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"I can attest that Israel has brought up a generation that is attached to the land and their roots like no other generation before. Our proud existence is resistance. Every story that died lives through us, and we will certainly not forget." < Back Navigating Conflict: A Palestinian Perspective Amidst the Israel-Hamas War By Clara Delso for Amnesty International November 30, 2023 The Israel-Hamas war that unfolded after the Oct. 7 attacks has resulted in a staggering death toll, claiming over 10,995 Palestinian and 1,405 Israeli lives in its first month. It has left the besieged Palestinian enclave in a dire humanitarian crisis and has shaken the entire Palestinian community. In light of these developments, civilians across the Occupied Territories of the West Bank mourn the losses of their Gazan brothers, as they, themselves, face increased aggression. Farah is a Palestinian girl from the 1948 Green Line living in East Jerusalem. In this interview, she shares her thoughts, offering valuable insights into how civilians living in the Occupied Palestinian territories are experiencing the War and the ways in which they grapple with the pervasive violence. Emotions run high during times of conflict. How have recent events in the region affected you personally? Being exposed to all that is going on is mentally draining. I exist in parallel with anguish over and detachment from the horrors of the war. The footage is endless, and having to constantly witness the suffering of your own people is heartbreaking, but has also made me desensitized to some extent. In these times, I find comfort in reflecting on the blessings I have taken for granted. Knowing that my family is alive and well, not having to worry about where my next meal will come from, and even stressing over university, while the lives and dreams of many have been cut short. While I thankfully don´t go through the horrifying reality of Gazans, Palestinians’ human rights and lives are still at risk everywhere. Everyone is a target. There is no freedom of speech without risking imprisonment or worse. I haven't been able to leave my home since the war started. I spend my days hearing gunshots in my street, scrolling through graphic photos on social media, and reading about violent attacks in the West Bank. Combined with the relentless checks of phones and arbitrary arrests, hopelessness has become a collective endurance. However, whenever I feel helpless, I remember a particular quote by David Ben Gurion during the Nakba, “The old will die, and the young will forget.” Being here today, I can attest that Israel has brought up a generation that is attached to the land and their roots like no other generation before. Our proud existence is resistance. Every story that died lives through us, and we will certainly not forget. As a Palestinian, how do you perceive the disconnect between Gaza and the West Bank, and what do you think can be done to address this division within the Palestinian territories? The divisions between the territories primarily manifest in the degrees of privilege. It is a direct result of post-colonialism and a rather bittersweet lottery of political liberties with no true freedom. On one hand, there are the privileged Palestinians from the 48 lines who often don't identify as Palestinian due to identity erasure, and on the other hand, there are Palestinians from the West Bank who experience raids, restrictions on freedom of movement, etc. but enjoy greater communal support and a stronger sense of national identity. However, no matter the nuances, these distinctions don´t expand into social divisions - we all share one cause and solidarity with Gazans. The idea of normalization between Palestinians and Israelis is a controversial topic of discussion. What are your thoughts on this and its potential impact on the conflict resolution process? There are many different attitudes towards normalization between Arabs and Israelis, both in civil society and internationally, in the light of Arab-Israeli negotiations. From my point of view, having coexisted in a multicultural school where all groups had social relations with each other, it can be problematic, but it really depends. I believe that, in many ways, normalization has been disguised as a pathway to peace. The peace that results from discussions which do not tackle the uncomfortable roots of the problem or from simply living together without acknowledging our differences and past, is shallow. It compromises the integrity of people and allows them to coexist with the reality of occupation . Rather than a genuine pursuit of peace, it appears to normalize the violence taking place under the guise of shared humanity. It is not true, positive peace, it is a form of coexistence marked by silence. Nevertheless, if both sides are able to come together to have a constructive conversation, I do not see this as normalization. I think it is really important to listen to each other and that everyone should be given a chance to speak and to be heard, in order to both foster empathy and avoid extreme polarizations. For example, if Palestinians were to completely oppose the thought of engaging with Israelis , it would be easier for the latter to accept learned beliefs which can