Australia is a nation in which the interrelationship between the people and our Naval forces has come to play a pivotal role in shaping national identity. < Back Our Military Are Our Mates! By Lucy Lönnqvist for Sciences Defense December 31, 2023 Australia is a nation in which the interrelationship between the people and our Naval forces has come to play a pivotal role in shaping national identity. Australians hold an inexplicable appreciation for our island continent's safety and good fortune, guarded by the devoted efforts of our naval and maritime powers, the Royal Australian Navy (RAN). On the surface level, the RAN is known by Australians for its defense of civil liberties and national sovereignty against external threats. In another vein however, a more fundamental yet subtle duty of the Navy that often lies unspoken, pertains to its role in fostering a strong sense of harmony, trust, and connectivity within the social fabric of all residents who call Australian soil home. It is this latter principle which the essence of this article will focus on, in order to demonstrate precisely why Australians call the military our mates. The nature of Australia’s coastal geography positions the naval and maritime at the nexus of the country’s defense strategy. While Australia has come to be founded in the archetype of the ‘ Lucky Country ’ and ‘ Land of the Fair-Go, ’ through an examination of the military forces’ relationship with the Australian community, the answers as to why Australia has come to be characterized by these legends and how our naval powers have perpetually assured the prosperity and support of Australian people, are revealed. Australia’s reputation as a land of safety and abundance is by no means the product of a draw of luck, rather, these norms have been sowed into the attitudes of trust and reciprocity between Australian society and the Navy as a respected institution. This deeply rooted trust has perpetuated since the Royal Australian Navy was first titled in 1911, and today has proven difficult to invalidate through experience. As a liberal-democratic island situated in a region of growing momentum for military attention, the capacity of the country’s Naval powers to protect its people is a question occupying political agendas. Australians today are vesting their trust in the country’s naval and maritime powers as a politically neutral institution they believe will continue to safeguard the security of the land we seek to reconcile and the prosperity of living standards we relish in. Trust is an essential component of any sustainable relationship between a nation’s military power and the society at large. Arguably, much of the conflict in the world today can be explained by the lack of mutual confidence between the society and its governing authority, with the military serving as the third-party mechanism for social control bridging between. Thomas Hobbes sheds light on this arrangement in his solution to the dilemmas of collective action in saying “ If both parties concede to the Leviathan, their reward is the mutual confidence necessary to life .” That is to say that the naval forces of Australia acting as the third-party enforcement allows the state and its citizens to trust one another. In the absence of trust, there can be no guarantee over a population’s security, nor hope for prosperity of the nation; thus, the society would effectively be reduced to a state of lawlessness and self-interest, opening the gates for tensions to boil and even a breakout of a civil war. There is a psychological component to the legitimacy of trust in a nation’s defense powers. For Australia as a seaborne nation, trust towards our sea powers have a greater grip in the minds of Australians than other military branches, as we depend on the good order at sea to secure trade and maritime resources as well as uphold the territorial integrity of our state and homes. Unlike most global powers across the world, Australian society is fortunate to have fostered a relationship of reciprocal trust towards the heroism of our naval servicemen. It is not often Australians look towards our maritime powers in fear, but instead view the body as a kind of moral sage, a guardian for the protection and wellbeing of our community, one that allows Australians to thrive in a state of amity and non-violence. There are several reasons for this, including the important pillar of neutrality of the RAN. The Royal Australian Navy operates substantially removed from the whimsical affairs of day-to-day politics, acting as a somewhat invisible power in the minds of many Australians who often aren’t reminded of the gravity of its value in underpinning the harmonious culture of our daily lives. The invisibility of the RAN in this sense is productive, as the actions of a state’s military service should not occupy space in the minds of civilians, but instead operate in the background of the state. Many Australians appear unaware of the extent to which the service of our naval powers reinforce the prosperity of our day to day lives because Australians have largely flourished in an environment of peace and liberty since the inception of the RAN. This is not to say the country is without inequality or flaw, rather to highlight that our land has not been threatened by foreign powers for as long as our national naval and maritime services have operated. In recent years, the Royal Australian Navy has stepped into the vision of the Australian public during times of national emergency. A particular example to illustrate is the evacuation of Mallacoota in Operation Bushfire Assist 2019-2020 whereby the Navy conducted itself with sincere compassion and open communication with evacuees. This demeanor ensured that people felt accommodated and safe onboard, no doubt reinforcing internalized norms of trust towards RAN as an institution among the Australian public. This example proves the RAN is more than a purely militant institution; it is a public good serving to cultivate a communal culture of trust and mateship to be shared evenly by Australian people. The security and prosperity enjoyed by all Australians as a courtesy of our naval efforts are not the private property of any person, but the communal gift to the entire nation. While the actions of the RAN may not be expressly seen by Australians in their daily lives, the equal opportunity to join the Navy is accessible to all citizens. Australia employs a policy of optional military service as opposed to one of national service, testament to the working environment of the Navy as an attractive institution of community and trust whereby Australians elect to enter on their own accord as opposed to serving by compulsion. It is the nature of voluntary subscription to the Navy that enhances its capacity to better guarantee the security and prosperity of Australian people because the risk of betrayal or defection is lessened. The achievement of Operation Tonga Assist 2022 illustrates how Australia’s policy of voluntary inscription promotes efficiency in the work ethic of naval personnel, allowing the RAN to respond to crises with seamless coordination. The navy was able to deliver 417 tons of equipment and relief supplies, conduct reconnaissance operations and assist with damage assessment following the undersea volcanic eruption and subsequent tsunami. This operation serves to prove that a fleet in which sailors consciously choose to serve in, is able to accomplish more than a comparable group lacking trustworthiness between members thereby enhancing the success of the fleet in guaranteeing the island’s security. The relationship of reciprocal trust between the people of Australia and the RAN is a matter of attitudes, behaviors, and feelings. An inextricably difficult phenomenon for countries abroad to engrain between their citizens and military institutions because it cannot simply be uplifted and transplanted into another context. Rather, it must be bred overtime. Building reciprocal trust is not easy, and this trust is so finely thread within behaviors, attitudes and national institutions that it can be difficult to identify and eulogize as a nation. Recognizing it, however, allows us to see ordinary Australia in intimate detail, drawing on a seemingly limitless depth of commitment towards each other which binds our sense of safety and mateship for eternity. The Royal Australian Navy champions representations of Australian national identity by upholding the country’s security and prosperity which is presented as attainable for everyday Australians.

The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. < Back Renewal of the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding Rose Harrill December 5, 2025 On Nov. 2, the 2017 Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding on migration cooperation automatically renewed for three more years, despite heavy pushback from various human rights organizations. The agreement is between the Italian government and the United Nations (U.N.)-backed Libyan Government of National Unity (GNU), one of two rival authorities competing for control of the country. It is sponsored by the European Union (E.U.) and aims to strengthen Europe’s borders by preventing the arrival of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers via the Mediterranean Sea. The memorandum requires Italy and the E.U. to provide technical and financial support to Libya in order to strengthen its Coast Guard; in return, the Libyan Coast Guard must intercept anyone embarking on trips across the Mediterranean Sea to prevent them from reaching Europe. In practice, the memorandum has disastrous effects for migrants, refugees and asylum seekers attempting to cross the Mediterranean. The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. Migrants detained and brought to Libya face blatant human rights violations and horrifying conditions in detention centers for indefinite periods of time. The centers are often controlled and managed by unaccountable local non-state actors and armed militia groups, making them almost impossible to effectively monitor. In these centers, migrants are often arbitrarily detained , exploited, abused and even tortured to the point of death. Migrants can face dehumanizing treatment, sexual and physical violence, and forced labor. The living conditions in these detention centers are also extremely degrading. Often overcrowded, migrants are packed into tiny spaces, deprived of food and water, denied access to medical care, as well as the right to legal counsel. Despite clear evidence of the disturbing abuse faced by migrants and inhumane conditions in these detention centers, the E.U. and Italy continue to support the Libyan Coast Guard in its efforts to detain migrants. The E.U. and Italy have both provided the Libyan Coast Guard with millions of euros dedicated to migration control since 2015, along with vessels and aerial surveillance used across the E.U. border. This mistreatment of migrants explicitly violates international human rights law. Although Libya is the state directly committing these atrocities, Italy is complicit and should also be held accountable. According to the International Law Commission and its Draft Articles on State Responsibility, Italy is responsible for Libya’s maritime seizures and human rights violations in detention centers, as Italy “ aids or assists” Libya in committing these crimes. Under the 1976 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Libya violates Articles 6 and 7, which prohibit subjecting any person to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Article 2 in the 1987 Convention against Torture and Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights also forbid the practice of torture, meaning that Libya infringes upon these statutes as well. Furthermore, Libya breaches Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court which defines rape, forced prostitution, sexual slavery, forced sterilization, or other acts of sexual violence of that nature, as crimes against humanity. The U.N. has found evidence of collusion between the Libyan Coast Guard and trafficking networks. Thereby demonstrating that Libyan state forces and armed militias have likely committed crimes against humanity including sexual slavery and rape against the migrants brought to Libya. Libya also violates the Common European Asylum System, which establishes guidelines on the proper procedure for processing asylum seekers and ensures their personal rights are protected, as the Coast Guard is intercepting people at sea and returning them without following the correct processing measures. While not perpetrating these crimes or transgressing these international human rights laws directly, Italy can be held accountable for Libya’s illegal actions in the Mediterranean because of its financial backing of the Libyan Coast Guard. The horrific abuses and violations of human rights by the Italian and Libyan governments have received backlash from various human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch has called for the end of the memorandum between Italy and Libya. Judith Sunderland, associate Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch, declared that Italy’s “continued support for abusive, unaccountable forces in Libya is indefensible” and called for the E.U. to stop “financing and legitimizing violence against migrants” and to “fundamentally reorient its Mediterranean policies to prioritize rescue at sea and safe and legal pathways for migration.” The human rights organization “Refugees in Libya,” founded by migrants who survived abuse in detention centers in Libya, is also mobilizing against the memorandum. They have requested that the E.U. suspend all migration cooperation with Libya. Despite worldwide condemnation, Italy and the E.U. continue to ignore these blatant human rights violations committed by Libya in the Mediterranean. When asked about their continued support for the Libyan Coast Guard, the European Commission insisted that it would continue to aid and assist the Libyan authorities. This was after an incident on Aug. 24 where a Libyan Coast Guard patrol boat opened fire on an SOS Mediterranee rescue ship. They claimed that “to improve the situation, we need to remain engaged.” The E.U. and Italy consistently choose to protect their own interests in securing their borders by providing Libya with more funding, vessels and aerial surveillance, rather than prioritizing the protection and safety of people whose biggest crime is seeking a better life abroad. Libya’s control over the Central Mediterranean route, combined with its own internal political instability and corruption that allows for the mistreatment of migrants to persist unchecked, has made this stretch of sea one of the deadliest migration paths in the world. If allowed to renew, the memorandum will only result in more deaths, more torture, more trafficking. The continued cooperation of Italy and the E.U. with the Libyan Coast Guard only makes it easier for them to commit these heinous violations of human rights. To ensure the protection of human rights of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers, it is clear that the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding must be revoked. The E.U. prides itself on promoting justice and defending the human rights of those around the world, and yet it continues to work with the Libyan Coast Guard. The E.U. has a moral duty to protect those attempting to cross the Mediterranean, and should therefore no longer promote, fund and enforce an agreement that results in such a blatant violation of human rights. Photo Source: Tim Luddemann, flickr

