for Care4Calais. That being said, I did not expect the place to be luxurious—I have stayed in my fair share of hostels to know better. However, the fact that the place did not have walls or more specifically plaster-covered the insulation was a little concerning. Not to mention the occasional mold. Yet, there is no better bonding topic than paying 20 euros per night for a housing that was almost, quite literally, falling apart. Still, as someone privileged enough to be able to afford it, it was really the least I could do to contribute to the economy of the city. Elitist friendships To make up for all the things the house did not provide, I got to live under one roof with people so like-minded and funny as were my housemates. Most of them volunteered with me, making it feel like a coincidental summer camp. Somehow, this experience managed to cure my absolute dread of summer camps. Collective dinners, ice creams on the beach, hour-long walks home, beers in La Betterave (the best bar in Calais) not only made us closer but allowed us to share tough days at work, our personal life or the stupidest little things you can imagine. In a true non-elitist nature, the people I became the closest with were mostly students from other Sciences Po campuses. Whether it was the proximity of our beds or internalised elitism, having people of roughly the same age to share Calais with, turned out to be a necessity. Because hardly anyone can grasp the magical dimension of playing football in heavy rain with the refugees. Ema Nevřelová 2025 Even your brother could be staying in the ‘Orange squat’ One thing that immediately caught the attention of many volunteers in Calais is how many young boys were living there. The idea of sending my 16-years-old brother across several countries without knowing if he survives the journey makes me nauseous. Not to mention that behind each of these boys is usually a family that made a lot of sacrifices to send him on the way. Yet, these people are still often treated as less than an annoying mosquito you are desperately trying to get out of your house. The “real” house these young men live in is called the ‘Orange squat.’ Hearing from people who have, it is inhabited by about 500 people living in tents. The toilets inside are not in the best condition. When I was leaving Calais an unofficial source claimed that Orange squat will likely be evicted some time in September. It belongs to a private owner, who decided— apparently with the light push from the city council— to take the place back. In reality, this means that the boys will go through brutal police eviction. The police will take all their possessions and they will be boarded on buses and driven outside of Calais towards government-run facilities. For NGOs operating in Calais, it means that they have to stock up as many tents, sleeping bags, and other necessities as possible. Working for Care4Calais definitely made me understand how Sisyphian their work is. Waiting as a lifestyle What I realized during my parcours civique is that the life of migrants is full of waiting. Whether it is waiting to save enough money to make the journey to Europe, or waiting for the asylum claim to be processed, to mundane things like waiting in line for food, clothes, showers, or whatever else they need. Every time I now find myself grumpily waiting at the post office in Menton to send my letter, I remember that having to wait occasionally is a privilege. In this fast-paced era waiting often feels like a punishment but seeing people having to wait for everything that I can buy in under 10 minutes truly made me understand the real-life consequences of all the privileges I have. Despite the waiting, most of the men and women I met remain positive. Whether they were filming Tik Toks, dancing or playing football, they seemed to enjoy every moment to the fullest. I often come back to many of the interactions I had. Once I was distributing clothes and shoes to women and children, and I encountered a young pregnant woman with her son who could not have been more than one-years-old. When we found shoes that were her size, she was overjoyed. “I can run fast again from the police,” she said laughing. The ability to joke in spite of the horrors she must have been through amazed me and horrified me at the same time. Ema Nevřelová 2025 But what about migration? The reason I did not start my article by focusing on the situation of the refugees is because Calais is so much more than just a politicized space exploited in the anti-immigration discourse. It would be easy to say that its citizens are radicalized nationalists. Especially as in the 2024 parliamentary elections, the region of Pas-de-Calais elected a candidate from the Rassemblement national—a nationalist party that was led by far-right Marine Le Pen until 2021. As always, reality is much more complicated. In 2015 France24 interviewed inhabitants of Calais and it turned out despite their preference for far-right parties they feel solidarity with the refugees. In fact, some of the Calais population provides housing , food, clothes and whatever else is needed despite dealing with poverty themselves. Between the UK and France On a political level one of the issues that refugees face is a lack of safe routes. Asylum seekers coming to the UK have no other possibility of applying for a visa than physically arriving in the country on a small boat or by lorry but even this is persecuted and extremely dangerous. On the other hand, the Ukrainian asylum seekers have had the opportunity to apply for asylum from outside of the country under the ‘Homes for Ukraine Sponsorship Scheme.’ This shows how much the system in place is rooted in racism. Being white and European changes the dynamics of migration completely. Yet, the UK and France refuse to take accountability for essentially trapping people in Calais because of their policies. Their newest policy is called the ‘one in, one out’ scheme agreed between Sir Keir Starmer, the UK Prime Minister and Emanuelle Macron, the French President. Essentially, it means that for each person the UK deports back to France, it will accept another person who has not yet attempted to cross the channel. As of September 19th, the first person of Indian nationality has already been deported under the scheme. What will be the fate of Calais in the future remains unclear. But whether you are looking to cleanse yourself of Menton, learn more about refugees and their lives, or just desperately need a parcours civique, Care4Calais offers all of that and more. I believe that with every volunteer that comes to Calais the city becomes less of a politicized crossing point and more of a place of solidarity and community that I experienced.

Le film, réalisé par Eric Hannezo et Matthieu Vollaire, est une magnifique plongée dans l’aventure d’une saison, au sein du vestiaire du Stade Toulousain. < Back Critique du Film “Le Stade” By Solenn Ravenel April 29, 2022 Mercredi 13 mars, j’ai eu la chance d’aller voir Le Stade au cinéma. Le film, réalisé par Eric Hannezo et Matthieu Vollaire, est une magnifique plongée dans l’aventure d’une saison, au sein du vestiaire du Stade Toulousain. J’ai entendu parler de la sortie de ce film, une première dans le rugby français, depuis plusieurs mois. Supporters toulousains impatients, interviews des joueurs dans les médias, cela fait maintenant une semaine que ce film fait sortir le rugby du microcosme du monde de l’ovalie. Bon spoiler, ce film ne révolutionnera pas le milieu du cinéma, ni celui du sport. Mais pourquoi est-il néanmoins intéressant ? D’abord, le film semble passionner les supporters toulousains. Dans la salle de Cagnes sur mer ce mercredi, plusieurs spectateurs arboraient fierement leurs maillots rouge et noir. Cela n’est pas étonnant. Le Stade est peut être avant tout pour ses supporters, toujours présents. Malgré le covid, malgré les stades vides, ces derniers se sont massés au départ du bus pour encourager leur équipe. Des supporters toujours présents, même lorsque le silence des stades soulignait leur cruel manque. Des supporters qui ont poussé leur équipe à la victoire, ou plutôt aux victoires. Celles de la coupe d’Europe et du top 14, mais aussi celles qui écrivent l’histoire, chaque week-end. Ce film est également une plongée dans le vestiaire de leurs joueurs préférés: lieu sacralisé, secret, normalement impénétrable pour les mortels que nous sommes. Il permet donc de briser ce qui pourrait être appelé le quatrième mur. Le film peut aussi intéresser les fans de rugby, sans que ceux-ci supportent forcément le stade toulousain. Pour Ugo Mola, coach de l’équipe: “Ceux qui nous aiment un peu vont nous aimer un peu plus et ceux qui nous détestent risquent nous détester un peu plus.” (RMC sport). Et malgré l’importance d’Ugo Mola dans ce film, permettez-moi d’être en désaccord avec cette affirmation. Chaque supporter peut se retrouver dans ce que souligne ce film. Les discours d’Ugo Mola qui rythment le film sont autant de leitmotivs qui rappellent que le rugby est un sport de “valeurs”. Il est vrai que celles-ci souvent mises en avant peuvent paraître prétentieuses, soulignant une prétendue supériorité du rugby sur les autres sports. Il est bien sûr possible de le voir comme cela. Cependant, je vois dans ces valeurs : l’humilité, le sens de l’équipe, le travail, la camaraderie, l’amitié, la famille, et le club, un socle commun qui permet à tous de se retrouver. Chaque supporter peut ainsi s’identifier, quelque soit le club qu’il aime, la famille ou les amis qui l’entourent. Le Stade, monté sans voix-off ni interview face cam, illustre ce que les supporters aiment le plus dans le rugby : les émotions. Pourquoi ce film peut-il aussi intéresser les débutants en rugby? Toi, qui n’as regardé qu’un match mais qui a zappé parce que tu n’as rien compris ! Ou encore toi, qui as seulement suivi la finale du grand chelem lors du tournoi des VI Nations ! Parce que ce film ne parle ni de jeu, ni de tactiques, pas besoin de comprendre le plan de jeu d’Ugo Mola : “ bleu, bleu, munster ” pour le comprendre. Avec Le Stade, vous découvrirez le rugby sous son angle le plus beau. Il peut être une belle porte d’entrée dans ce “ sport d’initiés ” (Ugo Mola). Peut être que vous serez parfois perdus pour comprendre l’organisation des compétitions, ou encore la place particulière du stade toulousain dans le rugby français et européen. Cependant, vous ne pourrez louper les larmes, les rires, les sourires. Vous ne pourrez louper ce pourquoi les supporters continuent semaine après semaine de se passionner pour ce sport si particulier. L’aventure humaine, racontée à travers une esthétique cinématographique : images, noir et blanc, musique… ne pourra que vous émouvoir. Et quelque soit votre histoire, vous pourrez vous identifier à ces moments de vie qui, malgré leur caractère sportif, sont souvent universels. Si après avoir vu Le Stade, vous voulez continuer à regarder des films sur le rugby, n’hésitez pas à regarder les épisodes de la série Destins mêlés sur la chaîne YouTube de France Rugby, qui revient sur les matchs de l’équipe de France. La première saison relate la tournée d’automne 2021 du XV de France, qui s’est achevée avec une victoire des Bleus face aux All Blacks. La seconde saison, elle, illustre le magnifique Grand Chelem lors du tournoi des VI Nations en 2022. La série est donc une magnifique image du XV de France d’aujourd’hui, les images des victoires et les témoignages des acteurs sont magnifiques. La série souligne le travail du staff : kinés, coachs, analystes vidéos… mais également l’importance de l’extra sportif : soirées, chansons, jeux… Pour aller encore plus loin, si vous souhaitez en apprendre plus sur le rugby international, découvrez Chasing the sun : le sacre des springboks sur Canal+. La série raconte le chemin de l’équipe sud-africaine vers la victoire de la coupe du monde en 2019. Plus sous forme de docu-série avec davantage de moment d’interviews, la série est un vrai reportage en immersion dans la préparation et la compétition des Springboks. Finalement, quelque soit votre niveau de connaissance du rugby, quelque soit votre club de cœur, le film Le Stade pourra vous séduire pour une seule raison : parce qu’il raconte, avec passion, une passion.

