< Back Schengen: Border(less)? Stanimir Stoyanov In the year 1985, in the small town of Schengen, Luxembourg, the concept of a borderless Europe was born . 40 years later, the Schengen Area encompasses 29 European countries, guaranteeing freedom of movement to nearly 450 million people. If you were to explain this idea to a person living in the era of the Iron Curtain, they would probably see it as unrealistic humor. But does Schengen truly live up to this utopic practice? Rising concerns about national security are now testing Schengen’s limits. What is the current reality of a borderless Europe and is it truly borderless? The two sides of Schengen In its current situation, Schengen can be described as a two-sided coin. On one side, January 2025 saw the introduction of Bulgaria and Romania into the visa-free zone. On the other hand, countries around Europe reintroduced border control in response to rising anti-immigration sentiments. After years of striving for membership, on January 1, Romania and Bulgaria celebrated full accession into Schengen. Both countries have external borders with non-Schengen states, which is why, despite meeting the Schengen acquis criteria as early as 2011, their full membership has been repeatedly delayed due to concerns over corruption, rule of law and border security. Beginning in 2022, the Netherlands and Austria blocked the accession process, citing fears of increased irregular migration and weaknesses in the judicial systems of both countries. In 2024 the debate coincided with elections in Austria and the Netherlands, where in both cases migration was a crucial topic. Both of the countries lifted their objections following their elections. At the same time, there has been a wave of Schengen members who have recently temporarily reintroduced border control. The Schengen Agreement officially allows for such exceptions due to national and public security concerns. Austria, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Slovenia, Norway, Sweden and Finland began temporary control on their borders throughout the last months of 2024, with some of them persisting up until today. Most people might not relate to this being an issue yet, since air travel has not been affected. I personally have had to experience this situation when driving from my home country, Bulgaria, to Menton, France. I would expect that after entering Croatia through Serbia, I would not face any further border delays. Arriving at the Slovenian border, I was baffled to see a long queue of trucks waiting on the side of the road. Even though Schengen has abolished borders between its members, the structures of the past checkpoints remain so they can be reinstated quickly if needed. At the Croatia-Slovenia border, there were border guards and police stopping each vehicle and checking their documents. The same happens when entering Italy. On the highway border crossing, there is an improvised checkpoint with police tents where you have to stop and wait for your documentation to be checked. I was also asked to provide information about my destination and purpose of travel, even having to explain my field of study. There have been pledges that the checks will be conducted less frequently, and in most cases, not every vehicle is stopped. Most often it is foreign registration plates arousing suspicion that are pulled over. The Menton border experience Living in Menton gives us Sciences Pistes the unique experience of having a first-hand look at the beauty of the Schengen area. It allows us to make use of the often cheaper Italian prices of goods, such as groceries and tobacco. When going to the nearest city, Ventimiglia, most people take the train where enforcement has been increased and travelers are often checked on the train or when exiting the train stations. Overall, most do not experience any trouble when commuting by train, but when it comes to crossing the border by car, the situation is different. Right after going into Italy, there is a supermarket and tobacco store, which I frequent quite often. When passing the border on the Italian side there is no issue, but when it comes to the French side there is always police. Each vehicle has to stop at the checkpoint, where most are just told to continue, but some are stopped to have their documents checked and sometimes their cars searched. While individual cross-border shopping for cheaper goods like cigarettes remains common and legal within set limits, the presence of organized smuggling networks has prompted authorities to maintain vigilant border controls. For example, this cross-border activity isn't limited to individual consumers. The region has also been a hotspot for organized cigarette smuggling. In January 2025, the European Public Prosecutor’s Office dismantled an international smuggling network operating in Italy and France. The group concealed up to 800 kg of cigarettes in food shipments from North Africa into Italy, using falsified documents to mislead customs officials. Some of these smuggled cigarettes were transported to the French Riviera. #GO2025 The attitude of the European Union towards the topic is dual-sided. This can be illustrated with this year’s European Capital of Culture and the #GO2025 campaign that goes with it. This year's capital of culture has very symbolic connotations, the chosen city/ies of Gorizia, Italy and Nova Gorica, Slovenia tell the inspirational story of two communities once divided. Following significant border augmentations after the two world wars, the people of the town ended up on two sides of the Iron Curtain. With Slovenia’s accession into Schengen in 2007, the border was completely demolished and division became a remnant of a past full of struggle. I was fortunate enough to attend the opening ceremony of the 2025 Capital of Culture. The personal testimonies I heard showcased the importance of reconciliation. A foreign student, studying at the university in Nova Gorica remarked: “Today was the best day of my life. Seeing people from both sides of the border partying together. Back in my home country we argue which side of the border has a deeper dump.” At the same time, crossing the border within the town, the border checkpoints now stand again. While not technically fenced off, police checkpoints operate, with cars not registered in one of the two towns, often being checked. It is exhilarating to see people from different linguistic, cultural and ethnic backgrounds coexisting in a cross-border community, but it also seems that current challenges are being put under the rug. So, will Schengen endure in its current form, or will more exceptions gradually erode its foundations? The answer lies not just in policy decisions in Brussels but in the daily reality on the ground in places such as our little lemon town. In cities like Menton, Nova Gorica and many others, border guards, migrants and residents navigate the complex intersection of law, politics and human rights. The aforementioned border(less) experiences act as a litmus test to the Schengen concept and it is up to the people to prove its resilience. Photo credits: bobbsled on Flickr Previous Next

< Back Romania: East or West? Amer El-Ibrahim December 31, 2024 More and more Eastern European countries are swept by liminal illiberal parties and rulers, which alienate themselves more and more from the European sphere of influence and tend, vicariously, toward Russia. Slovakia, Bulgaria and Hungary have shown that they sympathize with the Federation, especially through their actions during the ongoing Ukrainian conflict. Following the latest presidential elections in Romania, saying that this statement applies to it as well will increasingly be more difficult. Will it fall prey to the vying tentacles of the Kremlin and join the aforementioned list of countries? The first round of the presidential elections was held on Nov. 24, and the surprising results came out on Nov. 25. The clear winner of this election was Calin Georgescu, a seemingly independent candidate whose main form of publicity was through TikTok. The second candidate in the hierarchy was Elena Lasconi, coming from an ex-anti-system party that strives for anti-corruption. The candidates for the main political parties that have dominated Romanian politics over the last decade, The Social Democratic Party and the National Liberal Party, shockingly failed in getting to the second round of elections. Going back to the winner, Georgescu has made his campaign almost exclusively on TikTok, where he posted himself saying general, mostly false, statements that would greatly appeal to the public, such as the fact that the Ukrainians are getting too much help from the government. His mystical-nationalistic utterances aimed at stirring a very primordial and nonsensical patriotism in his viewers. Additionally, he portrayed himself as a new man, who was not part of the system and who would save the precarious economic and social situation of Romania—in short, a Messiah, another Il Duce on the panoply of history. What is important to observe that the Romanian diaspora has voted mostly for him, and this action/protest became the utter expression of the disgust towards the current political class I state this because Romania is the 17th globally at emmigration rates, with almost 6 million Romanians having decided that living abroad is better than home. However, after the results were released, a considerable amount of incriminating evidence surfaced about Georgescu. He has been a man of the political system since the fall of the Iron Curtain, being part of important ministries, enjoying strong connections with neo-fascist groups and having a campaign funded by foreign state powers, namely Russia. According to Romania’s Secret Services, he also used bots and influencers to secretly promote himself on TikTok. The general consensus regarding his win is the fact that the majority of the population, at home or abroad, is sick and tired of the usual suspects of Romanian politics: the two aforementioned parties and their people. They wanted something new, far away from the perpetual corruption and callousness of the main parties (their candidates refused to participate in any debate, betting on the fact that one of them will get in the second round of elections by default). It was a vote against the system. The ineffectiveness and incompetence of institutions of all kinds have also played a role in this affair. The utter expression of the failure of the Romanian state was the fact that the extremely generously funded Secret Services could not find—or did not want to publish them in due time—any link between Georgescu and the Russians during the presidential campaign, revealing such information three days before the second round of elections. Subsequently, the Constitutional Court of Romania decided the following day to cancel the elections and redo the whole process once again. On a second level, this decision evinces officials’ lack of connection and tact regarding what one would call the “obvious reality.” By cancelling the elections, the Constitutional Court allowed more radicalization and division in society. People who were already disappointed with the state of the nation felt, and that is the best word one can use in this context, that the current power—the status quo— was doing everything in its reach to prevent a transfer of power, thus leaving the impression of an authoritarian kleptomaniac rule and not a democratic one. Regardless of whether the decision to cancel the elections was dictated or not by the government, this impression will last for all subsequent elections. The average citizen feels lost, lied to, abused and distrustful of all information sources and quite justifiably so, since almost all major media outlets have received millions of euros from party coffers. Change was what was wanted, but is this the change we all are striving for? I doubt that.

< Back Non-State Universities in Greece: A Privatization of Higher Education? By Lydia Ntourountou April 30, 2024 “No to private universities” and “Free education for all” read some of the signs seen in the protests that shook numerous cities of Greece from the beginning of January until the end of March. Students and teachers took to the streets to express their opposition to the proposition of a legislation titled “Free university,” aiming to improve Greek higher education, all while hiding some important contradictions. The education system in Greece might not be fundamentally different from other European countries, however it does present a major particularity: foreign and non-state universities are prohibited from opening branches in the country. According to Article 16 of the Constitution: “Education at university level shall be provided exclusively by institutions which are fully self-governed public law legal persons. These institutions shall operate under the supervision of the State and are entitled to financial assistance from it.” And while a couple of private universities do exist (such as The American College of Greece) , they are seen as inferior in terms of recognition and are not necessarily as appreciated by the population. This stems from the belief that the diploma acquired by someone who studied hard to pass the Panhellenic (university entrance) exams and got into a public university, should not be considered equal to someone who did not put in the same effort, but had the financial means that helped them get into a private one. While this might sound absurd to most, considering that private and branches of foreign universities exist almost everywhere around the world, in a country such as Greece, ensuring that higher education remains public has been a fundamental goal. So, the question remains: will the new law passed by the Parliament put at risk public higher education, or will it reshape the education landscape in Greece, attracting foreign students, and possibly, investments? The Ministry of Education defines the term "Free University" to describe, on one hand, the strengthening and additional autonomy of public academic institutions and, on the other hand, the liberation of higher education from an anachronistic state monopoly. According to the new Bill, students enrolling at private branches of private universities, will have to meet certain criteria, such as going through Panhellenic exams and achieving a minimum pass mark for the subject they intend to study. However, couldn’t this still be criticized as unconstitutional, given the fact that the law directly violates Article 16? To answer this concern, the Ministry of Education underlined the importance of not considering the Constitution as a series of legal principles frozen in time, but rather as something that needs to be interpreted according to the context and the changes that a country must go through to evolve. Since this topic has caused polemic reactions in Greece, I decided that it was necessary to ask the opinion of a student currently studying in the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens (UoA), who could share their view on a decision that directly impacts them and their education. Why do you think the new bill allowing the establishment of branches of foreign private universities in Greece has caused such strong reactions from students and professors equally? A: There was a severe lack of information on the law and what changes exactly it would bring, which aggravated the situation. But most importantly, the bill “Free university” could depreciate the diplomas obtained from state universities, as well as “reduce” the effort that students put in, in order to get into university. As far as the value of the diploma goes, so far having graduated from a state university has been appreciated more than graduating from a private one. Do you think that this law would deteriorate public higher education, or do you consider that certain progress might come out of it? I personally believe that it’s extremely important that as a country we have maintained and protected our right to free higher education for all. Also, it is true that students put in a lot of effort to get into university and the depreciation of their diploma is a real risk. However, it’s possible that more international students might choose Greece to study thanks to the availability of English taught classes. Even if universities such as UoA already have classes taught in English, these universities might have a more organized approach. Problems might arise however, if the State reduces even more the funding that it provides to public universities, in order to benefit foreign ones. While this law remains extremely contradictory, it is important to highlight the fact that having branches of foreign universities and non-state ones, could contribute to the effort of reducing the Brain drain that the country has long suffered, by attracting international students and foreign investments. However, could this necessarily be considered the best solution, considering state universities in Greece are already facing numerous problems, such as a lack of funding and academic staff, hampering their ability to meet the demands of students seeking quality higher education?