Amid Egypt’s recent moves to assert itself as an eco-friendly regional power, it is fitting to explore key examples of green development initiatives spearheaded by the country in the last years. < Back Is Egypt a Model for Green Development? By Katie-Anne Harris November 30, 2022 Egypt’s national objectives for 2030, known as Vision 2030, have been implemented to meet the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals. One of this strategy’s major aims is to ensure that 15% of government investment goes into green development projects, and this figure is set to increase to 50% by 2025. This is not the first time Egypt has made its aspiration to be the voice of Africa clear. The country just hosted the United Nations Climate Change Conference — popularly referred to as COP27. In September, Egypt organized the meeting of African ministers of finance, economy, development and environment to formulate a unified vision for funding a transition to a greener economy. Amid Egypt’s recent moves to assert itself as an eco-friendly regional power, it seems fitting to explore key examples of green development initiatives spearheaded by the country in the last years. Renewable Energy in Egypt Egypt has invested in a multitude of renewable energy sources. The International Trade Administration reported that the government’s strategy is to make renewable energy generate 42% of energy by 2035, with wind energy making up 14%, hydroelectricity accounting for 2% and solar energy accounting for 25% of electricity generated by renewable resources. An example of a development project putting Egypt on track to meet these goals is the Benban Solar Park, which was completed in 2019. It has 32 solar plants with four substations, holding up to 1.65-gigawatt capacity, making the Benban plant one of the largest solar power sites in the world. This development project illustrates the Egyptian government’s capability and commitment to meet its sustainable development goals. Another example of successful green energy projects in Egypt is its biogas units which convert waste into electricity. Through this Fayoum-based project, biogas is obtained from the fermentation of organic waste. These units will provide a renewable energy source for household cooking and will also be used to produce organic fertilizer to improve soil properties in the region. Cairo’s Monorail Egypt is experiencing a rapid rate of urbanization, thus, augmenting the importance of transportation. To help prevent congestion and alleviate pollution, Egypt’s National Authority for Tunnels awarded a 4.5 billion dollar contract to UK Export Finance to build, operate, and maintain a monorail system for 30 years. It is set to become the world’s longest monorail while producing zero emissions and almost no noise. This project helps reduce emissions, lessen sound pollution and provide important public infrastructure for the population of Cairo. Green Cities Kharga has been declared the first green city in Egypt. There is no industrial pollution in the city due to the absence of industrial factories. Moreover, the city depends on renewable energy sources to generate government agencies, streetlights and places of worship and to extract water from irrigation wells and homes. There are monitoring stations for air quality, water quality, and noise pollution to ensure the city complies with environmental laws and legislation. Finally, the city holds many bike lanes to encourage zero-emission transportation. There has been a plan to build 45 new cities in Egypt to accommodate its growing population. These cities will be developed in line with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development’s Green Cities Program. There is no doubt that Egypt can build new green cities when looking at the successful green transformation of Kharga. Green Bonds Egypt is the first country in the Middle East and North Africa region to issue green bonds. Green bonds are financial instruments that are used to fund new environmental projects while returning fixed income to investors. These bonds offer investors the opportunity to mitigate the climate emergency while receiving returns like those expected from traditional investments. A report by Crédit Agricole claims that there is 1.9 billion dollars in green bonds that can be used to fund green projects. 16% of these bonds are for renewable energy projects, 19% for clean transportation, 26% for water and wastewater management and 39% for pollution prevention and control. Takeaways These examples of green development projects indicate that Egypt is on track to reach its sustainable development goals in line with the goals set out by the United Nations. These projects not only contribute to ensuring environmental integrity but also help meet goals to improve the quality of life of Egyptian citizens. The economic and sustainable benefits of these development projects generate jobs, improve public infrastructure and help combat pollution, all of which contribute to the well-being of Egyptian citizens. It is essential to look back on successful development projects in Egypt to understand why the country is eligible to be the voice for other African nations during COP27.

This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. < Back Liar Liar Pants on Fire: Biden's Willow Project By Lilith Springer September 27, 2023 “No more drilling on federal lands. Period.” Those were President Biden’s exact words before the election in 2020. This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. The news is especially disappointing considering the Climate Report 2023, recently published by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Over the past eight years, scientists worldwide worked on an assessment for policymakers, including statistics and research concerning climate change and its calculated effects on the planet. The results are alarming. The report highlights that it seems highly unlikely that global warming will be kept below the critical 2 degrees Fahrenheit if emissions keep rising at the current rate, leading to irreversible damages, and putting millions of humans at risk in the near future. While the report highlighted extremely worrying statistics, it also underlined that stopping the worst-case scenarios, which will make the planet quite unlivable for a large population of the earth, is still possible if politicians take immediate action. And what does Joe Biden, probably the most senile president the United States has ever had, do about this? He takes the report, throws it in the bin and implements the Willow Project. What is Willow? The Willow Project is a multi-billion-dollar project to drill gas and oil on native lands in Alaska. Over 30 years, this project will produce 629 million barrels of oil (95 billion Liters) and 287 million metric tons of carbon dioxide. For comparison, this equals the emissions of two million cars in the same timeframe or 76 new coal-fired power plants operating in one year. It will be carried out by the corporate group Conoco Phillips. It is said to help create jobs, fight rising gas prices during soaring inflation and lead to American independence from Russia and Saudi Arabia. What are the Environmental consequences? The environmental impact of this one project is of an unimaginable scale. Scientists worldwide stress that Willow will irreversibly damage the planet and lead the climate crisis to the point of no return. Global warming will become unstoppable, ecosystems will disappear entirely, and species will become extinct at an uncontrollable speed. Building the infrastructure required for the project will harm the already highly fragile Alaskan ecosystem even before Conoco Phillips starts to drill. Moreover, the project’s carbon emissions will seriously threaten the local population’s respiratory, cardiovascular and kidney health. For example, the construction of oil wells currently being carried out in the Alaskan village of Nuiqsuit has already led to a 20% increase in respiratory diseases since the project’s beginning, putting numerous children whose schools are located right next to those wells at extreme risk for chronic illnesses, bone deformations and even cognitive malfunctions. But Willow is not only an environmental disaster. Alaska is home to countless native villages where indigenous communities whose traditional way of living will be severely disrupted by Willow’s impact on wildlife and nature reserves. Rosemary Ahtuangaruak, mayor of Nuiqsuit, states: “As oil is exported and sent around the globe, our communities in the Arctic are left to contend with the health impacts of pollution as well as the devastation that comes from dramatic changes to the land like sea ice melt, permafrost thaw, and coastal erosion.” Native communities are expected to suffer from sick fish, toxic air, disappearing grazing areas and much more. More than 70 percent of indigenous households are expected to lose at least 20 dollars due to food purchases due to this decline in substitute resources. It is unsettling that the indigenous quote, “When the last tree is cut down, the last fish eaten and the last stream poisoned, you will realize that you cannot eat money,” is now as relevant as ever. It is infuriating that the indigenous communities themselves first suffer this dystopian reality. If you ever feel like having a good laugh – or cry – I invite you to filter your search engine to show only results that have been published before 2020 and go on joebiden.com/climate-plan to read all about how sad he was that vulnerable communities are disproportionately impacted by the climate emergency and pollution and how you can trust him to become the world’s next big visionary in combating climate change. However, I take no responsibility should you impulsively throw your laptop against the wall. But what about profits? Of course, this is all worth it, right? It will boost the economy, fight inflation, and create jobs which is formidable because we love money, right? Okay, let’s talk money. Aside from the fact that Willow is only expected to start showing profits after 2035 and will thus not help with current inflation, experts state that the oil reserves will not suffice to make the United States independent from Russian oil. Also notable is that the oil found in Alaskan reserves differs significantly from Russian or Venezuelan oil and will need to be blended with Russian oil to enter domestic refineries, revealing that the United States cannot gain independence from oil simply by producing more oil. When you are already the highest oil-producing country in the world, and it is still insufficient to meet your needs, maybe it is time to look inside and reevaluate your needs and priorities. Willow is not a desperate measure to soften the economic cost of current crises as Biden makes it out to be, but a simple profit project that might not positively impact the American economy. This is partly because Conco Phillips can use a loophole in Alaska’s tax law to write off its expenses for this project against the taxes the company pays on its other oil developments in the state. So, while the average American struggles to pay their electricity bills and taxes in light of soaring inflation, oil and energy corporations like Conco Phillips barely give back a cent to the state. Infuriated yet? Conco Phillip has made record profits in the past few years, which have not benefited the American population, and those profits are diverted into wealthy private shareholders and executives. The corporation has made a higher profit in the last year alone than the local and state governments are estimated to gain from taxes on 30 years of drilling at Willow. Not even the Alaskan cities suffering the immediate effects of Willow will make large profits. Nuiqsut has received only $600,000 from drilling in the Western Arctic over the past ten years, equivalent to what Conoco Phillips earns in Alaska in a little more than two hours. It is estimated that the project will lead to 3.9 billion dollars in alleged new federal revenue. This number is a joke compared to the approximately 19.8 billion dollars Willow is expected to cost the United States climate-related damages. But it will create countless jobs for Alaskans, right? Currently, only one percent of employed Alaska North Slope residents work in the oil industry, and it is estimated that most of the new jobs will be filled by people from outside Alaska. Also, more and more studies show that young people do not want to work in the oil sector but would instead pursue a job in the sustainable energy sector. Another reason why the profits of Willow are not as great as they seem is that most of the oil extractions are intended for internal use, especially in California, Oregon, and Washington, three states where the oil demand has been plummeting where demand for green energy has been skyrocketing. According to the Federal Bureau of Land Management’s investigation, it is estimated that by 2030 the majority of cars there will be driven with renewable energy and that the need for such extreme extractions will not be as high as anticipated. Furthermore, several economists in this Federal Bureau expect global oil prices to sink by only 20 cents per barrel due to Willow, and only if it operates at peak capacity. Other economists say it is hard to determine whether Willow will influence oil and gas prices. In short: Willow represents a sad political failure to take the opportunity to move away from Russian oil by investing in green energy and not disastrous oil projects. Millions of young Americans ask themselves: how dare this hypocrite co-opt the climate narrative for his political gains and throw away his promises the next second? How dare he tell us climate action is too costly when billions are available for disastrous oil projects? How dare he look desperate children who will feel the effects of Willow long after his death in the eyes and lie to their faces? The only thing worse than boomer politicians blatantly ignoring the populations’ eager calls for immediate climate action are boomer politicians who use the youth’s anxieties and spit on them. Thus, what is worse than apathy? What is worse than politicians who openly do not care about the climate crisis? Lies. Lies are worse.

October’s association events, summarized for you. < Back October Associations Recap By Celeste Abourjeili October 31, 2021 Cinementongraphe x SPRH “Capernaum” movie screening In a collaboration, Cinementongraphe and SciencesPo Refugee Help hosted a movie screening-turned-fundraiser featuring the Lebanese film “Capernaum” on Wednesday, October 10. Debate Society drunk debates In its second annual drunk debate on Saturday, October 9 the Debate Society kicked off its season discussing the topic of hookup culture in Menton. The opposing side (arguing against hookup culture) won, led by 2A Ada Baser and 1A Felipe Boitard. The society’s drunken spectators eventually ended up at Bastion, and those who lasted till the end of the night found themselves at Sablettes. Philosophical Society discussions The brand new Mentonese Philosophical Society, led by a team of six, kicked off its first year with two insightful events. On October 3, it organized a discussion on personal ethics at student house Soundproof, and on October 24, an investigation of the alt-right at student house Brothel. TASA movie screening The Thracian andAnatolian Student Association screened the mini-documentary “Coğrafya Kader” (Geography is Destiny) on Saturday, October 9 which features the wife Selahattin Demirtaş, a politician in the HDP who is currently incarcerated. Later on, the group discussed the status, treatment, and rights of Turkish Kurds. Amnesty movie screening On Sunday, October 10, Amnesty International held a screening of the movie “l’État du Texas contre Melissa” (the state of Texas vs Melissa). The movie discussed the case of Melissa Lucio, a mother charged with killing her daughter. Melissa was charged with the death penalty and is currently on death row. The movie focuses on the ambiguity of the case and the lack of a concrete story and evidence regarding the crime. The movie was chosen in remembrance of the abolishment of the death penalty in France 40 years ago and focuses on the danger of the death penalty when ones guilt is not fully sure. Environnementon Spa Night Following midterms for 1As and many 2As on Saturday, October 16, Environnementon hosted a spa night at 1A-run student house Gar Hira. Students were able to unwind with face masks and by making their own healthy and sustainable deodorant. La Fabrique Politique: Politiquerie La Fabrique Politique a organisé sa deuxième politiquerie le dimanche 17 octobre. C'était l'occasion fortuite pour échanger idées, réflexions et propositions sur un thème à la couleur chaude, “la cancel culture : une censure bénéfique?” Les participants se sont engagés dans un débat de plus d'une heure, ponctué par deux passionnants et éloquents plaidoyers. Babel Museum The Babel initiative presented the Babel museum: an event to highlight the past trips of the Babel board and researchers on Friday, October 22. The event included the Babel wall, now located in Espace Étudiant, with pictures of these different experiences. Videos showing off the immersive experience of past Babel trips alongside an off-campus MENA bake sale perfectly kicked off the Babel initiative’s cultural events. BDE Halloween Fair As one of the many Halloweekend activities, the Bureau des Élèves held a Fall Festival on the SciencesPo Menton campus on Thursday, October 28. Students were able to play games such as bean bag toss, ring toss, pin the hat on the witch, etc. and partake in activities like pumpkin painting after a few stressful weeks of midterms and projects. SSA: Homesickness The Student Support Alliance hosted an event on homesickness on Thursday, October 7 filled with cozy vibes and autumn treats. The group talked about what it means to be away from home for them, and about the parts of home that they carry with them. October Rose Run (BDS x FU x RacingClub) In a mega-collaboration, the Bureau Des Sports, Feminist Union, and Racing Club brought awareness to the battle against breast cancer on Sunday, October 3. UNICEF On Sunday, October 10, UNICEF held a yoga session on Sablettes to kick off Mental Health Week and help students unwind. The session was led by 2As Lilinaz Hakimi and Daniel Santana.