On November 8, 2022, over 100 million Americans will head to the polls to vote for congressional, gubernatorial, state, and local candidates in what could be one of the most consequential elections in recent history. < Back United States Midterms 2022: Races to Watch By Peyton Dashiell October 31, 2022 On November 8, 2022, over 100 million Americans will head to the polls to vote for congressional, gubernatorial, state, and local candidates in what could be one of the most consequential elections in recent history. Democrats hold a delicate congressional majority — 48 Senate seats are occupied by Democrats, with Independents Bernie Sanders (I-Vermont) and Angus King (I-Maine) typically voting with Democrats and Vice President Kamala Harris serving as the tiebreaker in contentious party line votes. The House of Representatives has a slightly larger majority with 221 Democrats and 209 Republicans, but it could still be easily upset as every seat faces re-election. Voters have a wide range of issues to consider as they fill out their ballots. Republicans may see a boost in the polls as the Biden administration deals with economic troubles — the annual inflation rate hit a 40-year high of 9.1 percent in June, and corresponding interest rate hikes will soon make it more expensive for Americans to purchase homes and take out loans. However, the aggressive social agenda of the Republican party could push centrist and moderate Republican voters to the left or third-party candidates. In June, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade , ruling that abortion is not a constitutionally protected right and sparking a frenzy of abortion bans and restrictions in conservative states. In Texas and West Virginia, recent “trigger laws” have rendered abortion completely illegal — exceptions for rape, incest, and medical emergencies are only accepted in West Virginia and only until the eighth week of pregnancy. Additionally, immigration issues have risen to prominence in national dialogue — the governors of Texas and Arizona have sent large groups of migrants by bus to New York, Washington, D.C., and Martha’s Vineyard despite limited resources for migrant intake. As election day approaches, here are some races that could spark partisan turmoil, recalibrate foreign policy relationships or lead to a generational shift in Congress. Congress FL-10 In Florida’s 10th congressional district, covering most of the Orlando metropolitan area, Maxwell Frost gained the Democratic primary nomination in early August. Frost, a 25-year-old progressive activist and former national director of March for Our Lives, will become the first Gen Z member of Congress if he wins the general election. FL-10 is a heavily Democratic district, with 203,000 registered Democrats and 100,000 registered Republicans, and Frost can expect a victory over opponent Calvin Wimbush barring an unprecedented upset. Frost garnered national attention this summer for confronting Florida governor Ron DeSantis with an emotional plea on gun violence during a DeSantis event in Orlando. Frost’s ambitious policy platform includes support for the Green New Deal, a single-payer healthcare system, extensive gun control, decriminalized drug use, and a “future without prison.” MI-11 In August, Representative Haley Stevens narrowly defeated incumbent Representative Andy Levin in a controversial primary that could impact the relationship between the United States and Israel. Representative Stevens received over $4 million in campaign funding from the United Democracy Project, a super political action committee run by the political action wing of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Despite Levin identifying a “lifelong Zionist,” former AIPAC president David Victor labeled him as “arguably the most corrosive member of Congress to the US-Israel relationship” due to Levin’s past legislative efforts regarding Israel. In 2021, Levin introduced the “Two-State Solution Act,” which outlined concrete steps the US should take in pursuit of a two-state solution, including recognizing the West Bank and Gaza as occupied territories and ensuring that US defense funding to Israel is not used to establish settlements in the West Bank. While foreign policy is not at the center of Stevens’ platform, her support for the US-Israel relationship will likely be less conditional than Levin’s. NM-2 In New Mexico’s 2nd district, incumbent Representative Yvette Herrell faces Democrat Gabe Vasquez in a race that could redefine energy policy in the United States’ largest oilfield, the Permian Basin. Since taking office in 2020, Herrell has been a staunch supporter of the fossil fuel industry and voted to restrict government regulation of fossil fuel extraction. Additionally, she has overseen New Mexico’s “Safer and Stronger” public relations campaign, which reminds the public that $700 million in funding for the state’s public school system comes from the oil and gas industry — around 20 percent of total education spending. On the other hand, Vasquez supports a “pragmatic” approach to the fossil fuel industry, balancing government regulation and alternative clean energy sources to mitigate adverse environmental impacts. The Permian Basin produces five million barrels of oil per day, around half of the total US supply, and has deep underground reserves that remain undeveloped. FL Senate Three weeks before the election, incumbent Senator Marco Rubio leads Democrat Val Demings by just two points. Demings, former Orlando police chief and Congresswoman in Florida’s 10th district, has consistently out-fundraised Rubio, more than doubling his donations in the second quarter of 2022. While in the House of Representatives, Demings helped manage Donald Trump’s impeachment trial, served on the Judiciary and Homeland Security committees, and recently passed the VICTIM Act — a bipartisan bill to increase local police force funding to solve homicides and gun crime. Florida, often referred to as a swing state, has seen an increase in conservative voters over the past few years. Donald Trump won the state during his 2016 and 2020 presidential campaigns, and endorsed governor Ron DeSantis during his 2018 gubernatorial campaign. Additionally, both Florida senators are Republicans. This race will signify the Democratic party’s potential in Florida — are these expensive campaigns still worth the fight, or should they dedicate their attention to other states and districts? Gubernatorial Texas In Texas, the largest Republican-led state in the country, incumbent governor Greg Abbott will face off against Democratic challenger Beto O’Rourke in the general election. Due to his 2018 attempt to unseat Senator Ted Cruz and his short-lived 2020 presidential campaign, O’Rourke is a familiar name to many voters on the national stage. But despite this national notoriety, Abbott currently leads by seven points, with 31 percent of likely voters naming immigration as their top voting priority. Potential deciding issues in Texas include Greg Abbott’s restrictive stance on abortion, immigration policies, and infrastructure developments — a 2021 winter storm in Texas forced a large portion of the state to live without power, running water, or heat for a week, killing an estimated 246 people. Texas is the only state with an independent power grid, and O’Rourke heavily criticized the Electric Reliability Council of Texas for corruption and lack of oversight — he has called for Texas to connect to the national power grid to prevent future tragedies. Kansas In Kansas, Governor Laura Kelly is up for reelection against Republican Attorney General Derek Schmidt in a close race with one key issue missing: abortion. Kansas is a pro-choice state — in July, Kansas residents overwhelmingly voted against the “Value Them Both” amendment, which would have removed the state constitution's enshrined right to abortion . However, the state voted for Donald Trump in 2020, and Kelly is the only Democratic governor of a Trump-voting state to run for reelection this year. Kelly has avoided almost all mention of abortion in her campaign, focusing on education and economic issues. Sources close to Kelly have said this is an intentional decision to retain her moderate, bipartisan public image in a purple state. She currently polls only two points ahead of Schmidt — will her avoidance of the abortion controversy lead her to victory in November? Ballot Measures Colorado - Initiative 58 In Colorado, the Natural Medicine Health Act would allow citizens 21 or older to use psychedelic mushrooms privately or in regulated “health centers” with trained facilitators. Proponents of the initiative argue that psilocybin offers healing potential to those suffering from mental health issues — Colorado has been ranked as the worst state for adult mental health, and numerous studies show benefits from psilocybin for symptoms of depression, anxiety, and PTSD. However, some critics, including the founder of the Denver-based Society for Psychedelic Outreach Reform and Education, argue that the initiative’s “healing center” framework is purely a way for large corporations to take control of the psilocybin market and put profits over health. California - Proposition 30 This proposition would increase the income tax by 1.75 percent and use the additional money to support zero-emission vehicle initiatives and wildfire suppression, allowing California to increase firefighter staffing by ⅓ as wildfires grow more intense every year. However, Governor Gavin Newsom has gone against his party to oppose the measure — although he supports a full state transition to electric vehicles by 2035, he has called the bill a “trojan horse” at the hands of rideshare giant Lyft. Te State of California ordered Lyft to transition entirely to electric vehicles by 2030, and Newsom says this bill is an effort to make taxpayers fund these new cars. Nevada - Equal Rights Amendment In Nevada, voters will have the option to amend Nevada’s constitution to adopt a modified version of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), which guarantees equal rights regardless of sex. Effectively, this would end distinctions between men and women in matters of divorce, unemployment, property, and more. The ERA was passed by Congress in 1972 and required 38 state legislatures to ratify the amendment by 1979 to be adopted. Only 35 states ratified the amendment by the deadline, but Virginia, Illinois, and Nevada symbolically approved it in the 2010s as the pro-ERA movement began to regain traction. Takeaways Although the next presidential election will not occur until 2024, the midterms will serve as a telling referendum on the presidency of Joe Biden after a tumultuous two years in office. His approval rate reached a yearly high of 46 percent this month — his predecessor Donald Trump ranged from 34 to 49 percent throughout his presidency. Midterms tend to experience vastly lower voter turnout than general elections, with 113 million Americans voting in 2018 compared to 157 million in 2022. Most of this gap comes from young voters and Democrats. Young, progressive voters must learn that midterms are crucial and the ambitious policy proposals of their presidential picks cannot be accomplished without the legislative work of Congress. American Sciences Pistes, apply for your absentee ballot online before the election.

< Back 36 hours in Menton, France Maia Zasler The Pearl of France is situated between sprawling, sparkling sea and ample green mountain peaks, entre bières roses pétillantes monégasque et Aperol Spritz . Menton is a relatively quiet town known for its historically largest export: lemons—most of which, nowadays, come from Spain in preparation for the annual Fête du Citron . In the summer, Menton’s cobbled streets come alive with tourists eager to enjoy the man-made beach at Sablette , try “ Michelin-star ” ice cream, and take aesthetic TikTok videos and photos along the picturesque Rue Longue . For the 300-ish students who attend the local university, Sciences Po , Menton is colored with further value; insight into the town’s off-season gives its brand a darker dimension. Once the smell of sunscreen fades, tan lines along with it, and the restaurants and shops begin to close, one wonders how to spend 36 hours in a place so desolate. This itinerary is here to help you for when the weather starts to make you question what you’re doing here. Itinerary Friday 3 p.m. Menton has always been balanced along a border; it has straddled the frontier of Nice County and the Republic of Genoa since 1860 , when France purchased the town from the Royal Grimaldi family of Monaco. Your entry into Menton from the Centre-Ville train station exemplifies its Italian roots; you’re welcomed by a spray-painted rendition of Michaelangelo’s David, “ Slay-vid .” The 2-dimensional statue’s voluptuous curves create an impeccable ambiance to the ongoing construction outside of the station. Spend a few minutes exploring the so-called “New Town.” Walk straight down the street, past the Casino Barrière and out to the beach. Stroll along the coast and take in the breeze; the views are truly magnificent. Matimello by Atelier Boulanger is the best for baguettes; replenish your strength with some carbohydrates. Enjoy it on the go or outside on the beach. You should continue until you get to the Jean Cocteau Museum. Although the modernist version is (also) continuously under construction, the smaller display of Cocteau’s art is cheap and worth the visit. Cocteau, a resident of Saint Jean Cap Ferrat, fell in love with this little lemon town and illuminated it and its residents with vibrant pastels and dynamic sketches. 5 p.m. You’ve got your culture in! You can conveniently continue walking and taking in the views by venturing up the stairs and walking along the fort. Alternatively, make a right turn out of the museum doors and head behind the wall. Sit on the large rocks and listen to the waves crash as sky slowly deepens into orange and pink hues. If you're feeling particularly European, this is the opportunity to indulge in a picturesque cigarette. You can make your way back around towards the Casino, by the Carrefour grocery store on Avenue Félix Faure. Sit in the Chapelle Saint Roch for some more quiet, or rest in Noailles for a cozy cup of tea—strawberry is the best. 6:30 p.m. Although it may be a bit early for dinner by CET standards, restaurants will (possibly) start to open around 7 p.m. There are several options for non-French or Italian cuisine, which you may or may not have tired of. Indian Delices , Eventail , and Coté Sud present delectable albeit pricey choices. Vulcano is a fan-favorite—although Pizza Express is arguably better. Both maintain the added benefit of a flexible dining location. It could be chilly, but consider heading back to the beach, by Sablettes, or going to the square adjacent to Rue de la République. 9:30 p.m. It’s no secret: by evening time, the only place to go is Le Retro. Request some delicious olives along with your drink and great company! Saturday 8 a.m. Get an early morning! The crisp air during a morning walk is especially refreshing. After drinking the obligatory espresso at any number of convenient cafés, buy some fruit or goat cheese and take it on your way to the Olive Grove, also known as Parc du Pian. Spend some moments searching for sheep, resting and reading under the trees. Once you’re ready to go, walk across the street to the Jardin Botanique . For 2,50€ you can enter and wander around, enjoying the luscious greens and peaceful atmosphere. 11 a.m. At this point, you’ve probably had enough of the outdoors. Should you need to study, you can make the Odyssean trek over to the New Town and settle into Menton’s library . If you prefer to do your work in a café, Lagom, Edwige, O’Petit Corner and Eunoia Coffee are all worth the 30 seconds it takes to search on your phone to confirm their opening hours. You can also take a quick train ride to another “town” lined with contrived-looking streets: Monaco. The Starbucks outside of the train station is a quality study spot. 1 p.m. Saturday afternoons can be slow. Quicken the pace by catching a film at Cinema Eden. Sneak in some of your own snacks to sweeten the experience. Stop in the thrift store across the street to browse the (limited) racks of clothes. You could instead walk the other direction, towards campus, and venture into the antique shop adjacent to the Darty. Get lost in rows of dusty plates and posters; let yourself be charmed by the cramped space and piles of useless—yet endearing—items. You could even treat yourself to yoga ( two studio options!) or getting your nails done. 3 p.m. You’ve made it through 24 hours! More than halfway there. Use this time to explore Menton a bit more. Walk to the cemetery; if you ascend upwards, weaving through the familiar corridors of Rue Longue, you’ll find yourself at the base of the Cemetery of the Old Chateau . If you’re artistically inclined, take a sketchbook. The crowded aisles juxtaposed by the solid blue sky and sea provide unparalleled inspiration. Or instead, stop into the multiplicity of art galleries in Menton. Local residents—when caught in a good mood—are happy to share their work. From paintings to ceramics to postcards, consider picking something up as a keepsake. Along this artistic vein, you can stop to admire the many mosaics that are assembled in plain sight (e.g., in front of the Basilique Saint Michel Archange ). If you find history more engaging, take a self-led walking tour of the town. Search for the many plaques scattered around the Old Town that provide information about Menton’s past and relevant “landmarks.” If you do not read French, be sure to take your phone equipped with a photo translator—or a francophone friend. 6:30 p.m. For dinner, there is again a wide array of options. By the train station, O’Sole Mio is fantastic for a sit-down meal—a place to take family and friends! Across the street, Citron d’Or may be less popular, but maintains a solid To Good to Go dining experience. Les Enfants Terribles is an iconic destination, situated perfectly on Place du Cap and the entry point to Rue Longue. 8:30 p.m. + Advertisements online will portray Menton as this quaint, sunshine-y town; at its best, it’s a summer spot, an elevated after-thought to a trip to Nice. But Menton is more than that. What makes the town special is not its views or activities, its cafés or restaurants, but the people in it. The best way to “pass the time” is to spend it with friends, the unique connections we make on campus and outside of the classroom. Potluck dinner parties, karaoke or movie nights, cups of tea over games of chess or backgammon, scoops of Picard ice cream during late night study sessions… It's the small moments that make 36 hours seem like no time at all. Previous Next