< Back 102 Deaths and 40 Missing : Lebanon’s economic crisis is pushing people towards absolute desperation By Ghazal Khalife October 29, 2022 Bodies drifting ashore, sirens blaring, and families frantically searching for survivors: this was the scene when a boat carrying 150 people capsized close to the Syrian shore. On Sept. 22, 2022, a boat carrying 150 emigrants — most of whom were Lebanese citizens, but also Palestinian and Syrian refugees — capsized near the coast of Tartous, Syria. More than one hundred bodies have been found, while 40 other victims are still lost. Syrian and Lebanese authorities have cooperated to locate these missing persons and inform their families of their fates. Lebanese officials, meanwhile, succeeded in capturing the smuggler and accomplices involved in the scheme. The scene is nothing short of a tragedy. Testimonies from the few individuals who survived and from victims’ relatives show just how calamitous the incident was. What pushed these people to embark on a journey where the death toll exceeds the survival rate? Mostafa Mesto, one of the fatalities, reportedly sold all his belongings to collect the 12 thousand dollars that the smuggler demanded. It was Mesto’s last chance to escape Lebanon with his family after his four failed attempts at legal immigration. Desperation is the common motive for victims of the illegal immigration industry and they are often inspired by success stories of families who reached Europe. A Palestinian survivor, Jihad Michlawi, explains how friends that migrated to Europe by sea promised that conditions in European migrant camps were more dignified than living in Lebanon, alleging that “even the food is way better.” This highlights the despair that the Lebanese population is feeling, faced with an ever-deteriorating economic crisis and a shamelessly negligent political class. It appears that this disaster will be repeated as more Lebanese citizens struggle to make ends meet and lose faith in a promising future. A Dire Economic Crisis with no Glimmer of Hope Most of the people on the boat came from Lebanon’s Northern region, Akkar and Tripoli, one persistently neglected by the government even before the financial crisis that plagued the country in 2019. According to a report by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 2022, 708,000 out of the 1.1 million residing in Lebanon live under the poverty line, among them 266,000 Syrian refugees and 88,000 Palestinians. As a result, it comes as no surprise that the demand for the Lebanon-Cyprus illegal immigration industry is increasing. In one year, Lebanon’s migration rate increased by 426%; many are comparing the current immigration wave to that of the 1880s. The financial crisis blew up in 2019 after successive governments borrowed money with few restraints. Prior to this depression, the balance of payments deficit was usually remedied by foreign aid and remittances from the Lebanese diaspora. However, as the budget deficit skyrocketed and the government implemented few reforms, foreign donors refrained from handing out billions of dollars worth of pledged aid. The symptoms of a plummeting economy began to emerge in 2016, but the impending market slump was hastened by the 2019 protests. In short, a combination of poor financial planning, a turbulent political climate, and foreign investors’ loss of faith, further worsened by the pandemic and the Beirut explosion, paralyzed the Lebanese economy. As an import-dependent country, Lebanon’s sharp currency depreciation caused prices to increase drastically almost overnight. The price of bread rose 900%, and unsurprisingly wages could not keep up. In Tripoli’s densely populated Tabbene neighborhood, where most victims originated, the economic situation hit families hard — with disproportionately higher unemployment rates and close to no government intervention compared to the rest of the country. Furthermore, the consequences of the financial crisis have manifested themselves in greater emigration and crime rates. One of the more recent developments has been attacks on banks. Within a few months, there were two cases of desperate depositors attempting to access their money by holding bank employees hostage. The general public even sympathized with these depositors, hailing them as heroes who were “claiming their own rights.” Sally Hafiz, a woman who raided a bank demanding 13,000 dollars from her account to fund her sister’s cancer treatment, said in an interview, “ I had begged the branch manager before for my money, and I told him my sister was dying, didn't have much time left… time was running out and I had nothing to lose.” Hafiz’s case exemplifies the desperation uniting much of the Lebanese public.Fears of an even more dire future have inhibited popular protests. Lebanon is experiencing a vicious cycle of an increasingly dysfunctional political class and an apathetic population looking for ways to escape or reach short term solutions rather than demanding fundamental reforms. This reaction is shared by the masses — many are too occupied with securing their day to day needs rather than engaging in political activism which already proved ineffective in changing the existing political regime. As the perilous political and economic climate persists, Lebanese residents continue risking their lives in search of dignity andfundamental rights. They are looking for a solid government plan to resuscitate the dying economy and collapsing country. As long as no evidence of realistic, firmly implemented economic and politicalreforms appear on the horizonLebanese residents will continueembarking on suicide missions to seek out a stable livelihood. In an interview following the migrant boat’s capsize, 16-year-old Rawane El Maneh, arelative of one of the victims, said, “they went looking for a new life, and there they are in anew life, hopefully, one better than this one.”

The small number of spectators, the 100% artificial snow, the ubiquitous KN95 masks, and the obligatory 21 day quarantine for COVID-19 positive athletes made the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics vastly different from previous winter Games. < Back At the Beijing Olympics, Norway Dominates Once Again With a Record-Breaking Performance By Colin Lim March 30, 2022 The small number of spectators, the 100% artificial snow, the ubiquitous KN95 masks, and the obligatory 21 day quarantine for COVID-19 positive athletes made the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics vastly different from previous winter Games. . The second Olympics to be held during the pandemic, the Games of Beijing 2022 were similar to their more traditional predecessors in one notable way — Norway dominated the medal tables. The kingdom earned a total of 37 medals (16 gold, eight silver, and 13 bronze), outranking the Russian Olympic Committee and Germany for total number of medals, and surpassing Germany and China for the number of gold medals. The Norwegian athletes who won the most individual medals were biathletes, Johannes Thingnes Bø and Marte Olsbu Røiseland, and cross-country skier, Therese Johaug. Norway set the previous world record for the most gold medals won by any country in a single Winter Olympics (14 gold medals) at the 2018 Winter Olympic Games in Pyeongchang, South Korea. In Beijing, however, Norway broke its previous record, earning 16 gold medals. This feat was especially impressive considering the absence of many of its athletes due to COVID-19. The windy conditions and harsh northern Chinese winter weather did not help either, with temperatures regularly reaching -15°C in Yanqing and Zhangjiakou, which hosted ski, snowboard, and biathlon events. Daniel Aakre Faradonbeh, a 1A from Norway, was delighted to see his country perform so well. He definitively declared, “we are clearly the best in the world at winter sports.” However, Norway’s victory led him to wonder why other Nordic countries who, “despite enjoying the same benefits as Norway (namely weather and money), are far, far worse than us.” Aakre Faradonbeh gave credit to Sweden, however, for earning half the number of medals as Norway (eight gold, 18 overall), though he was quick to add that Sweden’s population is twice that of Norway’s. Friendly intra-Scandinavian rivalries aside, the immense and consistent success of Norway in winter sports competitions has intrigued both experts and casual observers. Boasting the highest Human Development Index (HDI) in the world, mountainous topography, and a cold climate, Norway’s successes begin to make more sense. Nonetheless, the magnitude of its training resources are still difficult for many outside observers to comprehend. Team Norway’s performance in Pyeongchang caused Luke Bodensteiner, then-director of sport for the US skiing governing body, to tell his team “we are going over there, and we are going to figure out what the hell is going on and what they are doing.” The Norwegian winter sports machine will continue running strong as the country prepares for the 2026 Milano-Cortina Winter Olympic Games in Italy. The country is sure to remain a fixture in the world of winter sports.

< Back Promising: New Covid Treatment Gives Hope By Saoirse Aherne October 31, 2021 New Treatment On September 28, Merck — A German multinational science and technology company — announced that it has created a pill to treat SARS-CoV-2 in partnership with Ridgeback Biotherapeutics. The drug in question is called molnupiravir, and while it was initially created to treat influenza, it has been in development as a broad-spectrum antiviral for about 10 years. Merck CEO Robert Davis stated that the company was “actively working with regulatory agencies around the world to submit applications for emergency use or marketing authorization in the coming months.” Who will be able to access the pill? This pill will be used to treat COVID-19-positive patients as soon as they begin showing symptoms. As is the case with most respiratory viruses, it is best to begin COVID-19 treatment early on. An initial lessening of the viral load reduces the risk of developing severe symptoms and lowers the likelihood of transmission. Merck’s phase three clinical trial enrolled unvaccinated, high risk individuals. Initially, molnupiravir may only be available to this demographic, however it will likely become more widely available over time. Merck intends to have this drug authorized in the US before the end of 2021. This appears to be a feasible objective considering that White House advisor on the health crisis, Anthony Fauci, called the data from the clinical trial “impressive.” Moreover, the U.S. government has preemptively ordered 1.7 million courses of treatment. Merck claims it will be able to produce enough pills for 10 million people by the end of this year. Efficacy and Appeal According to Merck, this drug reduces the risk of hospitalization or death due to COVID-19 by 50 percent. In the third phase of molnupiravir’s trial, a group of volunteers suffering early symptoms of COVID-19 were studied. Half of the volunteers were treated with molnupiravir while the other half received a placebo pill. Of the volunteers that received molnupiravir, only seven percent were hospitalized. In contrast, the group that received placebo pills displayed a hospitalization rate of 14 percent. One limitation of this drug trial was the relatively small sample group that was studied, which included only 775 at-risk patients. Molnupiravir demonstrates lower efficacy than monoclonal antibodies; the intravenous cocktail that is currently used to treat high risk people with COVID-19. These antibodies can reduce hospitalizations and death by up to 85 percent. The appeal of the molnupiravir pill, however, is that it is far easier to administer and can reach a much larger population than the complex intravenous cocktail treatment. More importantly, the infusion treatment requires a hospital visit, thus demanding time and resources from medical professionals, and costs approximately 1,000 euros per injection. Naomi Cailes, a registered nurse at the Peterborough regional health center, agreed that “the fact that [molnupiravir] is an oral pill is a huge advantage over current antivirals or monoclonal antibody infusions'' as these treatments are “invasive and depend on lots of resources.” Cailes, who has firsthand experience dealing with COVID patients, described the emotional toll of being a health care worker during the pandemic, citing the fact that there was “no time to grieve” after a patient died as there was always another patient requiring medical attention. As such, she expressed hope at the prospect of a drug which could reduce hospitalizations. However, as much as Cailes recognized the promise of monlupiravir, she was adamant that “vaccination should continue to be our first-line defense against COVID-19.” Side Effects and Concerns Molnupiravir is a mutagenic drug, thus it reduces viral load by forcing the COVID-19 virus to make mistakes while copying RNA. A Clinical Trials Arena article observed that there are “persistent side-effect concerns with mutagenic molnupiravir.” In fact, Merck required male participants of their phase three trial to abstain from sex or use of contraception, and only included female participants who were not breastfeeding or pregnant, also requiring them to use a highly effective contraceptive or be abstinent during the study. Merck virologist Daria Hazuda ensured that “no evidence of the potential for mutagenicity” has been observed in molnupiravir. According to an article published in Antimicrobial Agents and Chemotherapy, molnupiravir showed no serious adverse effects in its first-in-human phase one trial; fewer than half of the test subjects reported any effects, and of those that were reported, 93.3 percent were mild. It must also be noted that Molnupiravir is intended to be administered on a short term basis, which greatly reduces its risk of causing adverse effects. Other Promising Treatments The appeal of a simple, ingestible COVID-19 treatment is widely recognized in the pharmaceutical industry with both American Pfizer and Swiss Roche set to reveal the results of clinical trials for their own pills in the coming months. Conclusion Molnupiravir has the potential to greatly reduce the severity of COVID-19 symptoms, potentially preventing the need for hospitalization in many cases and thus opening up hospital beds for those who need them. From first hand sources, it is clear that high hospitalization rates are emotionally draining for patients and healthcare workers alike. This pill marks an important development in virus control and is likely also useful against influenza and ebola. It seems probable that this pill will soon be widely available, however it should not be treated as a replacement for vaccination, which remains the optimal defense against the spread of COVID-19.