Be it ‘evil-eye themed parties,’ jam sessions on the beach or ‘Aparathons,’ Sciences Pistes have a way of keeping things interesting. Somewhere along the creation journey, with no definite date demarking it, the Sciences Po Menton wedding tradition was born. < Back The Babel Initiative's 'Big Fat Cypriot Wedding’ By Maria Eirini Liodi February 29, 2024 As the 2As well know and the 1As are surely discovering, Menton is not your conventional university location. Being one of the most charming, crown jewels of the French Riviera, both students and locals are blessed with marvelous landscapes. However, with the buzz of city life only a distant whisper, Sciences Pistes are often tasked with the generation of fun-making, as things can get a bit monotonous around here. Be it ‘evil-eye themed parties,’ jam sessions on the beach or ‘Aparathons,’ Sciences Pistes have a way of keeping things interesting. Somewhere along the creation journey, with no definite date demarking it, the Sciences Po Menton wedding tradition was born. Just like Aphrodite, the tradition emerged amidst the foamy waves, in the sea of Sciences Pistes’ imagination —or excessive boredom. Despite little knowledge as to its exact roots, the whimsical event has been an eagerly anticipated one annually since its creation, adding a touch of humor and celebration to our busy academic calendars. Exclusive, mysterious and exciting, this year’s wedding was one for the books. Two Sciences Pistes were secretly selected, following serious deliberation and thoroughly strategic matchmaking. With a host of flower girls, a priest, family, and even wedding crashers, the Ummah came together to witness one of this semester’s most thrilling, and shocking, events. With the bride and groom only invited to the event merely hours before the ceremony, the suspense was real. Who were the chosen two? Our very dear Leo was the dashing groom, and our bride… Our bride is a person that knows how to make an entrance and steal the show – Kousai. This year's 'Fake Wedding,' hosted by the Babel Initiative took on a unique twist as it embraced the vibrant spirit of a 'Big Fat Cypriot Wedding.' Sablettes was transformed into a lively scene, filled with colorful decorations, traditional Cypriot music, and the unmistakable ambiance of the Mediterranean celebratory spirit. As one of Babel’s central aims is cultural awareness and the bridging of communities in the MENA region, the wedding needed to bring as many real-life elements to the table as possible. We had traditional Cypriot music played live, a Cypriot casted as the parent of the ‘bride’ and the impeccable celebratory spirit necessary. Beyond the entertainment value, the 'Fake Wedding' serves as a testament to the opportunity for diverse cultural experiences on our campus. Such traditions can provide a platform for students to break away from the rigors of academia and embrace a sense of camaraderie while promoting acceptance and diversity within the campus community. As this year’s festivities came to a close, the 'bride' and 'groom' could be found at the post-wedding celebrations at the ‘Black Out’ party at Soundproof. As a cornerstone to the Sciences Pistes of Menton, Soundproof was the perfect location for a Saturday night, post-wedding celebration. Now, as the echoes of traditional Cypriot music fade away, and the Mediterranean breeze continues to dance with the stars, Sciences Pistes are left with more than just memories. The festivities hosted by Babel, served as a vivid reminder of the creativity and cultural richness that define our Ummah, and make our university experience so distinctive. Here's to breaking free from the monotony, embracing diversity, and crafting stories that add a touch of laughter to our academic journey. Until the next whimsical event, cheers to Sciences Pistes and the wonderful memories we weave together!

Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. < Back Why We All Need to Get Our Hands in the Soil Finn Leary for Environnementon December 31, 2024 When I put my hand up to write this article, I initially had plans to write about environmental NGOs and why so many continue to fall short in delivering meaningful change, despite bold, well-intentioned promises. Then, after witnessing the ways in which COP29 again stormed its way into the news cycle, with not much to show, I thought perhaps this was a more important conversation to have. But after an afternoon of getting my hands dirty, pulling out a few weeds in the garden following an obnoxiously boring French class, I decided perhaps this was a ripe place to focus my attention. And a bit more of a hopeful place to dwell. So yep, you guessed it! This article is going to be dedicated to the humble act of gardening. For ease of reading, I’ll be discussing three main ideas: gardening as a profoundly (often unintentional) anti-capitalist act, gardening as self-care and care for the planet, and gardening as a directed political action. PSA: This article is driven in equal parts by my desire to find a lovely human (or several) that are willing to give some love and care to the garden after I’m gone (sounds like I’m dying, I’m just heading back to Australia) but also to convince more of you of the value of gardening and growing your own food. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Profoundly Anti-Capitalist I want to start here with a little story. This past summer, at home in Tasmania, my father, an avid gardener, was blessed with a handful of tomato plants that sprouted naturally from last year’s crop. They popped up in the veggie garden and quickly announced their arrival by growing prolifically. These tomato plants were huge, spreading to cover the whole garden. Hundreds, if not thousands, of tomatoes emerged over the course of the coming months. Dad was so overwhelmed (in the best way possible) by the sheer scale of his tomato success, that he started finding new homes for the tomatoes. Boxes full were given away at the local markets. Handfuls were passed over the fence to the elderly neighbors. Their sweet juicy nectarines were handed back. This quickly evolved into passing over bottled passata and tomato relish for nectarine pie. A local restaurant heard of Dad’s surplus tomatoes, and for the rest of the summer Dad swapped boxes for a meal at the restaurant. Thankfully this extended to his sons whenever they visited. A friend of mine who has her own fermentation and preserves business took buckets full to use in her recipes. A community group in Hobart used kilos of pasta sauce and fresh tomatoes to feed the masses at their weekly gatherings. And still tomatoes went to waste. But that’s the beauty of gardening. Fruit falling to the ground never really goes to waste. Just returning to the soil, seeds aplenty, waiting for the next year to sprout again. Indeed, all of this arose from the seeds that fell to the ground the previous autumn. Just a few months earlier, in a class at university, my favorite professor had been discussing the beauty of seeds and gardening more broadly. For the last class of the semester, he brought in broad bean seeds that were gifted to him by a previous student 15 years earlier. For the past decade and a half, my lecturer had grown broad beans and given the seeds to every class member, asking each student to sow the seeds and to pass on the gesture. It is fair to assume that one handful of beans given 15 years ago had led to the planting and harvesting of hundreds of plants in backyards around Hobart and further afield. I planted mine and they are still growing in my old shared house garden. My lecturer’s point with this act was this: That the beautiful gift of life stored in the form of a seed costs nothing but can generate so much good. And that this gift is exponential. In this sense, gardening is very anti-capitalist. Produce grown in the garden (and the seeds from these plants) are a gift from nature that can be regifted to others, shared and swapped and eaten and celebrated—a liberating and life-bringing act fundamentally rooted in connection to the land and to others. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Self-Care: Nurturing Ourselves and the Planet Gardening is also fundamentally about returning to something better, something rooted in the past and oriented to the future. It’s about returning to ourselves in new ways (old ways really) and to the natural environment around us. Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. Gardening requires slowing down. It forces us to contend with the seasons, and cycles of death and decay. Gardening makes us more aware of what is happening all around us, from the critters and the pollinators to the amount of rain held in the clouds above. We live such distanced and disconnected lives from the natural world that we are inherently a part of, that simply getting in the garden can be a reclamation, a way to remind ourselves of all we are connected to and the stewardship we must return to. Gardening also fundamentally orients us toward big, important questions: What is our role within the natural world? How do we care for what sustains us? How is food grown, and who grows it? How can individuals and communities take control of their food systems? Gardening as a Political Act Gardening can take so many different forms; it can be as varied as the people who practice it and the environments in which it occurs. Gardening can be a solitary endeavor pursued in private space like a courtyard or a balcony, or it can be a deeply connected act embedded in communities and shared public space. Gardening can differ radically in scale, from a few pots of herbs and greens to bustling community gardens. There lies beauty and value in all these examples. Gardening can also be a rebellious political act that challenges the status quo, as seen in practices like guerrilla gardening and botanarchy. These forms of gardening are premised upon transforming and reclaiming neglected and poorly used public spaces into green, productive areas, often without permission, to challenge private ownership and environmental conservatism. A good friend of mine in Australia started a guerrilla garden in Meanjin (Brisbane) during Covid, turning an abandoned council-owned plot into a thriving communal space where all walks of life from the community would meet and get their hands into the soil, sharing produce and meals. Engaging in guerrilla gardening/botanarchy is an empowering act, a way to push back against systems that aren’t really serving us. With our ecological systems in crisis, political instability growing the world over, and social divisions deepening, it is hard to envision a livable future without radical scaled change—the revolutionary, system-transforming type. I want to suggest that it is too the small battles that can pave the way to new modes of living and relating to each other and the planet. The peaceful revolution of growing something in the garden (whether in your backyard, or in a poorly used public space), in my opinion, is a small but sure step forward out of this mess. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024.

The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. < Back Association Feature: Feminist Union By Zélie Savinien September 30, 2021 The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. To do so, we organize multiple events such as the consent talks at the beginning of the year or octobre rose (Pink October.) We want everyone to feel included in this association, so if you have any questions, do not hesitate to contact us on our social medias!

Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 aims to bring about a complete political, economic and cultural transformation to the Kingdom, aspiring to diversify the economy away from oil production and towards cutting-edge innovation transforming its desert dunes into world leading digital technologies. < Back Saudi Arabia Ramps Up Defense Budget at Expense of Islamic Institutions By Lucy Lönnqvist for Sciences Defense March 30, 2024 Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 aims to bring about a complete political, economic and cultural transformation to the Kingdom, aspiring to diversify the economy away from oil production and towards cutting-edge innovation transforming its desert dunes into world leading digital technologies. As part and parcel of this strategy, two prominent Saudi fields have undergone major reformation: Islamic religious institutions and national defense establishments. Under the Vision 2030 economic diversification program, Saudi Arabia’s defense spending has grown substantially over the last decade, while the authority of Islamic institutions has taken a step back. Through this process, it seems that the celebrated Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman is taking steps towards Western notions of modernity in the liberalization efforts of Vision 2030. Saudi Arabia ranked as the fifth largest defense spender in the world in 2022 behind the United States, China, Russia, and India, and has reiterated full intentions of climbing further up these ranks. When Vision 2030 was announced, only 3% of Saudi Arabia’s procurements came from local companies, with the rest sourced from abroad, largely the US. According to the 2023 budget released by the Saudi Ministry of Finance, the Kingdom increased its military spending by 50% in 2023, to $69 billion – approximately 23% of its total budget. The significant increase in the defense budget comes as part of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 requirements to localize government spending in the defense sector. This leaves us to question – why the sudden escalation in defense spending at the same time as the Kingdom’s full-scale nation-branding scheme? At the same time, Saudi Arabia’s religious establishments have undergone major reform as the monarchy consolidates its vision for the country’s future. The Crown Prince has promised to reel back Islamic extremist presence in the country in favor of a “return to moderate Islam” open to the world and all religions. In his view, Vision 2030 aims to transform the hardline kingdom into an open society that empowers citizens and lures investors. Bin Salman stated that the religious doctrine is no longer “committed blindly” to the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, or any “certain school or scholar.” However, one must approach such statements with skepticism. While it is true that the Crown Prince has condemned Islamic extremist groups such as the Sahwa movement, a political Islam derived from the teachings of the Muslim Brotherhood, in arresting significant Sahwi uUema, he is dually centralizing his power by removing opposition groups to the Royal family who may pose a challenge to their rule. Anyone deemed to threaten Vision 2030 has been preemptively neutralized by the Crown Prince. With these actions, the regime made it clear that no dissenting voices would be tolerated. Ultimately, Bin Salman’s push for the Vision 2030 plan tostrengthen Saudi solidarity, defense power and the removal of Islamic extremist presence has come to be overshadowed by his lid on free speech, restrictions on political opposition, and the crackdown on dissent. It is argued that the increase in Saudi’s defense budget along with the Kingdom’s economic innovation acts as a forged nation-branding visage to strengthen the absolute monarchy’s image abroad. This was an effort to use ‘Vision 2030’ in the absolute monarchy’s macrodiplomatic strategy. What is emerging from the 2030 Vision plan and an increased defense budget is a Kingdom straddling the boundary between coercive strategies of the past such as surveillance and patronage, with innovations that respond aggressively to the triple threat of globalization, renewable-driven economies, and democratization. One must decide whether the changes to defense and religious fields in Saudi’s Vision 2030 plan are merely a glossy nation-branding scheme to exert greater soft power across the world or a genuine attempt to crawl up from the constraints of Wahhabism? The surface-level of Vision 2030 is evident: trade deal after trade deal boosting economic diversification, the retreat of Islamic institutions and greater localized defense spending as an upward trajectory for the Saudi dynasty. However, if further interpreted, it becomes clear that appeals to expanding government budgets on defense artillery are only riding on the support of oil revenues to maintain status and power. The country’s nation branding scheme has succeeded in its strategy, but we must not be fooled by the Crown Prince’s liberalization discourse in order to look past the state’s weak regulatory power, exploitative workforce practices and the absolute monarchy’s suppression of almost all political rights and civil liberties.

Following the Oct. 7 attack on Israel and the resulting retaliation on the people of Gaza, college campuses have become a hotspot for heated debate and resulting administrative censorship.   < Back Face Á La Censure Riposte Étudiante: Analyzing Freedom of Expression for Students in France By Jenna Ahmed for Amnesty International December 31, 2023 College campuses across the globe are grappling with the regulation of diverse opinions in an educational environment where the safety of students, the integrity of fundamental freedoms, and the reputation of the institutions are at stake. Following the Oct. 7 attack on Israel and the resulting retaliation on the people of Gaza, college campuses have become a hotspot for heated debate and resulting administrative censorship. On Nov. 16, Sciences Po Students, professors, and administrators woke up to barricades stacked against the campus's front entrance accompanied by a sign that read, "Face À La Censure Riposte Étudiante.” That morning, a collaboration of several student organizations, namely, Solidaires Étudiant-e-s, had placed dumpsters, construction borders, and other materials blocking the entrance to campus and attendance to the daily lessons. In an explanatory email to peers and administrators, the students expressed their discontent with "Sciences Po's policy of censorship against any student support for Palestine," as well as the administration's “lack of support in response to threats from the far-right, including calls for rape and murder." The students also called out the administration for "at best psychological pressure, at worst harassment" directed at students supporting Palestine. Finally, they ended with concrete demands calling for freedom of expression within the law. The blockade quickly caught the community's attention; Menton residents, French news outlets, and campus staff observed the student protests. Dozens of students stationed themselves in front of the blockade in support of the cause, and at 3 p.m. that afternoon, with directions from Campus Director Yousef Halaoua, the police came to lift the blockade. More than twenty police officers in riot gear entered the back entrance of the campus and removed the blockade from behind the students. Several students received minor injuries as the officers shoved the barriers against them. Over the next hour, the authorities physically removed 66 students and informed them they would be fined for participating in an illegal protest. In the weeks leading up to this event, the atmosphere on campus was highly contentious between students and administration, and within the student body itself. The Oct. 7 attack led students to be fiercely vocal regarding the attack, overall historical conflict, and enduring humanitarian crisis. Discontentment was sparked in the students by several actions by the Sciences Po administration at both the campus and university levels. Shortly after the attack, and in the weeks following, Sciences Po Paris released several statements of acknowledgment and solidarity for the Israeli victims and those affected in relation, notably expressing less, if any, support for Palestinian victims. However, the triggering point was when several students received emails from the administration addressing the media they were posting on their private Instagram accounts regarding Israel and Palestine. Further, during this period, local news networks and French politicians publicly targeted Menton students for their support of Palestine, accusing the campus of antisemitism and terror apologia, which left the students feeling unsupported by their campus and their community. Students were unimpressed by the administration's immediate response to this distressing situation and, ultimately, questioned the legality behind new and old restrictions in France regarding freedom of expression and protest. Does the French government have the power to limit speech, and to that point, does Sciences Po have the authority to sanction students' private accounts? The complexities of French and international law and the context in which these laws are incessantly abused by French authorities may answer these concerns. In an interview with Ph.D. student Samantha Vaur, a Law and Politics seminar teacher at Sciences Po Menton, we discussed the specifics of French freedom of expression and protest laws. Primarily, she emphasized that "international law is very relevant," stating that "France is a state party to international conventions on human rights where you can find freedom of expression — Article 19 Universal Declaration, Article 19 Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 10 of the European Convention, and Article 4 on the Elimination of Discrimination." Succinctly, France has, on an international level, committed to protecting these specified freedoms. Nevertheless, Vaur also identified the significance France has applied to the notion of Public Order, which outlines "both legal and physical guarantees of freedom, security, and peace of mind, which are necessary for individuals to live together in society." In an article on the French Council of State, author Rim-Sarah Alouane argues that France has traditionally applied an extremely narrow application of Public Order in the name of ensuring public safety. Alouane further asserts that French politicians have repeatedly attempted to bypass the rule of law to combat terrorism. France’s approach to freedom of expression through anti-terrorism rhetoric is a common trend evident since the end of the 20th century when many assert that French jurisprudence shifted from protecting expression to combating terrorism. Finding a balance between the two has been challenging; on several occasions, the European Commission on Human Rights has considered France’s sanctions "disproportionate and, therefore, unnecessary in a democratic society." On Sciences Po campuses, many students feel anti-terrorism clauses are being abused to sanction opinions that do not resonate with the university’s position. In an interview with Islam Mohamed, another Law and Politics seminar teacher, he discussed the importance of understanding how “apology of terrorism has been abused by the French government as a legal tool” long before current conflicts brought the issue to the university stage, stating that the Israel-Palestine debates on campus have only added another layer to the issue’s complexities. When asked if there is a legitimate concern of terror apologia among students and if so, what is the appropriate administrative response of college campuses, he responded that: “In general, there can be limitations to freedom of expression even outside the scope of terrorism. How we assess the legitimacy of these limitations is by assessing whether these limitations are proportionate to a particular security threat. Taking an action that limits freedom of expression that is disproportionate to a danger of the threat would be considered illegitimate by the European Union and French government.” Ultimately, although freedom of expression and protest are recognized rights, French law has been instrumental in the consistent limitations of these rights. This debate, which is seen on both national and international scales, presented itself at Sciences Po following emails to three students who posted pro-Palestinian content that was identified by Sciences Po’s legal team as apology of terrorism. This came after the controversial statement by French Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin calling for pro-Palestinian demonstrations to be banned and perpetrators to be arrested in the name of disrupting public order. Although the legality of this directive is inconclusive, it certainly constructed an atmosphere of distrust and unrest among students. Due to the debates forming around these emails, the student blockade, and several contentious meetings between students and administration, Director Yousef Halaoua held a meeting for the entire campus where he explained recent controversial administrative actions. Regarding the blockade, he explained that blocking an educational facility from running its daily functions is illegal and goes against school policy. Secondly, he cited the French penal code 421-2-5 as the motivation for emailing students. This code states: "Directly provoking acts of terrorism or publicly advocating these acts is punishable by five years' imprisonment and a fine of €75,000." The exact content of these students' posts is unknown; however, many students have questioned the legitimate authority the administration has over personal content and whether the administration was motivated by the student's political stance rather than the outlined legal limitations to freedom of expression. The continuity of this issue is made apparent by the atmosphere of distrust French authorities have created around the government's ability to protect certain rights. Amnesty International has published copious reports criticizing France's actions regarding protest and speech. In an article titled "France is not the free-speech champion it claims to be," Amnesty details how France's record on freedom of expression is incessantly bleak. The article cites the example of the European Court of Human Rights finding the convictions of 11 activists for campaigning for a boycott of Israeli products a violation of their free speech rights. Amnesty displays that the application of restrictive laws to this particular conflict is familiar. Following the Interior Minister's ban on pro-Palestinian protests, Amnesty International France's President stated that "The ban on all demonstrations in support of the Palestinians in France constitutes a serious and disproportionate attack on the right to demonstrate…A ban can only be legal if it is motivated by a specific threat and if it is demonstrated that no other less restrictive measure could guarantee public order." Again, the importance of the proportionality of a legal action to an issue of expression is apparent. In essence, despite international law protecting and outlining certain fundamental freedoms, states within international bodies exercise extensive discretion. The issue of freedom of expression and protest in France is complex and tremendously relevant when applied to a university campus with a political science focus. As previously mentioned, limitations to fundamental freedoms are legally sound; nevertheless, neither the media nor the students are ignorant of current trends directly affecting the acceptance of the expression of political opinion.

While recent efforts towards recognizing and acknowledging the struggle of the Harkis is taking steps towards the right direction, there is a bigger picture. By preserving the memory of the Harkis and advocating for justice, real justice, we can prevent future cases of forgotten communities. < Back Forgotten Soldiers: The Case of the French Abandonment of the Algerian Harkis Farida Dowidar for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton September 30, 2024 The Harki - A term derived from the simple word movement in Arabic, but loaded with controversy in the Francophone world. The Harkis describe a group of native Muslim Algerians who fought on behalf of the French army in the Algerian War between 1954 and 1962. The Algerian War was a decolonial independence war fought primarily between France and the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN). Though one of the most significant wars of liberation, the conflict was characterized by war crimes, guerrilla warfare, and internal civil wars. Weighing on the war was the unique position that Algeria held. Unlike the rest of the French colonies, Algeria was declared an integral part of France in 1848, with Algiers, Oran, and Constantine organized as French departments. Subsequently, up to 200,000 Muslim Algerians served as regular soldiers in the French Army. With the outbreak of the Algerian War in 1954, many had their loyalty tested between serving their state or their people. The Harkis had various reasons for serving against the Algerian decolonial movement. Primarily, high unemployment rates among Algeria’s Muslim population made serving in the French army an attractive source of income. Many Harkis felt little devotion to France but sought a stable livelihood for their families. Additionally, as part of the FLN’s political tactics, by 1956, they had co-opted and dissolved all other rival nationalist groups, attacking their members to push their agenda. Thus, some Algerians joined the French Army in order to avenge the death of relatives. Conversely, some Harkis fought for France as they had traditionally, and generationally, served France. With a substantial number of Algerian Muslims fighting for France as auxiliary forces, the end of the war prompted questions about their fate. Though according to the peace agreement, the Evian Accords, no one, Harkis or Pieds-Noirs (Algerian-born Europeans), would suffer the consequences of their position during the war after independence, the realities on the ground looked vastly different. Considering them to be national traitors, widespread reprisals occurred against the Harkis, with lynch mobs, often coordinated by the FLN, killing at least 30,000 and potentially, according to some estimates, up to 150,000, including the Harkis and their families. Charles de Gaulle’s government initially banned the migration of the Harkis into metropolitan France following the end of the war. Regardless, many officers disobeyed and helped their fellow soldiers and families escape. Estimates indicate that about 90,000 Harkis and their families found refuge in France. However, having no right to residency, they were confined to “temporary” internment camps surrounded by barbed wire. Supervised at all times, Harki communities, both within and outside these camps, were subject to destitute conditions. Although they had served as soldiers for France, many Harkis were housed in these transit camps, tents, or huts. Many were put in industrial towns or council estates, but 69 “villages”, subject to 25 families per village, were built by the state in rural areas— in Languedoc-Roussillon, Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, and Corsica—to house these communities. Despite some efforts by the state to “integrate” the Harkis, they were placed on the margins of French society on both a geographic and social scale. A recent ruling, Tamazount and Others v. France, by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), saw five descendants of the Harkis standing against the state of France for their human rights violations against the Harkis. The ECHR condemned the state of France for inflicting upon the Harkis "inhuman or degrading treatment" (Article 3) in the Bias camp, one of the temporary internment camps, as well as for failing to respect their "right to privacy", as stipulated in Article 8 of the European Convention of Human Rights. In this context, a series of strikes and demonstrations, beginning in the early 1970s but continuing until now, brought public attention to the case of the Harkis. Short-term measures were adopted through the 1970s and 1980s by the state, but demands for compensation and recognition were, for the most part, ignored. Though some laws were enacted, the Harki community still suffered from various socioeconomic issues that were rarely acknowledged and even less addressed. Caught in the crossfire of the nuances of the war, the Harkis are perceived as traitors among Algerians, with slur-like connotations of the word Harki. In France, they still serve as a reminder of how the country took a firm stance against the very people who fought to maintain the Empire’s power and control. Feelings of abandonment remain present within the Harki community. Though the government has begun to acknowledge the importance of the Harkis in the last two decades, as Macron admitted, France "failed in its duty towards the Harkis, their wives, and their children.” Speeches and commemorations of war acknowledge their abandonment, but in law, too little is done too late. Given their socioeconomic context, with high levels of societal alienation and illiteracy, there remains to be little literature on their experiences. Few memoirs exist to capture their struggle in either France or Algeria, but secondary literature has been vital in recording their history. The children of the Harkis have begun to capture testimonies to maintain the memory of this uniquely situated community. The hope is that their recorded history will not just stand as a footnote but a sobering reminder of the French colonial legacy and the consequences of the abandonment of a people. While recent efforts towards recognizing and acknowledging the struggle of the Harkis is taking steps towards the right direction, there is a bigger picture. By preserving the memory of the Harkis and advocating for justice, real justice, we can prevent future cases of forgotten communities.

