“Les yeux sont le miroir de l’âme” dit-on souvent. Et dans Incendies de Denis Villeneuve, les yeux se font le reflet d'âmes agitées, tourmentées, torturées mais aussi exhumées. < Back Critique du Film: Incendies By Salim Ouartini November 29, 2021 “Les yeux sont le miroir de l’âme” dit-on souvent. Et dans Incendies de Denis Villeneuve, les yeux se font le reflet d'âmes agitées, tourmentées, torturées mais aussi exhumées. Le regard possède une place éminente dans la compréhension et la contemplation du film, tant il est porteur de sens et miroir de la décadence psychologique des personnages. Selon moi, l’essentiel du film pourrait être résumé à travers l’analyse du regard. Le regard de l’enfant face caméra dans la séquence d’ouverture, grave et noirci, qui a tout à envier à la blanche candeur d’un regard enfantin, et qui vous scrute et se rapproche tant la caméra s’en approche, brisant le 4e mur et déroutant le spectateur dès les premières minutes. Ce 1er regard qui fait écho au dernier. Celui de l’adulte qui observe la tombe d’une mère qu’il n’aura connu qu’à travers son absence, son viol et sa mort. Mais le regard qu’il nous sera donné de voir le plus souvent et qui ponctuera le film est sans aucun doute celui de Nawel, la mère. Du regard vide et traumatisé d’une mère à qui l’on arrache l’enfant et tue le compagnon, au regard déterminé et brave d’une mère qui traverse un pays en guerre pour retrouver son fils, qui se transformera en un regard de terreur et de désolation qui succède à l’absurde boucherie du bus, et qui murera en un regard de rancoeur et de haine qui poussera au meurtre, faisant place à un regard de folie et d’agonie humaine dans la prison de “Kfar Ryat” avant de retourner à ce 1er regard glacial, emplit de vide et de traumatismes mais regard qui cette fois-ci sera conjugué au visage de la mort. Et par un montage parallèle, le regard de Nawal du “Passé” se superpose à celui de sa fille Jeanne au présent qui lui aussi se modifie et s’intensifie au rythme des révélations toujours plus obscures et tragiques. Il conviendra donc de saluer le talent des acteurs qui ont su faire parler leur regard pour mieux nous porter dans l’histoire. Car si l’on nous donne souvent à voir le regard des personnages, ce regard, et donc le point de vue qui l’accompagne, est celui que nous adoptons également. Car lorsque l’on assiste à la scène du massacre du bus, avec une camionnette transpercée de balles et aspergée de sang et d’essence avant de se consumer dans des flammes aigres d’atrocité, notre regard ne peut que s’assombrir et notre coeur s’alourdir. Toutefois, il arrive que le film, à coup d'ellipses et de hors champ, nous épargne quelques images noires et “malséantes” telles celles du viol, mais en n’en laissant juste assez pour susciter effroi et horreur. On se fait spectateur d’une tragédie recque faite d’une mère, de jumeaux, d’une quête de sens, de violence, de meurtre, d’inceste, de catharsis, de coup de théâtre…. Certaines caractéristiques telles l’enfermement pendant 15 ans, la quête de sens dans un monde absurde, l’inceste entre parent et enfant annoncé en plot twist de fin semble faire écho au film sud Coréen “Old Boy” de Park Chan-Wook qui lui aussi laisse une marque indélébile de par la consternation qu’il provoque en nous. Plus encore, ce film à travers les regards qu’il nous montre et tout ce qu’il force notre regard à voir, cherche peut être également à changer le regard que l’on porte sur notre réalité, sur le monde qui nous entoure. Car l’absurdité d’une guerre qui provoque massacre et destruction pour des raisons politiques et religieuses n’est pas quelque chose qui relève uniquement de la fiction mais également d’une réalité qui a existé, va exister ou continue d'exister . La référence faite au Moyen Orient (peut être particulièrement à la guerre civile au Liban qui oppose Chrétiens et musulmans) semble assez évidente sans pour autant être au centre des considérations faites par le film. Car ce que l’on retient d’abord, c’est que peu importe le camp, la guerre est ignoble. Si l’on nous montre tant de regards que l’on n’aimerait jamais voir, c’est peut être parce qu’il nous faut les voir pour nous rappeler de la chance que l’on a d’avoir notre regard.

China has long been cracking down on political dissent shared via social media. The nation’s development of its surveillance has reached terrifying levels in recent years: by 2015, the nation’s surveillance camera system, SkyNet, had already reached 100% coverage of Beijing. The United States should brace itself for a long-term battle for internet freedom and democracy in what could be the next Cold War. < Back China’s Surveillance State is Triggering a Digital Cold War By Celeste Abourjeili January 30, 2022 Chinese tennis player Peng Shuai’s disappearance was the social media equivalent of an 8.0 earthquake. For the first time in a long time, American eyes were drawn to China’s dystopian surveillance system. Yet, this story has already become obsolete, without any Chinese concessions. Shuai remains missing. In the past few months, headlines have called attention to China’s quick cover-up of Shuai’s #metoo confession regarding the former vice-premier, Zhang Gaoli. Any mention of Shuai’s story was completely removed from social media and even private messaging groups within 30 minutes of her original confession. The story, however, should not have come as a surprise to the media, nor the American public. China has long been cracking down on political dissent shared via social media. The nation’s development of its surveillance has reached terrifying levels in recent years: by 2015, the nation’s surveillance camera system, SkyNet, had already reached 100% coverage of Beijing. Near-instant facial recognition technology allows Beijing to monitor all of the movements and behaviors of its citizens with an unprecedented level of precision and detail. China’s Great Firewall project further employs millions in the crime of regulating, censoring, and slowing down domestic internet traffic. That plus the nation’s exclusive use of domestic social media platforms means that China has achieved the great dream of many an authoritarian state — an independent, or “sovereign,” internet. Russia could only dream of attaining such a status. While other illiberal democracies might quake in the face of social media scandals, China shamelessly uses its control of the internet to shut down scandals on the domestic playing field. After a while, international media gets desensitized and moves on from the Peng Shuais of the world. However, China’s surveillance state poses a real and tangible threat to the United States. The nation’s dystopia means that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has a tight grip on the peoples’ ability to spread ideas or even think freely. A basic review of survey data from the World Values Survey demonstrates that Chinese people have submitted to lower democratic values and no longer understand democracy for what it is today, due to stringent censorship measures. For instance, the data demonstrated that, in China, the people greatly support democracy, however they believe that their government is democratic on the whole, even though China is an illiberal democracy. Meanwhile, the people showed altered perceptions of democracy with the belief that the government has the right to conduct surveillance and limit the privacy of the internet, or that the majority of Chinese journalists and media are uninvolved in corruption. In fact, there are no privately owned TV or radio stations in China according to the CIA World Factbook, and the Central Propaganda Department ensures that all domestic media outlets must gain approval from the government for all programming, so these beliefs are deeply misguided. What is particularly troubling, besides the rights violations, is the fact that China is already in the process of selling and exporting these technologies to other illiberal regimes — 18 countries are already implementing this system. China is considered a “major exporter of broadcasting equipment world-wide” according to the CIA World Factbook’s 2020 data. This approach to the internet and surveillance technologies demonstrates China’s intention to degrade global internet freedom and public unity on social issues. The CCP aims to restrict the flow of information not just in its own country but abroad. The party hopes to spearhead this movement — one can only imagine the control that such surveillance powers will leave to China on an international scale. China’s flashy new tools for social control and surveillance are here to stay and to spread. The United States should brace itself for a long-term battle for internet freedom and democracy in what could be the next Cold War.

< Back Cocteau’s Azur: Exploring Queerness in Menton Ema Nevřelová At first glance, Menton appears to be a quaint and peaceful town on the French Riviera—a place of leisure, history, and, of course, lemons. But is Menton truly as fruity as it seems? To uncover the realities of queer life in this picturesque coastal town, I conducted a brief survey among fellow Sciences Pistes. Their an swers reflected diverse and sometimes conflicting experiences. My first question centered on safety—something that is a recurring concern in Menton. Anyone who reads the Sciences Po group chat knows that it sometimes turns into a site of distressing stories recounting harassment and scary encounters with strangers. Still, the queer students who responded saw safety through different lenses. One noted, “Yes, it’s pretty quiet,” while another pointed out, “There’s a bunch of rightist guys who tend to be very homophobic. But you see allies hanging out with them, which makes me question people’s moral and ethical integrity.” This may sound familiar to anyone who has spent time in certain social circles at Sciences Po. While most students are openly supportive of the LGBTQ+ community—or part of it themselves—there are still spaces where discriminatory comments are not called out. And it’s not just about the students. Nearly a third of Menton’s population is over the age of 65, and some of those residents are not fond of Sciences Po students, in general and queer people in particular, causing a sense of alienation for some queer students beyond the campus. Despite this, most survey respondents agreed that Menton and Sciences Po provide spaces where they feel free to express themselves. Still, Menton offers little in terms of queer visibility or cultural representation. Perhaps the only formal nod to LGBTQ+ identity in the town is the Jean Cocteau Museum. Cocteau—a French poet, filmmaker, and artist—left behind a legacy shaped by Orientalism, surrealism and queerness, evident in his love letters to actor Jean Marais. In a letter from 1939, Cocteau wrote : “ My Jeannot, adore me as I adore you and console me. Press me to your heart. Help me to be a saint, to be worthy of you and of myself. I live only through you. ” But even this representation is complicated. Cocteau’s relationship with Marais, marked by a 24-year age gap, seems disproportionate in terms of power and manipulative, to say the least. Not to mention that the museum does not particularly embrace Cocteau’s sexuality. For example, on the website of the Museum Jean Marais, Cocteau’s lover, is mentioned several times in Cocteau’s biography, but the romantic relationship between the two is essentially omitted. On the contrary, it displays drawings of fetishized females turned into “mythical” creatures, making the entrance fee feel like a contribution to modern orientalism rather than to queer representation. With enough determination, one might stumble upon two paintings by British artist Francis Bacon in the Gallery of Palais de l’Europe. Like Cocteau, Bacon lived a frivolous and hazardous life, but what they both have in common is their romantic interest in younger men. My second survey question focused on dating and relationships. Responses varied: one student mentioned being in a relationship with another Sciences Po student, while another wasn’t seeking a connection. Interestingly, one respondent described the gay community on campus as “mean,” also noting that some students engaged in “outing” others—speaking publicly about someone’s sexuality without their consent. Conversations about who is or is not queer are not uncommon on campus, even though sexuality is a deeply personal matter. The environment at Sciences Po can foster an unhealthy curiosity, reinforcing a link between gendered stereotypes and sexual identity. It’s one thing to be curious or to hope for connection; it’s another to pressure people to “confess” or treat queerness as a fuel for gossip. The reality for queer Sciences Pistes becomes even more intricate as some students’ cultural background and family pressure create significant internal conflict. Some come from countries where homosexuality is criminalized or where queer people lack certain rights. Others are dealing with trauma from homophobic upbringings. Even in a relatively open environment like Sciences Po, those emotional scars can prevent students from exploring or embracing their identities. Queerness in Menton is undeniably present, even if it sometimes feels silent or silenced. While some are desperate to find even the smallest traces of representation in this fruity town, the right approach isn’t to squeeze people’s sexuality out of them. Instead, we should work toward building spaces that feel safe not only for queer individuals, but for all marginalized communities—and remain committed to calling out homophobia when we see it. Real inclusion isn’t just about visibility; it’s about cultivating empathy, respect and genuine solidarity. Ultimately, Menton’s beauty isn’t just in its scenery—it’s in the values we choose to embody and the community we create. Photo source: Ted Eytan on Flickr Previous Next