< Back Last Call for Legality: International Law's Scrutiny of Israel Niccolo Gentile October 31, 2024 Since Oct. 7, 2023, the war in Gaza has attracted all-consuming international attention, far exceeding the sporadic focus previously given to the conflict in recent memory. The critical gaze of the international community has been accompanied—just as in previous flare-ups in the conflict—with mounting legal pressure. This time around, that pressure has materialized in the form of a series of remarkable court rulings and attempted prosecutions which advise that Israel should pull out of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), which constitutes the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem, or face international prosecution. While these steps are not completely unprecedented, they do mark a notable shift in the position of international legal institutions regarding Israel and Palestine. While the decisions remain based on impartial evidence, this sets the international justice system on a course of clashing with Israel and its Western backers, namely the United States. There are two major international courts handling cases related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: In the International Court of Justice—the principle judicial body of the United Nations meant to resolve disputes between its member countries—has presided over two cases during the war in Gaza. The former, an inquiry based on a 2022 Resolution of the General Council, ruled in an advisory decision in July that Israeli settlers must immediately withdraw from the OPT, further adding to the international jurisprudence that declares Israeli settlements in the West Bank to be a violation of international law. The latter, an ongoing court case alleging that Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians, continues to pit South Africa and a growing number of supporting states against Israel and its Western allies. Meanwhile, the Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, concerned with the prosecution of individuals in matters of international crime, has decided to bring charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes against both Israeli and Hamas leaders. In response, Israel denied the ICC’s right to investigate such matters, essentially refuting the international court’s jurisdiction over Israeli citizens. The UN and other international institutions are not known for their efficacy in fulfilling their mandate without significant Western backers. Thus, it is doubtful whether these filings will or would ever be meaningfully implemented if Israel is found guilty. That being said, the recent backlash to Israel’s war on Gaza trumps any previous litigation of Israel’s actions, spurring European states to recognize the State of Palestine and Turkey to cut trade with Israel. Viewing Israel-Palestine as a flashpoint in the growing fears of a New Cold War, it is worth pointing out that the battlelines weave a complex tale of who might take which side. Take the supporters of either side in South Africa’s genocide case at the ICJ. While the core Western powers of the US, France, Germany and the UK have all rallied around Israel, countries like Spain, Ireland and Belgium have decided to endorse South Africa’s accusation. Additionally, strong support for South Africa’s case comes not just from the some Arab states, but also from Latin America and China, as well as the Non-Aligned Movement. Russia remains absent as a continued black sheep in the conflict due to its ties with both sides. This speaks to a far more complex world of international issues than the Cold War of yore. The highly awaited rulings of the ICC and ICJ will likely spark further responses on the global stage. International organizations , American policymakers and humanitarian experts all have certain expectations of what will emerge from these debates. When they inevitably leave some of these unmet, faith in the already-tenuous “rules-based” world order will be confronted with the dashed hopes of the idealistic generations who instituted it. Whatever the case, there is little hope these contested pressures will restrain actions in the Gaza Strip and beyond. On the ground in Israel and Palestine, international legal matters hold little sway. Israel has now been invading Gaza for over a year in retaliation for the October 7 attacks, in turn, a response to Israeli violence at the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. A cycle of violence continues to devastate the region with no foreseeable end in sight. Try as it might, the international community lacks the will, drive, or direction to impose lasting measures on the conflict. Whether such a move would have a positive or negative impact is debatable, but the current standstill in relation to the two main actors in this conflict seems to be coming to some sort of head. The situation that emerges in response to the international judicial decisions remains critical for the future outcome of this issue, even if it has little material effect for those immediately harmed.

< Back Rupture: Angela Merkel’s Exit and What it Means for Germany’s Future By Lionel Chambon October 31, 2021 Berlin. At 6 p.m. Central European Time, the German state television announced the first exit polls following the Federal Election. Jörg Schönenborn, the election night presenter, looked at his cards containing the results, looked up into the camera, took a breath, and said: “I can promise you numbers like we have never seen them before.” After 16 years under Angela Merkel, this would be the first time that the election outcome was actually impossible to predict. As I wrote for Le Zadig last semester: “The Greens have consistently polled at 20 percent or more, in striking distance of the CDU, while it has comfortably overtaken the SPD (…), possibly ending decades-long domination by the CDU and SPD.” While my prediction was not quite accurate, now that the results are in, we are certain that the Merkel era has ended — and there is no turning back. A Conservative Nightmare Let us deconstruct these results step by step, starting with the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) which has been leading the country for 52 years since 1949. Scoring 24.7 percent, the party received a catastrophic result in comparison to its yields of 41.5 percent in 2013 and 32.9 percent in 2017. I have previously written that this decrease was partly due to Merkel’s lack of a clear, conservative profile. Her expansion of the welfare state and her management during the events of 2015 moved the CDU to the left, arguably creating a vacuum on the right. Nonetheless, this does not explain why the CDU slumped to 24 percent from over 30 percent in polls a few months back. This shocking result was entirely rooted in a disorganized campaign that exposed the party’s internal feuds. For starters, it took the party way too long to actually decide on a candidate for chancellor. The fight was between its chairman, Armin Laschet, and the governor of Bavaria, Markus Söder. Throughout the campaign, Söder made his disdain for his rival no secret, repeatedly challenging Laschet in public. The latter eventually asserted himself after weeks of uncertainty. Protocols surfaced of secret, backdoor meetings between party officials, angry phone calls from local politicians, illustrating a party in disarray. While others were concerned for the country, the CDU was concerned with itself. Things soon got worse when a severe flood struck parts of Western Germany. Laschet was caught laughing in the background while German Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier held a eulogy for the lives lost during the storms, a number which went into three-digit numbers. The photo of him smirking on such a dire occasion was a mishap from which he could not recover. His biggest obstacle, however, was the incessant calls from his opponents within the party notifying him that he was doing a bad job, exposing internal rivalries when he needed a unified base. Out of all the parties, The CDU was the last to present a program, and nobody really knew what a post-Merkel CDU stood for. Laschet did not either: asked on the road and on camera about his three favorite ideas from his own program, he could not provide an answer. His plan was to count on voters that had always voted CDU out of tradition, “as usual.” However, his judgement was ill-fated. A Social Democratic Miracle When I first wrote about this election last semester, things were not looking good for the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and their candidate, Olaf Scholz. Polling at barely 15 percent, 2021 was set to be a disaster for him. The party was barely attracting attention in the media, and its successful left-wing policies implemented under Merkel were not rewarded in the polls. Yet, the SPD managed to win the election with a score of 25.7 percent, even gaining 5.2 percent from 2017. This remarkable turnaround came down to Olaf Scholz alone. When the CDU was busy arguing out its private battles, Scholz had been declared candidate months in advance. Scholz remained calm, composed, and campaigned successfully without any unfortunate incidents or mishaps. He had been Merkel’s vice chancellor and minister of finance, and the only candidate with experience in the highest positions of government. His efforts for a global minimum corporate tax, proposed by the G7, resonated well with the German public. In three televised debates between the three candidates for chancellor, surveys indicated Scholz to have won them all. However, the results also suggest that Scholz was heavily perceived as simply the better alternative to an unsophisticated Armin Laschet and a disorganized CDU. The SPD gained almost two million votes from those who supported the CDU in 2017, which is a highly unusual turnover rate. The SPD was also the first to formally present a program. This all suggests that this election was less about policies and ideas and more about which candidate was deemed fittest to run the country. After all, the SPD’s program proposed many ideas it could have enacted during its 12 years in government. Yet, unlike his opponents, Scholz never let his guard down and showcased statesmanship the other candidates lacked, reassuring many voters uneased by the challenging times Germany is experiencing. The Green’s Missed Opportunity and the Youthful Free Democrats For the first time ever, there were not two, but three candidates for chancellor. Usually, this privilege was reserved for the CDU and SPD, which used to be the only realistic contenders to win an election. However, as Germany's party landscape is becoming increasingly fragmented, the Greens sought to seize their opportunity. They had nominated Annalena Baerbock to head the campaign, and during the summer, the idea of finishing above 20 percent suddenly seemed within reach, maybe even finishing on top. Election night yielded a very strong, yet still disappointing finish of 14.8 percent. Hopes of leaving the SPD behind were not satisfied and most Greens certainly hoped for better. Mainly, this result was caused by Baerbock stumbling unnecessarily over amateur errors: her team made mistakes in her official CV, she forgot to declare bonus salaries from party bank accounts, and her autobiography, which was supposed to launch the candidate into the German public, was filled with plagiarism. The Greens faced fierce criticism over their trustworthiness, and possibly lost many potential voters to the much more experienced Scholz, who capitalized on Baerbock’s beginner mistakes. However, the Greens campaigned as a force for change, and this was ultimately rewarded at the ballot box. The centrist Free Democratic Party (FDP) managed to, for the first time in its history, score above 10 percent in two consecutive federal elections, with a strong finish of 11.5 percent, its second-best result ever. Together with the Greens, the FDP even scored first among first-time voters; its youthful appeal largely inspired by its chairman, Christian Lindner. Its advocacy for social mobility, including market solutions to climate change, equitable economic opportunity, and digitalization of the German bureaucracy resonated well. The Liberals’ strong finish among young voters suggests that they have managed to widen their electoral base considerably in the last eight years. What Next? If you by any chance read my previous piece on German politics, you will find that the increased fracturing of the German electorate is rather new. Arduous coalition bargaining could be a consequence: in 2017, it took almost six months to form a new government. In 2021, however, it is likely that politicians have learnt their lesson. At the time of publishing, SPD, Greens and FDP have officially entered negotiations for a "traffic light" coalition. This seemed an unlikely scenario before the election — after all, the FDP has very different opinions on state finances, taxation, and government expenditure than its red and green counterparts. However, the dismal state of the CDU forced the FDP and Greens to think carefully. They have tentatively agreed to form a government by the end of November, and Olaf Scholz is set to be voted in as new chancellor during the first week of December. It is likely that the FDP will be more assertive on economic and fiscal policy, whereas SPD and Greens will be able to execute their programs on issues related to climate change and social policy. It seems, however, that common ground unites them all: the need for change after 16 years of conservative government. The modernization of the state will be a top priority, as will be the ecological transformation of the country into the age of green industry. Party leaders Scholz, Baerbock, and Lindner have emphasized the need for urgent and long-term climate action. Emission trading schemes, infrastructure investment and increased research and development are on the agenda. Personally, I believe this coalition could bring Germany into a greener, prosperous, and more equitable future, and it is genuinely exciting to see what will follow. Of course, official negotiations have barely yet begun, and many details remain to be worked out. However, the opportunity is there, and I hope Germany seizes it.