lead to villainizing and dehumanizing us. Exposure to the Palestinian narrative can help them see and even understand reality through our eyes, dismantling prejudices and unveiling concealed truths. It could be a step forward in the right direction, a step towards mutual understanding and humanization. You attended a school with both Israelis and Palestinians. How did the recent events impact the relationships with your previous classmates? It seems to me that hard times like this one shed light onto the true intentions and beliefs of those surrounding you. Watching people I held to such a high esteem in my life, proudly and openly express violent ambitions or attempt to justify continuous escalations in their social media feels like a betrayal of our friendship. It's agonizing to see that during a sensitive time, some actively choose to turn a blind eye towards the devastation and pain of others. Polarization can be a significant challenge in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. How do you see this divide between pro-Israeli and pro-Palestinian sentiments impacting the peace process/ceasefire efforts? These sentiments are very broad in their scope, and they obviously both have the potential to become problematic. I think being in opposite spectrums of one or the other just results in normalizing all the violence arising, whether by justifying the actions of the Israeli government or Hamas. Regardless, I can talk about my pro-Palestinian sentiments, since I clearly identify with the Palestinian cause. I do not think expressing my thoughts, opinions, or publicizing experiences regarding the human rights violations of my people impacts the peace process negatively. Raising awareness is essential, and the more people are aware the more we see action being taken both by individuals and other stakeholders, even when governments are trying to censor our voices. Unveiling everything that is happening, being eyes and voices for the people that have had them taken away from them, it helps by both showing those suffering that they are not alone and by holding the Israeli government accountable. Overall it just helps to put more pressure into all actors to bring about a ceasefire. But yes, as I mentioned before, taking extreme stances to justify any sort of violence that comes towards the other side—which is what is happening right now, with everyone saying “it is proportionate”, “it needs to happen” etc.—does not improve any peace prospect. At the same time I think being neutral, with the excuse of being uninformed on the subject is very naive, and that taking the time to educate oneself is necessary. When advocating for all human beings and lives, it is crucial to acknowledge that the reality us Palestinians are living in is one with an ongoing imbalance of power.

Behind the curtain of seemingly increasing stability in Syria, out of the eye of Western press and politics, a deplorable crime is being committed against Syrian nationals: the expropriation of their heritage. < Back Turkey Is Waging War on Syrian Heritage By Emilia K September 29, 2022 Behind the curtain of seemingly increasing stability in Syria, out of the eye of Western press and politics, a deplorable crime is being committed against Syrian nationals: the expropriation of their heritage. Syrian heritage is one of the oldest and richest, providing invaluable insight into our past, with some of the best-preserved sites in the Middle East dating back thousands of years. Syria was the birthplace of sedentarization and agriculture; the first complex societies, writing systems and sciences emerged there. However, for several years, Syrian heritage has suffered immeasurable damages under various factions of the Syrian National Army (formerly known as the ‘Free Syrian Army’). Funded, trained and supplied by Turkey, which has established de-facto control over areas in Northern Syria, these armed opposition groups have looted and bulldozed numerous essential heritage sites. The theft of integral parts of Syrian history is happening against the backdrop of increasing Turkification of the self-proclaimed “safe zones.” This Turkification includes renaming geography and landmarks (the Saraya square in Afrin is now the Erdoğan Square), the introduction of Turkish in the school curriculums and the ethnic cleansing of a sizable Kurdish population. Heritage represents an indispensable component of the construction of group identity, and the loss thereof has a grave impact on the ability of Syrians to reconstruct their national identity after a traumatic war that has sown great divisions in the nation. By 2020, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights had reported activity at more than 25 archaeological sites, a number which has been continually increasing over the last two years. ‘Ayn Dāra represents the most prominent victim of the numerous attacks on Syrian heritage. This temple was a unique monument with rich sculptural decoration, dating to the 14th/13th century BCE, and — ironically — built by the Anatolian Hittites who had, at that time, conquered large parts of northern Syria. Lying roughly 40km northwest of Aleppo, the archaeological site dates back over 3000 years and bears importance on ancient trade routes between Egypt, Palestine and Anatolia. An