< Back Protests in Türkiye: The Fight for “Hak, Hukuk, Adalet!” Anonymous April 30, 2025 What does it mean to live in a country where your university diploma can be revoked not by an academic committee, but due to political motivations? In Türkiye, these aren't hypothetical questions but a dark reality. Ekrem İmamoğlu, the Mayor of Istanbul, had his university diploma suddenly invalidated; a sequence of targeted arrests, student uprising, and a brutal police crackdown followed . Across university campuses, city squares and on social media platforms, an uprising occurred, showcasing that the Turkish people have had enough. The students, professors, journalists and artists are leading the resistance against the alleged competitive authoritarian regime. As crackdowns increase, people continue to question: if not now, when? And if not us, then who? In March 2025, the Turkish public was stunned after it was revealed that the diploma of Ekrem İmamoğlu from Istanbul University had been revoked. So what was the legal basis for this? The Board of Directors of Istanbul University stated that there were alleged procedural inconsistencies in his 1990 transfer from Girne American University in Northern Cyprus. İmamoğlu had graduated in 1994, had worked in the private sector and held multiple offices, but now his diploma is "invalid." However, this decision was announced just weeks before he was expected to declare his status as the presidential candidate. According to legal experts such as Mehmet Pehlivan , once a degree has been granted and recognized for decades without controversy, suddenly invalidating it violates not only the principles of administrative fairness, known as idari istikrar in Turkish, but also the individual's right to due process. İmamoğlu’s legal team immediately filed an objection to the decision, declaring it “void of legality,” hukuka aykırı , and “politically motivated.” İmamoğlu’s lead attorney stated that "It is not a matter of documentation but timing." In the same week, 27 other individuals had their degrees revoked under similar circumstances. Among the people were Naciye Aylin Ataay Saybaşılı , professor of the Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences at Galatasaray University, who completed her doctorate at the Sorbonne. This act was seen as particularly offensive to Turkey's academic community. In response, students at Galatasaray University organized campus-wide protests where they chanted “ Akademiye Darbe! ” (“ A Coup Against Academia! ”) and clapped to show their professor their support. Faculty members joined in solidarity, stating that this act was “a direct ass ault on academic freedom.” The question emerged: if a regime could erase a diploma, why wouldn't it also erase an election? On the morning of March 19, 2025 Turkey was faced with the arrest of Mayor of Istanbul, Ekrem İmamoğlu , who was detained by officers under allegations of “misuse of public resources,” “corruption,” and “connections to a terrorist organization.” He strictly denied such accusations. The images and videos of İmamoğlu being escorted into police custody outside his home sent shockwaves throughout the country. For many, it wa s no surprise. After years of alleged political targeting and legal manipulation, this moment seemed inevitable and unbearable. Many stated that no legitimate court of law would detain a democratically elected official in such a militarized manner, especially someone who is seen as a national symbol of freedom and hope. Prosecutors accused İmamoğlu of “improperly awarding contracts” and “harboring sympathies” with outlawed groups. Yet no concrete evidence was provided. Although İmamoğlu had previously been investigated and cleared of similar claims, this time, the arrest appeared to be concocted not to convict but to interrupt. They aimed to interrupt İmamoğlu's goal of becoming a presidential candidate. He was taken to Silivri Prison which is known for political prisoners, journalists and academics who are arrested. After the arrest, millions of people went out in the streets to protest this unlawful act. Supporters gathered in Saraçhane , chanting “ Hak, Hukuk, Adalet! ” (“ Rights, Law, Justice !”). Many held signs that read, “15 milyonun iradesini hapsedemezsiniz!” (“You cannot imprison the will of 15 million people!”), a reference to the nearly 15 million citizens who had voted for him as Mayor and backed him as the next presidential candidate. İmamoğlu was not the only one detained. Mahir Polat , Istanbul’s Deputy Mayor and Mayor of Şişli, was also impacted. His crime? According to the state, "overstepping his authority in cultural restoration projects"—an accusation that could be interpreted as punishment for his views of secularism and urban heritage against gentrification efforts. Polat’s lawyer, Erkam Erden , called the charges to be dropped since they had no legal backing. Several municipal employees and cultural coordinators were arrested in a manner that represented a political purge rather than a legitimate legal investigation. International human rights organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch immediately issued statements condemning the arrests as politically motivated. The European Parliament members called for Türkiye to uphold democratic norms and warned of potential sanctions. However, the government affirmed that this was part of an "anti-corruption campaign." What terrified many was the speed of the process, since within 24 hours, a presidential candidate was transformed into a political prisoner, and the city that had twice elected him was left leaderless. This caused resistance and mobilization. After İmamoğlu was detained, hundreds of protesters took to the streets. The first act came from Istanbul University , where students gathered in front of the main gates with banners that read “ Diplomamı değil, geleceğimi çaldınız! ” (“ You didn’t just steal my diploma, you stole my future! ”). F rom there, the resistance spread across the country's most prestigious universities such as Istanbul Technical University (İTÜ), Boğaziçi University, Middle East Technical University (ODTÜ), Yıldız Teknik, Hacettepe, Bilkent, Ankara University and Dokuz Eylül University. At Boğaziçi, known for its anti-government resistance in previous years, students occupied the campus square with tents, books, music and megaphones, transforming the space into a “Democracy Watch Zone.” At ODTÜ , a large march circled the campus with chants of “ İmamoğlu halktır, halk yargılanamaz! ” (“İmamoğlu is the people, and the people cannot be judged!”). At the same time, cities across Türkiye began to resist. In Istanbul, millions of people gathered in Saraçhane , the symbolic space of İmamoğlu’s political story. The crowd chanted “ Bu daha başlangıç, mücadeleye devam! ” (“This is just the beginning, the struggle continues!”) while holding Turkish flags, opposition banners, and posters. In Ankara , students and parliament members organized a march from Kuğulu Park to the Parliament, demanding justice and an end to unlawful detentions. The march was met with police barricades, but the people refused to back down. Protestors sang the national anthem as armored vehicles loomed behind them. In Izmir, Samsun, Trabzon, Konya, Eskişehir, Mersin, and even Diyarbakır, protests broke out in public squares, parks and metro stations. Signs with İmamoğlu’s image with the phrase “ Seni Yalnız Bırakmayacağız ” (“We Will Not Leave You Alone”) and “ Her şey çok güzel olacak ” (Everything will be great), his prominent slogan, which was used in both his mayoral election campaigns, were seen in protests. The song “Yiğidim Aslanım Burda Yatıyor” was sung as protesters held their signs. As well as the songs "Kufi" and "Ceviz Ağacı" became symbolic songs for resistance . As the scale of protests grew, so did the state's fear. And in Türkiye, fear is often expressed through force. The regime responded with TOMA vehicles, tear gas, rubber bullets, mass arrests and brutality that shocked the whole country. In Saraçhane, where nearly two million people had gathered to demand the release of Ekrem İmamoğlu, riot police cordoned off the square, then charged into the crowd with armored vehicles and tear gas. At ODTÜ , a horrifying image of a protester clutching a Turkish flag while being tackled to the ground by the police became viral. A boot came down onto the flag itself, caught in the protester's arms. In the eyes of millions, it was the Turkish flag, and all that it should stand for—justice, freedom and democracy—being stomped on by the very forces meant to protect it. Over 300 people were detained . Students were pulled from crowds without warning, their heads slammed into armored vans. Lawyers working with the Progressive Lawyers Association (ÇHD) reported that many detainees were denied access to counsel for over 24 hours. The conditions of detention were even more horrifying. Multiple testimonies emerged detailing cases of physical and psychological abuse. Female students reported being strip-searched and sexually harassed by police officers. In Gülhane Parkı , where a group of students staged a peaceful sit-in under the slogan “ Gençlik Gelecektir ” (“Youth is the Future”), 43 students were arrested and the police rounded up the park. In Kadıköy, during the now-famous Gençlik Direniş Sahnesi (“Youth Resistance Stage”), artists and students resisted together. While the opposition alleged that the state aimed to use its resources to silence protesters, the opposition politicians, journalists and public figures raised their voices. Mahmut Tanal , a CHP deputy from Şanlıurfa and one of the most vocal defenders of civil rights in the Parliament, played a key role. Tanal joined students in person, walking among them, shouting alongside them. When police stormed the ODTÜ campus with TOMA vehicles, Tanal stated , “ ODTÜ’de TOMA’nın ne işi var? ” (“What business does a riot tank have at ODTÜ?”) Tanal didn’t stop there. He took to the Parliament floor, slamming the government’s assault on students, artists and municipal workers. “You are not protecting the state,” he said, addressing AKP ministers. “You are waging war on the youth of this nation.” Özgür Özel , the CHP’s new party leader, gave a nationally broadcasted speech declaring: “Ekrem İmamoğlu’na yapılan, Türkiye halkına yapılmıştır.” (“What has been done to Ekrem İmamoğlu has been done to the people of Türkiye.”) Özel later visited the families of arrested students and called citizens to join a nationwide boycott on April 2nd. Ali Mahir Başarır, also from CHP, stated that "Sokakta olmak, eylem yapmak suç değil. 86 milyon anayasal hakkını kullanıyor...Anayasal hakkınız, anayasal hukuk çerçevesinde her tepkiyi verebilirsiniz, bunlardan biri de sokaktır, nokta" ("Being on the street and protesting is not a crime. 86 million people are exercising their constitutional rights...You can express any reaction within the framework of constitutional law, and one of those ways is taking to the streets. Period.") Soon afterward, the investigations against journalists began. Murat Ağırel , a journalist known for exposing corruption, published an explosive piece detailing the financial motives behind İmamoğlu’s arrest, suggesting that Istanbul’s public works budget, once under AKP control, was now unreachable to party-affiliated companies. Ağırel was later detained on charges of “spreading misinformation” and “inciting unrest.” Another journalist, Timur Soykan , was arrested shortly with similar charges. Then came the shocking arrest of Berkay Gezgin , the young man who had once become a symbol of hope during the 2019 Istanbul mayoral election with the phrase “ Her şey çok güzel olacak. ” The ongoing resistance united people from all corners of the country who only chanted for the same thing: “Justice.” Photo source: Mark Lowen on Wikimedia

Whether it’s a $300 white noise machine that is advertised to put you to sleep within 10 minutes, or a $500 ring that will track all your bodily functions, which will most likely not be accurate, all the problems you can’t even imagine having have been solved for you. You are no longer only overwhelmed but you now also live in an overcrowded space. As if being exposed to advertisements of these isn’t enough, you also have the opportunity to buy them and test them out. Because investing in yourself can’t be a bad thing, can it? < Back FOMO (Face Yoga, Overwhelming, Maintenance and Overconsumption) Melissa Cevikel April 29, 2025 Missed Retro night or MEDMUN party? Tried writing your midterm paper on your train back from a weekend trip with friends and it didn’t go well? Stuck in a 14.05 km² town in your 20s where you feel like you’re missing out on classic college experiences? The early 20s are often advertised to be the most carefree and, according to clinical psychologist Meg Jay, the most defining years of one's life. But what exactly are these years defining if most youth navigating through them are battling with FOMO and are chronically overwhelmed? And how is this being used against us? In her book The Defining Decade: Why Your Twenties Matter and How to Make the Most of Them Now, Jay argues that the biggest factor shaping young adults is entering the workforce. Citing this, she mentions that she refuses to work with 20-something-year-olds who are not under stress while at work. “ If my 20-something clients aren’t on a steep learning curve at work, I would rather they get another job because it’s really about skill building,” she told UVA Today . “If you’re not feeling stressed and anxious at work as a 20-something, you’re probably not learning enough.” But who is this mindset serving? A 2023 American Psychological Association study on stress levels in young adults in America, defined as 18-34 year olds, revealed that 24% rated their stress level between 8 and 10 out of 10. An increase of 8% in overall stress levels was also observed compared to 2019—a change the APA linked to COVID-19. It should be noted that these findings most likely do not correlate with those in the Global South, for which statistics aren’t widely available. Looking at the data, it’s clear that people in their 20s are stressed and overwhelmed. So, where does the general stigma of Gen Z being careless, yet overly sensitive, come from? A 2023 Dazed article titled “Everyone needs to grow up” explains this phenomenon, noting: “Most complaints about the infantilism of young people have typically come from the right, which has pointed to safe spaces and trigger warnings as evidence that Gen Z and millennials have been coddled to the point of softness. The right-wing critique of infantilism usually contends that, due to a vague decline in moral fibre, young people aren’t willing to embrace the mantles of adulthood, like moving out of the family home, entering into a stable career, getting married and starting a family.” This right-wing idea of “softness” has not come alone—it has also brought justifications and cures to overwhelming stress with it. For some, the reason why people under 25 engage in behaviors that aren’t ideal can be explained by putting the blame on the frontal lobe. A popular belief—that has especially flourished on TikTok—claims that the age of 25 is the milestone at which life choices become clear, and henceforth, the feeling of overwhelmedness induced by decision making is no longer present. But how true is this? In an interview with Dazed, the head of the University of Edinburgh's Psychology Department, Dr. Sarah MacPherson, highlighted the wide misconceptions surrounding frontal lobe development. She stated that although it is true that frontal lobe development ends at 25, this doesn’t determine a clear and strict distinction between choices made before that age. Up until the early 2010s, the age of 16 was seen as the milestone age. Movies such as Sixteen Candles showcased characters hitting all their teenage milestones at 16. The idea of “sweet sixteen” being the perfect dating age during the 60s also signified the importance of the age in relation to transition into adulthood, especially for young girls. This age of “self fulfillment” kept being pushed further and further as many of today's young adults spent their critical ages of 16,18 and 21 in quarantine, without any chance of experiencing young adult milestones. Whatever was missed out on during the three years when COVID-19 was declared a health emergency is, in turn, being made up for right now. As we all know, we can’t make up for all the teenage and young adult experiences missed: attending high school house parties, carelessly drinking on a weekday or declaring “Euro summer” the minute we’re done with midterms. Responsibilities persist, but so does FOMO. This FOMO gradually grows as we see people who are, in fact, able to do all these things and balance it out with their academic life, and this subsequently turns into the feeling of chronic overwhelmedness. Feeling overwhelmed can be caused by many different factors, and frontal lobe development can’t always be blamed for it. Common symptoms of overwhelm include irritability, hopelessness, lack of motivation, panic and anxiety, low appetite and even problems with the immune system. And while the best way of solving this would be to take some time off and take everything one day at a time, social media’s obsession with self-care would beg to differ. As our problems became more complex, the market economy has presented us with more niche solutions. You can buy hormone balancing supplements (with no medical oversight), a new body lotion with 10% niacinamide and 1% zinc, a new workout set and a pilates subscription and sip on your green juice all at once! If you instead prefer to focus on your education and lock-in, you can purchase ten different highlighters, a laptop stand to help your posture and a subscription to an app that manages your screen time. A lymphatic drainage massage might help with muscle relief (because muscles “hold trauma”) and a foot mask just might be the purchase standing between you and solving your actual problem of procrastination. Whether it’s a $300 white noise machine that is advertised to put you to sleep within 10 minutes, or a $500 ring that will track all your bodily functions, which will most likely not be accurate, all the problems you can’t even imagine having have been solved for you. You are no longer only overwhelmed but you now also live in an overcrowded space. As if being exposed to advertisements of these isn’t enough, you also have the opportunity to buy them and test them out. Because investing in yourself can’t be a bad thing, can it? Our chr onic overwhelmedness has reached new heights. We are no longer overwhelmed by our tasks, relationships and responsibilities. We have entered a new era where we are overwhelmed by our purchases and the possibilities of them. AI is thinking—and most recently creating—in our place, so that we have fewer things to worry about. Yet the feelings of FOMO persist, no matter how much time we save not doing a reading for class or not editing an application. We still get bummed out when our friends post stories from a night out we had to sit out on, and are haunted by the regret of leaving our assignments to the last minute. Our overwhelmedness seems to connect us to our irreducible humanity more than any emotion can. We stress about jobs, money, friendships and grades—because we’re human enough to understand that there is no definite solution to any of it. We continue to go out the night before the exam, knowing that we will regret it, and we do things knowing they will overcomplicate our relationships. We make mistakes, partly because some of us have the privilege to do so and partly because there is no other way around being human. We get overwhelmed and feel like the end of the world is around the corner, yet we wake up the next morning and at least try to be better. Being chronically overwhelmed shouldn’t be normalized, but there isn’t any way not to feel overwhelmed once in a while. And though a pillow spray might seem like just the thing to help let go of everything, there is a very high chance it won't. Not buying into marketing tactics that claim to help with feeling overwhelmed might be one of the most important steps towards breaking free from the “chronic” aspect of feeling so. So can recognizing that our biological development most likely isn’t the reason for all our recklessness. People over 30 get overwhelmed, and so do people over 50. We will hopefully be surviving at least 50 more years of feeling overwhelmed and missing out on things, so no need to waste all our emotions on it now. Photo source: Toni Blay on Flickr