< Back First Death of the Year: Migrant Found Charred Atop Train in Menton By Lara-Nour Walton January 31, 2023 What was his name — the suspected migrant found charred atop a train at Menton’s Garavan station? Where was he from? These questions remain unanswered by French and Italian authorities. Yet, the man’s intended destination was clear. Like so many other asylum seekers, he sought a better life somewhere beyond the French side of the Franco-Italian border. The John Doe’s body emerged from the glow of an electrical fire at approximately 18:00 on Jan. 9, 2023. Train services were suspended for three hours as French first responders attempted to identify the victim. Agence France Presse reports that considering the chosen transit method, the man was likely an African asylum-seeker from Ventimiglia. An InfoMigrants article about the incident corroborates this presumption: “Francophone African migrants who arrive in Italy via the Mediterranean… often have connections and family and sometimes better job prospects over the border because of their knowledge of French.” Desperate times, desperate measures The suspected migrant’s death comes on the heels of tightening Franco-Italian border controls following a diplomatic row between the two countries. Tension skyrocketed in early November when a migrant rescue ship, the Ocean Viking, was refused safe port on the Italian coast and deferred to Toulon, France. The boat, run by humanitarian organization SOS Mediterranee, had been carrying 234 migrants since late October and filed 43 unsuccessful docking pleas with the Italian government before rerouting to France. After authorizing the Ocean Viking’s port in Toulon, the French government denounced Italy for its refusal to accept the ship. Paris asserted that because the vessel had been in Italian water for an extended period, the migrants, under maritime law, were Italy’s responsibility. But, Giorgia Meloni does not care for decorum. The right-wing Italian Prime Minister, who ascended to power at the end of October, pledged to close off Italy to the vast majority of migrants and requested that other coastal countries accept rescue boats. In a move described by Italy as “disproportionate” and “aggressive,” French authorities responded by effectively sealing the Franco-Italian frontier and withdrawing from the European Union’s Voluntary Solidarity Mechanism, introduced in June 2022. Murderous Border Clandestine Franco-Italian crossings have always been perilous and potentially deadly. On Nov. 7, 2022, 19-year-old Afghan refugee Ahmed Safi was hit by two cars on the A10 motorway as he attempted to traverse into France. He was only laid to rest after his body was dragged by a lorry to a tollbooth 500 meters away. Now that border controls have intensified, Italian newspaper, Il Messaggero, predicts that Ventimiglia’s migrants will be forced to resort to even more dangerous means of entering France. Transportation atop trains is only one of the many high-risk methods they may turn to. Safi and the John Doe are far from the only victims of what The Roya-Citizen Association calls the “murderous border.” Director of the Ventimiglia branch of Caritas, Christian Papini, estimates that at least 33 people have died in Franco-Italian crossings since 2015, while Nice-based lawyer Mireille Damiano puts the number at 50. First death of the year The John Doe’s death grimly kicks off yet another year on the Franco-Italian frontier — his scorched body marks the first migrant fatality of 2023. It appears that Italy’s new unforgiving asylum seeker policy and France’s progressively stringent border controls are not inhibitors enough. Migrants, chasing ever-elusive livelihoods, will pursue cross-border journeys at any cost.

< Back The Rising Threat: High Water Levels and Their Impact on the Rise of Extremism Viktorie Voriskova October 31, 2024 From Sept. 9 to 15, 2024, sirens were going off across Eastern Europe. Evacuations, threatening news, panic spreading through countries like wildfire. What was happening? The biggest floods in the last 120 years spread across the Czech Republic, Poland and Austria. In the Czech Republic itself, the damage is estimated to be up to 17 billion Czech crowns (around 673 million euros). Metro stations flooded. A football stadium was completely underwater. Fifty-one thousand households were evacuated. Five people died. The Czech Republic went through the worst flooding in its history. And a week after that, the state faced another challenge—regional and senate elections which had only 33% public participation. A populist party that had led the government three years ago won in almost every region, in some by almost 20%. Is it possible that these results were impacted by the extreme floods that had taken place? All political parties tried to catch voters’ attention by reacting to this crisis, either criticizing the government or organizing aid. The party that had posted the most about this crisis is “ANO”, a center populist political party that led the governing coalition three years ago, now in the opposition. Most of their content and program, on and off social media, is centered around criticizing the government’s “failures” and trying to convince voters that they were better off with ANO as the leading coalition, not the current government. They made several X and Instagram posts, as well as multiple TV proclamations, concerning this issue, among them ones posted by the leader of ANO, Andrej Babiš, stating that: “ Mr Prime Minister Fiala (ODS) cannot stop lying. He lied about the aid from Brussels that we were supposed to get help with the floods. Last week, before the regional elections, he claimed that we would get 50 billion crowns (1,975 billion euros) from the Cohesiveness Fund. That is a lie; we will not get anything like this, and there will be no more money. We can use the money that we already have, but it will be missing somewhere else. Thank you, Prime Minister, for not doing anything for the Czech Republic yet again.” The party leader then followed up this point by re-posting his tweet , stating that he “wishes the best of luck to all of those affected by the flooding”. He went on to say that he has lived through the previous floods that have affected the Czech Republic, showing solidarity with people who were suffering and ending by stating that he and his party (ANO) are ready to go out and help everyone who is affected by this crisis. In other posts on his social media, he criticized the government further, claiming over and over that it is incompetent and that it has done very little to support the people during these two weeks. There is seldom any concrete evidence for what he is criticizing the Prime Minister for, never drawing from any statistics and making false claims. Another Czech political party that used the floods across the Czech Republic to spread its political ideas were the SPD—the “Liberty and Direct Democracy” party that is on the authoritarian right side of the spectrum—made multiple posts on Instagram X and several TV declarations, commenting on this crisis and blaming the current government. In one of the most liked ones, the leader of SPD, Tomio Okamura, called out the government for: “decreasing pensions, increasing the age limit for retirement and increasing the commission fees of the ČT [Czech Television—national TV channel] while SPD [his political party] is supporting aid against floods . ” As the leader of ANO, Tomio Okamura also does not provide any evidence for his claim, making blatant statements without supporting them without any real statistics. SPD’s social media was considerably less focused on the floods than ANO was. However, there were still several posts made throughout the crisis that mentioned the floods, mostly concerning the failures of the government in their handling of them. The third opposition party that has been active on social media during this crisis was the “ KSČM” – Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia. They made several posts, both on Instagram and X, as well as numerous TV proclamations, most of them based on their new slogan: “Stačilo!” (Enough!) — claiming that the republic has seen “enough” of the government’s incompetence, not only in dealing with the floods. They go on to reinforce the idea that the government is failing the people and that they are not doing enough, circling their arguments back to how the KSČ would make sure that people in the Czech Republic would be treated better than under the current leadership. How did this all affect the result of the elections? ANO won 35.4%, increasing their influence by almost 14% compared to the previous elections, which were held in 2020. Second, by a considerable margin, came ODS, the Citizens’ Democratic Party, which received 5.9%, dropping by almost a percentage compared to the last elections. SPD received 3.3%, getting 18 mandates in total. Lastly, the coalition of KSČ was voted by 1.4% of the Czech population. ANO, which won the elections by a very large margin, is a populist party. However, it cannot be defined as an “extremist party”, countering the argument that the floods had led to the triumph of extremism in the Czech Republic. On the other hand, both KSČ and SPD can be seen as such, therefore, an analysis of how the extreme situation in the form of floods affected the support these two parties received during the elections. Comparing the number of votes each party was predicted to receive even before the floods started to the number of votes they received after the floods provides reliable evidence as to how significantly this extreme event influenced. In February 2024, according to “ STEM analytics” , ANO was predicted to receive 29.3% of votes, 8.5% would have voted for ODS , for SPD it was 6.4% and KSČ would have been supported by 3.5% of voters. 22.3% of people who were asked chose to answe r, “I don’t know”, 7.8% said “a different answer,” and 0.6% stated that they would vote for “a different party . ” Now, we can compare this to the predictor polls that were taken in mid-September during the floods. 32% of voters would then have chosen ANO and 20% the coalition SPOLU, consisting of the parties ODS, TOP-09 and KDU-ČSL . SPD would have received 7% and KSČ 5%. In conclusion, if we compare these statistics with the real results of the elections, we can see that there has not been a significant rise in the popularity of extremist parties caused by the floods. The party that had won the elections was an opposition party. However, it was not an extremist party, therefore not being entirely relevant to the premise of this article. Both extremist parties analysed in this article ended up with a relatively small number of votes, both receiving less than what was predicted they would receive. Furthermore, it is also important to recognize the fact that only 32% of the population voted in the elections in the end, not only making the election one of the lowest ever in regards to participation rate, but also skewing the relevance of the vote itself. To summarize, despite the results not being relevant to the real increase of extremism within society due to the very small percentage of people who turned up at the voting poll, there has not been a significant rise in extremism. Even though the opposition party largely bases itself off on criticism, the leading coalition did get more votes than predicted, showing a certain degree of frustration with the current government of the Czech Republic and a desire for change, although not a direct turn to extremism.

< Back Meet the Class of 2026 By Colette Yamashita Holcomb December 31, 2023 As the semester comes to an end, the Menton Times brings you our annual class profile. The class of 2026 answered our anonymous survey on their backgrounds, ambitions, and lifestyles. We have drawn comparisons to our profile on the Class of 2025, but do not have official data on the makeup of either class. Due to rounding, statistics may not total 100 percent. Demographics Unsurprisingly, Menton has maintained its gender ratio; 71.6% of students identify as female and only 23.9% are male. However, the number of students of West Asian or North African descent has decreased from the previous year, making up only 22.4% of students. For the first time, we surveyed sexuality and found 31.3% of survey respondents identify as a member of the LBGTQ+ community. Socioeconomic backgrounds have diversified slightly, but Sciences Po remains predominantly middle class, with 60.7% identifying as such, 20.9% defining themselves with high socioeconomic status, and 13.4% with low. With a campus as international as ours, it is also no surprise that the overwhelming majority (71.6%) hold more than one nationality and span across six different continents. Religion & Politics Survey results show that the class is much more religious than their preceding counterparts; 64.2% said religion plays a role in their life, with 37.3% saying religion plays somewhat of a role, 19.4% as a moderate role, and 7.5% said it plays a very large role. By comparison, only 48.7% of the Class of 2025 said that religion played a role in their lives. Within this demographic, however, this year’s class had much larger amounts of moderate and somewhat religious students and fewer students who consider themselves “very” religious. Politically, students tend to lean left — 55.5% declared their political persuasion as left, a slightly lower percentage than last year’s class. Many more students consider themselves as center, with 28.4% reporting such compared to 17.9% last year. The extreme left had 6% of respondents, and none reported for the extreme right, a decrease in both categories since the previous survey. When it comes to drinking, 77.3% said they drink alcohol, while 21.2% said they did not. Last year, only 68.1% of students chose to drink, while 29.2% chose to remain sober. The Path to Sciences Po Approximately 16.4% of students are in one of the seven offered dual degree programs, programs where students attend Sciences Po and a partner university and graduate with two Bachelor’s degrees. Columbia University remains the most popular dual degree, with 60% of dual degree students attending after their first two years. Students are also in the University of California Berkeley, University of British Columbia, University College London, and the University of Sydney dual degree programs. For 83.6% of respondents, Sciences Po was their first choice university. This is a significant decrease from last year’s 94.7%. Fewer students also intend to do their masters at Sciences Po; only 64.2% said yes, an 11% decrease. There are fewer legacy students, albeit only by a 1.3% difference. Beyond Menton Regarding careers, most students chose government, which comprised 35.8% of students, while 20.9% plan on working in an NGO, followed by law and academia, with 11.9% and 10.4% of students, respectively. Roughly 4% plan on pursuing journalism, while both business and arts had 3% each. The remainder of the students are still undecided.