airstrike by the Turkish air forces in 2018 eradicated half of the temple structure. However, more recently, Turkish-backed forces have looted both the site and the storage of the archaeological mission, despite repeated warnings by United Nations organizations. The temple of ‘Ayn Dāra is only one of many decimated sites. There have been reports of excavations near the Nabi Huri fortress, an important site on the ancient trade route from Antioch to the Euphrates, containing a 100-meter diameter Roman theater. Furthermore, the Sheikh Hamid shrine and the archaeological shrine of Abdulrahman, both holy sites for Yazidi Kurds, have been desecrated by excavations. Turkey’s role in this is significant: Stolen artifacts have been reported smuggled and sold in Turkey, and Ankara funds the heavy machinery and advanced equipment available to the armed groups. However, beyond the material damage, the loss of Syrian heritage in the Turkish-occupied regions presents an even greater danger to the Syrian identity, particularly to its Kurdish inhabitants. The United Nations reported the displacement of over 150,000 Kurdish residents of Afrin by the Turkish invasion and subsequent prohibition to return, instead promoting Arabic settlements. The remaining Kurdish population has been subject to the expropriation of property, harassment and arbitrary arrests by Syrian National Army factions. Other reports describe the widespread hewing of olive groves, which often represent a source of firewood in cold winters and the sole source of income for the families to whom they belong. While some of the olive trees were burned systematically, others were uprooted and smuggled to sell in Turkish markets. Few conflicts have grown as protracted as the Syrian one. The war has displaced 13 million Syrians since its 2011 outbreak, of which 3.6 million have fled to neighboring Turkey. In 2016, Turkey launched its first military intervention to counteract the Islamic State and the organization of Kurdish groups in Northern Syria. Since then, it has established effective control over an area of almost 9000 square kilometers, referred to as safe zones. These areas are under Turkish military rule and connected to the Turkish infrastructure. In a 2019 policy brief analysis, Engin Yüksel and Erwin van Veen identified that “Turkey has been setting up institutions that mirror Turkish structures and practices, creating favorable conditions for private (Turkish) investment and encouraging refugee return. These institutions also reflect Turkey’s own brand of national Islamism. Nationalism manifests itself in the introduction of the Turkish language in the primary school curricula in the area. State Islamism reveals itself in the 1,472 clerics and 5,686 religious teachers that Diyanet — the government’s directorate of religious affairs — has hired among Syrians to spread Turkey’s political interpretation of Islam among the local population, including anti-Kurdish and anti-Gülenist sentiments.” While establishing these safe zones is primarily interpreted as serving the relocation of the large refugee population in Turkey, the broader context of the occupation offers a different perspective. President Erdoğan’s neo-Ottoman sentiments towards a regional Turkish hegemony are no secret. Before Turkish incursions, the “conquest” Surah of the Quran rang from mosques, and in 2012 he proclaimed, “Inshallah, we will go to Damascus soon to hug our brothers. That day is close. Inshallah, we will read el-Fatiha at the tomb of Salahuddin and pray at the Emevi mosque...” The more control Turkey gains over educational and religious institutions, the stronger its ability to shift the narrative in favor of Turkish expansionism. The destruction of heritage represents the loss of tangible reminders of the nation’s history and heightens the difficulties of returning to unity, a prerequisite to sustained peace. While Western powers continue to support peace-restoration efforts in Syria, their closest ally is diminishing the prospects of their project. How can the North Atlantic Treaty Organization continue its pledges of support to Ukrainian sovereignty while one of its members exhibits such blatant disrespect to the very notion of such?

Les algorithmes amplifient les contenus qui suscitent le choc et l'émotion, même si ceux-ci ne reflètent qu'une partie de la réalité. Ainsi, les zones de conflits moins spectaculaires ou celles qui ne répondent pas aux critères de viralité demeurent dans l’ombre. < Back Vivre la Guerre à Travers un Écran: la Bataille des Récits Christy Ghosn April 30, 2025 Aujourd’hui, la guerre ne se vit plus uniquement sur le terrain : elle se vit aussi, intensément, sur nos écrans. Hashtags, stories Instagram, vidéos TikTok : la bataille ne concerne plus seulement les armes, mais aussi les récits. Une photo d’enfant sous les décombres, un cri de mère en larmes, un drapeau brûlé: en temps de guerre, certaines images deviennent virales, iconiques. Qui choisit ce qu’on voit? Et à quelles émotions ces images nous condamnent-elles? En temps de guerre, les images fusent; les récits s'entrechoquent; l’émotion guide les opinions. Les projecteurs médiatiques sont puissants, mais leur lumière est loin d’être équitable. Derrière chaque récit médiatique se trouve un choix: montrer ou