October’s association events, summarized for you. < Back October Associations Recap By Celeste Abourjeili October 31, 2021 Cinementongraphe x SPRH “Capernaum” movie screening In a collaboration, Cinementongraphe and SciencesPo Refugee Help hosted a movie screening-turned-fundraiser featuring the Lebanese film “Capernaum” on Wednesday, October 10. Debate Society drunk debates In its second annual drunk debate on Saturday, October 9 the Debate Society kicked off its season discussing the topic of hookup culture in Menton. The opposing side (arguing against hookup culture) won, led by 2A Ada Baser and 1A Felipe Boitard. The society’s drunken spectators eventually ended up at Bastion, and those who lasted till the end of the night found themselves at Sablettes. Philosophical Society discussions The brand new Mentonese Philosophical Society, led by a team of six, kicked off its first year with two insightful events. On October 3, it organized a discussion on personal ethics at student house Soundproof, and on October 24, an investigation of the alt-right at student house Brothel. TASA movie screening The Thracian andAnatolian Student Association screened the mini-documentary “Coğrafya Kader” (Geography is Destiny) on Saturday, October 9 which features the wife Selahattin Demirtaş, a politician in the HDP who is currently incarcerated. Later on, the group discussed the status, treatment, and rights of Turkish Kurds. Amnesty movie screening On Sunday, October 10, Amnesty International held a screening of the movie “l’État du Texas contre Melissa” (the state of Texas vs Melissa). The movie discussed the case of Melissa Lucio, a mother charged with killing her daughter. Melissa was charged with the death penalty and is currently on death row. The movie focuses on the ambiguity of the case and the lack of a concrete story and evidence regarding the crime. The movie was chosen in remembrance of the abolishment of the death penalty in France 40 years ago and focuses on the danger of the death penalty when ones guilt is not fully sure. Environnementon Spa Night Following midterms for 1As and many 2As on Saturday, October 16, Environnementon hosted a spa night at 1A-run student house Gar Hira. Students were able to unwind with face masks and by making their own healthy and sustainable deodorant. La Fabrique Politique: Politiquerie La Fabrique Politique a organisé sa deuxième politiquerie le dimanche 17 octobre. C'était l'occasion fortuite pour échanger idées, réflexions et propositions sur un thème à la couleur chaude, “la cancel culture : une censure bénéfique?” Les participants se sont engagés dans un débat de plus d'une heure, ponctué par deux passionnants et éloquents plaidoyers. Babel Museum The Babel initiative presented the Babel museum: an event to highlight the past trips of the Babel board and researchers on Friday, October 22. The event included the Babel wall, now located in Espace Étudiant, with pictures of these different experiences. Videos showing off the immersive experience of past Babel trips alongside an off-campus MENA bake sale perfectly kicked off the Babel initiative’s cultural events. BDE Halloween Fair As one of the many Halloweekend activities, the Bureau des Élèves held a Fall Festival on the SciencesPo Menton campus on Thursday, October 28. Students were able to play games such as bean bag toss, ring toss, pin the hat on the witch, etc. and partake in activities like pumpkin painting after a few stressful weeks of midterms and projects. SSA: Homesickness The Student Support Alliance hosted an event on homesickness on Thursday, October 7 filled with cozy vibes and autumn treats. The group talked about what it means to be away from home for them, and about the parts of home that they carry with them. October Rose Run (BDS x FU x RacingClub) In a mega-collaboration, the Bureau Des Sports, Feminist Union, and Racing Club brought awareness to the battle against breast cancer on Sunday, October 3. UNICEF On Sunday, October 10, UNICEF held a yoga session on Sablettes to kick off Mental Health Week and help students unwind. The session was led by 2As Lilinaz Hakimi and Daniel Santana.

While we all seek to enjoy the comfort as well as the aesthetic pleasures coffee shops offer us, we seldom stop and think about how the coffee we drink got here, how many people suffered to get it to us and who profited off of our momentary enjoyment. < Back Coffee Shop Vulture? Melissa Çevikel September 30, 2024 As the weather is slowly getting gloomy, many students start to count on coffee shops to foster their get-togethers, study dates and warm feelings. Coffee shops have undoubtedly become an irreplaceable part of most Western individuals’ everyday lives. Before or after class, prior to everyday tasks, when you actually want to drink coffee or when you simply want a part of your day to feel productive; coffee shops are the place to go in order to satisfy these cravings. Renowned British sociologist Anthony Giddens notes that chances are when two people arrange to meet for coffee they are most likely more interested in getting together and conversing than in what they’re drinking. While we all seek to enjoy the comfort as well as the aesthetic pleasures coffee shops offer us, we seldom stop and think about how the coffee we drink got here, how many people suffered to get it to us and who profited off of our momentary enjoyment. Coffee shop culture first emerged in Istanbul, Turkey , in the 16th century. While those coffee shops only served a specific demographic of males of a certain social class, they became popular during the 17th century thanks to their ease and affordability to upkeep. This allowed for the working class to socialize and voice their opinions on a budget in the age of enlightenment. While these coffee shops allowed for many—with the exception of women—to engage in social encounters and enjoy all the freedom these intellectually thriving places had to offer, those sourcing the coffee unfortunately lived under much worse circumstances. Tracing the origins of Turkish coffee—an issue that underscores the longstanding significance of coffee shop culture—reveals that coffee beans were first sourced from Yemen . Though coffee was first found in Kaffa, Ethiopia, it was brought to the coffee shops in Istanbul by the Turkish Ambassador in Yemen who was mesmerized by the drink there. When told this way, the story may seem as an innocent cultural exchange, yet we must not forget that around this time the Ottoman Empire had made the conquest of Egypt , during which Yemen had entered Ottoman domination. Keeping this in mind, we are safe to assume that even at that time, coffee symbolized exploitation and colonialism in vulnerable counties compared to the social and intellectual symbolisms it served in Europe. Nowadays though, if you were to think of the coffee shop you spend most of your time at, you would most likely think of some sort of aesthetically pleasing third generation coffee shop—with a very hard-to-pronounce name—which serves coffee in ceramic mugs a random white woman/hippie couple made in their weekend ceramics class. In reality, another vital type of coffee shops is ignored or simply forgotten: coffee shop chains. Acknowledging that this can easily differ from region to region; from the moment you step down from a plane in any western region, the first thing greeting you after the passport control or the luggage collection point will most likely be a Starbucks. When you leave the airport you will see at least two more (possibly smaller and more localized but still under the same category e.g. Caffe Nero, Gloria Jean’s, Costa Coffee) coffeehouse chains, and if you don’t feel like going to any of them it will only take you a single trip to any shopping mall to be surrounded by tens of them and enter an inescapable loop of becoming their client. At first glance, there is nothing wrong with satisfying your craving for coffee at such cafes. After all, not only are you a single individual who probably does not have much influence on the overall economic scheme surrounding the chain, you’re also just a tired and thirsty person who wants to have a rest with a side of coffee. After you get your Starbucks, you will soon realize that it’s both tasty and accessible—and-in certain areas—even budget friendly! You will no longer want to try out other coffee shops; not only will the dim lights, comfortable couches and business-casual aesthetic of Starbucks suit you well for your meetings, solo study dates and meet ups, they will also serve good and arguably affordable coffee and have an aesthetically pleasing interior. In the early-to-mid 2010s, what made Starbucks appealing to the general public was that it was very recognizable and that its cups and labels created a sense of community and feeling of elitism in middle class citizens. Nowadays, I would disagree with this argument—with the exception of the U.S.—due to the amount of hate Starbucks and its consumers have received because of the company’s indirect economic links to Israel. I find the argument that people are simply too lazy to go out of their way to search for a more ethical coffee shop, which they might like just as much, more likely. Besides the boycott Starbucks is facing following their alleged indirect funding of Israel, Starbucks has also received backlash due to suing a workers union because of their support of Palestine which, in theory, contradicts with their Global Human Rights Statement . Lastly, Starbucks representatives have claimed to have never made any comments in support of Israel in their concerningly short statement , which you may read and choose whether to believe or not for yourself. There are also many incidents, which could be counted as local, surrounding the controversy of the brand, such as their lack of cooperation during the Gezi Park protests in Turkey. While all these are equally important aspects to consider while choosing a coffee shop, the main characteristic of coffee shop culture discussed in this article is related to its production and sourcing. Looking back at the Starbucks example given to illustrate a general image of coffee shop chains, their ethical sourcing policies have been a topic of concern for many consumers and organizations,more specifically about how deceptive they are. Lawsuits have been filed against Strabucks, pointing towards the fact that they source their coffee from coffee farms located in Guatemala, Kenya and Brazil, which are known for their human rights abuse. Moreover, they have actively tried to deprive governments of profit e.g. the government of Ethiopia— the birthplace of coffee—could have provided an extra $88 million (USD) per year to the coffee farmers. All of this information piled up in one place does pose the question: What should I do to ethically live out my aesthetic fall coffee shop dreams? The answer is quite simple: just your research! The information that coffee shop chains have unethical principles at their core—they're called "chains" for a reason—is in no way near revolutionary. Howeverbeing reminded that certain chains are boycotted not because of “cancel-culture” but because of how their actions and decisions actively affect people’s lives can certainly be useful. There shouldn’t have to be a lawsuit for one to choose a small family-owned coffee shop over a multi million dollar coffeehouse chain. And while there are certain arguments against local coffee shops, such as them not serving iced coffees or having very limited seating, this could be seen as an opportunity to engage with the owners and introduce ideas they could consider implementing. So, the next time you’re in search of a great meet up or study spot, try to discover new places and take the risk of possibly not drinking the best coffee of your life. After all, what Anthony Giddens said is more often than not true. Therefore, take your time and get to know the century old stories of your coffee, the coffee shop owners and the farmers who had to give up many things to be able to source it.