< Back The Pakistan Nuclear Threat Victoria Krumova October 31, 2024 On July 16, 1945—the Manhattan project—a collaboration between the USA and the UK—proved to be a success. The trinity test fireball exploded merely 16 milliseconds after ignition. This revolutionary experiment reset the course of warfare and put the stakes of having peace even higher as the threat of mass destruction became rather simple to envision. The realization of the dangers of this invention came to 20th century politicians more than 20 years after it did to the ordinary man. Following the massive shock from the catastrophic consequences of America’s two atomic bombs on Nagasaki and Japan, antinuclear movements were formed in the 1950s in the USA, with a dialectic advocating for the end of use of nuclear weapons. And though those movements lost momentum after people shifted their focus to the exploration of the potential benefits of nuclear energy, on July 1 1968, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons was signed in New York City. Despite sporadic hints and threats that have been made by governments of countries such as North Korea, the probability of them actually using their weapons remains slim. This is especially true, when they are fully aware that an engagement of arms on their side will trigger the same counteraction from other countries. Governments and governors, no matter how totalitarian, authoritarian, democratic, capitalist or communist, know the devastating consequences of such actions. They care about their people surviving and, if not about that, at least about their nations. The question is: do terrorists? The answer is most probably no. So, the following question arises: If they are not phased by the deterrence mechanism of the risk of their own country being reduced to rubble, what stops them from using nuclear weapons against their enemies if they get access to them? Pakistan is a country with a vast cultural and historical background. It is rich in its practices, it is known for the hospitality of its people, for its palatable range of languages and for its historical sites. But it is also known for its possession of nuclear weapons. In fact, it was the first Muslim country to be given the rights to own one. What it is also not known for is stability: neither territorial, nor political. To understand what prompted today’s reality into existence, we need to understand what factors gave way to the infiltration of terrorists in the country in the first place. To do that, we have to go back to the 20th century. Following the Afghan Mujahideen’s efforts to drive out the Soviets from Afghan territory, Pakistan's security services established groups by the same model to regain full control over Kashmir—an area of territorial dispute between India and Pakistan. The religious population was subjected to the tactics of Islamist groups that tried to radicalize it by citing the hadith—sayings of the Prophet Muhammad conveying values deemed proper for a Muslim to have. Given the significance of this for many Muslims, the Islamist groups expected that their rhetoric would act as a catalyst for turning the population against India and believed it would embolden Pakistan’s allies in Afghanistan. This idea, theoretically, should have worked because of sentiments of resentment against India after the violent outbursts between the two, regarding the displacements, following the partition of British India. On a second level of consideration, it should have worked because of the establishment of Pakistan as a separate state to India, with a principal difference between the two being religion. However, not only did this approach fail to achieve its goal of unifying the two populations under a common ideology, it also led to further divisions due to the distinct interpretations of the proposed radical ideologies. What this meant was that different fractions of Pakistan’s population found themselves on different parts of the spectrum with the following extremes: strong support for the Jihad groups and participation in the USA’s “War on terror. ” Pakistan’s geographical location also means it finds itself close to constantly evolving conflicts that fuel instability throughout the whole region. Besides the longstanding conflict with India that has been destabilizing Islamabad’s position on the international scene for decades now, the proximity to neighboring Afghanistan has meant further undermining of Pakistan’s political position. The Taliban at first gave false hope of alliance to the Pakistani government, as it thought it had found an ally in fighting against the liberal Afghan groups aligned with India, and then took that hope away by starting to act against Pakistan. In January 2023, a branch of the Taliban— Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan— operating on the premises of Pakistan’s territory claimed responsibility for a suicide mission killing 59 people in a mosque in the city of Peshawar. This same organization’s motives for acting against Pakistan lay in its disagreement to the country’s mutual effort with the US in the “war on terror.” Because the reasons for the installment of terrorism on Pakistan’s territory lay in ever-relevant factors—religion and geopolitics—new groups are bound to continue being established. The pluralism in religious aspirations in both spiritual and practical (territorial) aspects lead to the desire of different radical believers and opportunists to try and impose their interpretation of “what should be” on the state. Thus, organizations, such as the Islamic State Khorasan Province , that were formed as late as 2015, can be found operating simultaneously in Pakistan and Afghanistan. The latter, being a branch of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, aims to establish a caliphate in the Khorasan. To achieve that, it is now recruiting some of its leaders from Pakistan and simultaneously committing atrocities on the way —shooting pregnant women and nurses in hospitals and targeting girls’ schools. The question is: for organizations such as ISKP to have the power to inflict the horror they do, do they have the power to infiltrate Pakistan’s nuclear weapons system if they choose to do so? One also needs to be aware of the fact that radicals do have the incentive to use those nuclear weapons. It is a question of “how”, not “if”. As they interpret the hadiths of the Prophet Muhammad to entail a Holy War, they in all likelihood will aim to rush to it. This becomes clear from their efforts to use said sayings to accelerate people’s wish for war with India out of hatred and therefore give rise to the promised Holy War. In the past, Pakistan has launched initiatives to battle with terrorism. In response to an attack on a military school in Peshawar in December of 2014, it initiated Operation “Zarb-e-Azb” , focusing on the North Waziristan region, known to be used as a stronghold by groups such as al-Qaeda, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, the Chechen Islamic Jihad Union, the East Turkestan Islamic Movement and other branches of the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan. For this operation, Pakistan faced heavy criticism because of the mass displacement of civilians it caused . Figures like Rahmatullah Nabil, former head of Afghanistan’s national directorate of security, expressed concerns about Pakistan’s ability to control terrorist groups , thus challenging the idea that the country is capable of ensuring that no unauthorized use of its nuclear arsenal will occur. After the heated interactions between India and Pakistan, following the 2019 initial attack on Indian troops in Kashmir, and Delhi’s response in launching strikes against Pakistani militants, the world waited in anticipation for the next move of the international community. However, no organization or country holds the ultimate authority to take away Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, and an act of disarmament can only be committed through mutual agreement upon having diplomatic discussions. This leads us to today, when Pakistan still has access to its nuclear arsenal. Looking at the lack of control it has over the terrorist groups acting on its territory, those groups might, sooner or later, gain access to the weapons too. That is if the government doesn't enact tangible policies to stop the continuous threat that the radicals impose with each and every next atrocity they commit. With all eyes on Gaza and Lebanon, does the next threat for an even greater number of casualties develop quietly away from the media's focus in Pakistan?

< Back Être élève à SciencesPo quand son pays est en guerre Noémie Tropee-Arbos 65% des étudiants du campus de Menton de SciencesPo sont des étudiants internationaux, dont une partie est originaire de pays du Moyen Orient touchés par des conflits ou des crises profondes. Si certains conservent l'espoir d'un retour, d'autres font état d'une « relation difficile avec le pays pour lequel il porte de l’amour mais qu’il a à la fois toujours voulu quitter », ne souhaitant plus y vivre. Ce paradoxe entre attachement et répulsion marque le quotidien de ces étudiants, partagés entre leur cursus en France et les instabilités qui touchent leur pays d'origine. D’abord, le maintien d'un contact avec la famille restée au pays est une nécessité quotidienne pour une grande partie de ces étudiants internationaux. Cette communication régulière est dictée par la crainte pour la sécurité de ses proches face au danger. Les obstacles aux retrouvailles physiques sont nombreux : certains élèves ne peuvent rentrer chez eux qu'une fois par an, tandis que d'autres en sont totalement incapables en raison de l'annulation des vols ou de l'instabilité politique. Cette situation crée une disparité au sein du campus : alors que certains étudiants ont de la famille en France, d'autres se retrouvent isolés sans repères familiaux à proximité. Ce décalage est particulièrement visible lors des vacances de Noël, où ceux qui restent bloqués en France éprouvent une sorte de ‘jalousie’ envers les élèves ayant la chance de pouvoir rentrer chez eux et de pouvoir passer du temps avec leurs proches. Durant les appels téléphoniques, qui sont pratiquement quotidiens, la majorité de ces étudiants s'assurent de la santé de leurs proches malgré le contexte difficile et parfois les bombardements. Ils tentent de ne pas se focaliser dans leurs discussions uniquement sur le conflit et adoptent souvent un rôle protecteur. Certains élèves témoignent qu’ils doivent fréquemment « rassurer » leurs parents au téléphone malgré leur propre inquiétude. Le suivi de l’actualité occupe un temps important de la journée de certains étudiants, ce qui nuit à leur concentration et à la préparation des examens. Ce flux d'informations impacte également la santé physique, notamment par des difficultés à s’endormir : un élève libanais témoigne ainsi avoir raté une épreuve à cause d’une insomnie qu’il avait faite la veille. Durant cette insomnie, il ne cessait de penser aux bombardements qui venaient de frapper sa région. Sur le plan psychologique, des étudiants masculins font parfois face à une injonction de résilience, liée au stéréotype de l'homme qui ne doit pas manifester ses craintes. Un élève déclare qu’il « n’avait pas le droit de montrer sa peur » selon lui. De plus, en tant que jeunes adultes formés aux sciences politiques, ils sont souvent sollicités par leur entourage pour analyser la situation avec calme, une posture qui semble difficile à tenir alors que la violence dans leur pays d'origine tend à provoquer un sentiment d'étouffement et un mal-être croissant. Parallèlement, une forme de colère s'exprime vis-à-vis des réseaux sociaux ; en effet, une part des étudiants déplorent une « solidarité artificielle » de la part d'utilisateurs qui méconnaissent les réalités du terrain. Certains étudiants considèrent que, sur les réseaux sociaux ou encore dans la sphère politique, une partie des personnes qui prétendent être engagées en faveur des pays du Moyen Orient en guerre ne « savent pas de quoi ils parlent » et font cela pour « prouver une certaine forme d’empathie » ce qu’ils considèrent « malhonnête ». Ils jugent également la vision sur les réseaux sociaux réductrice, citant par exemple, sur Instagram, le partage de publications qui dévoilent des statistiques de victimes après des bombardements sans pour autant expliquer réellement le contexte géopolitique. Cette omniprésence du numérique, loin de favoriser l'échange, génère une anxiété supplémentaire. En réaction, certains choisissent de rester silencieux et évitent d'aborder ces sujets avec leurs amis ou sur leurs propres réseaux. Ils tentent de « minimiser le temps passé à penser au conflit » comme l’affirme un étudiant libanais. Malgré une certaine pudeur qui limite l'exposition de leur vie personnelle, les étudiants soulignent l'existence d'un soutien au sein du campus. Ils constatent une bienveillance mutuelle entre les élèves ainsi qu'une écoute de la part de l'administration. Pour compenser la charge mentale liée à la situation de leur pays, certains privilégient les moments avec leur amis comme moyen de distraction. Un élève libanais affirme qu’il « pense à la joie » et « fait la fête » sans pour autant délaisser ce qui se passe dans son pays d’origine. L'expérience à Sciences Po est également perçue comme un levier d'action. Pour certains, dont c'est la première installation en France, cette institution représente une opportunité d'acquérir des outils pour influencer politiquement les événements futurs. Les enseignements de la mineure Moyen-Orient et Afrique du Nord sont accueillis positivement car les élèves considèrent qu’ils mettent en lumière leur propre histoire et leur offrent un espace pour s'exprimer. Enfin, la perspective de la troisième année à l'international peut être vue par certains comme une étape nécessaire pour s'éloigner du contexte de crise, avec une volonté explicite de rechercher de l'apaisement. Un élève libanais actuellement en deuxième année considère que sa troisième année en Argentine va lui permettre d’être « plus calme ». Au-delà de la crise, ces étudiants peuvent voir dans leur cursus l'opportunité de transformer leur vécu en expertise, faisant du savoir une arme pour, un jour, peser sur le destin de leur pays. Photo source : byronv2, Flickr Previous Next