After 19 years of nearly continuous U.S. military presence, Iraq has limited the influence of the Islamic State, but is still experiencing domestic turmoil, a Parliamentary crisis and extreme corruption in the public and private sectors. Solutions to these challenges should be led by the Iraqi people, not a foreign power with conflicting interests and little investment in the future of Iraq. < Back Reconsidering America’s Presence in Iraq after Zainab Essam Al-Khazali’s Death By Peyton Dashiell October 31, 2022 On September 21, a 15-year-old girl was shot and killed in Baghdad, Iraq while working on her father’s farm. Despite Baghdad previously being labeled as the most dangerous city on Earth for terrorist attacks, Zainab Essam Al-Khazali was not killed by an Islamic State militant or a member of another terrorist group, but by American troops conducting a routine military drill. These are the same troops which first mobilized in 2014 to protect Iraqis from the looming terrorist threat of the Islamic State. Her tragic, senseless death raises critical questions: Why has the United States government refused to acknowledge her death in any way? Why did the American military conduct an exercise in a populous area? And, most of all, why are U.S. troops still present in Iraq after the Iraqi Parliament voted them out years ago and multiple American presidents have pledged military withdrawal? The United States has maintained a continuous military presence in Iraq since a U.S.-led coalition invaded the country in 2003 to overthrow Saddam Hussein. After a brief hiatus from 2011 to 2014, the U.S. military formally reentered Iraq in 2014 on “Operation Inherent Resolve” to fight Islamic State forces upon request from the Iraqi government. Efforts began after the Islamic State launched the Northern Iraq Offensive in August 2014. In response, the U.S. began supplying Kurdish Peshmerga forces with weapons on August 5, and began direct airstrikes three days later. The operation continued for nearly seven years, and U.S. aid to the Iraq Security Forces totaled $3.5 billion throughout the conflict, with over 189,000 officers trained. The U.S.-led coalition has been criticized for committing human rights violations during “Operation Inherent Resolve” and compounding Iraq’s existing humanitarian crisis. Poorly targeted coalition airstrikes led to many civilian casualties, and Amnesty International alleged in 2014 that the coalition kidnapped Sunni civilian men to use as forced labor in the fight against the Islamic State. Finally, U.S.-backed prisoner abuses date back to the early stages of the Iraq War in prisons like Abu Ghraib – in 2004, Amnesty International uncovered photos of U.S. troops abusing prisoners of war in the same suburb of Baghdad where Zainab lost her life. Despite the United States formally withdrawing from Iraq in December 2021, nearly 3000 military personnel remain in the country in an advisory role to provide air support and military aid. However, their presence has been contentious. In January 2020, U.S. assassination of Iranian general Qasem Soleimani caused widespread outrage in Iraq. Major political figures called for the U.S. Embassy to be closed and diplomatic relations halted. The Iraqi military launched retaliatory airstrikes on U.S. forces in Iraq, and the Iraqi Parliament voted unanimously to expel all American troops from the country, later revising their statements to include all foreign troops. While several NATO countries withdrew their troops due to safety concerns, the Trump administration threatened Iraq with sanctions if any further action was taken against U.S. forces, thus, cementing their presence. Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter prohibits the use of force except in “intervention by invitation,” when a country requests the military presence of another country. This rare case would apply to the 2014 American entry into Iraq because the Iraqi government requested help in the fight against the Islamic State. But after the vote by the Iraqi Parliament in 2020 asking U.S. troops to leave, their presence became illegitimate under this charter. However, despite a strong opposition wing within Iraq, anti-American sentiment is not universal, largely dependent on ethnic and religious identity. The vote to expel U.S. troops was led by Shia lawmakers, with most Sunni and Kurdish representatives abstaining from the vote. U.S. troops continue to train with the Iraqi military and recently signed a bilateral defense agreement with the Kurdistan Regional Government to bolster security and military training operations. Proponents of U.S. military presence in Iraq often cite reasons such as countering Iranian influence, preventing terrorist attacks, and protecting the security of Israel and other US partners in the region. However, natural resources, particularly oil, serve as another key factor. Iraq is home to oil reserves totaling over 140 billion barrels, the fifth largest proven oil supply globally, with a large portion located in the Kurdistan region. Upon entering the 2003 Iraq War, former U.S. Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz pledged to support Kurdistan’s energy sector, telling a Congressional panel that Iraq’s oil and gas resources “could bring between $50 billion and $100 billion over the course of the next two or three years.” But nearly two decades later, it is evident that the Iraqi people did not benefit as foreign powers descended upon their oil reserves. While the oil-rich Kurdistan region has seen more economic development than the rest of Iraq, fraud, corruption and mismanagement have led to nearly $20 billion per year in oil revenue smuggled out of the country, with little benefit to the Kurdish residents working to source the oil. Kurdistan’s Ministry of Natural Resources has been accused of working with foreign powers to send oil money to international tax havens, flipping assets, and producing massive profits for multinational companies based in North America and Europe. While the Islamic State remains a threat in Iraq, they have no consistent territorial holds, and the Iraqi government has developed effective containment policies for terror cells. Operating with the goal of completely eradicating all Islamic State adherents and ideology will result in an indefinite U.S. presence in Iraq. Furthermore, while American troops have helped foil and respond to some Islamic State attacks in Iraq, they are increasingly being targeted by Iranian drone strikes, which have killed U.S. servicemembers as well as Iraqi citizens fighting alongside the U.S. in Kurdistan. These attacks signify a larger balance of power the U.S. seeks to maintain in the region — Iraqis are paying a violent price as the U.S. aims to counter Iranian influence. If the U.S. decides to completely withdraw troops from Iraq, lessons must be learned from its 2021 withdrawal from Afghanistan. The 2021 withdrawal resulted in the Taliban seizing power from the Afghan National Army within days of the U.S. military’s departure and created an unresolved humanitarian disaster. Additionally, the withdrawal broke promises made to Afghan civilians who aided American forces — many people were left behind and susceptible to persecution by the Taliban due to past U.S. ties. If American troops leave Iraq, the U.S. must prioritize the protection of Iraqis who have fought alongside them, and ensure that any stabilization money given to the Iraqi government is used for its intended purpose — during the withdrawal from Afghanistan, the Taliban seized millions of dollars in cash, gold, and weapons left behind by U.S. forces. The question of American military presence in Iraq extends far beyond a pure military partnership.Twenty-first-century Iraq has experienced immense exploitation for military, economic, and geopolitical gain, and the people and government of Iraq should decide the next steps regarding the American military. After 19 years of nearly continuous U.S. military presence, Iraq has limited the influence of the Islamic State, but is still experiencing domestic turmoil, a Parliamentary crisis and extreme corruption in the public and private sectors. Solutions to these challenges should be led by the Iraqi people, not a foreign power with conflicting interests and little investment in the future of Iraq.

Many young Tunisians, 1A Amira Zargouni notes, are “filled with disillusionment due to the long, arduous process of democratic transition” and have not experienced the direct rewards of democratic gains during the post-revolution period that their parents or grandparents did. < Back Tunisia: A Nation Relying on the Fundamental Power of Youth Trust By Luca Utterwulghe September 29, 2021 As students of the Middle East and North Africa region, we are quick to recall that Tunisia was the only relative success story of the “Arab Spring,” a string of popular revolutions beginning in 2010 which engulfed the region. Tunisian exceptionalism was due to a myriad of factors: the mobilizing role of social media, the diverse and widespread nature of the protest movement, the strategic dialogue initiated by Tunisian civil society, and the absence of military repression of protests, as was the case in Bahrain and other Arab Spring states. Western spectators often extol Tunisia as the pillar of democracy in the MENA region, praising its relatively secular political institutions and “liberal” constitution , which includes a mandate to actively support child development, commitments to “social justice” and regional equality, articles outlining gender equality, and orders to protect the environment. Why, then, have mass crowds continued to flood Avenue Habib Bourguiba and city centers from Bizerte to Gafsa, shouting chants reminiscent of the initial calls for the removal of dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali? Protestors called for the suspension of Parliament, economic reform, strategic action on the COVID-19 crisis, and an end to police brutality. Tunisian President Kais Saied terminated Parliament and removed Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi on July 26, 2021, a decision rooted in entrenched political divides which have plagued the government. Many question whether Saied’s decision to suspend Parliament for thirty days indicated the rise of a new authoritarianism or a proper course of action in the face of national political and economic crisis. Saied has since extended the suspension, raising further questions about the legitimacy of his temporary consolidation of power. Compounding the gravity of these issues is the emergence of political figures like Abir Moussi , leader of the Al-Dustur al-Hurr party and a Ben Ali regime nostalgic. Moussi’s disruptive actions in parliamentary procedures and the unbridled anger of her opponents have led to embarrassing (physical) clashes in Parliament. Many, however, take for granted the fact that (most) Tunisian citizens have the right to express their grievances without having to fear the state’s security apparatus to the extent that they did pre-revolution. Tunisia remains in the difficult and transitionary space of fairly well-protected political liberties and unstable economic conditions, forcing many young and bright Tunisians to flee the country ( youth unemployment was 35% in 2019). How can Tunisia move forward in this drawn-out process of democratization where the value of political freedom is drowned out by pleas for economic reform, among other things? What do young people need in order to trust the future of their country? I have consulted young Tunisians to lend some insight into these necessary questions: Amira Zargouni, a Tunisian first year student in the French Track of the Sciences Po Menton campus responds to the above questions with a call for structural reform in various domains of Tunisian society. Zargouni stresses that “in order to understand their needs [young Tunisians], it is important to [paint] a portrait” of them. Many young Tunisians, Zargouni notes, are “filled with disillusionment due to the long, arduous process of democratic transition” and have not experienced the direct rewards of democratic gains during the post-revolution period that their parents or grandparents did. Zargouni describes the reality of young Tunisians as navigating and protesting a complex web of “endless loopholes” in political life. The underlying issue Zargouni pinpoints is corruption, an issue that “remains intact and that contaminates every other branch, field, [and] future prospect” in the Tunisian political and economic spheres. While Tunisian political institutions are generally well-functioning, Zargouni emphasizes that Tunisia has still not established a constitutional council or supreme court of the land. There exists no “fair and efficient judiciary to act strongly against any form of corruption.” Zargouni alludes to the removal of the head of INLUCC, “the government committee fighting corruption,” as a crucial indicator of low public trust in government. In a more economic sense, Zargouni states the importance of “reshaping the economic model, [making it] more inclusive, more equitable, and coherent with the global value chain.” Evidently, there are a range of approaches one can take in examining what young Tunisians need to move forward confidently, trustingly, and prosperously. It is clear that Tunisian youth are extremely capable of reforming their communities ( Hayfa Sdiri is an excellent example of how young minds can affect change). Decision-makers are tasked with the fundamental duty of protecting and nurturing this wealth of human capital. Failing to do so will only lead to further political strife and deadlock.

How the repatriation of 17,000 ancient objects can restore collective memory in a war torn country. < Back From Hobby Lobby to Iraq: The Historic Repatriation of Ancient Objects Restores Collective Memory By Lara-Nour Walton October 30, 2021 You may think that the connection between the craft store chain, Hobby Lobby, and the ancient Mesopotamian Gilgamesh Tablet could be tenuous at best. But you would be mistaken. In 2017, the Evangelical Christian owner of Hobby Lobby, Steve Green, opened the Museum of the Bible, a project that seeks to document the history of the Holy Book. Up until recently, many of the institution’s collections featured ancient Near Eastern art with questionable provenance. In 2010, Hobby Lobby combatted smuggling allegations after sneaking clay cuneiform slabs and seals (falsely labeled as Turkish tiles) into the United States. Green was warned prior to the purchase of these artifacts that they were most likely unlawfully looted from Iraqi historical sites. However, this warning went unheeded and Hobby Lobby became subject to a civil complaint. In 2019, one of the museum’s highest profile acquisitions, a fragment of the Dead Sea Scroll, was found to be a forgery. And now, the company is yet again under national scrutiny as it atones for its art-collecting sins in a major repatriation campaign. Amid power vacuums during both the Gulf War and American invasion, Iraqi museums, unexcavated caves, and monuments were looted. These thefts fueled the antiquities black market and resulted in the displacement of thousands of ancient objects. To return these objects to their motherland is, according to UNESCO Director General Audrey Azoulay, a triumph “over those who mutilate heritage and then traffic it to finance violence and terrorism.” But, the return of these ancient artifacts means so much more. It represents the restoration of Iraqi history and the rehabilitation of our collective memories. Since August of this year, some 17,000 looted artifacts hailing from both Museum of the Bible and Cornell University collections have been returned to Iraq. Among the restituted objects is the storied Gilgamesh Tablet whose tumultuous journey back to Iraqi soil is emblematic of the unpredictable nature of antiquities trafficking. The clay fragment that recounts an ancient Sumerian tale of a bull-slaying demigod was stolen from the Iraqi museum during the 1991 Gulf War. UNESCO reported that it was then allegedly bought by a Jordanian antiques dealer, who passed it onto a coin dealer in London. Later, it served as the centerpiece of a Museum of the Bible exhibit in Washington, D.C. before being seized by homeland security agents. Today it resides in the Baghdad Museum. For many, the return of these ancient objects is not merely about “rightful” ownership. Rather, it signifies a reunion between Iraqis, whose heritage has been subject to immense erasure over the last three decades, and their cultural pasts. U.S. ambassador to Iraq, Fareed Yasseen, described the repatriation as “a culmination of years of effort to heal Iraq’s cultural heritage wounds.” But many of these wounds cannot be mended. Several archaeologists discourage research into potentially looted objects because it deprives countries of origin from the opportunity to study the pieces themselves. However, the artifacts returned by Cornell University have been thoroughly studied without the consultation of Iraq. “We missed this great opportunity to study our tablets, our heritage,” lamented Hassan Nadhem, the Iraqi minister of culture, tourism and antiquities. “This is a kind of bitterness in our mouth.” Other wounds that emerged as a result of political instability and American neo-imperialism are manifested in the robust terrorist organizations that operate within Iraq. The destruction of Nineveh, the shameless rampaging of the Mosul Museum, and the dynamiting of centuries old Muslim and Christian shrines in recent years by the Islamic State are the most tragic cases of all. The art that was destroyed at the hands of extremists is irretrievable. Not even the repatriation of 17,000 Iraqi artifacts can restore the history that has been lost as a result of iconoclasm. The Gilgamesh tablet was returned on September 23, 2021. The repatriation was dubbed “a major victory” by UNESCO. But Hobby Lobby and Cornell’s return of these artifacts should not be viewed as a favor to Iraq or as some unforeseen joyous homecoming – it was simply a matter of national responsibility. The United States played an instrumental role in the destruction and pillaging of Iraq. During the 2003 invasion, U.S. soldiers were documented looting museums alongside disillusioned Iraqis. The de-baathification policies and America’s systematic dissolution of the Iraqi military directly led to the formation of the terrorist organizations that continue to chip away at Iraq’s already-dwindling cultural heritage. However, when news of repatriation campaigns hit media outlets, or when black clad men defacing lamassus appear on American television screens, it seems so far, as if the U.S. had nothing to do with the displacement of Iraqi objects or the subsequent defacement of ancient artifacts. But this is to be expected. Scholar Hamid Dabashi once said: “imperial cultures thrive on their intentional amnesia.” His words ring true as the U.S. feigns blamelessness, incredulity, or even sympathy when acknowledging the conflict in Iraq — a conflict that rages on as an immediate result of American disregard for the histories of other nations. Thus, it is art, the fight for its repatriation and its mere existence, that helps create the framework for collective memory. It is art that is the ultimate antidote to an empire’s amnesia.