Le Vagina Show est revenu faire rayonner notre campus mentonnais le temps d’une soirée pour une quatrième année consécutive ! < Back Vagina Show: La Création d’un Espace Libre pour les Femmes… mais Également pour les Hommes! By Aicha Yahaya April 30, 2022 Si la journée du 8 mars est officiellement et internationalement reconnue comme la journée des droits des femmes, au sein de la Feminist Union, chaque jour est une bonne occasion pour représenter et célébrer l’expression de la féminité. C’est pourquoi nous vous avons retrouvés le 15 mars dernier pour une soirée exceptionnelle mêlant art et genre, durant laquelle tous les tabous ont été laissés au pas-de-porte. Vous l’aurez compris, le Vagina Show est revenu faire rayonner notre campus mentonnais le temps d’une soirée pour une quatrième année consécutive ! Pourquoi un Vagina Show? Inspiré de la pièce de théâtre “Les Monologues du vagin” de l’auteure new-yorkaise Eve Ensler, le Vagina Show a pour but principal la création d’un espace libre pour les femmes, mais également pour les hommes ! A l’image de cette référence du féminisme contemporain, l’idée est avant tout de prôner la libération de la parole, et ce, par divers moyens. En effet, si le monologue occupe une place centrale, le Vagina Show n’en est pas moins resté ouvert à des formes d’arts diverses et variées entre danse, notamment menée par le club de Belly Dance, des chants spécialement préparés le Bureau des Arts, des poèmes et autres performances en tout genre laissant à chacun l’opportunité de faire ressortir sa créativité et ses talents cachés. De quoi parle-t- on ? Le choix du sujet est tout aussi libre ! Il existe mille et une façons d’exprimer sa féminité/masculinité et la question du genre et de la sexualité de manière générale. Cette année, nos participant.e.s ont fait preuve d’inventivité et de toujours plus d’originalité dans leurs choix d'interprétation. Se réapproprier un monologue, créer un poème ou encore reprendre une chanson: tous les moyens étaient bons pour prendre la parole. Les thèmes furent tout aussi multiples, traiter de l’intersectionnalité, de la condition des femmes selon les pays et/ou parler de leurs corps, tout cela en suivant un même principe : au diable le politiquement correct ! Parce qu’évoquer ces différents sujets dans tout ce qu’ils ont de plus réel, et parfois de brutal, ne devrait pas être un tabou, le Vagina Show se veut être la scène qui offre à chacun et chacune le droit de porter sa voix à plus grande échelle, devenant ainsi le théâtre d’une ode à la liberté d’expression. Plus qu’un moyen de s’exprimer, un moyen de partager Si exprimer sa pensée a pu être libérateur pour nos artistes, du côté du public, l’expérience fut davantage instructive et enrichissante. Cette promenade artistique proposée par nos intervenants a en effet pu nous ouvrir à de nouvelles formes d’expression et à de nouvelles facettes de la féminité. Le Vagina Show, c’est donc aussi un événement d’échange et de découverte pour chacun et chacune, toujours dans une ambiance chaleureuse et vivante propre à la Feminist Union ! Ce qu’il faut donc retenir Cette année, le Vagina Show a pu se tenir en présentiel pour la première fois depuis 2019, nous offrant ainsi un grand moment de de partage dynamique, vivant et marqué par la sororité inhérente à cet évènement unique sur notre campus. Liberté, art et femmes formaient les maîtres-mots de cette soirée si spéciale, ne laissant aucune place à la gêne et la honte, prônant au contraire la parole libérée de toute censure et de tout blâme. Il apparaît tout naturellement important de remercier dans un premier temps toutes nos participant.e.s pour leurs présentations plus que remarquables ayant fait de cette soirée un événement inoubliable pour plus d’un. La vivacité et l’enthousiasme dont le public a fait preuve tout au long de la soirée ont aussi contribué à rendre le Vagina Show si agréable et en faire un véritable succès cette année encore.

From Shatila to Menton, artist Maryam Samaan turns puppets and knitting into spaces for healing and dialogue. < Back Beyond Ceasefires: Building Lasting Peace with Art Emilie Pezet November 13, 2025 From Shatila to Menton, artist Maryam Samaan turns puppets and knitting into spaces for healing and dialogue. 128,349— that is the number of combatants and civilians that died in state-based conflicts in 2024. 20 years ago, it was only 19,646. In recent years, rising conflict has made peace a pressing concern. Peace, understood as the absence of war, can take many forms, from ceasefires to negotiated treaties. However, those mechanisms can be insufficient on their own. Building lasting peace necessitates creating an atmosphere of trust and understanding between former enemies. This difficult, essential work means confronting the painful past, learning from it, and rising above it to prevent repetition. Because the hardest part is relational — healing wounds, rebuilding trust, and restarting dialogue — art has a role. Art can offer safe expression, foster cooperation, encourage constructive engagement with conflict, help people cope with trauma, and preserve memory, which are the basic conditions for cooperation. Syrian-Palestinian artist Maryam Samaan’s workshops, One hand Puppet and Tricot d’âmes , offer a concrete example of these dynamics in practice. Art and Peacebuilding Arts-based peace building is implemented through arts and art-therapy programs including drama, puppetry, music, dance and filmmaking. These practices can support “healing and reconciliation, promoting dialogue, preventing conflict, engaging marginalized communities, challenging injustices, and influencing policy,” as scholars Breed, Pells, and Elliott argue in their 2022 article on arts-based peace building. In this sense, art contributes to “positive peace”: not only the absence of violence but also the presence of social justice, as theorized by leading peace scholar Galtung. Translating that concept into practice starts with how art operates. By communicating beyond words, art affects both artists and audiences. In reality, its contributions fall into two strands: supporting internal healing, and facilitating understanding between adversaries, thus promoting reconciliation. Artistic activities foster changes at the individual level. As a means of expression, artistic activity helps people process emotion and feel empowered, foundations for non-violence. In Art as Peacebuilding , Laurie Marshall, an artist and educator focused on arts-based peace work, describes “art transforming individual violence”. She explains how art can function therapeutically, providing a platform for feelings that words cannot carry. This internal work matters for peace building; without healing, cooperation falters because unprocessed pain keeps resurfacing in talks and everyday coexistence. Laurie Marshall builds her theory on one of her student, a survivor of child abuse that used drawing to release trauma. The arts educator writes that “By healing herself, Josie was then able to help heal the world.” This rests on a common idea in arts-based peace building: personal healing usually comes first and makes collective peace work possible. Artistic activities develop confidence and useful skills, such as public speaking, teamwork, creativity, which in turns empower the participants. Furthemore, art can build capacities for more constructive engagement with conflict and ultimately, more cooperative relationships, often through transformative learning. As peace education research April Bang notes, art places people in situations that challenge assumptions and invite self-reflection and critique. For victims and former combatants alike, participation can help shift anger, resentment and fear toward understanding and willingness to cooperate. In Colombia, for example, the ‘Art for Reconstruction’ program brought victims, army veterans, and former members of illegal armed groups together to co-create art; its evaluation found reduced intergroup hostility and increased willingness to cooperate and reconcile among participants. To ground these dynamics, artist Maryam Samaan shared her experience in artistic workshops. Invited to the Menton Campus for World Peace Day (September 21) by MEDMUN, she discussed how her puppetry sessions in Shatila and her knitting initiative, Tricot d’âmes , opened spaces for expression and connection, which are small steps toward peace in participants’ daily lives. Puppetry in Shatila : Maryam Samaan’s Workshop From 2017 to 2019, Maryam lived in Shatila, a camp set up for Palestinian refugees in 1949, in South Beirut. After the Syrian Civil War began in 2011, Shatila welcomed Syrian refugees that fled the country. However, UNRWA’s mandate only serves Palestinians in Shatila, leaving Syrians with little support. Syrians rather benefit from all services provided by UNHCR, but using the UN Refugee Agency’s facilities from Shatila can be challenging. With the Lebanese state’s presence historically limited in the camp and services split among agencies and NGOs, access to schooling and basic services is difficult for Syrians in the camp. Coming to Shatila was, for Maryam, a way to channel her energy into supporting Syrian children who are not enrolled in school. As a Syrian-Palestinian who studied in France, she felt close to their situation and wanted to use her energy and knowledge to support Syrian families exhausted by displacement. Aware of the precarious living conditions, where families shared a single room, often just separated by curtains, she set up art workshops to give children a space to process their experience, express themselves, develop creativity and imagine a better future when institutions failed them. Taking place in a Syrian alternative school, her workshops gathered children aged from eight to 16 years old who had fallen too far behind on school to be placed in classes. Lasting two to three hours at first, sessions then expanded to full days. They involved designing and making puppets operated by the children themselves, preparing performances and giving several public presentations. The workshops were participatory as children co-created every stage of the show. By developing their own scenarios, children were able to directly address issues related to life in the refugee camp, such as unsafe housing and access to safe drinking water and electricity, while building confidence and cooperative habits that lay the groundwork for peace building later on. Marionnettes en mousse et différentes matières, One Hand - Puppet, Camp de Chatila, Liban 2018. At first, Maryam explained that the characters mirrored the children’s daily lives: their families, their displacement and their hardships. As they began building puppets and writing dialogues from scratch, the puppets gave them safe distance to project and rework their experiences. One girl created a half-black, half-white puppet (second from left) as a symbol of her doubts. At the time, she was torn between her family, who pressured her to marry against her wishes, and her feelings for another boy. The two colors captured her mix of optimism and pessimism, and crucially gave her a way to voice it. How does this contribute to peace building? According to Maryam, these workshops helped children voice difficult feelings, build confidence and work with others; skills that support cooperative relationships. Over time, she saw participants become more sociable – some even led workshops themselves. She mentioned a girl who initially stuttered but then gradually gained assurance and later performed on stage “like a real star”. Of the twenty children involved, four went on to pursue artistic paths. Art, in short, helps children make sense of what they feel and practice more peaceful ways of relating; adults can use it, too, to express memories and move toward reconciliation. La rue des Planètes, Scénographie et création des marionnettes, One Hand - Puppet, Camp de Chatila, Liban 2019 Knitting memory : Tricot d’âmes Maryam’s second project, Tricot d’âmes , illustrates art as a tool for sharing memories that foster understanding. Created in 2015, this collective knitting workshop—presented on campus for World Peace Day—aims to create a space where anything can be shared. Born from photographs of tents in Shatila decorated with embroidery and knitted pieces, the project is simple: people bring old clothes, cut and spin them into yarn, and, while knitting, share memories, moments and stories. In other words, the fabric itself already carries traces of a life, and the act of knitting becomes a way to speak safely. From there, the goal is not only artistic but social. Maryam wanted to transform a gendered activity into a shared, human one: anyone can benefit from a moment of peace, exchange, and release. At the same time, she chose to put women’s rights and living conditions at the center of the workshop. She explained that, in multi-day sessions, men would often watch from a distance at first, refusing to knit because they saw it as “women’s work.” With time, some of them would sit and try it. That moment, when they finally touched the yarn, became an opening to talk with them about the women in their lives. This approach is consistent with Maryam’s broader philosophy. She believes art can act as a therapeutic tool, but not in the sense of telling people how to heal. Her workshops are about giving participants a place of liberty, reflection and technique. The idea is not to instruct them on what to feel, but to let them express what they choose to share. Over time, Tricot d’âmes has also become collective in scale, not just in intention. Since 2015, more than 500 people have taken part in the workshop, coming from around 50 different nationalities. For Maryam, this turns the workshop into a bridge between individuals and stories. It invites people to not rush to judge and actually get to know each other’s paths. It has also crossed class and social lines, taking place in refugee centers, cultural centers and universities. The structure itself has grown, too. At the beginning, only five people could knit at the same time around the frame; now, up to 22 can sit and work together. To understand what this looks like in practice, Maryam shared a story from a three-day workshop. On the first two days, most of the participants did not share a common language, so they mostly sat together, sang and worked with their hands. On the third day, with a translator present, some of the women began to open up. One Afghan woman explained the origin of the piece of fabric she was using. She had been forced to leave Afghanistan in a hurry, without spare clothes. A charity gave her a bright shirt she didn’t like, but she wore it for her whole journey until she finally reached France. After she settled, she never wore it again, but she also couldn’t throw it away because of everything it represented. Instead, she cut it, spun it and knitted it into the shared work. For Maryam, moments like this are the point of Tricot d’âmes . By turning a personal object into something collective, the woman wasn’t just recycling fabric. She was sharing a memory in a way that could be witnessed by others and asking for recognition without having to justify herself. This, for Maryam, is already a kind of peace building: you learn someone’s story before deciding who they are. Discovering Maryam’s commitment on World Peace Day, themed “Act Now for a Peaceful World”, sheds light on the role that art can play in peace building. In a moment when conflict is rising, art helps people move beyond traumatic experiences and sustain constructive, cooperative relationships, linking healing with reconciliation. Speaking to the theme, Maryam offered a simple reminder: limit quick judgments and make room for women’s voices, because a society cannot be rebuilt if women are kept in the shadows. The work begins small, thread by thread, but that’s how durable peace is stitched. Photos Used: All with the permission of the owner: Maryam Samaan