La pensée de Gramsci n’a rien d’une abstraite bataille des idées. , Iil s’agit tout au contraire de permettre la réalisation effective de la révolution et de l’émancipation en balisant son parcours. Aujourd’hui, plus que la vieille révolution prolétarienne dont on connaît les dérives possibles—c’est un euphémisme—il faut retenir de Gramsci son souci de préparer le changement radical. < Back Gramsci: la politique est une guerre de position Lubin Parisien April 29, 2025 « C’est l’écrivain communiste italien Gramsci qui écrit: les victoires idéologiques précèdent les victoires électorales » déclare Jean-Marie Le Pen le 1er mai 2007. La nécessité de gagner la bataille des idées est devenue une banalité des commentaires politiques notamment quand il s’agit d’expliquer la prééminence des thèmes de l’extrême-droite pour diffuser son racisme. Antonio Gramsci serait le créateur de cette vulgate des idées. Antonio Gramsci est pourtant un homme politique et un intellectuel qui peut nourrir d’une façon singulièrement plus heureuse la gauche et son projet émancipateur dans un contexte de montée de l’extrême-droite. Antonio Gramsci est un penseur de cette adversité, mais surtout de la stratégie pour changer en profondeur la société. De Turin à Moscou, un communiste original Né à Ales en Sardaigne en 1891, Antonio Gramsci « appartient à une famille de petits fonctionnaires ruinés » rapporte Hugues Portelli dans l’article consacré à Gramsci dans l’encyclopédie Universalis. La révolution russe de 1917 est un tournant pour Gramsci car elle suscite dans toute l’Europe des événements que certains ont cru pouvoir être le prélude de la révolution du prolétariat tant attendue. Dans le Nord industriel de l’Italie—à Turin notamment—commence le Biennio rosso , une période d’instabilité après la Première Guerre mondiale où les mouvements ouvriers s’organisent pour demander des droits, et font des grèves et des occupations pour reprendre le contrôle de la production. A Turin, Gramsci est le grand défenseur des conseils ouvriers et du conseillisme avec son journal Ordine Nuovo , ce qui consiste en la reprise en main de l’appareil de production par les travailleurs qui décident collectivement de l’allocation des fruits du travail sans le corporatisme syndical dont Gramsci se méfiait. Le Parti socialiste italien (PSI) ne soutient pas l’expérience qui échoue à terme et la rupture est consommée en 1921 avec la fondation du Parti communiste italien (PCI ) par Bordiga et Gramsci notamment. Le moment du Biennio rosso est perçu par Antonio Gramsci comme précédant soit la révolution soit un moment réactionnaire particulièrement violent: Gramsci prend très vite conscience du danger du fascisme de Mussolini qui monte auprès des élites désireuses du retour à l’ordre ancien grâce à la violence des chemises noires. De fait, après la Marche sur Rome des fascistes et l’accord entre les élites libérales et Mussolini, le PCI est interdit en 1923 et devient clandestin, les arrestations sont nombreuses et Gramsci est menacé. Il bénéficie du soutien de Moscou malgré des divergences progressives de fond, notamment au vu de la bureaucratisation du régime bolchevique. Arrêté et écroué, Gramsci ne peut que constater avec dégoût le tournant encore plus autoritariste et rigide de l’URSS de Staline—même s’il l’avait soutenu face à Trotsky. C’est en prison qu’il écrit ses Quaderni , ses Cahiers de prison où il fait le bilan du début des années 1920 en en tirant les leçons pour le mouvement communiste. Quatre jours après être sorti de prison, Antonio Gramsci meurt en 1937 suite à ses mauvaises conditions de détention. Le procureur fasciste ayant envoyé Gramsci en prison voulait « empêcher ce cerveau de fonctionner pendant vingt ans » a donné à son insu du temps à Gramsci pour approfondir une pensée qui n’a pas perdu de sa pertinence. Où est l’hégémonie ? L’idée gramscienne la plus connue est sans doute celle d’hégémonie culturelle, mais, c’est sans doute, aussi son idée la plus manipulée par l’extrême-droite. Il ne s’agit pas en effet d’un matraquage idéologique afin d’imposer partout sa ‘conception du monde.’, Ll’hégémonie résulte plutôt d’une guerre politique de position où il s’agit de rendre commun sa ‘conception du monde’ dans tous les lieux et instances de la vie sociale: dans l’entreprise et la politique, mais aussi dans les associations. En effet, la présence en Europe de l’Ouest d’une forte société civile avec ses Églises et ses œuvres de charité nécessite un travail plus patient pour les révolutionnaires occidentaux que pour les Russes. Dans un article du Monde diplomatique , Razmig Keucheyan explique que pour Gramsci, la société civile « détient une part importante de la somme totale du pouvoir, si bien qu’il ne suffit pas de s’emparer de l’Etat. » Pour résumer, les bonnes œuvres, au lieu d’afficher la fausse bienveillance des bourgeois, devraient dénoncer en parallèle de leurs activités les méfaits de ces bourgeois qui rendent la charité nécessaire. Nicolas Truong dans un article du Monde précise bien que l’idée d’hégémonie dans les mouvements communistes recouvrent concrètement et principalement « l’alliance des classes paysannes et ouvrières sous l’égide du prolétariat. » Gramsci a justement beaucoup travaillé sur la question dite méridionale, c’est-à-dire l’inclusion des paysans pauvres du Sud de l’Italie dans la lutte des ouvriers du Nord du pays. Ce n’est donc pas forcément la voie express vers le totalitarisme malgré la connotation du mot hégémonie. L’hégémonie est avant tout un travail de « persua[sion] permanente » où il faut susciter le consentement de la société en faisant émerger un « sens commun » réellement émancipateur. Pour cela, il ne faut pas partir de zéro mais plutôt s’appuyer sur les opinions banales du moment pour les canaliser et en extirper la dimension aliénante. Jean-Claude Zancarini, qui a beaucoup écrit sur Antonio Gramsci, résume l’idée en ces termes « le prolétariat, pour être hégémonique, doit se comporter en classe dirigeante, (qui montre le chemin, la direction à suivre,) et non en classe dominante qui impose ses points de vue. » Ce n’est pas un matraquage, car il y a une exigence de souplesse que doit satisfaire le mouvement révolutionnaire cherchant son succès: il ne faut pas imposer une idéologie préconçue. Gramsci applique cette grille de lecture pour analyser l’échec du Biennio rosso . La situation des capitalistes est chancelante mais les partis communistes et socialistes échouent car, selon Gramsci, ils ont méprisé la spontanéité populaire et ont laissé le mouvement couler entre leurs doigts. En face, la bourgeoisie s’abandonne aux fascistes, c’est-à-dire, toujours selon Gramsci, qu’elle renonce à être la « classe dirigeante » pour rester la « classe dominante » grâce à la propriété des moyens de production. Pour gagner la guerre de position, Mussolini incorpore les ouvriers dans le fascisme dans des corporations et des mouvements de jeunesse; c’est ainsi qu’il avance ses positions et garantit son hégémonie. Il y a quelque chose d’assez autoritaire dans la vision de l’action pré-révolutionnaire de Gramsci dans la mesure où les intellectuels doivent transformer le ‘sens commun’ pour le rendre émancipateur. Gramsci a conscience de ce biais en promouvant un rapport entre ces intellectuels et les ouvriers différent de celui entre le professeur et l’élève, il propose quelque chose de plus horizontal où, selon une comparaison revenant souvent, les intellectuels sont comme Machiavel conseillant le prince qu’est le prolétariat. Dans un entretien accordé à L’Humanité , Jean-Claude Zancarini affirme que « le parti bolchevique [tel que conçu par Gramsci] est un parti de révolutionnaires professionnels. Le parti, selon Gramsci, se situe entre la spontanéité des masses et le travail politique. » Il ne faut donc pas de coupures avec la base et la politique demeure une pratique nourrie par la réflexivité—et non pas une pratique justifiée après coup par une idéologie forcément implacable comme en URSS. Et de fait, c’est seulement dans les geôles de Mussolini que Gramsci se décide enfin à se distancer effectivement du bolchevisme Staliniste. Gramsci n’est pas mort On ne peut pas nier la liberté intellectuelle dont Gramsci a su se saisir face au PSI et même vis-à-vis d’une IIIème Internationale à laquelle il s’est pourtant rallié. Aujourd’hui, la complexité de sa pensée que nous avons effleuré est souvent réduite à une vague conquête—idée en soi problématique et peu gramscienne—du pouvoir par les idées—comme si les idées avaient une force en soi à laquelle Gramsci n’a jamais cru. Pourtant, la gauche, si elle veut être ambitieuse, ferait bien de relire Gramsci sans passer par l’intermédiaire de Jean-Marie Le Pen pour en retenir trois leçons. D’abord, il faut retenir de Gramsci l’idée d’une guerre de position. L, la victoire ne passe par l’acceptation de la tiédeur de la société face à un changement radical et par la modération de son propos mais plutôt par la diffusion de ses idées dans le ‘sens commun,’ en s’appuyant sur les structures en place pour faire ce changement radical. Les soutiens du mouvement #metoo , en manifestant, en communiquant sur les réseaux sociaux ou en utilisant des tribunaux connus pour leur mansuétude face aux délits et crimes sexistes, ont utilisé les méthodes et les canaux déjà existants pour insuffler dans l’espace publique et privé un souffle émancipateur pour les femmes, qui reste certes chancelant face aux attaques réactionnaires. A l’inverse, le naufrage électoral du mandat social-libéral du Président Hollande entre 2012 et 2017 où le PS a courtisé le patronat illustre l’inanité et l’inefficacité d’une volonté de recentrage politique au prix du mépris de la défense des intérêts des travailleurs. La seconde leçon consiste à ne pas délaisser le travail de fond idéologique que doit effectuer une gauche qui se veut ambitieuse, notamment en posant la question du système économique et en réfléchissant aux alternatives. Le travail des intellectuels est conçu par Gramsci comme une condition pour l’élévation des travailleurs et leur transformation en une classe dirigeante—et non pas dominante comme nous l’avons déjà fait remarquer. Le plein exercice de la démocratie par tous les citoyens devrait donc passer avant par ce moment de réflexion sur tous les espaces échappant à cette démocratie, en premier lieu l’entreprise et le travail. Enfin, Antonio Gramsci a une conception « jacobine » du parti qui doit mener la révolution, le parti reste une ‘centrale’ pour coordonner et ordonner tout le mouvement social. Avant de réfléchir à un parti unique pour la gauche, il faut plutôt retenir la nécessité de l’union des gauches dont le NFP est le dernier rejeton. La réflexion gramscienne sur le lien à nouer entre les paysans méridionaux et ouvriers du Nord rappelle la difficulté contemporaine à concrétiser la convergence des luttes en une seule lutte commune. L’unité est le problème majeur dans le parcours de Gramsci, notamment dans le rapport entre intellectuels et ouvriers en évitant que les premiers aient un ascendant sur les seconds. La division artificielle entre le social et le sociétal, ou les élucubrations de Fabien Roussel sur le racisme anti-blanc, menacent ainsi la cohérence du combat politique émancipateur que doit porter la gauche en acceptant le cadrage et le ‘sens commun’ faisant le lit au mieux des libéraux, au pire des vrais racistes. La pensée de Gramsci n’a rien d’une abstraite bataille des idées. , Iil s’agit tout au contraire de permettre la réalisation effective de la révolution et de l’émancipation en balisant son parcours. Aujourd’hui, plus que la vieille révolution prolétarienne dont on connaît les dérives possibles—c’est un euphémisme—il faut retenir de Gramsci son souci de préparer le changement radical. Fa ce aux arcs et autres figures géométriques républicaines, il faut construire concrètement une liberté pour tous, une égalité effective et une fraternité non-négociable et faire avancer partout où on le peut ces boussoles morales et politiques, sans craindre de reprendre la société à ceux qui jouissent de son iniquité et s’inquiètent à juste titre pour leurs positions et leurs privilèges. Photo source: Wikimedia commons

The word ‘desert’ creates an image of desolation and emptiness. These spaces are not empty; there is huge potential for growth, nourishment and vibrancy. It is rather the obstacles of settler colonialism, white supremacy and segregation that stand in the way of food justice. < Back Death by Design: Food Apartheid from Nunavut to Palestine By Huda Javed for Environnementon November 30, 2023 In Nunavut, North Canada, home to the indigenous Inuit communities, 70 percent of homes face severe food insecurity in one of the richest nations in the world. A liter of milk in Nunavut costs over CΑΝ$7 and a handful of fresh vegetables costs almost CΑΝ$40. The few grocery stores scattered across the territory predominantly sell unhealthy and non-nutritious food. The remoteness of the territory requires fresh produce to be flown in due travel restrictions by boat and road. By the time fresh produce makes it to grocery store shelves, it is often expired, sold at extremely inflated prices and situated amongst multiple rows of processed foods that are considerably cheaper and higher in caloric energy. Territories like Nunavut are often referred to as ‘food deserts’ – places where access to affordable, healthy and nutritious food is restricted by social and geographical constraints. The term ‘food swamps’ is often used alongside this to describe areas where highly processed ‘junk’ foods are densely concentrated, namely in low-income urban neighborhoods with majority racialized or minority groups. While these terms certainly recognize the pressing issue of food accessibility and adequacy, they are severely ignorant and passive to the fact that these so-called ‘deserts' and ‘swamps’ are not naturally occurring phenomena, but they have emerged through a discriminatory process and deliberate government policies. Even so, the word ‘desert’ creates an image of desolation and emptiness. These spaces are not empty; there is huge potential for growth, nourishment and vibrancy. It is rather the obstacles of settler colonialism, white supremacy and segregation that stand in the way of food justice. So, food apartheid seems the appropriate term. In the U.S., the majority of farming subsidies go to white farmers. White neighborhoods have at least four times as many grocery stores as African-American neighborhoods. Housing subsidies largely go to rich, white Americans, while ‘redlining’ policies have also restricted mortgage lending to minority homebuyers, preventing those in low-income areas from moving to neighborhoods with adequate access to nutritious food. This has created the knock-on effect of ‘supermarket redlining’ as companies view wealthier neighborhoods as more profitable and safer from crime. As with the spatial segregation of minority and racialized communities in the US, the isolation of the indigenous Inuit communities in Canada is a product of forcible expulsion and land theft. The traditional food systems, environments and ancestral crop lands indigenous communities depended on, were destroyed by settlers. Consequently, native communities were forcibly relocated to isolated reservations, which are currently being impeded upon as well. Offshore oil exploration in the Arctic by major companies, endorsed by the Canadian authorities, threatens marine life. In 2008, seismic testing caused the death of up to 1,000 narwhals . Rising global temperatures due to climate change are also impacting the migration patterns of these marine animals, which the Inuit depend on for food. The Navajo Nation, spanning 17 million acres and the largest reservation in the U.S., has a total of 13 grocery stores, where the average resident has to drive three hours one-way to reach a grocery store that predominantly sells processed and non-nutritious products. The USDA’s Food Distribution Programme on Indian Reservations supplies some food to indigenous communities. However, the products tend to be highly processed and have little nutritional value. Along with the few job opportunities and the rarity of affordable fresh food in indigenous reservations, this leads many to resort to cheap, unhealthy processed foods. It does not stop there. As a result of limited access to healthy and culturally appropriate foods, health issues, in particular type 2 diabetes, are becoming increasingly prevalent in Black, Indigenous and other minority and low-income communities. On top of this, harsh discrimination and negligence within healthcare systems are a regular occurrence for these groups, and as a consequence, they experience higher fatalities and poorer overall well being . Achieving food justice and sovereignty for communities of color is more than simply living near a grocery store, but rather about having agency over their local food systems. Similarly to Black, Indigenous and minority communities in the US and Canada, Israel’s system of apartheid has wholly denied Palestinians their right to food sovereignty. Forced displacement, land expropriation, restrictions on free movement or even access to markets have led to severe food insecurity. The control of 80 percent of West Bank water reserves is one crucial way that Israel enforces food apartheid upon Palestinians. Israeli authorities, between 2012 and 2021, demolished 572 Palestinian water structures in the West Bank. These structures are often small-scale traditional rainwater cisterns and wells. The demolition of an entire water system severely impedes the ability to cultivate land and create a sustainable food system. Other discriminatory policies include requiring Palestinians, under military orders 1015 and 1039 , to be granted permission to plant certain crops like eggplants, tomatoes, and onions. Additionally, Israeli agricultural policies enforce the use of commercial seeds in an effort to erase Palestinian agricultural heritage. The traditional Jadu’i watermelon has been lost due to this. Simply foraging for Palestinian diet staples, such as zaatar, sage and akoub, is punishable by fines and three years in prison . Taxing ‘legal’ requirements and restrictions are piled one on top of the other, not only creating huge economic losses but hindering even basic subsistence agriculture within Palestinian communities. In 2020, Israel rejected 73 percent of farmer permit requests to access their farmland and tend to crops. The crops that are able to grow in spite of all this, as well as the increasingly dry and scorching summers, are often ruined by Israeli military aerial spraying of herbicides . Simultaneously, cheaper, ‘second-class,’ and harmful produce is introduced by Israel into markets across the West Bank, undermining the efforts of Palestinian farmers. In 2020, 72 percent of vegetables sold to Palestinians by Israeli producers were found to contain high levels of harmful pesticides. The Israeli destruction of up to 1 million olive trees since 1967 and the continuous vandalism and theft of harvests defines the nature of food apartheid as the deliberate effort to occupy or erase a people and their cultural heritage, regardless of environmental damage. Israel has even banned the Union of Agricultural Work Committees, which protects traditional Palestinian heirloom seeds that have the potential to increase biodiversity and minimize the environmental impacts of farming. The examples are endless. Food apartheid is one of the most instrumental ways in which the Israeli government has been slowly starving Palestinians. There is no question that this is all by design, from every policy and legal measure to the outright destruction and expropriation of land, it is as deliberate as North America’s utilization of food apartheid against racialized communities. Efforts of localized agroecological organizations among these communities are growing – farmers markets, community gardens and food sharing are autonomizing marginalized populations from their oppressors. However, complete food sovereignty, the right to affordable, fresh and culturally appropriate food for African Americans, the Inuit people, Palestinians, and marginalized communities all over the world, cannot be fully achieved without recognition of their humanity first.