< Back Police Shoot Undocumented Individual in Nice: The Killing of Omar Elkhouli By Saoirse Aherne September 30, 2022 On the night of June 14, 2022, Italian police flagged a refrigerated van carrying five undocumented individuals near Ventimiglia . The French police were notified and attempted to stop the vehicle at a checkpoint near Sospel. The vehicle, driven by two smugglers, did not stop, causing French border police (PAF) to pick up the chase. The van passed another police checkpoint and again refused to obey orders to stop. At this time, four bullets were fired at the moving vehicle. The van made it to Nice, where it was abandoned by the drivers, leaving the five passengers locked in the refrigerated compartment. When police arrived and opened the van, one of the men, Omar Elkhouli, was discovered shot in the back of the head. According to another passenger, “Police officers were kicking (Elkhouli) to see if he reacted… It took them 15 minutes to take care of him.” Elkhouli was eventually taken to hospital, where he died due to injuries on June 15, 2022. In response to this, Nice procureur Xavier Bonhomme announced on Twitter that two inquiries had been launched: the first to track down the alleged smugglers for not complying with police and facilitating the entry and circulation of aliens in irregular situations into France, and the second into the officer who fired his weapon at the van. The inquiry into homicide was referred to l’Inspection Générale de la Police National (IGPN), as is customary in cases involving the use of arms by a police officer. Following the death of Elkhouli, the Mayor of Nice, Christian Estrosi, released a statement on Twitter in which he proclaimed, “Of course, I deplore the injuries caused… but they are the result of a criminal act that had to be stopped for the safety of our police and gendarmes and to avoid other tragedies.” The entirety of this statement can be found on Twitter @cestrosi. Who was Omar Elkhouli? Omar Elkhouli was 35-years-old and originally from Egypt. Contrary to early reporting on this case, he was not a migrant attempting to enter France from Italy. A comprehensive MediaPart investigation into Elkhouli established that he had been living without papers in Paris for 13 years. Elkhouli was highly involved in his community and regularly visited two elderly neighbors. Ibrahim, a friend of Elkhouli, described to MediaPart how “[Elkhouli] even had the keys to the apartment of one of them and her kids would call him for news of their mother.” Based on accounts from his friends acquired through the Mediapart investigation, Elkhouli felt he had no chance of obtaining a residence permit in France . One of Elkhouli’s friends has been trying and failing to get an appointment with a French prefecture to renew a residence permit for three years, despite having more than 40 payslips from years of registered work. Elkhouli worked construction without a contract and thus had no way to prove he had been living and working in France for over a decade. His only chance of obtaining a residence permit was by acquiring fake documents from Italy and appealing to the Italian prefecture. Elkhouli is not the only undocumented French resident who had to resort to obtaining bogus papers. Many migrants, unable to legally prove their eligibility for residence permits, seek out fake documents to support their residency requests. These false supporting documents are often acquired in Italy. Elkhouli was pursuing a residence permit to visit Egypt. Having spent thirteen years working and living in France, he wanted to see his friends and family again. Elkhouli went to Italy some days prior to June 14, 2022. He acquired false documents and an appointment with the Italian prefecture. At the time of his departure from Italy, Elkhouli’s request for a residence permit was being processed. He had planned to leave Italy on June 14, 2022, as he had to return to work. However, on the 14th, he discovered that there were no train routes that would be able to get him to Paris from Ventimiglia. MediaPart reported that Elkhouli was approached by a smuggler who offered to help him cross into France in the back of a refrigerated van. Elkhouli was informed that he would need to pay 50 euros to the man who approached him with this offer and 200 euros more to the men driving the van across the border. The Night of the Incident At 00:05, Elkhouli and four other undocumented persons departed from Ventimiglia in the back of a refrigerated truck. After 15 minutes, Italian police began to pursue the vehicle, and the drivers accelerated to evade law enforcement, despite protestation from the passengers. French border police were notified of its presence as the van crossed into French territory. Yet, the van refused to stop at two police checkpoints, the first in Sospel and the second in Cantaron. According to police accounts, the vehicle accelerated in their direction at this second checkpoint, prompting one officer to fire his weapon four times. One bullet pierced the front of the van at the level of the headlights, while a second bullet hit above the rear tire and entered the refrigerator compartment. Elkhouli was shot in the back of the head by this bullet. One of the other passengers stated in an interview with MediaPart, “we banged on the dividing wall screaming that one of us had a head injury, but [the smugglers] kept accelerating.” The vehicle arrived in Nice at about 2 a.m., at which point the smugglers left the vehicle and fled the scene. Elkhouli and another passenger were brought to the hospital while the police took the other men to the police station. The second man brought to the hospital had his clothes taken and, upon being discharged, was brought to the police station in only his boxers; no new clothes were provided for him. MediaPart reported that the police interrogated these men, some of whom were in shock, for hours without giving them water or food. After the interrogation, the men were placed in a detention center and ordered to leave French territory. The other passengers were allowed to leave the detention center on June 20, 2022, with the help of Zia Oloumi, a Nice lawyer. He fought to have them released due to their particular vulnerability and physiological state after witnessing the death of Elkhouli. After being released, two of the men launched a complaint against the police officer who fired his weapon at the refrigerated vehicle. When MediaPart reported on this case in July, both official inquiries into this situation were open. The Menton Times contacted numerous journalists and a local activist group to ask for updates on this case, but currently, no new information is available. An uptake in Police Violence The shooting of Omar Elkhouli is just one of a string of recent cases of police violence in France. On Sept. 7, another fatal shooting occurred in Nice. The victim was a 24-year-old Tunisian man, who police allege was driving a stolen vehicle and refusing to obey an order to stop. A video circulating on social media shows an officer firing his gun towards the car’s windshield as it backs away from him. On the same day, a 22-year-old woman was fatally shot by Police in Rennes during an anti-drug operation. A report from the IGPN published in 2021 found that the frequency of officers “firing at vehicles in motion” has increased from an average of 119.2 instances annually from 2012-2016 to an average of 165.8 from 2017-2021. This is a statistically significant increase of approximately 39% from 2012 to 2016. According to Christian Mouhanna, a researcher from France’s National Center for Scientific Research and an expert on police issues, legal changes made in 2017 are to blame for the recent increase in police violence. After a series of terror attacks between 2015 and 2016, French laws concerning when police officers can shoot their weapons changed from strictly in cases of self-defense to “in cases of absolute necessity and in a strictly proportionate manner.” Mouhanna asserts that many police have interpreted this statute to mean a vehicle can be shot at if refusing to comply with orders.

< Back Setting Precedents – Greece’s LGBTQ+ Rights Triumph and France’s Landmark for Abortion Rights By Maria Eirini Liodi March 31, 2024 Cause for celebration comes in the past months, as Greece became the first Orthodox Christian-majority country to legalize same-sex marriage and France enshrined the right to abortion within its constitution. Amid tense discussions on upcoming U.S. elections, multiple ongoing conflicts, and protests of all sorts recently setting central Europe ablaze, perhaps a moment of appreciation for these two recent ‘wins’ could be uplifting. On February 15, 2024, following months of deliberation, Greece emerged as a triumphant example of LGBTQ+ representation within the Southern European region. Despite opposition from the Orthodox Church and members of the political right, the measure was passed by the parliament with 176 voting in favor and 76 against, legalizing same-sex marriage and granting same-sex couples’ adoption rights as well. Granting the right to marriage translates into recognizing LGBTQ+ couples and children's rights on an equal footing within their familial structure. For those who remained unconvinced as to why equal marriage rights are important, various studies conducted over the years support the reality. One such example published in the National Library of Medicine, indicates that same-sex marriage constitutes an issue of public health, delineating clearly that: “ Being in a legally recognized same-sex relationship, marriage in particular, appeared to diminish mental health differentials between heterosexuals and lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons (in the study). ” Greece has been one of the relatively liberal countries on LGBTQ+ rights in Southern Europe, considering homosexuality had long been decriminalized in 1951, and same-sex civil unions were legalized in 2015. However, given the persisting tragedies of hate crimes against members of the LGBTQ+ community, it is important to keep striving for equal rights and protection for all the country’s citizens. As notably stated by the country’s Prime Minister on X, this moment is “a milestone for human rights” in Greece. As the 16th European Union country to legalize same-sex unions, following Estonia earlier in January of this year, Greece can serve as a precedent for other countries in the region that beyond civil unions, remain more conservative on the matter. Across the continent, France marked its own historic milestone on March 4, 2024, shifting the global narrative toward progressive social change. France has become the first country to enshrine the right to abortion within their constitutional framework. Why is this significant, given that abortion has been legalized since 1975 in France? Ensuing the U.S. Supreme Court’s disruptive downturn in deciding to overturn Roe v. Wade, activists both within the U.S. and elsewhere around the world have responded in an uproar. As of January of this year, twenty-one states prohibit abortion or restrict the procedure to earlier in the pregnancy than the standards set by Roe v. Wade. Women with pregnancy complications or subjects of rape still have to illegally or unsafely deal with this issue. Abortion is a human rights issue, and France has made it clear that “guaranteed freedom” to abortion is vital. In celebration, the Eiffel Tower was lit up with the words “ mon corps mon choix”, my body my choice, clearly delineating the stance the country has taken and continues to take for women. There have been debates on why Macron’s government decided to enshrine this right within the constitution, considering the pre-existing laws safeguarding abortion in France. Is this merely a political stunt? An effort to win popular support? Whatever the case on this front, one thing remains steadfast – laws can change. Putting this right within its constitution, France is providing a long-term safeguard for its women today, tomorrow and for future generations. This step serves as a statement; one which can be an important example for other nations, especially during an era where certain countries are facing regressive shifts in reproductive policies. By codifying this essential freedom, France is challenging deeply ingrained patriarchal structures – after all, what does a state say to its female citizens today if it does not permit them bodily autonomy and protection? Amid grim news feeds, Greece and France shed light on a progressive path toward more equitable societies. Let’s hope these victories resonate globally, prompting policy change toward acceptance and autonomy.

< Back The New Tunisian Prime Minister: A Harbinger of Progress or a Veil for Democratic Deterioration? By Luca Utterwulghe November 30, 2021 Tunisian President Kais Saied, amidst his political venture involving parliamentary suspension and constitutional confusion (see our September Edition), appointed the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region’s first woman Prime Minister, Najla Bouden Romdhane. Prime Minister Romdhane, once a geology professor, previously served as the director-general of the Ministry of Education. Doubts have been raised concerning the constitutionality of President Saied’s temporary consolidation of power and decision to initiate a process for amending the 2014 Constitution, particularly as the Tunisian government has yet to establish its Constitutional Court. Article 120 of the 2014 Constitution stipulates that the Constitutional Court “is the sole body competent to oversee the constitutionality” of legislation severely. This severely limits the potential for any objective evaluation of Saied’s future legislative agenda upon the resumption of parliamentary procedure. Moreover, analysts have indicated that Saied is looking to expand executive power by “readapting the 1959 Constitution.” Concerns about the unconstitutionality of Saied’s actions, and a shift to a strongman form of government, have only grown as analysts question why Saied appointed Prime Minister Romdhane, an official with minimal government experience. A major question has surfaced in light of Saeid’s decree of temporary presidential authority over the Constitution and legislation: What is the extent of Prime Minister Romdhane’s actual power, and thus Saied’s true intentions in appointing Romdhane? NPR notes that Romdhane’s “appointment appears to be aimed at placating critics of Saied,” while others applaud Romdhane’s selection as a victory for Tunisian women. As these developments are quite new, it is difficult to gauge Tunisian public opinion on the question of Saied’s intentions, or on the appointment of Prime Minister Romdhane. I spoke with a Tunisian student on the Sciences Po Menton campus to better understand the youth sentiment regarding Romdhane’s recent appointment. Amira Zargouni, a first year French Track student, said she was “instantly relieved” when Kais Saied selected a new head of government, “before even thinking about who it would be.” Zargouni’s relief that Saied “did what he said he would do” signifies the fragility of the Tunisian political system at the moment, for it seems that the future of the nation lies in Saied’s hands. Furthermore, Zargouni indicated that she “knew Kais Saied wouldn’t choose [a PM] from Ennahdha [a moderate Islamist political party] nor from the PDL [Partie Destourien Libre].” Saied and his supporters staunchly oppose Ennahdha, and this tension will continue to play out as Saied finalizes his plans for a “new” government structure. The PDL, headed by Abir Moussi, is based on the principles of Dictator Ben Ali’s Rassemblement Constitutionnel Démocratique (RCD) party. Zargouni believes that Saied’s choice of a Prime Minister from either Ennahdha or the PDL would signal a “‘go back’ move” that she could not withstand. Thus, while Saied’s intentions are not exactly clear, he followed through on his initial promise of appointing a head of government, thereby settling some of the brewing insecurity among Tunisians who fear a threat to the country’s democratic institutions. Zargouni further explained how she “felt proud because of what [Prime Minister Romdhane] represents in terms of gender equality improvement;” however, Zargouni also expressed that “we [Tunisians] don’t know her, and we didn’t know Kais Saied when he was elected.” Both figures are quite mysterious, which, as Zargouni said, “can’t be good [as] democracy comes with transparency.” Notwithstanding this limitation, Zargouni remarked that “it’s reassuring to know that she’s [Romdhane] a ‘technocrate’ because… the country needs to be lead by an élite at first in order to get Tunisia back on her feet.” The way in which we digest and perceive Rhomadane’s appointment and Saied’s decisions seem to depend on the robustness of our optimism for Tunisia’s future. While some may view Romdhane’s appointment as a political strategy used by Saeid to assuage the fears of critics, others see it as victory for gender parity and a chance to recalibrate Tunisia’s political trajectory toward a well-functioning government.