This summer acutely felt the effects of an ever changing climate. From the French Riviera to Somalia, the lives of millions are being transformed. < Back Biting Fish & More: A Summer Marked by Climate Change By Peyton Dashiell October 31, 2022 Rising Sea Temperatures on the French Riviera Over the last summer, tourists and locals enjoyed the beaches in the South of France. Yet, lovers of sun and sand dealt with an unprecedented concern while spending the day at the beach: fish bites. Triggerfish, a thirty to forty-five-centimeter-long fish, are searching for food in the shallow waters. The French Mediterranean coast is usually between twenty-one and twenty-two degrees, but it is now twenty-eight degrees. Triggerfish are now daring to bite humans swimming close to the shore as they search for food closer to shore with the warming temperatures. Unfortunately, this is just one minor danger of climate change in our world today. Flooding in Pakistan In Pakistan, people are facing crises because of constant flooding , another consequence of climate change. In April, Pakistan reached its record-breaking temperature: 49 degrees Celsius. Higher temperatures cause glaciers to melt, making it harder for flood water to be absorbed. The monsoon rain season will continue for twice as long this year. Extreme floods have killed 1,600 people and 800,000 livestock. Roads and bridges are also collapsing, and infrastructure and livelihoods are being destroyed. Drought in Somalia Somalia is experiencing a severe drought. Because of it, many households suffer from food insecurity; one-third of families have at least one member they cannot afford to feed. Due to the death of livestock, over 700,000 camels, goats, sheep and cattle, many people have lost their farming capabilities. Somalia has always had droughts, but now, they are lasting longer. Families with children are fleeing their homes, hoping to find water, food and land with livestock. Rising Temperatures and Heat Waves Threaten Livelihoods In certain parts of Iraq, temperatures are currently 125 degrees Fahrenheit. Skyrocketing temperatures are being felt globally. The United Kingdom and America experienced unprecedented heat waves last summer, causing health issues for people worldwide. United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres believes that the extreme temperatures will continue to rise due to climate change, and humans are “firmly on track towards an unlivable world.” Recent studies have shown that dire temperatures are in the near future, and the human body will not be able to survive through the usual mechanisms such as sweating. Humans will not suddenly die tomorrow, but soon, we will have to base our routines on the climate. For instance, going for runs outside will not be bearable in afternoon heat. Therefore, any exercise must be done in the morning or late at night. Crops that require manual labor will be nearly impossible to tend to, as the workers would not endure the heat. Therefore, rising temperatures will affect the most vulnerable first. This will be an equally challenging issue for workers in the United States and farmers in less prosperous countries. Takeaways From rising temperatures in the sea and land to droughts and floods, climate change is affecting the globe. There are simple ways that SciencesPo students and their families can contribute to the disasters that come with climate change. For example, using solar or wind-powered energy in our houses, using mass transit or an electric vehicle, and replacing old electrical appliances with more energy-efficient models. Little changes make a significant impact. Climate change is not an issue for 2050; it is a lethal issue today.

"I can attest that Israel has brought up a generation that is attached to the land and their roots like no other generation before. Our proud existence is resistance. Every story that died lives through us, and we will certainly not forget." < Back Navigating Conflict: A Palestinian Perspective Amidst the Israel-Hamas War By Clara Delso for Amnesty International November 30, 2023 The Israel-Hamas war that unfolded after the Oct. 7 attacks has resulted in a staggering death toll, claiming over 10,995 Palestinian and 1,405 Israeli lives in its first month. It has left the besieged Palestinian enclave in a dire humanitarian crisis and has shaken the entire Palestinian community. In light of these developments, civilians across the Occupied Territories of the West Bank mourn the losses of their Gazan brothers, as they, themselves, face increased aggression. Farah is a Palestinian girl from the 1948 Green Line living in East Jerusalem. In this interview, she shares her thoughts, offering valuable insights into how civilians living in the Occupied Palestinian territories are experiencing the War and the ways in which they grapple with the pervasive violence. Emotions run high during times of conflict. How have recent events in the region affected you personally? Being exposed to all that is going on is mentally draining. I exist in parallel with anguish over and detachment from the horrors of the war. The footage is endless, and having to constantly witness the suffering of your own people is heartbreaking, but has also made me desensitized to some extent. In these times, I find comfort in reflecting on the blessings I have taken for granted. Knowing that my family is alive and well, not having to worry about where my next meal will come from, and even stressing over university, while the lives and dreams of many have been cut short. While I thankfully don´t go through the horrifying reality of Gazans, Palestinians’ human rights and lives are still at risk everywhere. Everyone is a target. There is no freedom of speech without risking imprisonment or worse. I haven't been able to leave my home since the war started. I spend my days hearing gunshots in my street, scrolling through graphic photos on social media, and reading about violent attacks in the West Bank. Combined with the relentless checks of phones and arbitrary arrests, hopelessness has become a collective endurance. However, whenever I feel helpless, I remember a particular quote by David Ben Gurion during the Nakba, “The old will die, and the young will forget.” Being here today, I can attest that Israel has brought up a generation that is attached to the land and their roots like no other generation before. Our proud existence is resistance. Every story that died lives through us, and we will certainly not forget. As a Palestinian, how do you perceive the disconnect between Gaza and the West Bank, and what do you think can be done to address this division within the Palestinian territories? The divisions between the territories primarily manifest in the degrees of privilege. It is a direct result of post-colonialism and a rather bittersweet lottery of political liberties with no true freedom. On one hand, there are the privileged Palestinians from the 48 lines who often don't identify as Palestinian due to identity erasure, and on the other hand, there are Palestinians from the West Bank who experience raids, restrictions on freedom of movement, etc. but enjoy greater communal support and a stronger sense of national identity. However, no matter the nuances, these distinctions don´t expand into social divisions - we all share one cause and solidarity with Gazans. The idea of normalization between Palestinians and Israelis is a controversial topic of discussion. What are your thoughts on this and its potential impact on the conflict resolution process? There are many different attitudes towards normalization between Arabs and Israelis, both in civil society and internationally, in the light of Arab-Israeli negotiations. From my point of view, having coexisted in a multicultural school where all groups had social relations with each other, it can be problematic, but it really depends. I believe that, in many ways, normalization has been disguised as a pathway to peace. The peace that results from discussions which do not tackle the uncomfortable roots of the problem or from simply living together without acknowledging our differences and past, is shallow. It compromises the integrity of people and allows them to coexist with the reality of occupation . Rather than a genuine pursuit of peace, it appears to normalize the violence taking place under the guise of shared humanity. It is not true, positive peace, it is a form of coexistence marked by silence. Nevertheless, if both sides are able to come together to have a constructive conversation, I do not see this as normalization. I think it is really important to listen to each other and that everyone should be given a chance to speak and to be heard, in order to both foster empathy and avoid extreme polarizations. For example, if Palestinians were to completely oppose the thought of engaging with Israelis , it would be easier for the latter to accept learned beliefs which can lead to villainizing and dehumanizing us. Exposure to the Palestinian narrative can help them see and even understand reality through our eyes, dismantling prejudices and unveiling concealed truths. It could be a step forward in the right direction, a step towards mutual understanding and humanization. You attended a school with both Israelis and Palestinians. How did the recent events impact the relationships with your previous classmates? It seems to me that hard times like this one shed light onto the true intentions and beliefs of those surrounding you. Watching people I held to such a high esteem in my life, proudly and openly express violent ambitions or attempt to justify continuous escalations in their social media feels like a betrayal of our friendship. It's agonizing to see that during a sensitive time, some actively choose to turn a blind eye towards the devastation and pain of others. Polarization can be a significant challenge in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. How do you see this divide between pro-Israeli and pro-Palestinian sentiments impacting the peace process/ceasefire efforts? These sentiments are very broad in their scope, and they obviously both have the potential to become problematic. I think being in opposite spectrums of one or the other just results in normalizing all the violence arising, whether by justifying the actions of the Israeli government or Hamas. Regardless, I can talk about my pro-Palestinian sentiments, since I clearly identify with the Palestinian cause. I do not think expressing my thoughts, opinions, or publicizing experiences regarding the human rights violations of my people impacts the peace process negatively. Raising awareness is essential, and the more people are aware the more we see action being taken both by individuals and other stakeholders, even when governments are trying to censor our voices. Unveiling everything that is happening, being eyes and voices for the people that have had them taken away from them, it helps by both showing those suffering that they are not alone and by holding the Israeli government accountable. Overall it just helps to put more pressure into all actors to bring about a ceasefire. But yes, as I mentioned before, taking extreme stances to justify any sort of violence that comes towards the other side—which is what is happening right now, with everyone saying “it is proportionate”, “it needs to happen” etc.—does not improve any peace prospect. At the same time I think being neutral, with the excuse of being uninformed on the subject is very naive, and that taking the time to educate oneself is necessary. When advocating for all human beings and lives, it is crucial to acknowledge that the reality us Palestinians are living in is one with an ongoing imbalance of power.