taire, choquer ou ignorer, mobiliser ou détourner. L'Image au Service de l'Émotion À l'ère du tout visuel, une guerre non filmée est une guerre presque inexistante. Rule of Law in Armed Conflicts ( RULAC ) identifie actuellement plus de 110 conflits armés impliquant au moins 55 États et plus de 70 acteurs armés non étatiques. Combien apparaissent dans notre fil d’actualité? Les réseaux sociaux ont transformé la manière dont nous percevons les conflits. Une image vaut mille mots, et dans le contexte de la guerre, elle vaut mille émotions. La puissance de l'émotion est un outil redoutable pour capter l'attention mondiale. Les images et les vidéos qui suscitent des émotions fortes sont plus susceptibles de devenir virales. Ce mécanisme entraîne une « guerre des récits » où l'image devient le support privilégié d'une instrumentalisation émotionnelle. Les algorithmes amplifient les contenus qui suscitent le choc et l'émotion, même si ceux-ci ne reflètent qu'une partie de la réalité. Ainsi, les zones de conflits moins spectaculaires ou celles qui ne répondent pas aux critères de viralité demeurent dans l’ombre. Construire son Récit : Qui Parle et Qui Est Entendu? La construction du récit est une arme aussi puissante que les armes conventionnelles. Chaque camp s'efforce de façonner une narration où il apparaît comme la victime ou le héros, tandis que l'adversaire est dépeint sous un jour sombre. Cette bataille des idées commence souvent par le choix des mots, car comme le dit Terry Jones , « la première victime de la guerre, c'est la grammaire. » Ainsi, les termes utilisés deviennent des outils de propagande. Les « dommages collatéraux » remplacent les pertes civiles, et la « libération de l'Irak » se substitue à l'invasion. Dans ce contexte, les médias occidentaux, notamment américains et britanniques, ont souvent adopté ce langage, tandis que des chaînes régionales comme Al Jazeera parlent plutôt de « guerre contre l’Irak » menée par des « forces d’invasion. »Cette guerre des mots a également engendré une dichotomie journalistique entre « nous » et « eux. » Aux États-Unis, cette vision manichéenne a imprégné les déclarations officielles et une partie de la presse. En temps de paix, la liberté de la presse est un ‘pilier des démocraties.’ Mais en temps de guerre, cette liberté est souvent restreinte. Le contrôle de l'information, par la censure ou la propagande, devient une priorité. Aujourd'hui, le contrôle de l'information est entre les mains de quelques géants de la tech. Lors de l'invasion russe en Ukraine par exemple, des plateformes comme Meta, Google, Twitter et TikTok ont bloqué les contenus de propagande russe, entraînant des représailles du Kremlin. Les internautes russes se retrouvent par conséquent piégés dans une bulle de désinformation. Les médias traditionnels ne sont pas en reste. Le 17 octobre, l'explosion de l'hôpital Ahli Arab de Gaza a été interprétée de manière radicalement différente selon les sources. Al Jazeera titrait « un raid israélien sur un hôpital fait 500 morts, » tandis que le Times of Israel parlait d'une « explosion due à une roquette mal tirée. » Aux États-Unis, les titres variaient également en fonction de l'orientation politique des journaux. Le Washington Post mettait en avant la version palestinienne, le New York Times restait neutre, et le Wall Street Journal introduisait la position israélienne. Fox News, quant à elle, ne mentionnait même pas la version palestinienne. Le Rôle du Spectateur Moderne Le spectateur moderne est bombardé d'images de conflits et de souffrances, partagées instantanément sur les réseaux sociaux. Ces images, souvent choquantes, sont consommées, partagées, puis rapidement oubliées. La surabondance d'informations visuelles crée une fatigue émotionnelle, une sorte de lassitude face à l'actualité. Selon un baromètre récent, 68 % des jeunes âgés de 15 à 30 ans et 70 % des personnes âgées de 31 ans et plus éprouvent cette lassitude. Ce sentiment est d'autant plus prégnant que la fréquence de consultation de l'actualité augmente avec l'âge, jusqu'à 30 ans. La répétition incessante d'images violentes conduit à une désensibilisation progressive. Les guerres sont « consommées » comme des produits médiatiques, puis reléguées aux oubliettes de notre mémoire collective. Cette surcharge informationnelle engendre un sentiment d'angoisse et d'impuissance, particulièrement chez les plus de 31 ans, dont près d'un tiers (30 %) mentionnent ce motif. Les jeunes, quant à eux, sont plus enclins à lier leur lassitude à une surabondance d'informations, 21 % des 15-30 ans se sentant dépassés par la quantité d'informations disponibles. Les réseaux sociaux ont instauré un nouveau paradigme où la notion de communauté est à la fois gratuite, collaborative et désorganisée. Dans cet espace dématérialisé, le temps et l'espace sont abolis: tout y est immédiat et à portée de clic. L'image, le visuel, dominent, et l'opinion publique est désintermédiée, chacun pouvant devenir un producteur de contenu. Retrouver une Parole Juste Il est dans ce contexte, temps de repenser non seulement la manière dont les conflits sont représentés, mais aussi notre réponse en tant que société, en faisant preuve d'une conscience renouvelée et d'un engagement critique. Les réseaux sociaux, ont transformé la manière dont nous consommons l'information. Ils nous offrent une fenêtre sur le monde, mais cette fenêtre est souvent teintée par des algorithmes qui privilégient le sensationnel au détriment du factuel. Retrouver une parole juste, signifie aussi écouter les voix marginalisées, celles qui ne correspondent pas forcément aux récits dominants. Loin du bruit et de la fureur des réseaux sociaux, nous devons créer des espaces de dialogue où la nuance et la complexité peuvent être explorées. C'est seulement en adoptant cette approche critique et engagée que nous pourrons véritablement comprendre les conflits qui façonnent notre monde et y répondre de manière éclairée et empathique. Photo source: Unsplash - Dole