The government reopened the borders on February 7, 2022 following a series of protests from tourism industry workers. As the world enters a new phase of the pandemic, with increasingly more governments viewing COVID-19 as an endemic disease, there still remains some uncertainty. < Back As Morocco Opens its Borders, a Delicate Return to Normal By Colin Lim March 29, 2022 Toward the end of November 2021, news of the mysterious Omicron variant swept the world. It was another episode in the seemingly never-ending saga of COVID-19, a routine to which the world had become accustomed by that point. Governments around the world predictably imposed new restrictions in an attempt to curb the spread of the more contagious yet less deadly variant, and some, including Morocco, closed their borders entirely. This had a grave impact on its tourism sector, which comprised 7.1% of its GDP in 2019 and has been facing a severe decline since the start of the pandemic, as well as general international commerce and economic activity. Royal Air Maroc had planned to launch direct flights from Casablanca to Tel Aviv on December 12, 2021, following the normalization of relations between Morocco and Israel (coincidentally the only two MENA countries to have closed their borders in response to Omicron), and they finally reached this important milestone in intra-MENA relations on March 13, 2022. On a human level, Moroccan citizens and diaspora members overseas who wanted to visit relatives in the kingdom could no longer do so. This is not just an abstract concept; in fact, many members of the Sciences Po campus of Menton community are from Morocco or have strong family ties to the country. Maryam Khattari, a 2A from Casablanca, was very upset over the border closure, and she expressed frustration over not being able to go home or have her family members leave the country to visit in Europe. She emphasized the lack of sufficient advance communication from airline authorities regarding the suspension of flights, as well as the great deal of uncertainty that resulted from the lack of a clear end date for the restrictions. Anis Karrakchou, a 2A from Rabat, also did not visit Morocco during the break; rather, he enjoyed time in Tunisia with the Babel Initiative. He acknowledged his minority position, but was somewhat apathetic regarding the border closure. He did express sympathy toward those who had missed the opportunity to visit relatives during the month-long break in between the autumn and spring semesters. He has now recently returned from Morocco and recounted how “enjoyable [and] comfortable” it was “to see my family and to eat Moroccan food — the food I grew up with.” The government reopened the borders on February 7, 2022 following a series of protests from tourism industry workers. As the world enters a new phase of the pandemic, with increasingly more governments viewing COVID-19 as an endemic disease, there still remains some uncertainty. One can only hope that the dark days of travel bans will soon be behind us.

The Beirut attack has reproduced immensely this social division on the political stage as Lebanese dreadfully await to see if Hezbollah’s ‘silent strategy of response’ unravels into an unwanted war. < Back Beirut Bombing: A Social Take By Jad Toufic Toutinji Photo of the bombed apartment where Saleh Al Arouri and six other members were assassinated. It was captured on Dec. 3, 2024 by Al Jazeera cameraman Jawad Shukr. On Dec. 2, 2024, the population of Beirut was shaken by an Israeli attack on a supposedly residential building in the Hezbollah controlled southern suburbs, killing Saleh Al Arouri, a prominent Hamas political leader, and six other members during a secret Hamas meeting. It is the first Israeli attack on Beirut since the July War of 2006. The Situation Since Oct. 8, Hezbollah and Israel have been incessantly attacking each other within a ‘limited conflict’ under ‘rules of engagement.’ On the Lebanese side, this ‘conflict’ has taken the lives of more than 160 people (at the moment of writing), some of whom were innocent citizens, children and journalists like Reuter’s Issam Abdallah. It has also caused great infrastructural damages across the southern and central western regions of Lebanon, displacing approximately 80,000 people . On the Israeli side, the death toll is 15 with minor infrastructural damages, but with thousands evacuated under the government’s organization and request. A Brief Political Analysis The attack on Beirut came as a shock to many, even to those who may have anticipated it. It marks the first potential spark of an official all out war between both parties, being that it is Israel’s biggest breach of the ‘rules of engagement.’ This latter phrase in the conflict’s context refers to an equivalent right of response by both sides, which is what all Lebanese are dreading. If Hezbollah were to respond equally to the attack, then Lebanon will be pulled into a dreadful war. Many concerned believe Israel is testing the waters and ploying to drag Hezbollah to war. Israel’s unofficial defence for the attack is to get rid of all those involved in the Oct. 7 operation as clearly expressed by the Israeli Mossad Chief’s vow to “settle the score” a day after the Beirut bombing. Yet, there is more to see on the wider scope: Washington has recently refused the inclusion of Lebanon in the regional conflict, which Israel appears to disagree with. As a result, Israel took this discrete, precise attack instead of its usual bombardments like in the southern regions of Lebanon. Even though Israeli government officials are claiming that the attack was on Hamas, not Hezbollah and Lebanon, the violation of Lebanon’s sovereignty is undeniable. Furthermore, on Dec. 3 Israel bombed the Lebanese village of Naqoura, killing a prominent Hezbollah leader Hussein Yazbeck. Clearly, the attacks are not limited to Hamas. Thus,we could argue that Israel was testing Hezbollah’s waters by attacking its central neighbourhood, but also verifying the US’ commitment to de-escalation in Lebanon. The latter’s officials denied any prior knowledge of the planned drone bombing. Moreover, it is also Netanyahu trying to postpone his inevitable electoral defeat by prolonging the war and expanding into Lebanon. In response, Hezbollah’s leader Hassan Nasrullah warned during his speech on Dec. 3 that Arouri’s death will not go “without response and punishment,” claiming that it will be “very, very, very costly.” Consequently, observers are anticipating potential attacks; however, some interpret it as Hezbollah maintaining a ‘dormant’ right of response, so no immediate reciprocation. In fact, since Oct. 8, Hezbollah has been relatively showing a tactful response in an attempt to balance between supporting Hamas and controlling the internal Lebanese turmoil. Immediate Social Responses Instances after the bombing, there was a moment of panic that spread all over Lebanon. People in my neighbourhood, which is ten minutes away from the site of bombing, said that they had heard “three consecutive loud explosion sounds.” Two friends of mine, who live within metres from the site said that “they did not hear an explosion” – often a normal situation when the person is within close proximity to the bombing – and that “they heard a drone movement but lower than the usual Israeli warplanes viciously hovering over Lebanon.” One of them, living on the same street, said out of fear, “whatever it was they bombed us with, I felt it pass just above my house.” No one really knew who was assassinated, yet because of Lebanon’s consistent experiences with assassinations since 2005, it was almost immediately and unequivocally accepted that an assassination had taken place. The fear spread through all telecommunication ways possible. I was driving with my friends when it all happened and, within a matter of seconds, all the phones in the car were ringing. It was the typical Lebanese response to check on everyone after an attack, especially considering almost everyone in Lebanon would know someone who lives near the site of the bombing. My brother, who was in a shopping center when the explosion happened, saw many “immediately hold their kids and rush blindly to their homes.” Indeed, soon after it was made known that Israel bombed Beirut, its streets were emptied up as everyone took shelter in their homes in fear of further bombing. Even if, by far, this surely was not the biggest, most traumatic bombing to occur nor was it the most dangerous Israeli attack within the past five years, the consistent post-Beirut 2020 explosion trauma and the current Gaza and southern Lebanon massacres were enough to trigger a wave of fear all over the country. Within an hour, most Beirut boulangeries had run out of Lebanese pita bread as people bought essentials preparing for a potential war. Unlike prior to the 2006 July War, consciousness and fear of the repercussions of war is strongly present among the Lebanese. In comparison, in 2006, when Hezbollah announced the success of its kidnapping mission in the south, most Lebanese celebrated the success as many hoped to see the Lebanese hostages being exchanged for the kidnapped soldiers. Few were the ones that rushed out of fear to markets and boulangeries. However, it is evident that the trauma scarred in most Lebanese from that disastrous war created an unseen dreadfulness. As a result, most Lebanese, including to some extent Hezbollah, do not wish to go to war with Israel at the moment of writing. The Reproduction of Social Divisions The Dec. 2 Israeli attack on Beirut reproduced the never-ending Lebanese social divisions, some of which were essential factors to the 1975-1990 Civil War: the Palestinian refugees and the war against Israel. For a long time, Palestinian resistance groups, like Hamas, and also Lebanese ones, like Hezbollah, have existed out of the Lebanese military control. It has sparked on multiple occasions disputes with Lebanese civilians who feel endangered by the existence of armed groups. Today, many, if not a majority, stand against these armed groups. Most Lebanese stand with the Palestinian cause, whether on a humanitarian or identity basis. However, the division, which nowadays is not across religious sects as during the pre-civil war, stands on thin lines: ways of resistance and national priorities. Some Lebanese do not believe it is their duty to liberate Palestine militarily, seeing that the Lebanese cause – reclaiming Lebanese Israeli-occupied territories only – is of priority and that it should take place diplomatically or via the Lebanese military. This faction of the population perceives Hezbollah as an Iranian terrorist group endangering Lebanese sovereignty as much as Israel. On the other hand, another faction of the population perceives Hezbollah as their guardian angel against Israel because of a weakened Lebanese state. Interestingly, the latter faction is recently divided on the ‘Hezbollah’s balanced Palestinian-Lebanese strategy.’ A part of this latter faction sees the military support to Palestine from the Lebanese southern borders as morally necessary, yet should be kept limited to avoid an unwanted all-out war. Meanwhile, the opposing group, of which many are impoverished business owners and employees, still support Hezbollah yet believe that Lebanon is already in an economic crisis and that it is not the right time for liberation. As is the case that very few want a full war, even fewer from the anti-Hezbollah faction do not morally support the Palestinian cause and identify as Zionists. The political identification is never binary as extremists claim it to be. The Beirut attack has reproduced immensely this social division on the political stage as Lebanese dreadfully await to see if Hezbollah’s ‘silent strategy of response’ unravels into an unwanted war.

< Back Taiwanese Elections: Where Are We Heading? By Lydia Ntourountou February 29, 2024 2024 is considered the election year, as at least 64 countries are meant to hold national elections over the upcoming ten months. The results of these elections will not only determine their political and economic state, but in some cases they will also fundamentally shape their approach to international relations. As the diplomatic ties between the United States and China are already causing multiple concerns on an international scale, the upcoming American presidential election could unleash disastrous repercussions. Amidst this tense climate, Taiwan (officially the Republic of China) held its presidential elections on Jan. 13 2024, and the results are worthy of analysis. A Very Brief History of Cross-Strait Relations, with the U.S. in the Middle The relations between China and Taiwan are complicated, and result from a long history marked by the first Sino-Japanese war in which Taiwan was ceded to Japan. However, Beijing’s position–claiming that Taiwan is a part of China–has remained firm since then, as Xi Jin-Ping reminded us in his New Year’s speech: “China and Taiwan will surely be reunified.” The Shanghai Communiqué (1972), issued by the US and China on the last evenings of President Richard Nixon’s diplomatic visit could be considered to have bolstered China’s permanent position. In this document, the U.S. formally acknowledged the fact that “all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China,” contrary to the modern gestures of support that the U.S. is often seen offering Taiwan. The complicated relations between Taiwan and the U.S., which in return define Cross-Strait relations, are evident in the Taiwan Relations Act (1979) which states the fact that the US does not have diplomatic relationships with the island, all while confirming military support in case of a potential Chinese invasion. Tensions between the three countries mounted in 1995, after Taiwan’s President at the time, Lee Teng-hui, visited the U.S., and China objected strongly to the U.S. decision to grant him a visa. Following this event, multiple ballistic missiles were fired in close proximity to the island, an ongoing tactic of the Chinese military. Instead of only applying political pressure, China has also tried to indirectly create vulnerability as well as dependency in the Taiwanese economy. According to Al Jazeera, in 2021 China banned the importation of pineapples produced in southern Taiwan due to pest issues. However, prior, Taiwanese pineapple farmers exported the majority of their fruits to China (an industry worth around 284$m a year), and this abrupt restriction resulted in an incredible financial loss for the farmers and the larger economy. Though a very simple example, this showcases the potential fallouts that could erupt in case China decides to limit its commercial relations with Taiwan, especially since the cross-strait trade was valued at 205$ billion in 2022, according to data collected from the Taiwanese Ministry of Finance. The Long Awaited Elections Taiwan follows the regime of a representative democratic republic, with a multi-party system, currently dominated by two major parties: the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in favor of Taiwan’s sovereignty, and the Kuomintang (KMT) which advocated for closer relations with mainland China. This constitutes another factor of conflict, considering the political situation in China is often criticized as authoritarian due to the lack of democratic procedures. Tsai Ing-wen, former President of Taiwan, shaped a political landscape characterized by the strong refusal to recognise the “1992 consensus,” and made clear that Taiwan would not recede to Chinese threats. On the Jan. 13, after her presidential term expired, elections were held and the three main candidates were as following: Lai Ching-te, previously a legislator from DPP, Hou Yu-ih from KMT who advocates discussions with Chinese Communist Party to avoid the rise of tensions, and lastly Ko Wen-je from Taiwan’s People’s Party and who, according to the Economist, has been more preoccupied with domestic issues than Cross-Strait relations. However, the Cross-Strait tensions did not prevent the voters from electing a democratic and “separatist” President Lai Ching-te, with a plurality of 40.05 percent. By choosing Lai Ching-te as their representative, the people of Taiwan confirm their support for the political “legacy” built by Tsai Ing-Wen, and which Lai Ching-te can not only preserve, but evolve according to his own political vision. The new President himself announced multiple times during his campaign that “there is no need to declare independence, because Taiwan is already an independent sovereign state.” The results of the Taiwanese elections are only one of the many factors that could aggravate the political situation in the South China Sea, and that implicate the involvement of external forces, such as the U.S. or Europe. Thus the following months will be revelatory, in a political landscape that is becoming increasingly tense, with no hopes of dialogue nor compromise.