Secularism is a valid outlook and a reality for many 21st century states; however, we often fail to consider the fact that states in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia can have a different perspective on this separation, with different traditions and political systems. This creates the question of what is and what should be the role of religion in the world of politics. < Back Religion and Politics: Always at War By Angeliki Vytogianni October 30, 2021 The topic of religion is always a hot one, fueling debates and conversations both in politics and in individuals’ behavior. For many with European and North American influences, the answer is easy: religion should be 100 percent separate, never involved in domestic politics or international relations. Secularism is a valid outlook and a reality for many 21st century states; however, we often fail to consider the fact that states in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia can have a different perspective on this separation, with different traditions and political systems. This creates the question of what is and what should be the role of religion in the world of politics. Religious extremism and fanaticism around the world have sparked many tragedies throughout the centuries. From the Crusades in the 11th to 13th century, to European wars on religion in the 16th to 18th centuries, to the Indo-Pakistani wars, to the Israeli-Pakistani conflict, to the Sudanese conflict, to Bush’s “war on terror,” religion is a common denominator in almost every conflict, the dividing factor, an urge to extremism and the development of paramilitary groups. We have seen the extent to which terrorist organizations like the Islamic State (ISIS) and Al Qaeda will go in order to fulfill their religious/political aims. We have seen the number of countries divided not because of nationalities, but because of religion, or religious branches, denominations, movements. We’ve seen the damage done by religion-related hostilities. So why are we not abolishing religion completely? Why not ban its involvement in foreign and domestic politics? Separate the Church from the State, should we not? For a historian studying these events, religion seems like the absolute worst subject to include in policy drafting, as it has made the people, the land, and the army suffer in every case it was involved. However, this view is rather ignorant for countries that have religion at the heart of their organization and their identity. Until the era of imperialism, most parts of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia organized themselves into groups according to religion. Religion was the most significant part of their identity and culture. To this day, it plays a much bigger role than the West understands. After the Second World War, the decolonization period brought several changes to most former colonies and/or occupied territories of the Great Powers. To avoid and contain uprisings or conflicts that developed, artificial borders and states were created. A prime example of the West’s treachery and imperialism, the areas were divided according to such preferences rather than the will of the people. Especially because of the Cold War and conflict occurring primarily through proxy, areas of great geopolitical importance such as the Middle East, Africa and Asia (Yemen, Afghanistan, Vietnam, Myanmar in particular) became the tennis courts for a match that never truly mattered to them. In most cases, the borders do not even come close to the pre-existing divisions between ethnic, cultural, and religious distinctions in the area. The political and humanitarian crises, civil wars, and uprisings the world faces today are results of those deep-run divisions. Many conflicts have arisen due to religion-fueled hatred that spiked when distinct groups were forced to co-exist within specific borders. Those who drew the lines between the artificially created states failed to consider the pre-existing conditions in the region and placed power interests above the locals’ right to self-determination. Many groups place religion at the core of their identity and culture, so it is inevitable that it should play a role in politics and international relations. We cannot ban or prohibit something so fundamentally important for these people, nor should we really try to. There is a way to meet in the middle and respect the traditions in every part of the world. It is the only way to hold effective negotiations and resolve the apparent issues. The first papal visit in Iraq, back in March, gives a hint of hope, pushing tolerance, understanding, and inclusion of different cultures. A historic moment for the Christian and Muslim communities, Pope Francis’ visit to the former Islamic State occupied territories should not be a symbol of Christian saviors healing the land and the people, but rather an act of co-operation, a step towards mending the conflict. 2021 also brought the re-establishment of Taliban rule in Afghanistan. An oppressive, authoritarian regime that uses its own interpretation of religious beliefs to persecute women, erase their accomplishments, and forbid their existence. How does the world deal with these violations of rights and freedoms in the name of religion? And how does one find the balance between preventing this oppression of the people but also practicing religious tolerance? Since offensive and aggressive behavior occurs both in the name of religion and in the name of secularization, it is imperative that we work on such issues collectively, and not solely through a Western point view. Only by listening to the people and the countries involved can we reach a point where politics, religion, and different forms of self-determination can peacefully coexist.

Qui sont ces étudiants, et comment leurs actes du 17 novembre 1973 ont-ils acquis une portée profondément démocratique et déterminante pour l’avenir du pays? En quoi ces réponses nous illuminent-elles quant au rapport contemporain de la société et de l’univers politique grecs vis-à-vis des valeurs démocratiques et des mouvements étudiants? < Back « Pain, Éducation, Liberté! » Un Regard Sur Le Soulèvement De Novembre 1973 En Grèce Margarita Kopsia January 31, 2025 Qu’est-ce que, vraiment, résister ? Et quelle signification ce mot acquiert-il en fonction du contexte socio-politique d’où on se place? Si les réponses qu’il est possible d’apporter à cette question sont nombreuses, la position de la Grèce en la matière mérite d’être étudiée. Sujet d’abord sanglant et délicat, le soulèvement de l’université polytechnique d’Athènes du 14 au 17 novembre 1973 est progressivement devenu une commémoration nationale, célébrée chaque 17 novembre. Moment violent, il fut aussi—et demeure—un événement profondément symbolique et porteur d'espoirs; à présent honoré, il est impossible d’en parler sans l’associer à la fin de la dictature militaire qui était au pouvoir depuis le coup d’État du 21 avril 1967. Mais plus qu’emblème de résistance face à cette parenthèse dure et autoritaire pour le pays, agissant en tant que catalyseur du démantèlement de la dictature des colonels, le soulèvement du 17 novembre est aussi celui d’un profond renouveau . Car luttant pour « le pain, » « l’éducation » et « la liberté, » le combat acharné des étudiants a aussi signé l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère démocratique, marquée par une meilleure ouverture politique, ainsi que par un développement plus conforme au respect des droits et libertés de la population grecque. Qui sont ces étudiants, et comment leurs actes du 17 novembre 1973 ont-ils acquis une portée profondément démocratique et déterminante pour l’avenir du pays? En quoi ces réponses nous illuminent-elles quant au rapport contemporain de la société et de l’univers politique grecs vis-à-vis des valeurs démocratiques et des mouvements étudiants? La démocratie, confisquée et asphyxiée En plein cœur de la guerre froide, le contexte politique de la Grèce est extrêmement agité; suite à la victoire des forces royalistes lors de la guerre civile grecque de 1946 à 1949, opposant les dirigeants soutenus par le Royaume-Uni et les États-Unis aux grecs communistes, plusieurs gouvernements instables se succèdent. Les « élections législatives anticipées » qui étaient censées avoir lieu en 1967 sont la conséquence directe de la dissolution parlementaire qui était entraînée par le manque de soutien à M. Canellopoulos, nommé par le roi suite à l’échec des accords législatifs et gouvernementaux passés entre celui-ci et les autres partis majoritaires. L’avenir politique du pays se voit particulièrement menacé par le putsch du 21 avril 1967. Réalisé par trois militaires—les colonels Georges Papadopoulos , Nicolaos Makarezos et le général Stylianos Pattakos—l’épisode est intimement lié à l’appartenance de la Grèce au « bloc de l’Ouest » dans le contexte des alignements géopolitiques de l’époque. Le coup d’État est ainsi réalisé sous prétexte de protéger le pays de la « menace communiste » et afin de préserver l’alliance du pays avec les États-Unis, sachant que la Grèce avait rejoint l’OTAN en 1951. Il faut noter cependant, que la présence de cette « menace » est largement injustifiée, ce que n’ont manqué de préciser de nombreux médias de l’époque, y compris a l’international. Ainsi, Le Monde déclare dans ses publications datant de l’année 1967 que « l’intervention [...] allait au-delà du but invoqué au début, » cherchant notamment à assurer la victoire de la droite malgré l’ascension de l’Union du centre. Pour le journal L’Humanité , il s’agit même d’une « dictature absurde et criminelle qui s’est imposée par peur des élections. » Car sur la période 1967-1973, la vie sociale et politique du pays est « paralysée . » « Rythmée » par l’« enfermement » et la « torture » dont les opposants politiques sont systématiquement victimes, la dimension autoritaire du régime écarte la perspective d’un espace de dialogue ouvert, pluriel et engagé. Parallèlement, l’emploi généralisé de la censure constitue une autre sombre réalité, entravant les libertés d’expression et d’opinion des citoyens. Avec l’arrivée au pouvoir des colonels, « les garanties constitutionnelles des droits de l'Homme sont suspendues, » obstruant toute tentative de critique du régime et interdisant même les « grèves . » Mais si la majorité de la population grecque est poussée à la « passivité » par le régime des colonels, les voix des opposants exilés continuent de retentir et alimentent fortement les animosités populaires envers la junte, ainsi que l’opposition de divers gouvernements de l’étranger. Pour certains exilés, il est même question de « militer contre la junte sur le territoire français » à travers leur implication dans des « réseaux de la résistance, » à l’instar de Melina Mercouri —ancienne ministre de la Culture grecque—et Mikis Théodorakis, célèbre compositeur et futur ministre d’État grec de 1990 à 1992. Étudiants: voix ou moteurs légitimes de la construction démocratique ? Pendant la junte, les étudiants souffrent tout particulièrement. Leur sévère manque de représentation se matérialise tout d’abord à travers « l’ impossibilité » pour les étudiants « d'élire des représentants au sein des institutions universitaires. » Sont mis également en place des « tribunaux de discipline, pouvant expulser tout étudiant ayant des activités jugées non convenables, » tandis que la loi 1347 oblige « au service militaire immédiat » tous ceux qui s’organisent et s’engagent au sein de syndicats. La forte présence syndicale dans l’enseignement supérieur grec fait par ailleurs que, selon un point de vue sociologique, les universités grecques deviennent des « institution[s] sociale[s] » à « caractéristiques politiques. » Bénéficiant d’un « statut symbolique comme espaces de défense des valeurs démocratiques, » cela explique en grande partie par les dynamiques de rassemblement et de politisation des étudiants qui se sont progressivement construites et exacerbées depuis 1973. La vague de manifestations s’opposant à la junte militaire est entamée par les étudiants de la Faculté de Droit d’Athènes le 21 février 1973 , date à laquelle ceux-ci se barricadent à l’intérieur de leur établissement pour appeler à la fin de la dictature. L’insurrection des étudiants de l’école Polytechnique qui survient quelques mois plus tard s’étend jusqu’à d’autres universités telles que celles de Patras ou de Thessalonique, entraînant également de nombreux autres civils désireux de décrier les modalités d’exercice du pouvoir du régime en place. La création d’une station de radio étudiante, adressant « un appel [...] à la population » participe également à la propagation de leur message, tout en cultivant un profond sentiment de solidarité parmi tous ces manifestants. L’occupation de l’université polytechnique elle-même fut aussitôt sévèrement réprimée par l’armée, dont l’intervention consista notamment en l’envoi de chars militaires. Le bilan est celui d’au moins 27 morts et de dizaines de blessés, faisant de cet épisode une véritable « plaie » de l’histoire contemporaine grecque. Son sillage, celui de la ‘ Metapolítefsi ’—soit la transition démocratique grecque qui s’en suivit—rappelle néanmoins les mérites du fervent maintien et de la défense des idéaux démocratiques, notamment au vu des difficultés que ces derniers ont eu à s’imposer et à véritablement former part de la réalité politique et constitutionnelle grecque. Cela ferait-il des étudiants les « garants » de la démocratie en Grèce à l’époque contemporaine, régime ayant su s’extraire de sa trajectoire fragile, tumultueuse et menacée? Les étudiants sont-ils capables de changer le cours de l’histoire? Jour partiellement férié, durant lequel les établissements scolaires restent fermés, le 17 novembre constitue aujourd’hui un moment de « fierté nationale. » Les étudiants ayant participé aux soulèvements de novembre 1973 s’étaient auto-proclamés ‘ Eleftheroi Poliorkimenoi, ’ soit une référence directe à la lutte pour l’indépendance grecque et à l’œuvre de Dionysios Solomos—poète dont émane l’hymne national grec. Sous la plume de nombre de poètes et d’écrivains tels que Pour Yánnis Rítsos—poète et militant du Parti communiste grec, emprisonné pendant la dictature des colonels—les étudiants du 17 novembre deviennent des figures héroïques et inspirantes, portant en elles les fruits et les symboles de la bravoure et de la détermination. À eux seuls, les soulèvements du 17 novembre n’auraient pas entièrement rétabli le sort démocratique du pays, mais il demeure que les efforts des étudiants y ayant pris part aient été des mécanismes déclencheurs de la ‘ Metapolítefsi. ’ Portant avec ardeur et conviction l’ espoir et la promesse démocratiques, le pouvoir qu’a eu la jeunesse à influencer le cours de l’histoire en 1973 reste incontestable.