In a democratic society we willingly submit power to governing institutions to be wielded toward the greater good, and when that isn’t the case, and other measures fail to address injustices, Fo’s tale suggests that civil disobedience may be the only route left to take. < Back Navigating Corrupt Realities: The Timelessness of Dario Fo’s ‘Accidental Death of an Anarchist’ By Maria Eirini Liodi December 31, 2023 In a world torn by conflict, poverty, and displacement; where every event is live broadcasted to us 24/7, reality seems to be a nightmarish loop. Especially with the wartime atrocities we have observed this past year, notions of fairness and justice have been prevalent topics of discussion, as has been the issue of civil disobedience in light of injustice. Is deviating from the norm and going to extreme measures to make one’s voice heard justifiable? What civil disobedience is justified in the name of fairness? While this article will not delve into these political topics directly, they do provide a basis of my discussion of theatre and the role of political plays today, with the spotlight on a recent favourite of mine, Dario Fo’s play, ‘The Accidental Death of an Anarchist.’ Recently while in Athens, I was able to see this incredible play brought to life. An amalgamation of movement, song and wit, the interpretation brought by the Greek actors, namely the protagonist Panos Vlahos, is a must watch for anyone in the area. A woeful tale woven in webs of lies, injustice and violence, the protagonist, a mad trickster, unveils the distorted reality one finds when dealing with powerful and corrupted state bodies. This lively satire unfolds a tale based on the 1969 Piazza Fontana bombing and death of anarchist Giuseppe Pinelli. In a period where Italy was struck by intense waves of social unrest, radical calls from the left for societal reform and anarchist groups mobilising to destabilise the status quo, the government was cornered in a challenging position. Pinelli was arrested for an alleged anarchist bombing, however like everything in the play, Fo sheds light on the ambiguity of the events, from the arrest, to the unfortunate, ‘accidental’ death. Pinelli’s death was labelled a suicide, an ‘accident,’ but many members of the public weren’t convinced. As all Gossip Girl fans and perhaps governments will know, even the best hidden secrets come out eventually. Well this one didn’t exactly ‘come out.’ It was just whispers of the corrupt core of the police, alleged brutal methods of interrogation and even rumours of the police planting intelligence members disguised as leftists to plant bombs to destroy their credibility and political standing. Fo illustrates this confusion through an absurd reality of a protagonist with a fast-talking, skillful eloquence and underlying revolutionary zeal. Assuming the semblance of a psychiatrist and later an investigating judge, the protagonist infiltrates the police department, seamlessly unraveling the inconsistencies of the anarchist’s case and revealing through the impeccable “appearance-versus-reality" trope the deceptive, corrupt actions of the police force. As audiences immerse themselves in the narrative, the play subtly urges contemplation on the challenging of authority and resisting oppressive systems. Amidst the protagonist's journey through the absurdity of corrupt institutions, the narrative quietly champions the notion that civil disobedience, rooted in anarchist values, can wield significant influence in the battle against societal injustice. If we were to look practically anywhere in our modern day society, we could see these ideas entrenched around us. Modern media yields growing power in dominating the narratives upon which not only our interpretations of the world are based, but society itself is based. Done in parallel with the growing tools of misinformation and misrepresentation of information, as tools of social division and exclusion of justice, Fo’s political drama serves as a cautionary tale. We ought to be critical about what we read–where was it published? When? By whom? Is there proof? If so, then what is it? And when it comes to institutions of power, be it universities, companies or governments–we ought to be critical of them too. In a democratic society we willingly submit power to governing institutions to be wielded toward the greater good, and when that isn’t the case, and other measures fail to address injustices, Fo’s tale suggests that civil disobedience may be the only route left to take. Disclaimer: This is by no means an article written to promote anarchy, just critical thinking.