< Back L’affaire Depardieu: un énième reflet du harcèlement sexuel dans les médias français By Calista Cellerier February 29, 2024 Photo/Siebbi Depuis quelques semaines, la France fait face à un énième scandale parmi les plus hauts placés, reflétant la dure réalité que les violences sexistes et sexuelles (VSS) ne font pas encore partie du passé. Le sexisme en France ne cesse d’augmenter. Selon les chiffres du Baromètre Sexisme 2023, 80% des femmes déclarent avoir été victime de sexisme et un tiers des Françaises ont vécu une situation de non-consentement. 23% des hommes considèrent qu’il faut de la violence pour se faire respecter. Aujourd’hui, on peut voir les conséquences de tels chiffres : une affaire de plus d’agression et de harcèlement sexuel qui indigne les foules, ou l’affaire Depardieu. En 2020, le célèbre acteur français Gérard Depardieu était mis en examen après que la comédienne Charlotte Arnould l’accuse de viol. 3 ans après, l’affaire n’est pas résolue. Depardieu était donc déjà connu des services de police pour un comportement grave envers ses collègues quand 13 femmes l’accusent à leur tour de VSS. Dans une enquête de Mediapart , trois femmes se confient sur leur expérience avec l’auteur mais affirment ne pas avoir porté plainte, de peur de ne pas être prisent au sérieux. Au fur et à mesure, de plus en plus de femmes dénoncent les mêmes comportements: des gestes, des commentaires et des actes à caractères sexuels, non consentis et souvent par surprise. Le même mode opératoire se discerne, ce sont des maquilleuses, actrices ou figurantes qui sont visées par l’acteur. Sophie Marceau, actrice star du film La Boum, déclaré dans les colonnes de Paris Match : “ Il ne s’en prenait pas aux grandes comédiennes, plutôt aux petites assistantes… La vulgarité et la provocation ont toujours été son fonds de commerce ”. De plus, lors d’un reportage de l'émission Complément d'enquête , il apparaît faisant des commentaires choquants et vulgaires sur des femmes et petites filles. Or, Gérard Depardieu dément formellement ces accusations. Pourtant, il ne s’agit pas de la première fois qu’un tel scandale éclate au sein des médias et du cinéma français. Gérard Depardieu est accusé de nombreuses fois de viol et d’agressions sexuelles au cours de sa carrière, notamment par la figurante Hélène Darras ou la journaliste espagnole Ruth Baza. Et il n’est pas le seul : il y a quelques années, la grande star de télévision Patrick Poivre d’Arvor (PPDA) est accusé par la journaliste Florence Porcel de viol, une affaire classée sans suite. Plus tard s’ajoutent avec son témoignage une vingtaine d’autre femmes, portant plainte pour viol, tentative de viol et agressions sexuelles. L'association MetooMédias se forme par la suite: c’est une lutte contre le pouvoir des stars françaises de la télévision. Et encore une fois, l’affaire est classée sans suite pour “insuffisance de preuves”. De nombreuses autres affaires peuvent être citées, comme Nicolas Hulot ou Roman Polanski, qui a reçu un oscar malgré ces accusations. Car oui, la plupart de ces affaires aboutissent à peu ou même aucune conséquences judiciaires. En effet, les accusations de Charlotte Arnould sont classées sans suite pour manque de preuves. Hélène Darras, qui accusa Depardieu en 2023 de viol et agressions sexuelles lorsqu’elle était figurante dans le film Disco en 2007, voit aussi son dossier classé pour prescription des faits. C’est le cas pour de nombreuses autres accusations contre l’acteur, qui actuellement reste en mise en examen pour viol dans le cadre de l’enquête de Mediapart . Il est libre d’aller et venir à sa guise, sans réelles conséquences pour l’instant. D’ailleurs, il est aperçu à Dubaï, à Lisbonne, en Belgique… selon de nombreux médias français, comme le Journal des Femmes . Il est en réalité assez courant que les hommes célèbres accusés de VSS s’en sortent sans grande difficulté. Usant de ripostes telles que la présomption d'innocence, la diffamation ou la conquête médiatique de l’opinion, ils se défendent en étalant “leur propre vérité et version des faits”. C’est la stratégie de base dans ces situations: aussi utilisée par Nicolas Hulot ou PPDA, qui eux non plus de semblent pas inquiétés par la justice mise à part des pertes de contrats et une image publique controversée. C’est d’autant plus le cas quand ces hommes bénéficient d’un capital social et financier considérable, obtenant le soutien d’autres célébrités. Ce soutien devient crucial pour ces célébrités, car il est leur dernier moyen de conserver leur position dans la société. Si l’on bénéficie du support des figures les plus hautes de la hiérarchie sociale, il devient alors facile d’ignorer de telles accusations et de continuer à vivre sans conséquences sociales, surtout s’il n’y a pas de répercussions judiciaires non plus. C’est ce qui s’est passé pour Depardieu des suites de C omplément d'enquête et de Mediapart . Dans une tribune publiée par Le Figaro le 25 décembre 2023, une cinquantaine de célébrités, dont des réalisateurs, acteurs et actrices, chanteurs et autres personnalités dénoncent un “lynchage” de l’acteur et un mépris de la présomption d’innocence. Et ce, bien après la publication des nombreuses vidéos affichant Depardieu faisant des commentaires vulgaires à caractère sexuels sur des femmes et petites filles dans C omplément d'enquête . Cependant, cette vague de soutien ne s'arrête pas là, car le président Emmanuel Macron déclare sur France 5 le mercredi 20 décembre que Depardieu est une “ fierté pour la France ” et affirme être un “ grand admirateur ” de l’acteur. Macron dénonce une “ chasse à l'homme” et remet en question l'authenticité des images présentées par Mediapart . En revanche, tout le monde ne continue pas de soutenir Depardieu. L’ancien président français François Hollande déclare dans sur France Inter: “ Nous, nous ne sommes pas fiers de Gérard Depardieu ”. Il critique ouvertement Emmanuel Macron: “ [Macron] a parlé de Gérard Depardieu, de son talent, et de la présomption d’innocence. Moi, je vais vous parler des quatorze femmes agressées, des femmes humiliées, des femmes bouleversées par les images qu’elles ont vues, de toutes ces femmes qui voient à travers Gérard Depardieu ce que peut être la violence, la domination, le mépris. ” Depardieu a été radié de l’Ordre National du Québec et a perdu son titre de citoyen d’honneur en Belgique. Sa statue a aussi été retirée du Musée Grévin à Paris. De nombreuses associations se sont saisies de l’affaire, comme MetooMédias . En effet, une lettre ouverte publiée peu après les faits dénonce les propos de Macron ainsi que l’absence de soutien aux victimes: “ Monsieur le président, vos paroles dénient à toutes les femmes victimes de violence le droit à être entendues et crues.” Cette association faisait déjà beaucoup de bruit lors du scandale de PPDA, et ne semble pas vouloir se démonter aujourd’hui non plus. Le cas de Gérard Depardieu n’est donc ni une affaire isolée, ni une affaire résolue. Que ce soit le gouvernement, la justice ou la communauté de célébrités en France, personne ne semble prendre au sérieux les accusations des victimes de l’acteur. Si nombre d’associations et figures publiques travaillent dur pour faire entendre la voix de ces femmes dans ce genre de situation, les efforts n’aboutissent pas souvent à de vraies poursuites judiciaires et de conséquences concrètes. Ainsi, ne laissons pas ces efforts tomber dans l’oubli, et continuons d’en parler, de se mobiliser et surtout de se soutenir, à travers des associations, des journaux, des actions.

< Back Menton Grants Land for Policing Migrants By Colette Yamashita Holcomb October 31, 2023 The city of Menton announced authorization of a municipal plot next to the Italian border next to the police station on September 18, 2023, to cope with the announced influx of illegal migrants. The space is intended to be provisional, primarily serving as an extension of the existing police station premises. Unlike the former Red Cross Center, which served as a source of housing, water, and security for migrants, the space will be used to increase the police premises for migrants who are arrested before they are transferred to the Italian authorities. Those refused entry to France may be accommodated in temporary buildings (often referred to as “algécos” in French — referencing the main constructor of such buildings) or tents. The space is expected to receive a maximum of 200 people per day. There were many concerns that this authorization would mean building a migrant camp — mainly rumors that it would be installed in the Rondelli Stadium. Menton’s mayor, Yves Juhel, stated in a press release that there will be no installation of migrant camps, especially in the stadium, considering it "has no sanitation, is in a flood zone and is subject to strong sea waves.” Additionally, Juhel emphasized his commitment to ensuring Menton’s economy — particularly the hospitality and tourism industries — is unaffected by the new space. This solution, authorities hope, will make it easier to administratively manage adult migrants who enter France without a residence permit or visa. During their time at this center, they will be under the strict supervision of the Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité (CRS) and will not be allowed to leave the premises. If their request for entrance into France is determined to be invalid, they will be escorted to the Italian border by authorities. Mayor Juhel estimated there are approximately 1,500 arrests weekly, making the current accommodations — the small police station — inadequate to process this number of people. This overwhelm of the system sparked the request to install three algécos at the lower border at the Saint-Ludovic border post. In an interview with France 3 Côte d’Azur, Mayor Juhel affirmed that the algécos would not be situated along the lower border, as previously thought, but instead, at the upper one of Saint-Louis, whose proximity to the pre-existing offices allows for easier installation of the interim accommodation. Construction began the last week of September. Equally, there have been concerns about the processing of minors in this process. According to authorities, the number of unaccompanied minors coming from Italy has doubled since the start of the year in the Alpes-Maritimes department. From January 1 to August 25 this year, nearly 4,000 minors were placed into shelters, primarily from Africa — particularly Guinea, the Ivory Coast, Tunisia, and Sudan. Over the same period in 2022, there were 1,925. In particular, the current practice where minors are required to stay for one to three days at the border police station before being taken into the care of the departmental services has been condemned by migrant aid associations. Nevertheless, Mayor Juhel stated that there are no definitive solutions yet, but the administration is searching for two sites, one in and another outside of Menton. The mayor reiterated that this would not be a hotel, quelling local rumors that worried Mentonnaises in the tourist and hospitality industries. Despite this, reports from France 3 and the Nice-Matin suggest that a center for unaccompanied minors should be opened by the end of October. They also reported that this building — previously a vacation center for employees of the Comité d'Entreprise for electricity (EDF) and gas industries Caisse Centrale d'Activités Sociales (CCAS) — has been unoccupied for several years. The building was evaluated by the Alpes-Maritimes Department to see if it would be fit to help expand the accommodation system for the sudden influx of unaccompanied minors. However, the department has refused to comment on any official plans, saying it is only evaluating the conditions of the site currently. Yet, there is an agreement with the EDF that details the work needed to bring the site up to standards and ready to accommodate minors in the process of being finalized, which is inferred to confirm the requisition of the site. It estimates that fifty people could be accommodated. Responses quickly emerged from Menton’s residents to both projects — many negative. An online petition against the installation of a center for minors collected over 225 signatures over one weekend — currently at 642 of the desired 1,000 signatures — while a Facebook group, “Collectif contre un camp de migrants à Menton,” currently has nearly 500 members. Graffiti was also written on the potential future reception center for unaccompanied minors. The words, written in French, translate to “no to migrants, insecurity, and rape.” A peaceful protest at the potential center occurred on October 17 with 150 participants. Approximately 23,215 migrants were arrested at the border between January and August this year, according to the prefecture. While these developments could mean improved conditions for adult and minor migrants, it does not guarantee efficiency; increasing the capacity for processing is an important step to mitigate the influx of migrants, but unless there are more workers also hired to accommodate these new spaces, the system may still be overloaded. Humanitarian concerns also remain a crucial issue, as there have been no announcements of racial bias or de-escalation training, which several organizations have called for. Furthermore, the negative reactions from Menton residents indicate a larger issue of tension at the border that remains unresolved.