After a lamented farewell to our beloved Edwige Coffee’s previous owners, students at Sciences Po Menton are rummaging through the city for a new favorite bakery and study spot. Since beginning my first year at Sciences Po, I have always aimed to diversify my go-to study space or occasional pause salée ou sucrée. < Back A Complete Review of Menton Bakeries and Study Spaces By Catarina Vita September 1, 2023 After a lamented farewell to our beloved Edwige Coffee’s previous owners, students at Sciences Po Menton are rummaging through the city for a new favorite bakery and study spot. Since beginning my first year at Sciences Po, I have always aimed to diversify my go-to study space or occasional pause salée ou sucrée. So although the departure of Edwige Coffee owners was one of the most heartbreaking pieces of news in Menton I’ve heard over the previous weeks, I have a few notable croissant alternatives that can hold me up during class, besides other relaxing study spaces that are ideal for desperate S ciences Pistes that cannot focus at their homes or the campus library. This review will analyze affordability, tastiness, location, and overall service. Noailles - 15 Av. Félix Faure When you are in the old town and rushing towards the train station, you usually spot a big, red café with chalkboard menus, but never take the time to give it a try. I tried this bakery and was surprised to find an amazing brunch and study spot. They generously served bagels with fries and fillings such as chicken or salmon, a phenomenal selection of teas (orange is my go-to), and — yes — chai lattes! In a frappé form, Noailles can serve chai cold. Besides bagels, some other lunch options include salads, omelets, poke bowls and club sandwiches, not to mention their array of sweet and savory patisseries. Noailles has a wide space with various tables, and it is often empty with surprisingly fast Wi-Fi, making it an optimal place to study. The prices are relatively high, but in relation to the general Menton price range, I would describe Noailles’ prices as one or two euros above average. However, if you just order a tea and a croissant and spend the entire day at the place, they will not kick you out — speaking from personal experience. Caffè Italiano - 1 Av. Félix Faure Returning from a tedious meeting with Societé Generale in September 2022, I spotted a different coffee shop from the ones I had already seen during my short stay in Menton. I wanted something energizing and cold to revitalize me during the scalding Riviera summer. Originally planning to get a bottled iced tea, I decided to get one of their coffee frappés. Simply one of the best decisions I have ever made in Menton so far. Sadly, their frappés are only available during summer and spring, meaning you can get a frappé again starting April or May 2023. When I returned to get a frappé recently, however, I was unfortunately surprised by the change of taste from September to early April. I would like to assume that it was just bad luck, and the Caffè Italiano still serves the best coffee frappé in Menton. Although Caffè Italiano is spacious, it is consistently full, so I have never tried their Wi-Fi or studied there. I would describe their prices as a little more accessible than other Menton coffee shops and bakeries. Atelier Boulanger - 49 Rue d'Adhémar de Lantagnac Once when I was walking towards U-Express near the train station, I saw two women with Atelier Boulanger bags, exclaiming in between large croissant bites: “c’est la meilleure boulangerie de Menton!” I could not agree more. Home to the best croissant in Menton, Atelier Boulanger never ceases to amaze me. If you ever need a quick lunch by the beach, try to get a hold of their fantastic chicken burgers or wraps with goat cheese. However, what makes Atelier Boulanger different from any place in Menton is their caramel lattes. If you ask for a splash of caramel syrup with your latte, you will be surprised with a Starbucks-level drink without Starbucks-level prices. Besides caramel, there is also the option of Speculoos syrup, but how the caramel harmonizes with the latte macchiato is simply remarkable. If Atelier Boulanger had Wi-Fi and a proper place for studying, be sure that I would be seen there constantly. However, Atelier Boulanger is not the best place to study, given its tight space and few tables. Vanilla Bakery - 3 Av. Félix Faure If my emotional attachment to Atelier Boulanger never existed, Vanilla Bakery would be my favorite boulangerie in Menton. Supplied with an endless array of pastries, from the biggest to smallest croissants you’ve ever seen in Menton, Vanilla Bakery will give you anything to satisfy your cravings. They also have the best-iced coffee I’ve tasted in a while, especially if you ask for a dash of vanilla and a good amount of sugar. The staff is also the kindest I have experienced in Menton, and they will let you enjoy their sofas, tables, and fast Wi-Fi whenever you have to cram for a midterm or finish up a presentation. Il Capriccio - 26 Rue de la République Ideal for a quick lunch or coffee date, but not a study session, Il Capriccio is my go-to place. With amazing outdoor tables and a cozy indoor atmosphere, Il Capriccio is the perfect place to enjoy a 12 Euro carbonara, one of the best, if not the best, of Menton’s restaurants. Their espressos and cappuccinos are well done, and their croissants and pastries complement perfectly. Although their space and food appear ideal for a study session, the staff will ask you to leave if you pull out your computer and eat nothing.

In Palestine, threads carry stories. Each stitch of tatreez — the traditional Palestinian embroidery — embodies memory, identity, and resilience. On a quiet afternoon, an elderly woman sits with fabric in her lap, weaving patterns passed down through generations. < Back Threads of Memory: The Story of Palestinian Tatreez Mariam Mahamid September 28, 2025 In Palestine, threads carry stories. Each stitch of tatreez — the traditional Palestinian embroidery — embodies memory, identity, and resilience. On a quiet afternoon, an elderly woman sits with fabric in her lap, weaving patterns passed down through generations. The colors and motifs are never random; they are symbols of home, heritage, and a history too often silenced. The art of tatreez dates back centuries, rooted in daily life across Palestinian villages. Each region developed its own style: Ramallah with rich red geometric shapes, and Bethlehem with elaborate silk embroidery in deep purples and gold. A woman’s thobe (traditional dress) told her life story: her village, her marital status, and even whether she was expecting a child [Skinner, 2008]. Embroidery was passed down from mother to daughter, ensuring that traditions endured through every generation. Even as modern fabrics and fashions arrived, tatreez remained a cultural anchor, quietly affirming: “This is who we are, and this is where we belong.” Palestinian embroidery forms a visual language. Olive branches symbolize peace and connection to the land; cypress trees represent endurance; birds signal freedom and hope. Colors carry meaning too—red for life and strength, black for resilience, and indigo blue to protect against the evil eye [Kawar & Nasir, 1992]. The stitches themselves vary: cross-stitch dominates, but other techniques like couching and satin stitch also appear in regional dresses [Skinner, 2008]. Motifs were not merely decorative: the fish-eye offered protection, the tree of life stood for continuity, and grapevines symbolized fertility and abundance. These designs, evolving across centuries, became markers of cultural geography and personal identity [Vogelsang-Eastwood, 2010]. More than craft, embroidery was storytelling. Women stitched at weddings, family gatherings, and in the evenings at home, turning fabric into wearable memory. Beyond colors and stitches, tatreez carries meaning through its motifs — a visual lexicon that reflects Palestinian life, beliefs, and environment. Some of the most recognizable patterns include the Tree of Life, symbolizing continuity and rootedness; the Fish Eye, protecting the wearer from envy; the Bunch of Grapes, representing abundance and fertility, especially in Hebron; the Damascus Rose, a mark of beauty and elegance in bridal thobes; and the Moon of Bethlehem, evoking guidance and spirituality. These motifs function not only as decoration but also as cultural memory, weaving personal stories into garments that served as wearable archives of Palestinian identity [Skinner, 2008; Kawar & Nasir, 1992]. Before 1948, embroidery flourished in thriving Palestinian textile centers. Al-Majdal, north of Gaza, was the most important weaving hub, producing fabrics that were exported regionally [Weir, 1989]. Bethlehem became known as the “Paris of Palestinian fashion” for its luxurious couching embroidery and distinctive thobes [Vogelsang-Eastwood, 2010]. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Wikimedia Commons During the late Ottoman and British Mandate periods, European photographers and travelers frequently misrepresented Palestinian dress. Commercial postcards and staged studio photographs circulated widely in Europe, where tatreez was rebranded as an exotic “Oriental costume” rather than a living cultural practice. These images detached embroidery from its social, political, and economic contexts, reinforcing colonial narratives that imagined Palestine as timeless and primitive [Dedman, 2016]. At the same time, European collectors began acquiring Palestinian thobes for museums, treating them as ethnographic curiosities rather than as objects of cultural continuity [Weir, 1989]. Such practices not only distorted the meanings of tatreez but also contributed to its appropriation and decontextualization in the global imagination. Nadar, Wikimedia Commons The Nakba of 1948 disrupted this continuity. Over 700,000 Palestinians were displaced, and many women, now in refugee camps, temporarily set aside embroidery as they assumed new roles to sustain their families. Weaving centers were destroyed, and a generation grew up without learning the craft [Kawar & Nasir, 1992]. Yet by the 1960s, embroidery re-emerged, adapted for survival. Women’s cooperatives, such as INAASH in Lebanon, began training refugee women to produce embroidered dresses, cushions, and wall hangings for income. What had once been a village craft became a national symbol and a lifeline for displaced communities [Kawar & Nasir, 1992]. In refugee camps, tatreez shifted from regional patterns to shared symbols of identity. The Six Branch dress, for example, represented all of Palestine, uniting diverse designs in a single garment. Tiamat, Wikimedia Commons During the First Intifada (1987–1993), embroidery became explicitly political. With the Palestinian flag banned, women stitched its colors and motifs into dresses as subtle but powerful acts of resistance [Dedman, 2021; UNESCO, 2021]. Embroidery had moved from being a regional folk art to a collective expression of national survival. Far from fading, tatreez thrives today. Young Palestinian designers integrate traditional motifs into jackets, handbags, and sneakers, bridging heritage with modern fashion. This revival extends across borders: workshops in Ramallah, Gaza, and refugee camps teach embroidery both as cultural preservation and as economic empowerment. Diaspora initiatives, like Tatreez & Tea in the United States, connect younger generations to their roots [Wafa Ghnaim, 2020]. Social media amplifies this renaissance, sharing tutorials, motifs, and stories with global audiences. What was once a village tradition has become a worldwide movement of heritage and pride. Contemporary motifs even include watermelons—now a symbol of Palestinian resistance—woven alongside ancestral patterns. Mariam Mahamid In recent years, tatreez has also entered the global fashion industry. International brands, including both luxury houses and fast fashion labels, have incorporated Palestinian embroidery motifs into their designs without acknowledgment, sparking debates about cultural appropriation and erasure. For Palestinians, however, contemporary designers consciously reclaim tatreez: figures like Suzy Tamimi, Natalie Tahhan, and labels highlighted in Vogue Arabia reinterpret traditional motifs on modern garments, presenting them not as exotic decoration but as bold declarations of identity. By situating tatreez within both heritage and innovation, these designers challenge the fashion world to respect indigenous cultural knowledge while affirming embroidery as a living practice of resilience [Vogue Arabia, 2020; Museum of the Palestinian People, 2021]. Tatreez is a memory stitched into fabric, a map of Palestine worn on the body, and a testimony of resilience. Each stitch tells a story of women who turned needle and thread into tools of continuity and identity. As many Palestinian grandmothers describe it, tatreez carries the memory of the family and ensures that heritage survives across generations. Bibliography Gillian Vogelsang-Eastwood (2010), Encyclopedia of Embroidery of the Arab World. Margarita Skinner (2008), Palestinian Embroidery Motifs: A Treasury of Stitches 1850–1950. Museum of the Palestinian People (2021), Tatreez and Palestinian Identity. Rachel Dedman (2016), At the Seams: A Political History of Palestinian Embroidery, Palestinian Museum Exhibition Catalogue. Rachel Dedman (2021), Seamstress of Survival: Palestinian Embroidery and Identity. Shelagh Weir (1989), Palestinian Costumes. UNESCO (2021), Art of Embroidery in Palestine – Intangible Cultural Heritage. Vogue Arabia (2020), “Palestinian Designer Using Clothes to Preserve Indigenous Culture.” Wafa Ghnaim (2020), Tatreez & Tea Institute. Widad Kawar & Tania Tamari Nasir (1992), Palestinian Embroidery: Traditional Fallahi Cross-Stitch.