In the West Bank and Gaza, where de facto democracy has long been out of the question and the destructive implications of war continue to devastate, a technocracy may be the only viable solution to address the needs of a population in ruins. < Back Constructing a Technocratic Government in Post-War Gaza By Lara Harmankaya March 31, 2024 Amidst debates on democracies and their discontents, technocracies often appear as a viable alternative model of governance. In the West Bank and Gaza, where de facto democracy has long been out of the question and the destructive implications of war continue to devastate, a technocracy may be the only viable solution to address the needs of a population in ruins. The Palestinian Authority (PA), which was inaugurated following the Oslo Peace Process between the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Israeli government, governs the West Bank under the banner of Fatah, a faction of the PLO. Born from the Gaza-Jericho Agreement, which promised the Palestinian populations residing in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip the future creation of an independent Palestinian state, the Palestinian Authority has lost any trace of domestic democratic legitimacy over the years. Following Hamas’ victory in the 2006 general elections and subsequent conflicts with Fatah, Gaza has been under the rule of the militant-terrorist group Hamas. This has led to the fragmented political system that is found today, where the two territories are under the control of two rival political groups. For many Palestinians, this fracture has been among the most harmful obstacles to the Palestinian cause, leading to disunity in the movement for nation-building. The potential for democratic rule in the PA, although promising at the start, has diminished tremendously over the years. The cancellation of the presidential and legislative elections in 2021 by the President of the PA, Mahmoud Abbas, is a recent example of the stymied space for political plurality. His four-year term was meant to have ended in 2009. Yet, with his rule by decree, strict control over the judicial system, dissolution of the legislative council and purging of rivals, he continues to dominate the PA and the PLO. To make matters worse, the opposition candidate for the 2021 elections, Nizar Banat, is said to have died in police custody, sparking popular outrage from within the Palestinian population. In general, the PA is viewed by many Palestinians with suspicion; according to a study by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PCPSR), more than half of the Palestinians surveyed in June 2023 were in favor of the dissolution of the PA. The proliferation of illegal Israeli settlements in Area C of the West Bank, alongside PA cooperation with the Israeli Defense Forces to repress internal Palestinian opposition, have been the final nail in the coffin for the PA’s popular legitimacy. With the Israeli government’s increasing control over the administration and civil affairs in Areas A and B as well, the PA has come to be perceived as complicit in Israel’s actions. In the eyes of many, it is no longer a real autonomous authority capable of governance. It is also dependent on international and Israeli funding, leading critics to wonder whether it can ever truly take a resolute stance against these foreign actors. Especially after the chaos that superseded Oct. 7, the PA has proven one thing: it is unable to effectively deal with Hamas and ease the plight of Palestinians. In the name of political survival, the PA has not remained as the one true representative of the Palestinian general public. The West Bank’s fragile democracy thus suffers from a double blow on legitimacy: it is ruled by an authority that is deemed ‘authoritarian’ by the Freedom House and is under Israeli occupation in certain territories. However, calls for a reform, emerging from both internal and external actors, seem to have resurfaced now with the resignation of the Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh and his cabinet. This arrives at a time of “international orientation supporting the establishment of a single Palestinian Authority over all of the Palestinian territories,” according to Minister of Social Affairs, Ahmed Majdalaini. The United States’ vocal approval of such efforts to “reform and revitalize” evinces this, having long been preceded by pressures for political unity and the restructuring of the PA. It is still unclear whether the resignation is a move to preserve the existing structures rather than revitalize the system itself, but if the proposal for technocracy is truly meaningful, then the necessary reconstruction of the Palestinian Authority may follow through. Amidst the uncertainty of the current state of the Hamas-Israel war, envisioning reconstruction in Gaza under a technocratic government offers a glimmer of hope to the disillusioned populations of the Palestinian territories. The technocratic government would not only end the political and territorial split of the PA but could also overcome the problems of ‘corruption, nepotism and inefficiency’, in the words of former PA official Ghaith al-Omari, that it has been associated with over the past few years. Although sources offer varying visions of what the technocratic government would look like, or how long it would last for, the basic consensus is that the negotiation process would represent different factions and different regional players, including Egypt. It would operate outside the realm of politics and would be governed by nonpartisan experts until the time is right for elections. A popular example of a technocratic government in recent years was found in Italy, where the Prime Minister post was taken up by economist Mario Monti. His 13-month government has been applauded for plunging Italy out of a crisis of credibility through its decisive structural reforms. Technocracies have been deemed in a positive light in parliamentary democracies, especially when appointed for a limited time horizon to respond to emergencies. Despite lacking the legitimacy that comes with a democratic vote, these governments have proven to be successful in getting things done. Particularly in a place as embedded in failed governance as Gaza, the chance of depoliticizing administration and establishing a government that is not inherently attached to the complex politics of the region must be grabbed. More importantly, the civil and social rights of the residents of Gaza, which have been persistently violated, can finally be protected. Foreign minister Al-Maliki articulates the goals and needs of the Palestinian people in the following words, “We want to be accepted and engaging fully with the international community. We want to get contribution[s] that help in order for us to be able to provide first of all the necessary services to our people, emergency services, then to talk about how we can reconstruct Gaza after such devastating destruction." The technocratic government can re-establish international ties to bring these to life. The endorsement of the United States, Saudi Arabia and other Arab states for this technocratic government, however, does raise questions about sovereignty and the role of these foreign powers in its establishment. Moreover, it is uncertain whether Israel will be equally willing to relinquish control over Gaza at the end of the war; the Knesset recently voted against “unilateral” recognition of a Palestinian state. The very survival of the PA appears to be precarious. But it is worth noting that the talk of the formation of this technocratic government can itself be construed as part of a larger strategy of reaching a ceasefire. Politically uniting the leadership of Palestinians also brings them closer to the prospect of a Palestinian state in the years to come. It is undeniable that the stakes are high for the future politics of Gaza. The viability of a technocratic state can also be questioned. Nevertheless, it is now evident that the international community is prepared to conceive of scenarios for a long-term resolution. A plethora of points for contemplation arise from this new proposal, starting with: to what extent will the international community be involved in post-resolution Gaza? Will a true democracy follow the technocratic government? Or will it follow the precedent of Mahmoud Abbas’s 19-year presidency? Could collaboration in reconstruction efforts mitigate tensions between Arab states and the United States? Can stability ever exist in Gaza? A statement by the Chinese premier Zhou en-Lai, made when responding to what he thinks of the French Revolution of 1789, is equally valid as an answer to these questions: “It is too early to tell.”

En 1999, David Fincher livrait Fight Club, portrait d'une génération d'hommes désœuvrés, englués dans le consumérisme et en quête désespérée de sens. Vingt-cinq ans plus tard, le film n'a pas seulement acquis un statut culte, il est également devenu une sorte de texte sacré pour les communautés masculinistes en ligne. Dans les forums incels, Tyler Durden (Brad Pitt) est érigé en modèle de virilité à retrouver, et ses répliques sont scandées comme des mantras sur les réseaux sociaux.  < Back Cinéma et masculinisme : comment les films cultes nourrissent la manosphère Eloïse Franzmann March 15, 2026 En 1999, David Fincher livrait Fight Club , portrait d'une génération d'hommes désœuvrés, englués dans le consumérisme et en quête désespérée de sens. Vingt-cinq ans plus tard, le film n'a pas seulement acquis un statut culte, il est également devenu une sorte de texte sacré pour les communautés masculinistes en ligne. Dans les forums incels , Tyler Durden (Brad Pitt) est érigé en modèle de virilité à retrouver, et ses répliques sont scandées comme des mantras sur les réseaux sociaux. Cette récupération idéologique d’un film se voulant pourtant critique est loin d’être un cas isolé. De Taxi Driver à Joker en passant par American Psycho , tout un pan du cinéma contemporain se voit revendiqué par des discours réactionnaires qui y cherchent une ‘vérité’ de la masculinité. Comment expliquer ce phénomène ? Pourquoi des œuvres souvent critiques envers la domination masculine deviennent-elles des étendards pour ceux qui prétendent restaurer un ordre viril menacé ?Pour comprendre ce détournement, il faut d'abord saisir le rôle historique du cinéma dans la construction des modèles masculins. Depuis ses débuts, le septième art a fixé des archétypes virils puissants : du héros solitaire du western au justicier urbain, en passant par les guerriers hypertrophiés des blockbusters des années 1980. Steve Neale, dans « La masculinité comme spectacle » , analyse comment le cinéma dominant met en scène le corps masculin comme un objet de fascination, d'autorité et de toute-puissance. Les personnages interprétés par Clint Eastwood, dans la trilogie des films de Sergio Leone Pour une poignée de dollars (1964), Et pour quelques dollars de plus (1965) et Le Bon, la Brute et le Truand (1966), incarnent une masculinité caractérisée par la retenue émotionnelle, le silence et une autorité. Le spectateur masculin est invité à s'identifier à ces figures dans un rapport narcissique à l'image. Cette construction de cette représentation spécifique de la masculinité a été théorisée par Raewyn Connell à travers le concept de masculinité hégémonique. Modèle culturellement dominant, il s’agit selon ses mots de « la configuration des pratiques de genre visant à assurer la perpétuation du patriarcat et la domination des hommes sur les femmes » . Or, ce modèle n'est pas une essence immuable, mais bien une organisation sociale traversée de tensions. Le cinéma sert justement, de manière voulue ou non, de vecteur de cet idéal de la masculinité hégémonique. Les personnages cultes – Travis Bickle, Patrick Bateman, Tyler Durden ou Arthur Fleck – deviennent des modèles identificatoires précisément parce qu'ils incarnent, sous une forme exacerbée, cet idéal viril, même quand le film en propose une critique. Cette distance entre l'idéal projeté et la réalité vécue crée inévitablement un sentiment de manque. Pierre Bourdieu analysait à ce titre que « Tout concourt à faire le l’idéal de l’impossible virilité le principe d’une immense vulnérabilité » . Judith Butler, dans Trouble dans le genre , éclaire ce mécanisme : « l'échec répété à s'identifier pleinement et sans incohérence à ces positions révèle que l'hétérosexualité est non seulement une loi obligatoire, mais aussi une comédie inévitable. » Autrement dit, la performance du genre est structurellement vouée à l'incomplétude. Cette impossibilité même alimente le ressentiment et la quête identitaire des hommes qui se sentent en décalage avec ces modèles. Le terme anglo-saxon de male grievance désigne l’idée que certains hommes se perçoivent comme des victimes d’injustices liées à leur genre et transforment ce ressenti en motif de plainte, de colère voire de revendications collectives. Cette notion permet d’analyser les films centrés sur la frustration masculine, la perte de repères et le ressentiment face à la société moderne. Fight Club en est l'exemple paradigmatique, mais on peut y rattacher Taxi Driver (1976), American Psycho (2000), Joker (2019), ou encore The Wolf of Wall Street (2013). Ces œuvres partagent plusieurs caractéristiques qui les rendent vulnérables à la récupération idéologique. De fait, on peut tout d’abord y observer un protagoniste masculin charismatique mais instable, dont la rage semble trouver sa légitimité dans un environnement social aliénant. On y trouve également une critique implicite ou non, rarement moralisatrice, qui laisse parfois place à l'ambiguïté. Enfin, une esthétique de la violence, est un élément qui revient lui aussi fréquemment. L'appropriation de Fight Club par les masculinistes est exemplaire à plus d'un titre. Le film de David Fincher dépeint l'histoire d’Edward Norton, employé insomniaque, qui trouve une échappatoire dans la création d'un club de combat avec l'énigmatique Tyler Durden. La révélation finale – Tyler n'est qu'une projection du narrateur – transforme le récit en exploration clinique du dédoublement de personnalité. Or, un bon nombre de fans – ceux qui se tournent vers le film pour affirmer leur colère – manquent le retournement final. Chuck Palahniuk, auteur du roman original, a lui-même admis que le message a été largement mal compris : ce qui compte n'est pas tant la philosophie de Tyler que le sentiment d'appartenance qu'elle procure à des hommes en perte de repères. Les communautés masculinistes opèrent une lecture sélective du film. Tyler Durden est célébré comme un seigneur et sauveur, un idéal à imiter, pour certains jusqu'à se faire cicatriser la main comme lui. Sa réplique « Nous sommes une génération d'hommes élevés par des femmes » est brandie comme une évidence sociologique . Pourtant, la manosphère ajoute un élément crucial et misogyne que le film ne contient pas : les femmes sont à blâmer, et il faut les remettre à leur place pour résoudre le problème. Là où Fight Club critique la société consumériste et l'aliénation dans le capitalisme tardif, les masculinistes transforment cette critique en guerre des sexes. Cette logique de réappropriation concerne aussi d'autres films. Matrix (1999) des sœurs Wachowski a vu sa métaphore centrale – la pilule rouge qui ouvre les yeux sur la réalité – inversée par les masculinistes. Dans le film, le choix de Neo symbolise sa prise de conscience que sa réalité n'est qu'une fiction et son désir de s'éveiller au monde réel. Dans le discours masculiniste, “prendre la pilule rouge” signifie prendre conscience de la supposée domination féminine et de l'oppression des hommes par le féminisme. Après ces quelques explications, on pourrait se demander si un tel détournement pourrait se produire avec le nouveau film de Joshua Safdie, sorti en salle en février 2026, Marty Supreme . Alors que le film s’inspire de l’histoire de Marty Reisman, figure majeure du tennis de table américain, il repose sur un personnage qui possède, à première vue, toutes les caractéristiques d’un futur totem masculiniste. Animé par une ambition folle, Marty Mauser est incapable d’envisager l’échec et est convaincu que la réussite lui est due. Ces relations amoureuses sont elles aussi subordonnées à son objectif premier : le tennis de table. Marty Supreme et ses aspirations dominent sa vie et ceux qui l’entourent. Après un visionnage du film, réduire l'œuvre de Joshua Safdie à une célébration de la toxicité masculine peut être considéré une grave erreur : le personnage de Marty Mauser provoque de l’antipathie chez le spectateur et son ambition est davantage présentée comme pathologique que comme admirable. Lors d’une scène, Marty accepte d’être fessé en public par un riche industriel ; cet épisode montre jusqu’où le protagoniste est prêt à s’humilier et on s’éloigne ainsi de l’image de toute-puissance et d’autorité. Pour autant, sur les réseaux sociaux et forums de discussion en ligne, l’ambiguïté persiste ; alors que certains admirent la satire proposée par Sadie, d'autres admirent le protagoniste lui-même et y voient un modèle de réussite. Face à l’ambiguïté des réceptions de ces œuvres, faut-il accuser les cinéastes ? David Fincher, réalisateur de Fight Club , déclarait que ce n'était pas de son ressort si les spectateurs ne comprennent pas que Tyler Durden a une influence profondément négative sur son entourage et sa propre vie. Si l'œuvre d'art n'a pas à contrôler ses interprétations, le sociologue Yves Laberge considère que la production cinématographique américaine préfère justement conserver l’ambiguïté, dans le but stratégique de plaire au plus grand nombre. En considérant que l’industrie du cinéma américain vise principalement à réaliser du profit, il affirme que « l'industrie du cinéma résiste à l'idée de prendre parti à l'intérieur de ses films afin d'éviter le risque de diviser un auditoire, que l'on cherche par tous les moyens à séduire, à décupler, à ménager, à préserver. ». L'œuvre serait donc un espace neutre laissé à disposition du public, révélant davantage les idéaux de la société civile que ceux du cinéaste lui-même. Photo Source: William Martins, Flickr