< Back Myanmar: Public Unrest Erupts in the Face of Coup d’État and Aung San Suu Kyi Deposition By Viola Luraschi December 31, 2021 On February 1, 2021, a military coup d’état led to the fall of democracy in Myanmar and the implementation of a military regime. Since 2015, the National League for Democracy (Myanmar’s liberal democratic party led by Aung San Suu Kyi) has been ruling the country. Its ascendance to power marked the end of 50 years of military rule. Although not detected by independent election observers, the military claimed massive voter fraud. The military justified their coup by asserting that their takeover would guarantee a “true and disciplined democracy”. However, it cannot be argued that the current state of Myanmar fits the description of a democratic state. Leading the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s military, is the coup’s Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing. He has been subject to condemnation and sanctions from international entities as a consequence of his alleged role in the military-led attacks on ethnic minorities in Myanmar. The country is currently under a state of emergency, which was first declared when the military came to power in February and which was subsequently extended for a further two years. However, the military has promised a “free and fair” election following the state of emergency. Suu Kyi was under military detention from 1989 to 2010 due to her “commitment to establishing democracy in Myanmar.” In 1991, when Suu Kyi was still under military detention, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her commitment to establishing democracy within Myanmar through non-violent means. She would have become president in 2015 when her party won by landslide victory, had it not been for a rule that prohibits people with foreign national children from taking office. However, she was regarded by many as the legitimate ruler, and Win Myint was merely the face of Myanmar. Her public image received a negative impact following the events of the Rohingya crisis of 2017, during which Myanmar saw the largest wave of Rohingya fleeing the country due to what has been considered by many a genocide. In fact, in 2019 Suu Kyi was called to appear before the United Nations International Court of Justice and stand in defense of her country, which faced accusations of genocide. The new leader, Min Aung Hlaing, has now assumed all state power in his capacity as commander-in-chief. With this role he has prioritized an investigation into fraud claims of the new elections, which had supposedly been won by the National League for Democracy. As a result of the investigations regarding the recent elections, Suu Kyi is now facing a prison sentence after being found guilty of violating coronavirus restrictions as well as incitement. The case regarding her sentencing was based around statements that had been posted on the Facebook page of the National League for Democracy; this, however, was posted by other party members only after she and other leaders of the party were already being detained by the military. The charges of incitement and violation of coronavirus regulations are only two of eleven charges which the former prime minister is currently facing. Suu Kyi has denied all of these charges and, as a result, her sentence has been reduced from what was previously four years to two.The reduction of the sentence was approved by Junta Chief Min Aung Hlaing. The details are, however, still unclear regarding where, when and if Suu Kyi will be placed in prison, and her current location is undisclosed. Former President Win Myint is a co-defendant in Suu Kyi’s trial, as he has also been placed on trial, and his sentence is the same as Suu Kyi’s although this could be subject to change. Salai Maung Taing San, a spokesperson for the National Unity Governmentand professionally known as Dr Sasa, said that the “military generals are preparing for 104 years of sentences for [Suu Kyi] in prison.” International voices have spoken out against the trial and the military coup. In fact, Amnesty International has used the word “bogus” to describe the charges for Suu Kyi and Myint, accusing them of serving as the “latest example[s] of the military’s determination to eliminate all opposition and suffocate freedoms in Myanmar.” Michelle Bachelet, UN Human Rights chief, has claimed that the “sham trial” will only “deepen rejection of the coup” on both international and domestic fronts. Furthermore, the foreign secretary of the United Kingdom, Liz Truss, has said that “the arbitrary detention of elected politicians only risks further unrest” and that it can be identified as “another appalling attempt by Myanmar’s military regime to stifle opposition and suppress freedom and democracy.” Due to its high-profile nature and the controversy that surrounds the trial, the proceedings have taken place in a closed court and no access has been given to observers, no information regarding the legal cases have been disclosed to the public. Furthermore, Suu Kyi’s lawyers have been forced to sign a gag order. The military justified their coup by asserting that their takeover would guarantee a "true and disciplined democracy”. However, since February, Myanmar has seen more than 10,600 people arrested and a minimum of 1,303 deaths by the junta during demonstrations. Thus, it cannot be argued that the current state of Myanmar fits the description of a democratic state.

< Back Eulogy to Joy Kerem Demir Karahan April 12, 2026 In March 2025, the Atlantic’s editor-in-chief, Jeffrey Goldberg, revealed to the world that American national-security officers discussed highly classified information in a group chat in which he was accidentally included. While American media focused on whether the leak risked American lives, European leaders got the chance to see how America’s most powerful talked about Europe behind closed doors. Vice-president JD Vance, texted on the group chat “I just hate bailing Europe out again.” when discussing the potential strike on Houthi forces. Pete Hegseth, the secretary of defense, for his part called “European free-loading” “PATHETIC”. Across the Atlantic, it was not news that Trump held Europe in low regard. It was however news how gleefully the Administration talked about the continent behind closed doors. In an interview with Politico in September 2025, Trump called the European countries a “decaying” group of nations with “weak” leaders. He bluntly declared that Europe is clueless in the face of global turmoil, saying that “Europe doesn’t know what to do.” The White House’s new National Security Strategy (NSS), published in November 2025, went further, saying that Europe is in a “civilizational erasure” because of uncontrolled migration, limits on free speech and its regulations undermining creativity. Luuk van Middelaar, writing for Le Monde, said that America has started “ideological assault” against Europe with the NSS. For their part, European leaders refuted this characterization of a dormant Europe. Emmanuel Macron wrapped himself in Gaullism, championing French independence from American influence. On March 2nd the French président jupitérien declared at Ile Longue, home of the French naval nuclear arsenal, that he wants “Europeans to regain control of their own destiny,” acknowledging the fact that Europe has grown too dependent on the United States. Earlier in 2025, Macron had said that Trump was the “electroshock” Europe needed to awake from its 30-year-long self-induced sleep of “strategic dependence.” While Macron took Trump’s comments as a wake-up call, other leaders across Europe went on to deny Trump’s claims. Kaja Kallas, the European High Representative for Foreign Affairs, said that “ ‘Woke Europe’ [is] not facing civilisational erasure”; Ursula von der Leyen and Friedrich Merz joined her in highlighting Europe’s importance for the United States. Donald Trump’s view on Europe is not completely wrong. Europe perhaps is not facing “civilizational decline” or is “PATHETIC,” but its role in the global order is fading and its economies are facing an incredible test in the coming years. Europe, accustomed to its long dinners paired with specialty wine, is too focused on the plate to see what lies ahead. The European economic system for too long relied on three simple postulates: cheap exports to China, cheap energy from Russia and cheap security from the United States. First, China became competitive both internally and internationally with European companies. German automakers, the engine that turned Germany into Europe’s largest economy, benefitted from exports to countries such as China, Japan and Russia. However, China’s rapid rise in the automobile industry starting from the early 2010s put German automakers who could not compete with the low prices in a hard position. Companies like BMW, symbols of German economic success, began to scale back local production, contributing to higher rates of unemployment in the country. Germany’s trade surplus began to erode and the German automobile industry began to rely on high tariffs on Chinese imports to stay competitive within the European market. Across Europe, the fate of the German automobile is too common; the European trade deficit with China, between 2015 and 2024, quadrupled in volume. Second, the Russian pipelines that carried the cheap energy fueling European growth closed with the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Angela Merkel, the German chancellor between 2005 and 2021, spent the better part of her career ensuring the flow of cheap Russian gas into Germany and Europe. She championed the building of the Nord Stream pipeline even during the invasion of Crimea while critics warned that she would make Germany, and Europe, dependent on Russian gas. In the end, Merkel was successful, she schafft das and cheap Russian gas resulted in more than ten years of consecutive growth for Europe’s largest economy. However, since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, her decision to pursue closer ties with Russia has proven that Europe indeed grew too reliant on Russian gas. Now that the cheap gas that supplied Europe’s manufacturing sector is gone, Europe finds it even harder to develop and harder still to compete. The final blow to the European model came from Donald Trump, who, in his second term, decided to hold Europe more accountable for its own security. After his repeated demands for European NATO members to meet the alliance target of 2 percent GDP spent on defense, not only did European countries finally meet it, they also increased the alliance target to 5 percent by 2035. Previously European countries enjoyed spending less on defense to fund their extensive social nets, but now their social welfare systems are under more pressure than ever. However, America’s decoupling with Europe does not end with economic ramifications. Arguments over Greenland, Trump’s dealing with Putin without consulting the EU and support for Eurosceptics across the continent all signal that the relationship Europe enjoyed with the United States is coming to an end. JD Vance declared at the Munich Security Conference in 2025, as far as America is concerned: Europe’s largest threat is the “threat from within.” The European dependency on these three pillars is the most visible symptom of a far deeper problem with the continent’s model of growth: There never was a Plan B. The AI boom made this apparent. China and the United States innovated as Europe grew complacent. Companies like America’s Anthropic and China’s DeepSeek promise to transform work and increase worker productivity to levels previously thought impossible. European leaders, too, recognize the strength of the AI boom in inspiring economic growth. Macron, in the Paris AI Summit, declared that now is the “time for innovation” to avoid getting left behind. However, despite speeches and promises of innovation, Europe still is woefully behind not only the United States, but also China in the AI race. American start-ups and Chinese tech giants are racing to innovate, whereas the European economy is still carried largely by legacy brands such as LVMH and Novo Nordisk. Isabel Schnabel, who is on the executive board of the European Central Bank (ECB), noted that the problem is not that Europe is incapable of innovation, but that there simply are too many regulatory measures limiting productivity growth within the bloc. Mario Draghi, in his well-known Draghi Report, highlighted this exact problem. There is a patchwork of regulatory systems, sometimes contradictory , within the EU, limiting the ability of businesses to compete with American or Chinese companies. As the EU hesitated to act on the Draghi Report, ECB President Christine Lagarde went on to state that Europe is in an “existential crisis” where “internal barriers are stifling innovation, productivity, and investment across the bloc”. Europe’s lack of advancement in productivity put it on a path of economic stagnation at levels hardly seen in any other part of the developed world. Between 2008 and 2023, notes the Wall Street Journal, Europeans saw their real wages drop or stagnate, whereas Americans saw theirs increase. A common European refutation, one to which Paul Krugman too subscribes , is that Europeans simply live better lives than their counterparts across the Atlantic. Indeed, Europeans live for longer and are happier on average than Americans. Furthermore, they have more free time and social security. In this view, American higher wages and GDP mean little, because they hardly translate to economic welfare for American citizens. Krugman is not wrong. The European system did not have a fatal flaw. It simply was for a different world with a different economic order. The collapse of the European system is further accelerated by demographic crisis. Europe's social welfare and early retirement rest on the existence of many young people who can pay taxes and participate in economic life. Concurrently, the European Union’s old-age dependency ratio hit 37 percent in 2024, a record high, meaning that there are fewer than three working-age adults for each retired person. Meanwhile, the EU's low birth-rates mean that it has to rely on immigration in order to keep its economies working. However, increased immigration has led the far-right to take hold in various European states, limiting immigration when the continent is in dire need of a working population. The OECD’s Tax Policy Reforms 2025 report found that some countries in Europe are instead resorting to increasing taxes on young professionals. Increased tax burden, combined with Europe’s already complicated regulatory scheme, is driving young entrepreneurs away from Europe to places like the United States where business-friendly economic policies encourage innovation. The Trump Administration’s rhetoric on Europe may be crude, and the European way of life may be more sophisticated. Still, the fact remains that the old European economic system which helped the continent create its welfare states is no longer there. To those of us who enjoy real bread and good wine: We need to ask whether those are valuable enough to sacrifice the security of Europe. Photo Source: Onno P., Flickr