“The streets were paved with jasmine flowers,” recalls Haya, a Syrian refugee, in a UNHCR interview. This poignant image, evoking the former beauty of Damascus, also symbolizes resilience amid Syria’s ruins. The jasmine, blooming despite devastation, reflects the Syrian opposition's endurance—fractured but persistent in its quest for freedom over two decades. As jasmine blossoms through cracks, so does opposition to Assad’s regime, embodying hope amid ongoing struggles. < Back Blooming in Fragments: The Syrian Opposition Camilla Maury for the Centre Étudiant pour la Recherche Stratégique (CERS) December 31, 2024 “The streets were paved with jasmine flowers,” recalls Haya, a Syrian refugee, in a UNHCR interview. This poignant image, evoking the former beauty of Damascus, also symbolizes resilience amid Syria’s ruins. The jasmine, blooming despite devastation, reflects the Syrian opposition's endurance—fractured but persistent in its quest for freedom over two decades. As jasmine blossoms through cracks, so does opposition to Assad’s regime, embodying hope amid ongoing struggles. Syria's geographic significance has long made it a stage for global powers. Regional and international actors like the U.S., Turkey, and Iran vie for influence, making Syria a geopolitical linchpin. This external involvement amplifies domestic turmoil rooted in authoritarian rule, initiated by Hafez Al-Assad in 1970 and perpetuated by his son, Bashar. Opposition movements have risen and fallen under oppressive tactics, yet fragments of resistance endure, striving to reclaim Syria’s future. This analysis explores the evolution of Syria's opposition across three key phases: early movements (1980s–2000s), the Civil War (2011–2016), and the fragmentation that characterized Syria before the recent opposition victory. Part One: Repression Waters The Flowers of War November marks a grim anniversary for Syrians: the start of Assad's hegemony in 1970. Hafez Al-Assad’s regime silenced dissent through mass arrests, torture and extrajudicial killings. By the late 1970s, the Muslim Brotherhood launched armed resistance , including assassinations and urban guerrilla warfare. However, the regime’s brutal responses, culminating in the 1982 Hama Massacre , crushed this movement, leaving tens of thousands dead. Fear and repression stifled significant opposition for decades. In 2000, Bashar Al-Assad’s succession inspired brief hope for reform. Intellectuals initiated the "Damascus Spring," holding forums and publishing manifestos like the “Manifesto of the 99.” Yet, the regime quickly suppressed this movement, arresting activists and silencing dissent. Opposition was pushed into exile , where figures like Radwan Ziadeh advocated internationally for human rights. Despite their efforts, fragmented leadership and limited reach hindered meaningful resistance. Economic hardship compounded repression in the 2010s, with rising unemployment and poverty fueled by drought and inflation. By 2011, inspired by the Arab Spring, Syrians demanded reform. The regime’s violent crackdown transformed peaceful protests into rebellion, plunging Syria into civil war and reshaping the opposition landscape. Part Two: The Blooming The Arab Spring of 2011 ignited new hope for the Syrian opposition. Protestors demanded freedom and reform, but Assad’s violent response escalated into civil war . The Free Syrian Army (FSA), formed by army deserters, became the opposition’s primary armed force, capturing territory and advocating for democracy. At its peak, the FSA controlled significant areas and achieved victories with Turkish support, like the 2016 Operation Euphrates Shield. However, the FSA suffered from fragmentation and inconsistent foreign backing. Divided by regional and international interests, its effectiveness waned. Russian military intervention in 2015, involving extensive airstrikes, decisively shifted power back to Assad, leading to the FSA's retreat and the fall of Aleppo in 2016. Diplomatic efforts also emerged, with the Syrian National Council (SNC) and its successor, the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces, striving to unify opposition factions and gain international recognition. Yet, these efforts faltered due to fragmented leadership and competing foreign agendas, while rivalries among backers like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey weakened coordination, undermining the opposition’s ability to present a united front against Assad. As the war intensified, extremist groups like ISIS and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) gained prominence. ISIS, with its brutal campaigns, drew global attention but eroded the broader opposition’s credibility. In contrast, the SDF, supported by the U.S., gained legitimacy by combating ISIS and advocating for Kurdish autonomy. However, Turkey deems the SDF a terrorist organization due to its ties to the YPG (People’s Protection Units), which forms the backbone of the SDF, and its affiliation with the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party), a group responsible for decades of insurgency within Turkey. This designation, combined with Turkish hostility and the power vacuum left by ISIS, limited the SDF’s ability to challenge Assad directly. Part Three: The Withering Russia’s 2015 intervention in Syria decisively shifted the conflict in Assad’s favor. Framed as counterterrorism, it primarily targeted opposition forces like the Free Syrian Army (FSA) rather than ISIS. Deploying advanced jets, artillery, and personnel, Russia’s focus on opposition strongholds like Idlib escalated violence and ensured Assad’s survival. This intervention deepened Assad’s alliances and sidelined opposition forces. Turkey emerged as a key supporter of the opposition, backing Idlib-based resistance to counter Assad’s forces and protect Turkish interests, including managing refugees and combating Kurdish groups. Operations like “Spring Shield” in 2020 demonstrated Turkish resolve but were undermined by clashes with Russian-backed forces, such as the February 2020 airstrikes that killed 34 Turkish soldiers. Fragmented Turkey-backed militias, operating with conflicting agendas, further complicated Ankara’s efforts. A lack of broader international support critically weakened the opposition. As global priorities shifted and NATO remained disengaged, Turkey and the opposition became increasingly isolated. Forced into uneasy cooperation with Russia, Turkey’s ability to counter Assad diminished. Supported by Russia and Iran, Assad reclaimed most of Syria, reducing the opposition to scattered factions confined to the North and Northeast. The Last Fading Petals: Assad’s Final Days In the war’s aftermath, Assad had consolidated power domestically and achieved key diplomatic victories. The Arab League reinstated Syria in 2023 , and nations like Saudi Arabia and the UAE reopened embassies, prioritizing regional stability over isolating Assad. These developments, spurred by crises like the February 2023 earthquake, bolstered Assad’s legitimacy. A unified force was needed to challenge the regime, but the opposition remained fragmented and weakened. The SDF controlled resource-rich Northern areas but faced internal divisions and Turkish aggression. Turkey’s operations, like “Claw Sword,” and Arab tribal dissent hindered the SDF’s effectiveness. Meanwhile, Idlib’s opposition was dominated by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) , a former al-Qaeda affiliate governing through the Syrian Salvation Government. Although Turkey has been financially supporting and training Syrian rebels since the Civil War and has never directly opposed HTS, the group remains isolated, relying on international aid while combating Assad’s forces, internal factionalism, and challenges to its authority. Both the SDF and HTS were thought to have lacked the resources, unity and international backing to meaningfully challenge Assad. Russian and Iranian alliances, coupled with normalization efforts by Arab states, had marginalized the opposition and entrenched Assad’s power. Conclusion: Hope Among the Ruins Damascus, December 12, 2024: After years of brutal conflict, Syrian rebels have succeeded in overthrowing Bashar al-Assad’s regime, marking a seismic shift in the nation’s modern history. The coalition behind this victory is a diverse mix of factions, from remnants of the Free Syrian Army to Islamist groups and newly formed militias. United only by their shared opposition to Assad’s decades-long rule, they overcame deep divisions to wage a relentless campaign, bolstered by support from regional powers. Despite their triumph, the future of Syria under their governance remains uncertain, since the coalition’s ideological diversity and competing priorities pose challenges to achieving a stable, unified leadership. Moving forward, the international community will likely focus on how these groups navigate governance, rebuild the nation and address pressing issues like reconciliation, security and economic recovery. The world will be watching closely as Syria begins the daunting task of rebuilding, reconciling and forging a new political future.

Sports Recap – December 2022 < Back December Sports Recap By Hugo Lagergren December 31, 2022 World Cup Argentina defeated France on penalties in a thrilling World Cup Final to win its third title and its first since 1986. The match ended 3-3 after 120 minutes and saw Kylian Mbappé, France’s star boy, spearhead two late comebacks by scoring a hattrick. Despite this, Argentina were comfortably in control of much of the game after two early goals from Lionel Messi and Angel Di Maria. The French team, who appeared overwhelmed by the whole occasion, struggled to get into the game during the first half and seemed dazed by an assertive Argentinian performance, a phenomenon which spilled over into the penalty shootout. Millions of Argentines piled onto the streets of Buenos Aires on Monday to celebrate their country’s victory. The Plaza de la Repúblic was a sea of light blue and white euphoria, with people hanging from bus stops and buildings, chanting songs, and generally rejoicing about their national team’s success. Lionel Messi, the most decorated football player in world history, added to his locker the one major trophy that has forever eluded him. After he confirmed before the tournament that the Qatar World Cup would be his final World Cup, much of the world’s attention has been focused on him. Therefore, this feels like a fitting end to his journey with the national team, even though he has since said that he will continue playing for the national team. After the match, President Emmanuel Macron attempted to comfort the French players, who were trying to win back-to-back World Cups for the first time since Brazil in 1958 and 1962. Fans quickly noticed a tense interaction between President Macron and Mbappé, who looked inconsolable. President Macron, a passionate football fan, who rarely misses an opportunity to support the national team, phoned Kylian Mbappé in 2021 when he wanted to leave PSG and helped persuade him to stay in France, at least until this World Cup. Fans and journalists were reminded of this and criticized Macron for instrumentalizing his relationship with Mbappé and the French national team. However, as the World Cup has now come to a close, the world has begun to digest what has undoubtedly been one of the most controversial World Cups since the tournament’s conception in 1930. The controversy started in 2010 when Sepp Blatter, the then-president of FIFA, announced to the world that Qatar had won the right to host the 2022 World Cup. The football world was shell-shocked by this. How could Qatar, one of the smallest sovereign nations in the world, host football’s biggest tournament successfully? Many pointed to the lack of infrastructure and an absence of any footballing culture. Increasingly, people accused FIFA of operating with a lack of transparency. In 2015, the U.S. Department of Justice confirmed many people’s suspicions by indicting 14 top football officials, seven of which worked for FIFA. The accusations, ranging from bribery and fraud to money laundering, stated that these officials were involved in several deals to influence media and marketing rights for FIFA games and the bidding processes concerning international tournaments, such as the World Cup. This triggered a cascade of criminal investigations into FIFA, notably into FIFA’s then-president, Sepp Blatter, and his relationship with Michel Platini, a favorite to replace him. Both resigned and have been involved in criminal proceedings until recently. Perhaps more importantly, Qatar has been the subject of much criticism regarding its human rights record. As the tournament approached, public attention shifted away from FIFA’s corruption issues, instead focusing on the treatment of migrant workers in Qatar, most of whom have been working on World Cup-related projects since 2010. Qatari officials have largely denied accusations of mistreatment. However, in an interview with Piers Morgan last month, the secretary-general of Qatar’s Supreme Committee for Delivery and Legacy, Hassan al-Thawadi, admitted that the number of migrant worker deaths relating to World Cup projects is “between 400 and 500”. Qatar has since disputed this figure. Notwithstanding this higher-than-usual estimate from a Qatari official, the truth appears even more damning. In February of 2021, The Guardian revealed that around 6,500 migrant workers have died since Qatar was awarded the World Cup in 2010. Thousands of families of the deceased migrant workers await compensation from FIFA and Qatar to no avail. The World Cup in Qatar has also been the costliest in terms of its carbon footprint. Despite the tournament being played in the winter, Qatar fitted each open-air stadium with industrial-scale air conditioning. Many concerns were also raised regarding Qatar’s criminalization of homosexuality. Initially, the England team said they would wear the rainbow ‘One Love’ armband in support of the LGBTQ+ community. FIFA, arguing that it disrespected local customs, strong-armed the England squad, among others, into dropping any forms of public support. Football has always prided itself on being a game of equality and inclusion. Together, FIFA and Qatar have obliterated this. And yet, not only are they walking away relatively unscathed, they appear all the richer for it. Qatar got its time in the spotlight, highlighting its desire to be considered a major global player and FIFA raked in over $7bn in revenue since the previous World Cup. Argentina may have won the football, but the real winners of the 2022 World Cup are Qatar and FIFA. While Qatar 2022 may have been the costliest, most bloodstained and environmentally unfriendly World Cup in history, there is no sign that change is on the horizon. It is part of a worrying trend of sports washing, which fans are becoming increasingly numb to. Countries such as China and Saudi Arabia, where authoritarianism runs unchecked and human rights are neglected, are being considered candidates for future World Cups. Is there a point where fans and politicians finally decide that enough is enough and FIFA cannot be allowed to parade itself above the moral duties of all citizens to stand for human rights? After all, no amount of lives lost is justified by the thrill of watching Lionel Messi’s Argentina take on Mbappé’s France, however spectacular they might be. Or is the twisted money-making spectacle that is FIFA destined to continue flouting questions of morality and decency in the name of football? Regardless of what the future looks like for football’s governing body, there is no doubt that despite the gripping nature of the football, which saw an unlikely Moroccan success story unfold and highlighted the dwindling presence of heavyweights Belgium and Germany in world football, Qatar 2022 leaves a bitter taste in one’s mouth when we consider the cost of this World Cup. Boxing Tyson Fury, 34, retained his WBC world heavyweight title by stopping Derek Chisora, 38, in the 10th round of their fight via TKO. Despite Fury coming out of retirement to fight Chisora, there was little doubt among pundits and enthusiasts that Fury would prove too difficult a challenge for Chisora, who has lost four of his last five fights. Indeed, the mismatch was clear from the outset as Fury dominated his opponent until the referee stopped the fight, as Chisora was visibly hurt. Fury’s victory sets up a potential undisputed heavyweight bout against undefeated Ukrainian fighter Oleksandr Usyk, the current WBA, IBF, WBO & IBO champion. Rugby Union England Rugby sacked coach Eddie Jones only three months before the beginning of the Six Nations tournament. England will be looking to improve their record in the tournament, which has seen them finish fifth and third in the past two years. France has continued to put on a solid display with wins over Japan and South Africa, seeing them finish 2022 unbeaten. In February of 2023, they will be looking to defend their Six Nations title.