The Oscars, once regarded as the highest award form of artistic recognition, have increasingly been subject to scrutiny over their selection process, inclusivity and cultural relevance. While the ceremony continues to attract global attention for viewers tuning in from all over the globe, one cannot help but ask: is the Academy truly honoring the best in cinema, or is it simply reinforcing the industry’s biases and political inclinations? < Back A Review of the Oscars Nil Celik March 31, 2025 “No one mourns the wicked” is the opening number of Wicked , the Broadway musical that made its highly anticipated transition to film this year. Wicked was all people talked about , especially after wondering why Ariana Grande and Cynthia Erivo were crying constantly in interviews. The movie, intended to highlight society’s tendency to make a villain out of those who challenge norms, feels especially relevant when assessing the 2025 Academy Awards. The Oscars, once regarded as the highest award form of artistic recognition, have increasingly been subject to scrutiny over their selection process, inclusivity and cultural relevance. While the ceremony continues to attract global attention for viewers tuning in from all over the globe, one cannot help but ask: is the Academy truly honoring the best in cinema, or is it simply reinforcing the industry’s biases and political inclinations? The 97th Academy Awards , held on March 2, 2025, at the Dolby Theatre in Los Angeles, was an event that aimed to celebrate a year of outstanding filmmaking. However, it was also a night filled with predictable victories, controversial choices and moments that highlighted both the strengths and weaknesses of Hollywood today. While independent cinema was seen as a winner in several major categories, particularly with Anora , the awards ceremony also revealed the ongoing tensions between artistic merit and the industry’s tendency to prioritize narratives that align with its current political and cultural discourse. However , after the news that $18 million dollars was spent on “Anora’s” Oscar campaign, marketing and distribution, surpassing the initial budget of $6 million dollars the film was produced with, left viewers divided on whether actual filmmaking wins you the Oscar or if you can just pay your way into winning an award? Hosting the Oscars has become an increasingly difficult task since many hosts tend to face backlash for out of pocket jokes or their inability to engage the audience in more than one way. This year, Conan O’Brien was selected by the Academy to host. Conan’s opening monologue at the 97th Academy Awards addressed the ongoing controversy surrounding Emilia Pérez star Karla Sofía Gascón's past offensive tweets. He stated that the film Anora used the F-word 479 times, "three more than the record set by Karla Sofía Gascón's publicist." O'Brien further joked, advising Gascón that if she planned to tweet about the Oscars, she should remember his name as Jimmy Kimmel, referencing the former Oscars host who had a particularly hard time hosting. A win for independent filmmaking? One of the night's most significant moments was when Anora , an independent film directed by Sean Baker, won the Best Picture category. With a relatively modest budget compared to films within the same category, Anora was an example of powerful storytelling, masterful cinematography and the power of character-driven narratives. In an industry dominated by high-budget studio films, the victory of Anora was a refreshing acknowledgment of artistic integrity over commercial appeal. The Best Actor category has historically been one of the most important categories on the night. Adrien Brody won his second Oscar for his performance in The Brutalist , marking a career-defining comeback after years of relatively low-profile roles. His portrayal of an architect navigating the complexities of post-war trauma was emotionally moving and led the person to reflect, reaffirming his status as one of the most talented actors of his generation. However, the competition in this category was notably weaker than in previous years. While competing nominees delivered strong performances, neither achieved the level of critical or public consensus needed to challenge the dominance of Brody. This raises the question: was Brody’s win truly the result of the best performance, or was it partially influenced by the Academy’s tendency to favor narratives of personal and professional redemption, as seen before in the case of Mickey Rourke’s Oscar loss to Sean Penn in 2009 ? One of the night’s most touching wins was Mikey Madison’s victory in the Best Actress category for Anora. At just 25 years old, Madison delivered a performance that was subtle yet profoundly moving. This indicated her ability to convey complex emotions without the need for theatrical extravagance, showing the subtle side of Hollywood acting. Her win was a rare moment where critical acclaim and audience sentiment aligned. This showed her place in the acting industry as a rising star. However, it also demonstrated a broader shift in acting recognition. The Academy is increasingly rewarding performances that prioritize realism and vulnerability over grand, dramatic gestures. Once bold, Hollywood acting shifting towards a more subtle style had never been seen before. While this shift is admirable, it raises the question of whether high-intensity performances, which have traditionally been favored in this category, are now being overlooked in favor of a more minimalist acting style. The documentary No Other Land received the Best Documentary Feature award, marking a significant moment in Oscar history. The film, co-directed by Palestinian activist and journalist Basel Adra and Israeli journalist Yuval Abraham, showed the ongoing struggles Palestinians face in the occupied West Bank, particularly focusing on the village of Masafer Yatta and the challenges they face due to home demolitions and forced displacements by Israeli settlers. In their acceptance speeches, both directors delivered important messages that resonated deeply with the audience. Basel Adra began by expressing his hopes for his newborn daughter, stating that: "About two months ago, I became a father, and my hope to my daughter is that she will not have to live the same life I am living now, always fearing violence, home demolitions, and displacement that my community is living and facing every day." He further emphasized the film's reflection on the constant difficulties faced by Palestinians, calling on the global community to take decisive action to stop the ongoing injustices and the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people. His message was powerful since the ongoing struggle of the Palestinians was disregarded by most of the people sitting in that audience, who chose to stay silent. Abraham indicated the collaborative nature of the film, emphasizing the power that is derived from joint Palestinian and Israeli efforts, stating: "We made this film, Palestinians and Israelis, we see each other." He underscored the differences in their lives, noting that while he has freedom under civilian law, Adra lives under strict military rule. Yuval Abraham called for a political solution based on equality, respecting the rights of both peoples. He also criticized U.S. foreign policy for blocking progress toward peace, asking a powerful question to stress how their futures are tied together. He asked, "Can't you see that we are intertwined? That my people can be truly safe if Basel's people are truly free and safe?" Their speeches showed the personal impact of the conflict and called on the world to recognize and act on the struggles of Palestinians. One of the most controversial moments was the recognition of Emilia Pérez . It is a film that mixed crime, gender identity and musical elements in a way that left audiences divided. While it earned multiple nominations, many questioned whether its wins were based on artistic merit or Hollywood’s growing focus on social and political messaging. The Mexican community voiced strong criticism, arguing that the film misrepresented their culture and reinforced harmful stereotypes rather than offering an authentic portrayal. The Best Supporting Actress win for Zoë Saldaña was also met with backlash, with many feeling her performance, while good, was not the strongest in the category. Adding to the awkwardness, one of the film’s winners broke into a strange, off-key song during the acceptance speech, confusing the audience and turning the moment into a viral moment. Furthermore, Conan O’Brien’s jokes about Karla Sofía Gascón’s past offensive tweets further highlighted the tensions surrounding the film, showing a contrast between the so-called "message" that was trying to be delivered. The 97th Academy Awards were filled with victories, controversy and loss that identified the complex nature of filmmaking. While the victory of Anora paved the way for independent filmmaking, the controversy involving Emilia Pérez indicated concerns regarding authenticity and the true nature of inclusivity. In the end, we were left with an important question: Are the awards truly about great filmmaking, or do outside influences shape the winners? Photo source: Adarshy Upadhy, Flickr