Syria’s post-Assad experiment will be judged not only by who governs, but by how it treats those on the losing side of power. Will justice be pursued through institutions, or through revenge? Will Syria embrace unity, or settle into division? These are not abstract questions. They are matters of life and death, national identity and regional balance. < Back The Price of Blood: Syria’s Alawites and the Cost of Power Camilla Maury for CERS April 30, 2025 The fall of the Assad regime in December 2024 marked the end of a dictatorship, leaving Syria free from Assad family rule after 50 years. Surely that’s a cause for celebration... However, Syria finds itself at a new crossroads. It is tasked with establishing stability and security in a nation on the brink of collapse. Today, the landscape remains bleak: 90% of Syrians in the country live below the poverty line. Bread prices have skyrocketed since the new regime lifted subsidies, electricity is available for just a few hours a day, the public sector remains largely unpaid, and banknotes are scarce, leaving the cash-reliant economy in a stranglehold. Adding to its financial constraints, the country remains one of the most heavily sanctioned in the world, second only to Russia and Iran. While the United States has paused its proposed 41% tariffs on Syrian goods, within the general 90-day sanctions pause, the future remains uncertain. Sanctions relief has been alluded to by both the EU and Washington, however, policy ambiguity persists, trapping the country in a precarious limbo. Where does that leave Syria in terms of safety? The country is facing both internal and external threats. Internally, local security has been jeopardized by sectarian violence in recent months, especially from March onwards. Alawites, an ethnoreligious group and Shiite sect living predominantly in Syria, have increasingly been the target of attacks by armed groups supporting the Sunni-Islamist government, who are thought to be carrying out ‘revenge killings’ against those associated with the previous regime. The reasons behind these attacks can be attributed to the Assad regime's legacy, given that Bashar al-Assad himself was an Alawite, and the sect made up a central part of the Shabbiha, an Assad-loyalist paramilitary force that carried out deadly attacks against Sunni civilians during the civil war. Aside from the historical origins of the grievances, an immediate trigger occurred on March 6 when Assad loyalists attacked a local patrol of security forces in the Latakia province, killing at least thirteen people and prompting consequent anti-Alawite attacks and revenge killings. In early March alone, at least 1,000-2,000 civilian casualties, mostly Alawites, were reported by monitoring groups in the regions of Latakia, Tartus, Hama and Homs. More recently, in late April of this year, fourteen Alawites were reportedly abducted and killed in the Homs region. As noted by UN Envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen, “every step towards establishing the rule of law—and moving on transitional justice—will help reassure all components of the Syrian society.” Grievances persist amidst both the Assad loyalists and those in support of the new regime. Additionally, external threats continue to compromise security, as Syria finds itself at the heart of growing Israeli-Turkish tensions. Since December 2024, Israel has carried out repeated airstrikes on Syrian bases, incurring several casualties, while also deploying troops in a UN-patrolled buffer zone in the Golan Heights. The true target of these attacks is Turkey, with Israel’s foreign minister raising concerns of Turkey playing an increasingly “negative role” in Syria. Turkey’s vested interests in Syria are multifaceted. For one, Turkey has been hosting the largest number of Syrian refugees since the start of the civil war. Aiding in the establishment of stability in the country would allow for the repatriation of some Syrian refugees, alleviating pressure on Turkey from hosting 3.2 million Syrian refugees. Turkey’s primary interest, however, lies in sustaining a ‘security corridor’ in northern Syria, tackling counterterrorism linked with Kurdish insurgency on its home grounds, and expanding its soft power through a growing military presence. This comes at a time when Turkey is preparing to deploy air defense systems in Syria’s T4 air base, concurrent with negotiations with the new government for a defense pact . This would increase Turkish presence in the country and bolster Syria’s military. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s response has been clear : Turkish bases in Syria would pose a “danger to Israel.” According to Israeli Defense Minister, Israel Katz, Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa’s new government would “pay a very heavy price” for allowing Turkey to further establish itself in the country. Given the various conflicting external pressures, President Sharaa is called to tread carefully in navigating Syria’s next steps. Despite the turmoil taking Syria by storm, there are some glimmers of hope on the horizon. The new Syrian leadership is taking a cautious stance diplomatically, committed to balancing ties between competing regional powers and positioning itself strategically. Experts suggest that Syria’s transitional government has a rare window of opportunity to reclaim its agency and stability. As such, the government’s next steps are of special importance, especially if sanctions relief is contingent upon counterterrorism cooperation and minority protections. If Syria can leverage its current relative freedom from Irania n dominance and can secure support from international actors and allies, the country may be en route to a sustainable transition away from its years of violence. Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. Photo source: upyernoz on Flickr

Unprosecuted massacres have become the record of the international community in the face of the Palestinian struggle, whether by the Israeli state or extremist militias. As negotiations for a ceasefire continue between Israeli forces and Hamas, accountability for the loss of life must be of the utmost priority. < Back Sabra and Shatila: Remembering Unprosecuted Massacres Jenna Ahmed for Students for Justice in Palestine, Menton September 30, 2024 Nearly a year into Israel’s war on Gaza, Palestinians observe the 42nd anniversary of the 1982 massacres of Sabra and Shatila. Several regional crises led to the massacres, including the Nakba of 1948, the fifteen-year-long Lebanese Civil War beginning in 1975, and the re-establishment of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO ) in Beirut in 1970. A driving force of these historic events were the efforts of the Israeli government and its military to maintain a state in a region inimical to its presence. During the Nakba, the Arabic word for “catastrophe,” 750,000 Palestinians were forced from their homes by Zionist militias and the new Israeli Army following the UN Declaration of the establishment of the Jewish Israeli state and the first Arab-Israeli war. 110,000 of these Palestinains fled to Lebanon. Sabra was originally an impoverished neighborhood in west Beirut; it came to border Shatila, a refugee camp for displaced Palestinians established in 1949. The large influx of Palestinian migrants caused significant demographic shifts in Lebanon, intensifying already precarious dynamics. Leading up to the 1975 civil war, the Lebanese state was grappling with its French colonial legacy and a plethora of sectarian conflict among Marionites, Sunnis and Shias. While religious conflicts and disagreements regarding systems of sectarian rule were considerable factors, class struggle, unequal distributions of power, and deciding who and how different territories would be incorporated into the new state were equally relevant. Undeniably, a significant stressor in the context of the Lebanese Civil War was the question of Palestinian refugees and their independence movements. Throughout the Civil War, as several political and military groups emerged, alliances shifted and international players became increasingly relevant. At home, the Lebanese forces i.e. far-right Christian militias, namely branches of the Phalange or Kataeb , were fighting the Lebanese Arab Army and the PLO. Within this context, several splinter groups and alliances emerged. Abroad, Israel supported militias within the Lebanese forces. Syria entered the conflict on two opposing sides throughout the course of the war. Evidently, allyship within the war surpassed issues of religion or nationality and was the result of constant new developments. The most consequential of these alliances, in the context of the massacres, was between the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) and a far-right militia within the Lebanese forces. This alliance was strategic and ensured several things, among which included Israel’s access to the Palestinian forces and the establishment of a right-wing, pro-Israeli government in Lebanon. The failure to secure these strategic initiatives instigated the attacks on Sabra and Shatila. In June of 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon for the second time, with the dual mission of protecting Israel’s northern citizens and eliminating the PLO. In accordance with international agreements, PLO forces withdrew. However, on Sept. 14, the president-elect of the Phalange or Kataeb and leader within the Lebanese forces, Bashir Gemayel, who had become increasingly less accommodating to Israel’s proposals, was assassinated. Not only did this put an end to Israel’s attempts to establish a puppet regime in Lebanon, but it provoked uproar among the Christian forces who initially blamed the Palestinian Movement. At the time of the massacre, all multinational forces had withdrawn and an Israeli Blockade was in effect around the camps. On Sept. 16, the IDF’s allied Lebanese militia entered Sabra and Shatila. For 43 hours, the right-wing militia carried out a murderous rampage in which civilians were shot, beaten, raped and bulldozed into unmarked graves. Witnesses reported Israeli military officials watching as the killings continued and providing the militia with food and ammunition. In an interview, Dawood Mohamed Nasser, a Palestinian survivor of the massacre, describes how immediately after news spread of Bashir Gemayel’s death, Israeli warplanes and flares filled the sky. The following day, with Israeli forces blockading the camp, the killing began. In the interview, Dawood states , “What they did to us, no human could be capable of doing so.” In the massacre’s immediate aftermath, as foreign reporters and broadcasters shared the carnage with the world, the Israeli government strictly denied any association with the event, stating gruesome fighting had occurred between the Lebanese militia and so-called Palestinian terrorists. During the following months, audio tapes, intelligence reports and eyewitness accounts began to reveal the extent of Israel’s involvement. Eventually, as the international community gained further insight into the crimes committed that day, attention was turned to Israel’s Defense Minister Ariel Sharon. However, the 1983 Israeli-led Kahan Commission, found that the Phalange acted entirely alone and that Israel played no direct role in the massacres. This ruling came despite the fact that throughout the two days of bloodshed, several communications had passed between the militia and Israeli intelligence, many of which admitted to the fact that no terrorists could be found within the camp and that the majority of victims were civilians . A transcript within the Kahan Commission report recounted the IDF divisional intelligence officer’s statements “that the Phalangists within the camp ‘are wondering what to do with the population they are finding inside. On the one hand, it seems, there are no terrorists there. . . . On the other hand, they have amassed women, children, and apparently also old people, with whom they don’t exactly know what to do.’” The commission declared that Ariel Sharon had indirectly been involved by allowing the Phalange entrance into the camp and not putting a stop to the bloodshed. The commission subsequently asked for his resignation. Although he obliged, Sharon was elected as Prime Minister several years later in 2001. The international community shared several similar condemnations, all of which were ultimately futile. The United Nations condemned the action as an act of genocide but did not pursue further consequence on the matter. Most notably, in 2002, 23 of the massacre survivors brought a case against Sharon in the Belgian court for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. The court case was—again—to no avail. Primarily, there were issues of jurisdiction despite Belgium’s ability to prosecute foreigners accused of humanitarian crimes. More significantly, Elie Hobeika, leader within the Kataeb, and liaison to Israel during the massacre, was killed in a bombing of his home soon after agreeing to testify against Sharon. Now, over 40 years later, justice has not been served, nor is it on the horizon. Despite going largely undiscussed in international settings, this was a mass murder of two to three thousand Palestinians and Lebanese. Remembering Sabra and Shatila is increasingly relevant as fighting expands again into Lebanon. In their stated efforts to combat terrorism, Israel is continuously targeting highly concentrated civilian residentials utilized by both Hamas and Hezbollah. The massacres of Sabra and Shatila are a prime example of how regimes and organized political parties have and continue to answer the “Palestinian question." Unprosecuted massacres have become the record of the international community in the face of the Palestinian struggle, whether by the Israeli state or extremist militias. As negotiations for a ceasefire continue between Israeli forces and Hamas, accountability for the loss of life must be of the utmost priority.