“Eats with Angela” has always revolved around the joys of food. However, I would be a hypocrite if I did not address the underbelly of this subject. < Back Eats With Angela: The Struggle to Celebrate Food By Angela Saab Saade January 31, 2023 “Eats with Angela” has always revolved around the joys of food. However, I would be a hypocrite if I did not address what is often masked regarding this subject. Kindly note that this article may be triggering for some readers; it unpacks heavy — albeit necessary — topics, namely unhealthy relationships with food and body image, diet culture, social media and mental health. Long ago, I came across an advertisement on social media that championed a weight loss diet for the purpose of “looking beautiful” and “being happy.” It was unsurprising, as similar publicities constantly surround me, whether on social media or billboards, in Lebanon or in Europe. Body shaming and the pressure to look a certain way is certainly in the air, and it is suffocating. My first instinct was to click on the ad and read through its content. Little did I know that I neither had to lose weight to look beautiful nor follow advice from a patriarchal capitalist market that makes millions of dollars at the expense of my ability to walk out of my home feeling comfortable in my own skin. Although this is only my personal experience, this scenario is not novel to the general public, especially not to the young female demographic. While wanting to lose weight or have our bodies look a particular way is not inherently negative, the means by which we choose to do so and the intentions of our doing are worth noting. Recent studies have shown that the eating disorder epidemic has been the second leading cause of deaths in the U.S. after opioid overdoses — one death every fifty-two minutes . Furthermore, according to Johns Hopkins research, 95 percent of people with eating disorders are between the ages of twelve and twenty-five. Unfortunately, the Covid-19 pandemic has exacerbated these figures and data is significantly lacking in most parts of the rest of the world. Furthermore, social media and its toxic editing tools to manipulate one's physical appearance have helped foster unrealistic beauty standards, which much of the world has fallen victim to internalizing. This outcome is facilitated by the dominance of capitalism and widespread technology. Yet, some have attempted to re-instrumentalize social media in order to counter negative trends and re-conceptualize previous norms; for instance, the body positivity movement. Nonetheless, the overwhelming number and variety of advertisements revolving around body image, amongst other standards of beauty, reaffirm the wealth-oriented use of technology and vanquish our optimistic outlook. Though, beauty standards and the normalization of body shaming differ across cultures. Specialists agree that “culture plays a significant role” in developing eating disorders, despite the precise reasons remaining unknown. For instance, in the Middle East and North Africa, little is known of eating disorders and myths are generally the dominant knowledge base; even worse, the region lacks resources for treatment. It has been stated that in the Arab World, the " thin ideal and the prevalence of obesity " have encouraged more eating disorder symptoms among the general public. Notwithstanding, the region has made recognizable progress in the provision of resources to help understand and deal with eating disorders. For instance, the Middle East Eating Disorder Association was established in 2009 to debunk societal myths and provide support for those struggling. Recoverly Ever After is another organization that is based in Beirut, Lebanon and provides clinical-based therapy and a free questionnaire to help identify whether or not you may have an eating disorder. In addition, a number of reports and articles have been published pertaining to the topic. More broadly, on social media, Instagram accounts such as those of Dana Mercer Ricci and Nuras Recovery discuss their own journeys towards defeating their eating disorders, while Djemila Roukos and Colleen Intuitive Eating Dietitian provide psychological and science-based knowledge to educate their audiences. Moreover, it is inevitable that when we go back home for the holidays, family members, friends and even strangers may comment on the way we look, especially when our physical appearance has changed. Our opportunity to catch a break may be transformed into a period of overwhelming stress, fear and anxiety. Such feedback is often offered by loved ones who do not intend to harm us. Nonetheless, the comment itself may trigger unfavorable emotions, thoughts and behaviors. In such moments, it is important to take a step back and pull yourself out of the situation in order to recall that those who judge you often feel insecure themselves and have been victims of judgment and invalidation in some way or another. Therefore, as we share the glee of eating, cooking and celebrating love through food, it is essential to remember that some may be struggling to celebrate with us. It is with this token that I hope we may be kind to one another and avoid unnecessary comments and judgments that hurt more than heal. And, if you are indeed struggling to celebrate, I hope you find the courage to reach out to someone, whether a friend, a colleague, someone you trust or a specialist, because you deserve to be nourished, to savor the art of food.

As everything is slowly becoming 15% off for Valentine’s Day, and everyone seems to be in a rush to buy matching socks with their partner, it’s important to look back and reflect on how this affects our perceptions of love overall. Love, in all its forms, can be cherished without engaging in its distorted, capitalized forms and by remembering we are a part of a community that can grow stronger if we stop associating love with discounts and advertisements. < Back Love in the Time of Consumerism Melissa Çevikel February 28, 2025 Heart-shaped EVERYTHING, red, pink and white dominating the isles and “Galentine's Day” wine-tasting workshops for middle-aged white women. It's the season of Valentine's Day sales, advertisements and the ‘10 best things to buy your partner for Valentine’s Day’ videos flooding social media timelines. Whether you’re in a relationship or not, industries have been waiting for February to come around to be able to profit off of either your love for your partner or the dreadful loneliness you might be feeling against their absence. It’s assumed that Valentine's Day was originally celebrated as the Roman festival Lupercalia, held to celebrate the coming of spring. Though the theme doesn’t necessarily align with what we know as the holiday today, it included matchmaking for men and women —though this celebration was banned by the end of the fifth century. The day gets its name from one of the several priests and martyrs named Valentine, the exact identity of whom no one is quite sure about. According to the legend, the day is associated with love because St. Valentine went against the emperor's orders and wed couples to help the husbands escape war. Declarations of love on Valentine’s Day used to consist of valentines themselves, which are greeting cards that contain words of affection towards one's Valentine— the loved one with whom one chose to spend Valentine's Day. While during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the commercial aspect of Valentine's Day was limited to the Valentine cards, the 21st century offers a much larger consumerist approach to the holiday. This raises the question: how does this consumerist shift affect our attitudes toward love? In her book “All About Love: New Visions”, the author, theorist, professor and activist Bell Hooks wrote: “Consumer culture, in particular, encourages lies. Advertising is one of the cultural mediums that has the most sanctioned lying. Keeping people in a constant state of lack, in perpetual desire, strengthens the marketplace economy. Lovelessness is a boon to consumerism.” In a market economy, we are meant to be able to get exactly what we want and have access to products as niche as we desire them to be. This, in turn, feeds the hyper-individualism that has been brewing since the late 20th century and extends our overconsumption. During Valentine’s Day, one has access to any product they desire— with a side of red packaging and hearts for 10% more of the price. As Hooks explained, since we are kept in a “constant state of lack, in perpetual desire” by large corporations, we expect those we love to feed us our material needs during holidays, birthdays and especially Valentine's Day. Think about the number of stuffed animals purchased each year on Valentine’s Day. They aren’t bought because they’re believed to be one's partner's favorite animal or because they hold any sentimental value, but solely out of the traditionalness of this gift. In no way does this mean that the gift is not valuable, but it does highlight how it’s driven by consumerist culture rather than love itself. Through this, we can make a broader observation that the desire to celebrate Valentine's Day in such a way is also driven by consumerist culture rather than a warm and fuzzy feeling. Undeniably, a relatively new yet striking force in our interpretation of love has become technology and social media. Dating apps like Hinge now have paid-for premium options, and such options are targeted toward those who are “shy and afraid to make the first move”. This essentially materializes one's accessibility to “love” or to the opportunity to meet someone with whom you can bond on any level. But what is wrong with meeting a partner in college, at work or bumping into each other on the street the Carrie Bradshaw way? Are these environments not as safe as they were before, back when most older people had stories of meeting as such or of being set up by friends? And is the situation so critical that we’re willing to pay up to $49.99 monthly? Technology and love are also more and more interconnected in mainstream media. Most books that have romantic plot lines —especially young adult (YA) romance books— offer conversation scenes via texts or emails. Sally Rooney's books are especially rich in this sense since they all feature very long email conversations and declarations of love. While in a sense this keeps the books realistic and relevant, YA romance books take this to a completely other level offering storytelling solely through text conversation screenshots. Not only does this raise the question of privacy, but also sets the standard for previously fabricated conversations rather than spontaneous interactions. With technology, and especially texting, becoming the biggest means of communication while getting to know someone or while in a situationship, it has become easier to be deceived by someone’s “online” personality. A good example of this deception can be seen in the book “The Idiot” by Elif Batuman. The story is set in the mid-90s at the very beginning of the rise of email culture at Harvard. The main character, Selin, feels awkward talking to her love interest so ends up sending him very long philosophical emails and they talk in a prolonged email stream. Finally, when Selin confesses her love to Ivan via email, he replies by saying that he is in love with her emails and not her. It’s much easier to come up with intelligent things to say and topics of conversation when one has time to formulate responses, and now more than ever— with attention spans drastically minimizing— being able to converse spontaneously is a highly valued skill. Another newly emerging “genre” of media concerned with love is self-help books and online personalities. The most famous example of this would be Dolly Alderton’s book “Everything I Know About Love.” While originally published in 2018, this book became very popular on social media after 2020 for being “life-changing” and helping many change their outlook on love. The book tells the story of the author’s coming of age and how both her romantic and platonic relationships changed as she grew into her 30s. While many of the themes previously covered in this article are mentioned, the author mainly emphasizes the role of her friendships in finding love both for herself and others. A notable—and viral—quote from the book is “Nearly everything I know about love, I've learnt from my long-term friendships with women.” While we all grow from our mistakes, someone you love getting hurt is a much stronger learning experience. It’s not as easy to notice the faults in a relationship you’re very invested in and are trying to make work as observing these as a third person. Being hurt firsthand will make it more difficult for one to trust someone again, whereas seeing someone getting hurt will teach one to look out for red flags. This isn’t the only dimension of Alderton’s quote, but it also underlines the importance of the platonic love bonds we create with our friends in understanding how to love and what it means to be loved. On the contrary, the famous self-help YouTuber Thewizzardliz argues otherwise. Her take on love— and generally on becoming successful in any other situation— focuses on hyperindividualism. One of her most famous preachings is “You don’t owe anyone anything,” including kindness or respect. This is very different from Bell Hooks’ outlook on life, where she instead preaches that complete forgiveness and openness can be the only ways of fully being invested in love. While noting that there is a time gap of more than 20 years between the two, both highlight how alienated we are progressively becoming from our communities. Both ideas are on the extremes, with Bell Hooks urging people to forgive their abusers to feel “true love” and Thewizardliz urging people to be self-absorbed and borderline rude. However, a middle ground could be the strong bond with a certain group of people which allows one to be both a part of a safe community and to not be a victim of narcissism, as Alderton discusses. As everything is slowly becoming 15% off for Valentine’s Day, and everyone seems to be in a rush to buy matching socks with their partner, it’s important to look back and reflect on how this affects our perceptions of love overall. As technology is now almost completely interlocked with our love lives, and we’re constantly being encouraged to be more hyper-individualistic and consume more, it’s difficult to take a moment and focus on what actually is meant to be celebrated. Valentine’s Day doesn’t have to be a day for exchanging gifts or being sad over the fact that there’s no one with whom you can participate in this overconsumption crisis. Love, in all its forms, can be cherished without engaging in its distorted, capitalized forms and by remembering we are a part of a community that can grow stronger if we stop associating love with discounts and advertisements. Photo credits: Magnus Hagdorn, 2020

How long will I continue to do what is right and feel like I am losing? When will it be my turn to be acknowledged for my sacrifices? When will people truly see the reasons behind my actions? Is it worth it to always be the "bigger person"? < Back I Only Have Two Cheeks: Is it Worth it to be the Bigger Person? By Rosie Betrosian March 30, 2024 How long will I continue to do what is right and feel like I am losing? When will it be my turn to be acknowledged for my sacrifices? When will people truly see the reasons behind my actions? Is it worth it to always be the "bigger person"? Talking to my friend on our designated FaceTime call, she expressed how draining it is to do the right things that still feel wrong. As I tried to convince her that being the bigger person is worth it, in the end, I started questioning my own beliefs. So I had to ask around – 9 Sciences Po students were prompted with this question engaging in a debate with no foreseeable end. What does it mean to be the bigger person? Being the bigger person is undeniably difficult. Its definition varies—some see it as a dedication to friendship, others as a testament to maturity, and a few as a commitment to honesty and truth. Many associate ‘the bigger person’ with traits such as setting aside their ego, knowing when to let things slide, and being willing to resolve conflicts even when they are in the right. It involves the ability to compromise to prevent situations from escalating. For some, it embodies maturity and the capacity to evaluate situations, people, and culture. Is the bigger person someone who dislikes conflict? If so, are they still the bigger person? Some believe that "the bigger person tends to isolate themselves." Suggesting that aversion to conflict is a common trait among ‘bigger people.’ They often seek to minimize disagreements, viewing them as arduous and futile. However, this raises the question of whether this behavior is driven by self-interest. Can we differentiate between those who avoid conflict for egotistical reasons and those who embody the bigger person? We can't distinguish between the two, but some participants argued that the bigger person is comfortable with conflict and expressing themselves. According to the same perspective, the bigger person would initiate a disagreement to express what is ‘right.’ However, this leads to a never-ending loop: is it justifiable to initiate conflict on the basis of right or wrong? This way of thinking is subject to a binary view of arguments, where one is right and the other wrong. In this case, isn’t it better to ‘swallow one’s truth? What if being the bigger person means allowing most things to slide... I questioned whether the bigger person is someone who will let things slide, most disagreed, viewing this behavior as passive or ineffective in achieving resolution. But how does one find the confidence to assert themselves when they feel they are right and thereby initiate conflict? The decision to engage in conflict doesn't emanate from the certainty of being right; rather, it often reflects a sense of being "stuck" in an argument, conflict, or situation. Thus, the optimal choice may be to express one's thoughts. Is being the bigger person akin to "turning the other cheek"? To "turn the other cheek" is to respond to an insult without retaliation, displaying a sense of moral and mental superiority. The adage advises individuals not to retaliate against those who have wronged them. But why adopt such a passive stance? Why welcome insults and endure pain? Participants in the discussion contested the notion that being the bigger person equates to turning the other cheek, arguing that this method generates an "identified victim." Is the bigger person the victim? “People do not always perceive the bigger person as a victim, believing that they always have the capacity to choose.” Being the bigger person can provide a sense of rectitude and moral superiority. Participants in discussions argued that the bigger person often opts for moral superiority to achieve personal satisfaction, wanting to confirm within themselves that they acted in accordance with their values. However, isn't this a trap? Often, being the bigger person becomes an assigned role within a group dynamic. So, can one escape this role once it has been assumed? Participants noted the difficulty in rejecting this role and even referred to the bigger person as being a personality trait. “It's just the way I am,” remarked one participant, also sharing that she is known as someone who avoids conflict. If being the bigger person is seen as a personality trait, how can we ensure that we do not compromise in academic and professional settings? Depending on the person, “the bigger person” changes its form. Some avoid conflict at any cost, and some initiate it to express truth. In this sense, the bigger person cannot be defined, making one ponder if this phrase is even relevant if it can be denoted with every behavior? I would like to thank everyone who participated and shared their insights. Special thanks to Sophie, Yeva, Saskia, Chaya, Isabella, Izzy, Eleana, Luna, and Manoah.