Les algorithmes amplifient les contenus qui suscitent le choc et l'émotion, même si ceux-ci ne reflètent qu'une partie de la réalité. Ainsi, les zones de conflits moins spectaculaires ou celles qui ne répondent pas aux critères de viralité demeurent dans l’ombre. < Back Vivre la Guerre à Travers un Écran: la Bataille des Récits Christy Ghosn April 30, 2025 Aujourd’hui, la guerre ne se vit plus uniquement sur le terrain : elle se vit aussi, intensément, sur nos écrans. Hashtags, stories Instagram, vidéos TikTok : la bataille ne concerne plus seulement les armes, mais aussi les récits. Une photo d’enfant sous les décombres, un cri de mère en larmes, un drapeau brûlé: en temps de guerre, certaines images deviennent virales, iconiques. Qui choisit ce qu’on voit? Et à quelles émotions ces images nous condamnent-elles? En temps de guerre, les images fusent; les récits s'entrechoquent; l’émotion guide les opinions. Les projecteurs médiatiques sont puissants, mais leur lumière est loin d’être équitable. Derrière chaque récit médiatique se trouve un choix: montrer ou taire, choquer ou ignorer, mobiliser ou détourner. L'Image au Service de l'Émotion À l'ère du tout visuel, une guerre non filmée est une guerre presque inexistante. Rule of Law in Armed Conflicts ( RULAC ) identifie actuellement plus de 110 conflits armés impliquant au moins 55 États et plus de 70 acteurs armés non étatiques. Combien apparaissent dans notre fil d’actualité? Les réseaux sociaux ont transformé la manière dont nous percevons les conflits. Une image vaut mille mots, et dans le contexte de la guerre, elle vaut mille émotions. La puissance de l'émotion est un outil redoutable pour capter l'attention mondiale. Les images et les vidéos qui suscitent des émotions fortes sont plus susceptibles de devenir virales. Ce mécanisme entraîne une « guerre des récits » où l'image devient le support privilégié d'une instrumentalisation émotionnelle. Les algorithmes amplifient les contenus qui suscitent le choc et l'émotion, même si ceux-ci ne reflètent qu'une partie de la réalité. Ainsi, les zones de conflits moins spectaculaires ou celles qui ne répondent pas aux critères de viralité demeurent dans l’ombre. Construire son Récit : Qui Parle et Qui Est Entendu? La construction du récit est une arme aussi puissante que les armes conventionnelles. Chaque camp s'efforce de façonner une narration où il apparaît comme la victime ou le héros, tandis que l'adversaire est dépeint sous un jour sombre. Cette bataille des idées commence souvent par le choix des mots, car comme le dit Terry Jones , « la première victime de la guerre, c'est la grammaire. » Ainsi, les termes utilisés deviennent des outils de propagande. Les « dommages collatéraux » remplacent les pertes civiles, et la « libération de l'Irak » se substitue à l'invasion. Dans ce contexte, les médias occidentaux, notamment américains et britanniques, ont souvent adopté ce langage, tandis que des chaînes régionales comme Al Jazeera parlent plutôt de « guerre contre l’Irak » menée par des « forces d’invasion. »Cette guerre des mots a également engendré une dichotomie journalistique entre « nous » et « eux. » Aux États-Unis, cette vision manichéenne a imprégné les déclarations officielles et une partie de la presse. En temps de paix, la liberté de la presse est un ‘pilier des démocraties.’ Mais en temps de guerre, cette liberté est souvent restreinte. Le contrôle de l'information, par la censure ou la propagande, devient une priorité. Aujourd'hui, le contrôle de l'information est entre les mains de quelques géants de la tech. Lors de l'invasion russe en Ukraine par exemple, des plateformes comme Meta, Google, Twitter et TikTok ont bloqué les contenus de propagande russe, entraînant des représailles du Kremlin. Les internautes russes se retrouvent par conséquent piégés dans une bulle de désinformation. Les médias traditionnels ne sont pas en reste. Le 17 octobre, l'explosion de l'hôpital Ahli Arab de Gaza a été interprétée de manière radicalement différente selon les sources. Al Jazeera titrait « un raid israélien sur un hôpital fait 500 morts, » tandis que le Times of Israel parlait d'une « explosion due à une roquette mal tirée. » Aux États-Unis, les titres variaient également en fonction de l'orientation politique des journaux. Le Washington Post mettait en avant la version palestinienne, le New York Times restait neutre, et le Wall Street Journal introduisait la position israélienne. Fox News, quant à elle, ne mentionnait même pas la version palestinienne. Le Rôle du Spectateur Moderne Le spectateur moderne est bombardé d'images de conflits et de souffrances, partagées instantanément sur les réseaux sociaux. Ces images, souvent choquantes, sont consommées, partagées, puis rapidement oubliées. La surabondance d'informations visuelles crée une fatigue émotionnelle, une sorte de lassitude face à l'actualité. Selon un baromètre récent, 68 % des jeunes âgés de 15 à 30 ans et 70 % des personnes âgées de 31 ans et plus éprouvent cette lassitude. Ce sentiment est d'autant plus prégnant que la fréquence de consultation de l'actualité augmente avec l'âge, jusqu'à 30 ans. La répétition incessante d'images violentes conduit à une désensibilisation progressive. Les guerres sont « consommées » comme des produits médiatiques, puis reléguées aux oubliettes de notre mémoire collective. Cette surcharge informationnelle engendre un sentiment d'angoisse et d'impuissance, particulièrement chez les plus de 31 ans, dont près d'un tiers (30 %) mentionnent ce motif. Les jeunes, quant à eux, sont plus enclins à lier leur lassitude à une surabondance d'informations, 21 % des 15-30 ans se sentant dépassés par la quantité d'informations disponibles. Les réseaux sociaux ont instauré un nouveau paradigme où la notion de communauté est à la fois gratuite, collaborative et désorganisée. Dans cet espace dématérialisé, le temps et l'espace sont abolis: tout y est immédiat et à portée de clic. L'image, le visuel, dominent, et l'opinion publique est désintermédiée, chacun pouvant devenir un producteur de contenu. Retrouver une Parole Juste Il est dans ce contexte, temps de repenser non seulement la manière dont les conflits sont représentés, mais aussi notre réponse en tant que société, en faisant preuve d'une conscience renouvelée et d'un engagement critique. Les réseaux sociaux, ont transformé la manière dont nous consommons l'information. Ils nous offrent une fenêtre sur le monde, mais cette fenêtre est souvent teintée par des algorithmes qui privilégient le sensationnel au détriment du factuel. Retrouver une parole juste, signifie aussi écouter les voix marginalisées, celles qui ne correspondent pas forcément aux récits dominants. Loin du bruit et de la fureur des réseaux sociaux, nous devons créer des espaces de dialogue où la nuance et la complexité peuvent être explorées. C'est seulement en adoptant cette approche critique et engagée que nous pourrons véritablement comprendre les conflits qui façonnent notre monde et y répondre de manière éclairée et empathique. Photo source: Unsplash - Dole

Prenant tous ces éléments en compte, il est possible de voir l'extrême droite non pas comme le mal mais simplement un des symptômes d’une Europe fragmentée et dont une grande part des populations doutent aussi. < Back L’Union Européenne confrontée à elle même By Anna Halpern December 31, 2023 Qu’est-ce que l’Union Européenne? Cette question devient de plus en plus cruciale avec la montée au pouvoir de partis d'extrême droite qui ne soutiennent pas forcément l’UE et qui divisent l’Union de plus en plus. Le Brexit était un premier signal très flagrant et un “wake up call” pour l’Union Européenne, mais la question de sa viabilité et de son futur est de plus en plus pressante. Entre ceux qui prônent une centralisation et un fédéralisme Européen et ceux qui veulent sa dissolution, où va t-on? Cette question de la structure européenne est apparue après la chute de l’Union Sovietique et l'expansion sans précédent de l'Union Européenne vers l’Est avec notamment l’élargissement de 2004 à 10 pays, passant de 15 à 25 membres. Cet élargissement est un moment charnière pour l’opposition à l'Europe, car il a permis de développer la notion que l’Europe avait perdu son but/raison d’être d'après-guerre et s'était élargie à des pays ayant une histoire politique et une économie très différente. A cela s'ajoutent les crises migratoires et économiques auxquelles toute l’Europe fait face, surlignant des divisions de fond. Ces divisions sont les fondements des tiraillements que l’on peut observer aujourd’hui. Je me dois de souligner que je ne peux pas répondre à cette question, mais il faut les garder en tête en regardant la montée historique de l’extrême droite en Europe. En effet, l’année 2022 seule a vu Giorgia Meloni monter au pouvoir en Italie, le grand succès du bloc d'extrême droite en Suède ainsi qu’un score historique pour le Rassemblement National en France. Les finlandais et les néerlandais ont eux aussi témoigné une montée de l'extrême droite en 2023. Ceci a des impacts non seulement sur la politique de ces pays, notamment en Italie où le débat fait rage sur les propositions de changement de la constitution amenées par le gouvernement Meloni, mais aussi sur l’Union Européenne. En effet, l’UE apparaît de plus en plus divisée. Face à la guerre en Ukraine et à la problématique migratoire, les pays européens se divisent entre les pays gouvernés par l'extrême droite et le reste de l'Europe. Cette divergence fait aussi et surtout rage sur les sujets de la démocratie et la protection des libertés fondamentales avec l’affrontement entre l’Union Européenne et la Hongrie et la Pologne au sujet de tendances autoritaires que ces pays ont progressivement adoptées (notamment la libertée de la presse et la séparation des pouvoirs sont sous pression), culminant en une confrontation juridique. En de tels temps, des questions se posent sur la viabilité de l’UE telle qu’on la connaît. Néanmoins, il serait trop facile de blâmer l'extrême droite pour tous les maux de l'Europe. En effet, les ressentiments se sont fait sentir de toutes parts, notamment après 2008 dans les pays d’Europe de l’ouest tels que la Grande Bretagne dont la population avait le sentiment de trop cotiser et de ne pas en bénéficier autant, créant la base de l’argument pro-Brexit. D’autant plus que la tendance vers la droite n’est pas universelle dans les pays membres avec l’exemple de l’élection de Donald Tusk, du parti pro-UE, comme premier ministre en Pologne, un changement radical par rapport à la dernière administration. Prenant tous ces éléments en compte, il est possible de voir l'extrême droite non pas comme le mal mais simplement un des symptômes d’une Europe fragmentée et dont une grande part des populations doutent aussi. Ces doutes vont très certainement influencer les résultats des élections européennes de juin.

< Back Locals Versus Students: One Town, Two Communities Rose Harrill When you search Menton on the internet, you’re greeted with pictures of lemon trees, sparkling blue water, and beautiful multi-colored buildings dotting the coast. It seems like a no-brainer when choosing your Sciences Po campus – who wouldn’t want to live in one of the most beautiful towns in the world? But as students arrived in August, they began to realize that living in Menton might not be as pleasant as it seems online. During Integration Week, students started exchanging stories about their shocking experiences with the local community. I heard tales of residents yelling out their windows at students passing underneath, threatening to call the police on gatherings in apartments, and even throwing objects out of their windows at particularly loud Sciences Pistes. It seemed hard to believe at first, and a gross overreaction to average student activity. However, as time passed I came to understand this behavior as typical of the Mentonnais locals, by witnessing it firsthand. Le Retro is the quintessential Menton bar for Sciences Pistes due to their student night every Thursday that offers 50% off drinks – and maybe because it’s practically the only bar in town. Starting at 9 p.m, students swarm Le Retro, spilling out into the street because there isn’t enough space to fit us all. Those who live on the street around the bar are typically not pleased by the noise of all these students, and often take to their windows to let us know how they feel. It seems with each passing week, the locals get less and less happy with us, and their behavior escalates. Initially, they would tell us to be more quiet or they’d call the police. More recently, they’ve started to place buckets of water on their window sills, threatening to douse us if we don’t go home. This seems to be a common practice amongst the locals of Menton – pouring water on students they find irritating. Bianca Barchiesi, a 1A from Italy, talked to me about her experience “I was hanging out with my friends at a friend’s house, and we were sitting on the balcony,” she recounts. Barchiesi describes the situation as “normal” for a Saturday at 10pm, saying they were listening to music but “it wasn’t really that loud,” and her friends were practically whispering to each other. Seemingly “out of nowhere,” a man suddenly poured water on her from the upstairs balcony. “He didn’t say anything at all,” Barchiesi explains. “ He just poured a whole bunch of water on the balcony and it, of course, drenched me completely.” Barchiesi notes that he gave her no warning and never “showed himself” to her or her friends. He gave her no opportunity to even correct any behavior that could’ve been upsetting him, and instead resorted to lashing out at her. Barchiesi also had several stories of being yelled at in the street, describing these encounters as “scary” and “aggressive.” “It makes me feel uncomfortable,” she admits, “because I don’t even know how to react. Since most of us don’t know the language either, we just have to stand there and endure the aggression from them.” Another student, Ali Fahmy, a 1A from Egypt, had a similar experience, where the locals seemed to react quite drastically and quickly. He says the worst encounter he’s had with a resident was when he and his friends had “shrapnel from a brick” thrown from a window at them. “Luckily none of us were harmed,” he adds. But the conditions for this encounter also seem relatively tame, as Fahmy describes it as just “standing in the streets around midnight.” They didn’t receive any warnings prior to being attacked either, instead the local immediately resorted to a harsh punishment. It is quite obvious that, between these two reactions to a student, one seems much more extreme than the other. If the shrapnel had made contact, Fahmy could’ve been seriously injured. Fahmy describes his experience as a “racially-charged encounter,” noting that while it’s hard to pinpoint if it was explicitly racially motivated, he has “definitely experienced worse and more frequent encounters” than his French peers while being here. Unbeknownst to many international students before coming here, including myself, Menton is a very politically far-right town, with specifically strong anti-immigrant sentiments due to it being located on the border of France and Italy. Barchiesi admits to not knowing much about the political climate before arriving here, but that she “found out about it pretty quickly.” And she’s right – the political sentiment of Menton becomes quite obvious once you step foot here. It’s indicated plainly by the “Stop Immigration!” stickers currently plastered all over Avenue Laurenti near campus, clearly directed at all the international students living and going to school in the area. “It goes to show that there is definitely some degree of resentment of our presence in this town,” Fahmy says. And while all international students in Menton are technically immigrants, students of color who appear not to be French or who are overheard speaking in non-European dialects, are much easier targets for the locals. Especially compared to international students of European descent, who could be assumed to be French upon first glance. Prior to the opening of Science Po’s campus in Menton in 2005, the town was predominantly a retirement community, receiving an influx of tourists during the summer season and the lemon festival, but mostly empty and quiet for a large part of the year. Until, of course, the students arrived. However, the Mentonnais locals’ discontent with the student population is not only due to the noise we bring with us. Clashes with the town’s residents arise due to the fact that most of Sciences Pistes are typically politically left-leaning and progressive, which challenges the nature and beliefs held by the overwhelming majority of Menton. In the spring of 2024, following the wave of Pro-Palestinian protests and encampments taking place in universities around the world, Sciences Pistes in Menton blockaded the campus, spray-painting “Palestine Vivra” on the front walkway and flying the Palestinian flag from the balcony. This act of Palestinian resistance sparked outrage not only amongst the conservative locals, but right-wingers across France. Political displays like these have only furthered the resentment held by the local population towards students, progressing from a dislike of the noisyness of Sciences Pistes, to a deep-seated disdain for the culture and ideals our campus represents. While the treatment from the locals may have been a bit of a drastic readjustment for many new students in Menton, it has not broken the spirit of the Ummah. Students continue to go to Le Retro, party, congregate in the streets and talk late at night. We continue to display our appreciation for MENA culture proudly. Our 2As seem determined to have as good of a time as possible despite the push back from locals, and us 1As are determined to follow suit. In fact, it seems the division between the Sciences Pistes and the locals in Menton has created a stronger sense of community within the student population, as we turn inwards for support and friendship. Barchiesi describes the Sciences Po community in Menton as “a bubble,” claiming the treatment from locals ultimately doesn’t bother her that much anymore since she has other students in a similar position to lean on. Fahmy concludes that “prejudice exists to some degree in most of the world” so he won’t “let a minor inconvenience be a detriment” to his academics and his life. These are wise sentiments. Maybe one day the residents of Menton will grow to be more understanding of us Sciences Pistes and welcome us into their community, but until then, these experiences shouldn’t bring us down. The Ummah itself is a special place of connection and friendship, and we will continue on as we always have before. Photo Source: Jorge Franganillo, Flickr Previous Next