Almost five years ago, United States President Donald Trump signed the National Defense Authorization Act enshrining the United States Space Force into law. < Back Reaching for the Stars: Exploring Astropolitics in the New Space Race By Alexandra Iliopoulou April 30, 2024 Almost five years ago, United States President Donald Trump signed the National Defense Authorization Act enshrining the United States Space Force into law. The Space Force , an armed service focused on developing a competitive edge in space, will ensure national security from the “ultimate high ground,” according to Trump. Little did Trump know, this decision would condemn him to an onslaught of criticism: the show Space Force , a satire of the sixth branch of the United States armed forces, was released on Netflix a year later. Despite the mounting criticism, government agencies and corporations were paying close attention, legitimately considering “ space as a warfighting domain .” The term “space race” is one that has historically referred to the politically driven standoff that took place between the United States and the USSR during the Cold War. This battle for ideological influence ushered in the creation of satellite technology, human space travel, and multi-planetary exploration. However, in recent years, a new space race has emerged, dominated by non-state actors seeking to expand economic opportunity through resource extraction and attempts of extraterrestrial colonization. Extraterrestrial colonization refers to the settlement of celestial bodies and has been the subject of discussion for lunar expeditions and Elon Musk’s ambitions to render Mars inhabitable. Tim Marshall, author of The Power of Geography: Ten Maps that Reveal the Future of our World , declares that future geopolitical disputes are no longer limited to terrestrial boundaries and resources. Already, a new wave of innovation has found a foothold in space: agendas including moon colonization, strategies for meteorite space mining, and security innovations like Lockheed Martin’s Space Fence are already in place. Naturally, the expanded presence of state actors and corporations in outer space has also raised the issue of space governance. Everett Dolman, a political theorist and space strategist, conceived the idea of “ astropolitik ” to navigate space governance. In his book , Dolman describes astropolitik as the realist approach to space policy and conquest, where space becomes the center of the global hegemonic struggle. His conceptual framework divides space into zones, highlighting near-Earth space, or low Earth orbit, as the most critical domain to ensure national security. In recent years, near-Earth space has been the primary focus of space politics, as states have entertained ideas of extraterrestrial exploration but largely directed their commercial space efforts on a low Earth orbit economy (LEO economy). The LEO economy describes the commercial activity that is related to low Earth orbit, the space within 2,000 km of the Earth’s surface. The International Space Station is the primary spacecraft stationed in low Earth orbit, but the expansion of the LEO will include production and trade including a rising number of actors in the sectors of commercial space travel, telecommunications and satellite deployment. While the weaponization of outer space for political dominance began in the first space race, numerous instances during and after the Cold War have emphasized space as a setting for power politics. The Reagan Administration introduced the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) in 1983, dubbed the “Star Wars” program. Cold War tensions were still a prominent concern at this point, as the objective of the program was to combat the threat of nuclear attack by the Soviet Union in the waning years of the Cold War. While the SDI represents a case of space militarization, the International Space Station (ISS) has been a nexus of international collaboration for fifteen nations since its conception in the 1990s. Russia plays a significant role in the ISS, and its participation in the ISS signified improved relations between the United States and the Russian Federation at the end of the 20th century. Even today, international cooperation remains a relevant characteristic of outer space exploration, albeit in a more exclusive manner. Since 2020, a group of 36 nations, including the United States, the United Arab Emirates, and Japan, have signed the Artemis Accords , a set of nonbinding agreements governing lunar expeditions and resource extraction on the moon. Marshall likens the successful feat of moon colonization, the international effort to establish sovereign colonies on the moon, to the historical influence of maritime powers. This crucial aspect provides an explanation for why the Artemis Accords notably lack the participation of China and Russia. Instead, the two superpowers plan to build a joint research station on the moon in the coming years, offering an alternative approach to lunar exploration, further exacerbating the power struggle materializing in the race for moon resources . Excluding state actors and space agencies, Silicon Valley entrepreneurs such as Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos are also actively shaping the environment of the new space race, characterized as the “ Billionaire Space Race.” Bezos entered the commercial space craze with the founding of his company Blue Origin in 2001, which is now contracting for the Pentagon alongside defense companies like Lockheed Martin. Musk, chief executive officer of Tesla and X, started SpaceX as a way to revolutionize the aerospace industry by reducing waste with reusable rockets . However, in its 22-year lifespan, Musk’s SpaceX has not only accomplished the unprecedented feat of recycling rocket components and launching Teslas into space; it has also been altering the landscape of internet connectivity through SpaceX’s satellite network, Starlink. The satellite system, which is present in over 40 countries , consists of 5,600 active satellites in low Earth orbit, accounting for more than 50% of the Earth’s active satellites. Taking Starlink’s expansive reach into account, Bezos’ Blue Origin seems to be playing a game of catch-up with Musk’s established network. Starlink is a prime example of the increasing authority that non-state actors have amassed globally, where tech stakeholders have found themselves altering outcomes of armed conflict. Musk found himself at the center of a military escalation when he received a request from Ukrainian authorities to activate satellites in an offensive against Russian ships in Crimea. Since before the full-scale war in Ukraine began, antagonism in the celestial sphere has led to renewed tensions reminiscent of the Cold War. Sources suggest that Russia is developing a nuclear space weapon that would target satellites, signaling potentially catastrophic consequences for Starlink. While Biden assured the American public that this weapon does not present a current threat to their personal safety, Russia’s progress in developing a satellite-targeted space weapon remains largely unknown. Either way, such a weapon would remain a last resort for Russia, as it would pose a mutual danger to their own satellites among the foreign spacecraft. Ultimately, the power distribution in global politics has undoubtedly been altered with the venture into astropolitics. Peaceful governance, while possible, will require a de-escalation of weapons development and a more consolidated space policy. Overall, the new space race will be characterized by the manner in which a multitude of actors confront the challenge of creating an all-inclusive legal framework for space governance while also balancing an increasingly multipolar political landscape in the coming decades.

It all started on a Thursday morning — at the crack of dawn to be exact — when around 40 Sciences Pistes walked across Menton to reach the bus that would take them to the first intercampus event in two years. < Back Menton à Reims: Sciences Pistes Converge at Intercampus Model UN Conference By Angeliki Vytogianni December 31, 2021 It all started on a Thursday morning — at the crack of dawn to be exact — when around 40 Sciences Pistes walked across Menton to reach the bus that would take them to the first intercampus event in two years. In reality, preparations for the SPMUN conference had started back in August when MEDMUN Secretariat leaders members Celeste Abourjeili, Florian Heydecker and Basile Rochet collaborated with RIMUN executives to organize and give life to this initiative. It took months of work for this event to come together, but in the end, everyone agreed that not only was it worth the work, but that it was one of the highlights of the semester. The Mentonese spirit was alive even at 5 a.m. waiting for Michel the bus driver to pick us up. Even though some of us had to walk for almost half an hour to get to the pick-up spot, and we were about to experience a 14-hour bus ride across the country, the vibes were immaculate. The bus ride had long cig breaks, numerous snack stops, and top notch music. Several pauses later, we reached frosty, cold and foggy Reims. The regal town looked intimidating and captivating from the moment we stepped off the bus. The fog, the champagne, the fancy buildings, the cathedrals… walking through the city was a different experience — a lovely change of scenery after many months in our cozy Menton. Our hosts were lovely, having filled entire living rooms with blankets and mattresses for us. They even showed us around and took us for late night kebabs, as the Mentonese were hungry (the gas station pasta boxes proved to not be very filling). The next day, everyone was dressed fancy and chic: it was time for the opening ceremony. By far outnumbering the other campuses, and making much more noise than everyone else, the Mentonese were ready to start the conference. We applauded our secretary general and our chairs; we listened to interesting points by different guest speakers on the current climate crisis and COP26. Then it was time for the most important part of the conference: the club. The ride there was long and we were late, but nevertheless we all got drunk together and had a wonderful time, with good music and lovely people. Day two of the conference was equally interesting: with everyone going to their committees, the debates officially began. From meat industry shenanigans to fishing incidents, each committee was special. The Menton campus had a very strong presence in UNEP, ECOSOC, Security Council, the Brazilian Amazon Crisis, the American Meat Industry, and much more. The conference ended with a loud bang in the form of another 14-hour bus ride, from the north to the south of France this time. We were all extremely happy, satisfied by unforgettable memories of the royal town near Champagne. We made strong impressions in each committee’s debate, and left with the winners’ champagne bottles and congratulations wishes. We got to know brilliant people from all Sciences Po campuses and invited them to our own MEDMUN conference in Menton, which will take place in April. We look forward to these experiences so much and hope to make it the best time for all staffers and participants.

Here are recent environmental developments to help ease your climate anxiety. < Back These Six Environmental Developments Will Help Your Climate Anxiety By Lara Prakash and Titouan Huber September 24, 2022 Clean energy projects surge after Biden approves new climate bill. Since U.S. President Joe Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act, a climate bill, this past August, large corporations have announced projects that promote sustainability. The bill provides financial incentives to companies that make their products more sustainable and accessible. In accordance with the act, Toyota will invest in a $2.5 billion electrical car parts factory. First Solar, a large solar manufacturing company, has pledged to build a factory in the United States. These initiatives will take a few years to come into fruition, and political leaders still want to “accelerate America’s transition away from fossil fuels and to reduce dependence on foreign suppliers, especially those in China.” As such, Biden aims to work on transmission projects in the meantime. These initiatives will be necessary for getting solar and wind power to states that want clean energy. With big corporations and political figures collaborating, slow but steady progress will be made in creating a more eco-friendly future for America. This summer, Solar power helped the European Union avoid €29 billion in gas imports. In the European Union, 12.2% of the electricity generated this summer was from solar power, the highest amount ever produced by this alternative power source. Natural-gas burning plants would have cost the EU approximately 29 billion euros, substantiating the claim that solar is beneficial for the environment and cost-effective. According to the think tank Ember, solar usage increased by 28% this summer compared to last year. The Netherlands and Germany were the two countries that used the most solar energy: 23% and 19% of the countries’ electricity expenditure, respectively. Between the rising gas prices and the increase in power costs due to the war between Russia and Ukraine, solar is greatly impacting the environment and helping citizens save money. Love coffee pods but hate the waste? This Swiss company has invented a green alternative. People all over the world say that drinking coffee is a central part of their morning routine. Many make their daily cup of coffee at home using single-serving coffee pods. Most coffee machines use aluminum and plastic pods, contributing to immense quantities of environmental waste. Migros, a Swiss company, has launched “Coffee Balls,” which are climate-friendly, dissolvable coffee grinds that will replace capsules. These coffee balls, known as Coffee-B, will work in a specific machine called the “Globe.” This innovative approach to making coffee may seem simple, but it will have a significant impact on the amount of waste produced if the majority of people using aluminum or plastic coffee pods make the transition. Marseille dévoile le premier ferry au monde n'émettant aucune particule polluante Lundi 5 Septembre, un engin très particulier à été dévoilé à Marseille: un ferry n’émettant aucune particule polluante! Cette première mondiale a vu le jour dans le but de faire face aux enjeux de protection de l'environnement, dans une ville où les habitants se plaignent souvent des résidus de pollution liés aux émissions des multiples ferrys circulant dans les eaux. Avec ce ferry, renommé le Piana, vous pouvez oublier la fumée noire et l’odeur de souffre des ferrys classiques qui détruisent l’environnement, Équipé d’un filtre à particules, unique au monde, il limite la pollution de l’air et de l’eau : une très belle avancée technologique. Et, cerise sur le gâteau, cette innovation révolutionnaire a lieu dans notre belle région. Google Maps veut faire économiser du carburant aux automobilistes français Depuis mercredi 7 Septembre, l’outil Google Maps a lancé une nouvelle fonctionnalité qui va réjouir de nombreuses personnes. Il est désormais possible de demander à l’application GPS un itinéraire “bis” pour se déplacer, permettant de faire des économies et de rejeter moins de CO2. Ces itinéraires, parfois plus longs de quelques minutes, seront le plus économe en essence possible, permettant de faire d’une pierre deux coups en réduisant notre empreinte carbone et en soulageant notre portefeuille. L'algorithme se base ainsi sur de nombreux facteurs comme la vitesse autorisée, les embouteillages, les côtes et les descentes ou encore le nombre de feux rouges. Testé depuis l’an dernier en Amérique du Nord et en Allemagne, la fonctionnalité aurait entraîné une réduction de plus de 500 000 tonnes d'émissions de CO2, soit l'équivalent de 100 000 voitures à moteur thermique retirées de la circulation. À Toulouse, 6 millions de litres d’eau récupérés dans une piscine pour arroser parcs et jardins Présenté comme le bassin le plus grand d’Europe avec ses 150 mètres de long et 50 mètres de large, la piscine Alfred-Nakache, construite dans les années 1930 à Toulouse, va servir d’exemple du changement que les “nouvelles” problématiques environnementales nous imposent. En effet, là où chaque année, en Septembre, la tradition voulait que le bassin soit vidangé, et où des millions de litres d’eau étaient gaspillés, une révolution s'amorce. Ces 6 millions de litres sont, cette année (et, on l’espère, pour les prochaines à venir), récupérés pour arroser les parcs et jardins de la ville, une grande première qui s’est mise en place dans le contexte de la sécheresse dont fait preuve le pays. Grâce à l’évaporation naturelle du chlore au contact de l’air, cette eau est totalement saine et va permettre de soulager de nombreux arbres victimes de la sécheresse. À l’avenir, la ville de Toulouse (et d’autres, on l’espère) renouvellera l’expérience et étendra son champ d’action à d’autres bassins.