56 seasons. 21 playoff appearances. 6 American League Pennants and 4 World Series Championships: the Athletics’ storied time in Oakland came to an end late this September with a 3-2 win over the Texas Rangers, their final game in the city’s Coliseum. < Back Restless Relocations: The Hard Breaks Between City’s and their Sports Teams Pracheth Sanka October 31, 2024 56 seasons. 21 playoff appearances. 6 American League Pennants and 4 World Series Championships: the Athletics’ storied time in Oakland came to an end late this September with a 3-2 win over the Texas Rangers, their final game in the city’s Coliseum. The team’s departure is part of a larger effort to permanently move the franchise to Las Vegas, with a quick pit-stop in Sacramento before moving into their new $1.5 billion publicly-financed home on the Strip. The A’s owner, John Fisher, remained silent on the team's relocation, though it is no secret that his inability to compromise with Oakland city officials played a major role in his decision. The feud stemmed from the team’s plans to move from the single-function Coliseum to a 55-acre, multi-use commercial area on the Oakland waterfront. The city’s inability to raise public funds pushed Fisher to look elsewhere, despite recent traction in allocating federal infrastructure money and clearing bureaucratic hurdles to initiate the project. Major League Baseball commissioner Rob Manfred, who initially objected to Fisher’s proposals, allowed the A’s to submit a relocation application in early 2023. After securing $380 million from the Government of Nevada and leasing out an area in the heart of Las Vegas, the team began preparing for a full push to move from Oakland. By November 2023, Manfred started warming up to relocation efforts, and the 30-team league voted unanimously in favor of the A’s relocation. Oakland is now left without a professional sports team for the first time in sixty years, following similar relocations by the National Basketball League’s Golden State Warriors and the National Football League’s Raiders earlier this decade. Like the A’s, the Raiders moved from the aging , run-down Oakland Coliseum to the custom-made , fittingly all-black, multi-billion dollar Allegiant Stadium in Las Vegas. Unlike Fisher, Raiders owner Mark Davis spared no suspense on the motive behind his move: money. Without the billion-dollar cost of constructing a new Oakland stadium, and with the aid of $750 million from the city of Las Vegas, Davis finalized his move to the team-barren Nevada desert, capitalizing on the area’s lack of professional sports teams. Vegas, however, was not Davis’ first choice. In competition with the then-St. Louis Rams, and in collaboration with the then-San Diego Chargers, the Raiders hoped to upgrade from the tenth-biggest sports market in the United States to the second: Los Angeles. While the Chargers and Rams were eventually successful in a bid to move to the city, it was originally the Chargers and Raiders who wished to jointly finance a stadium just south of city limits in Carson, even gaining the support of an N.F.L. relocation commission. Despite the difference in outcome, both the Chargers’ and Rams’ stories paint eerily similar pictures to that of Oakland. In San Diego, ownership attempted to replace the fifty-year-old Qualcomm Stadium with a $1.2 billion downtown arena. This failed to attract lawmaker support, who were reluctant to divert millions of taxpayer dollars towards it. Owner Dean Spanos instead decided to buy into a joint stadium with Rams’ owner Stan Kroenke, who himself harbored his fair share of reasons to leave his St. Louis home. Chief among them was the city’s promises to maintain a modern, N.F.L. caliber stadium, which was one of the main temptations for Kroenke to move the team to Missouri in the first place. As city officials repeatedly failed their contractual obligation to uphold the stadium , Kroenke became increasingly frustrated and detached from the team’s midwest home. Los Angeles, the Rams’ former home, was an open market for any football team, having remained teamless for 21 years. With the prospect of creating a modernized stadium in the largest untapped market in the U.S., Kroenke took an all-out bid on L.A., buying land in Inglewood before the owners even held a vote on the relocation. But were these moves worth it? Sure, the free market ideals of expanding into an untouched consumer pool can be exciting, but these ventures are not inexpensive. Even with government aid, financing the world’s most expensive stadium was much more costly than staying in their respective cities. With the aid of the N.F.L. and sponsorship rights, Spanos would have only needed to cover around $600 million, government aid not included. A move to Los Angeles cost him a relocation fee of $645 million , along with a $200 million loan to build the stadium. What is markedly more absurd though, is that this nearly $1 billion number pales in comparison to the astronomical costs incurred by the Rams. With what was expected to be a just over $2 billion project, Kroenke ended up contributing a monster $5.5 billion to build SoFi Stadium. On top of that, Kroenke was sued for $790 million by the City of St. Louis, a figure that itself rivals the $1.1 billion cost projected for a new stadium in Missouri. What is not accounted for in any balance sheet, however, is the hidden cost of fan alienation. As the new Los Angeles Rams found their way to Super Bowl LII, St. Louis bar patrons were offered free drinks for every Patriots’ score in a show of symbolic hatred towards their old team. Chargers fans rented a billboard near their new stadium to express that the team had “no freaking loyalty.” Raiders fans, while a bit split and muted in their protest, sold many of their season tickets away in the team's last stint in Oakland, uneager to financially support a team that was moving away. And this fan alienation came with no guarantee of fan attraction in their new cities. While the Nevada television market was often zoned for Raiders games, the area saw rival viewership with the Kansas City Chiefs, and Las Vegas is in closer proximity to the Phoenix-based Arizona Cardinals than to Oakland. This was reflected in the team's fan attendance rates, where visiting teams could often be greeted at a stadium almost halfway full with their supporters, though this trend is slowly improving. With the A’s move fast approaching, management should be wary of the fate of their relocated predecessors. The present-day success of the Chargers and Rams came at a high cost and there is no guarantee that the Raiders will be able to establish themselves as a serious anchor in the competitive Las Vegas market. Leaving Oakland can give the A’s a new start, a chance to build a strong legacy in Sin City, but only the future will tell if their big gamble will result in a winning hand.

< Back Turkish Elections: A Political Paradigm Shift By Yasmin Abbasoy April 30, 2024 The results of the Turkish local elections, which took place on March 31, were, for most observers, anything but predictable. In a final count that left the opposition buoyed by a rare taste of success and the government facing an unexpected defeat, re-elected Istanbul mayor Ekrem Imamığlu seemed to have captured the unified feeling of a nation when he remarked that “The rules of Turkish politics are being re-written.” Turkey was all but overtaken by what has been called a “red wave.” While the customary red of the main opposition party colors the west of the election map, as usual, what is surprising though is the slow creep eastward towards historical government party AKP strongholds in central Anatolia. The opposition CHP took a total of 10 mayorships from the AKP, for a final split of 35 cities being governed by the opposition while the government won 24. Behind the numbers, however, is a startling shift in the balance of politics Having received 37.7 percent of the vote, the CHP will now govern 48.8 percent of Turkey’s population, with the rest split between the three relevant opposition parties. It has taken control of almost all industrial and cultural centers in the country. This massive rebalancing of power has set off much speculation: are voters finally sick of Erdoğan, entering his twenty-second year in some form of power? Or is this a warning rather than a complete withdrawal of support? Almost all of the provinces that voted for the AKP in March had overwhelmingly elected Erdoğan in the general elections last year, granting him his second presidential term. Are economic factors the cause of a mass disengagement from the ruling party, or are there other reasons at play? Another shift in the political paradigm took place in Istanbul, where incumbent CHP favorite Imamoğlu took a comfortable victory, despite much hand wringing about the changing preferences of Kurdish voters. In his victory speech, he highlighted the fact that he had won not just against government-supported candidate Murat Kurum, but also the president and all of his ministers. Istanbul has long been considered the battleground of Turkey's future, with President Erdoğan himself linking his blooming political career to his early success as the mayor of the city. It has been a site of a shrewd powerplay throughout the election cycle, with Erdoğan throwing his and his government's support very visibly behind Kurum. This perceived victory over the President himself bodes well for Imamoğlu’s future. Since the 2019 elections, he has been the ideal unity presidential candidate of the opposition. Having lost his chance last year to outgoing party chairman Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, this victory guarantees his place on the ballot in the upcoming 2029 elections. Kurdish voters, who undeniably carried Imamoğlu to victory in Istanbul, defied expectations by voting for Imamoğlu in droves. An enthusiastic campaign by pro-Kurdish DEM Party leaders in the city amounted to a meager two percent of votes, with Imamoğlu retaining and even increasing the gap with his rival. Despite the disintegration of the formal opposition alliance, voters seem to have stuck together behind Imamoğlu–a saving grace for a party long concerned with balancing the Kurdish and home nationalist vote. When it comes to the AKP, the big question is “Why?” All indicators, as well as several statements from party insiders, seemed to indicate that Erdoğan was expecting a comfortable victory, even in Istanbul. When even the most preliminary results were not in the AKP’s favor, Erdoğan canceled his planned victory speech in Istanbul and set off towards Ankara. There, he gave a delayed speech after midnight, in which he acknowledged his defeat and promised to reflect and earn the peoples’ favor once more. A big topic of discussion regarding the somewhat nonsensical AKP failure has been Turkish policy toward Israel considering the war in Gaza. In the weeks leading up to the election, well-known journalist Metin Cihan caused massive backlash against the government policy vis-a-vis Israel by unearthing documents showing the trade of government-owned firms with Israel, despite strong condemnations of the state’s actions in Gaza by the government. In parallel, the election cycle had seen the AKP forge closer ties with the Welfare Once Again Party, which in the later stages heavily criticized the government on this point from its Islamist stance. The message seemed to resonate, as the realistically minor party managed to walk away with two cities taken from the AKP at the end of election, which perhaps served as a beacon for those who felt betrayed by the president's hypocrisy. Other minor parties also suffered–nationalist IYI Party leader Meral Akşener was widely considered to have dug her own grave when she walked out of the opposition alliance over disagreements on the candidate in 2023. Her party, made up of ex-government coalition voters, has always had a strong strain of anti-government feeling which fueled its alliance with the opposition. After a disappointing performance in general elections, where the party failed to attract pro-government voters, as was their primary purpose, the party had been in a state of limbo. Election results reflected this, as the party, which used to be the 4th largest in Turkey, won a singular province in central Anatolia and a humiliating 3.77 percent of the vote. Upon learning of the results, Akşener announced her resignation among a wave of the same. The post election landscape has been predictably rocky as the government scrambles to hold onto power where it still can. In southeastern Van, won by Abdullah Zeydan of the pro-Kurdish DEM Party, the government wasted no time issuing a decree to remove the mandate of the mayor-elect. This is a part of a larger pattern of mayoral removals in the Kurdish southeast of the country. While all candidates are pre-approved by the Supreme Electoral Board prior to being granted permission to run, the government post facto accused Zeydan of ties to the PKK, which Turkey considers a terrorist organization, and thus granted the mayorship to the runner-up AKP candidate. Zeydan, who had served a prison sentence for attending the funerals of PKK members, drew support from the local population as well as statements from major political figures. After a tense few days of protest and brutal suppression by the Turkish state, Zeydan was surprisingly reinstated to his post by the Supreme Electoral Board. The elections marked a significant shift in the political paradigm of the Turkish state. The surprising victory of the opposition reflects a growing discontentment with the ruling AKP, raising questions about the future trajectory of Turkish politics. As parties strategize for the looming 2029 presidential race, the stage is set for a period of realignment in the political sphere. Only time will tell if it garners results.

At first glance, desalination is the ideal solution to a rapidly developing world. There is certainly no shortage of ocean water — “desalination is simply taking a resource we have an abundance of and turning it into the thing that’s scarce.”; but its environmental impacts are devastating. < Back A Paradigm of Character: The Effect of US Expansion on Desalination Tanks By Marly Fisher American history is defined by movement. The land of the New World was all but promised to its conquerors; Manifest Destiny pandered in whispers to those who settled ever-westward. However, the frontier was more than a paradigm of character — it was the source of American democracy. The border was endless. At the ends of the United States, the frontier acted as a “gate of escape from the bondage of the past.” We, the people, have bent lands and people to our will all in service of growth. Modern-day America has continued this trend of expansion, with one marked difference: instead of conquering new land, they have begun to dominate the water supply. A New York Times investigation has revealed that in much of the United States, “communities and farms are pumping out groundwater at alarming rates. Aquifers are shrinking nationwide, threatening supplies of drinking water and the country’s status as a food superpower.” This issue is especially pronounced in Arizona, where state officials say there is not enough groundwater for housing construction that has already been approved. In search of a way to expand its water supply, Arizona stumbled upon IDE Technologies, an Israeli desalination company. Exactly what it sounds like, desalination is the process of removing salt and other minerals from ocean water. IDE proposed locating the desalination plant at Puerto Peñasco, in Sonora, Mexico. Picture an infinite and uninvited reverse Colorado — a 200 mile pipeline flowing uphill to money. Desalination is becoming common practice in the Middle East as well; according to Études de L’IFRI, "The majority of Gulf countries now largely depend on desalinated water for their inhabitants’ consumption: in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), 42% of drinking water comes from desalination plants producing more than 7 million cubic meters (m3) per day, in Kuwait it is 90%, in Oman 86%, and in Saudi Arabia 70%. In 2022, there were more than 21,000 seawater desalination plants in operation worldwide, almost twice as many as a decade ago." At first glance, desalination is the ideal solution to a rapidly developing world. There is certainly no shortage of ocean water — “desalination is simply taking a resource we have an abundance of and turning it into the thing that’s scarce.”; but its environmental impacts are devastating. For every liter of potable water produced, about 1.5 liters of liquid polluted with chlorine and copper are created. When pumped back into the ocean, the toxic brine depletes oxygen and impacts organisms along the food chain. Furthermore, desalination plants in the Middle East have largely benefited from an energy mix based on fossil fuels that permit cheap desalination. When presenting the idea for a tank in Mexico, the IDE promised there would be no negative impact from the ocean brine. They were lying. Arizona’s appeal is the bounty of its desert. Barren wildscape is contrasted with colors of opulence, of hordes of golf courses, pools and suburbia. Before even considering desalination, it is important to maximize alternatives like water conservation, stormwater capture, and recycled water expansion. If the world is trending towards the widespread usage of desalination, two solutions will be required: powering these plants with low-carbon energy sources, such as solar power, wind power,improving water sector governance and encouraging sustainable water use policies in the industrial, agricultural and the residential sectors. Perhaps, nonetheless, we should first attempt to understand why so many countries have found themselves in this dire position in the first place. Why has excessive growth underpinned our economies? Why have we exploited fossil fuel resources? Is this kind of growth inevitable? Is it necessary? The same historical theory that had justified American expansion domestically would guide American imperialism abroad. Cuba, Guam, Puerto Rico… even the backing of Ukrainian forces now is guided by the same principle of movement, of ownership. Arizona’s identity of artifice may not be going anywhere, nor will the Middle East’s future of ocean water usage — not if we do not stop to examine the United States’ history of domination.