If the South is so deeply religious—it quite literally has been termed the ‘Bible Belt’ during cultural and political descriptions—why is it so drawn to horror? The answer lies in the paradox that envelops faith itself. To believe in heaven is to acknowledge that hell also exists. The belief in salvation is not complete without the recognition of sin. The South, with its religion and belief in divine punishment, has always and will always be a place where horror feels natural. < Back The Southern Preacher’s Goth Daughter Rebecca Canton March 31, 2025 The deep South: a cultural and geographical subregion of plains and bayous amidst a backdrop of Confederate history. A land of alligators, gumbo and sweet tea. Against this backdrop of ‘ma’ams’ and ‘sirs,’ there’s a deeply ingrained culture of American tradition, yet despite—or perhaps even because of this—the South has always harbored something darker. A place for rednecks, yes. But also, apparently, goths. Such an idea might seem absurd; the deep South is not exactly known for its accommodation towards the nonconformers. Nor do goths, with their rejection of mainstream culture, fit the ‘Southern Belle’ stereotype. Despite this, the gothic, in its truest form, has always belonged there. What exactly is gothic? It originates from something older than one might think. Although not classified as gothic, the plays of William Shakespeare, notably tragedies such as Hamlet, Macbeth, and Richard III, which all feature plots revolving around the supernatural, revenge and ghosts, were all a large influence upon early gothic literature. However, gothic fiction as a genre in itself first appeared with Horace Walpole’s The Castle of Otranto, published in 1764, depicting the story of the character Manfred and his family. The story starts with his son being crushed to death by a large helmet—gruesome, yet typical of the genre. In 1818, there was Frankenstein, which marked a shift in gothic horror, as the villain was not a supernatural creature, but an ordinary man—yes, Victor Frankenstein. In Europe, the Gothic thrived on the sublime of vast, mysterious landscapes and ruined castles. It was a rejection of industrialization—a celebration of the old. If we take Frankenstein, Victor was cursed for disrupting human nature, for experimenting where he shouldn’t have. Yet, when the Gothic established itself in the United States, it often took root in the South. Authors didn’t need fourteenth-century castles, or a region by the name of Transylvania—they had plantations. After the Civil War, it was these mansions of decay that became the location for gothic literature of sins and the equivocally evil history of the South. Whilst traditional gothic fiction relies on external horrors—vampires, ghosts, monsters—the Southern Gothic tends to reject this in favor of looking inwards. The terror is no longer supernatural, as seen in Frankenstein or Macbeth, but psychological. When talking about Southern Gothic, it's impossible not to mention Flannery O’Connor. Unlike the work of British or other European authors, O’Connor did not rely on traditional elements of horror. Her works are void of ghosts or demons. Instead, her stories feature deeply flawed characters, from criminals to religious fanatics. She depicts a myriad of lost souls wandering the dirt roads of the South. Her short story A Good Man Is Hard to Find , published in 1953, is one of her most famous works, perfectly exemplifying the ‘grotesque.’ The word has no true meaning, it is neither truly ugly or truly beautiful, but an unnerving synthesis between the two. From a literary perspective, characters that symbolize the ‘grotesque’ tend to invoke both empathy and disgust. If a character is simply disgusting, it is reduced to just a monster. Yet, the grotesque makes it more. Looking at O’Connor’s work, the story begins as an ordinary family road trip, yet quickly descends into horror when the family meets the ‘Misfit,’ an escaped convict. He is not a conventional monster, being polite, articulate and even philosophical. However, at the end of it all, he is a killer, and kills the whole family one by one. The grandmother is the last one alive, and begs the Misfit for redemption, discussing Christianity and the Misfit’s own thoughts on God. The Misfit seems engaged in conversation, all until the grandmother touches the Misfit, who promptly shoots her three times in the chest. From a Catholic perspective, what happens to the grandmother is called a ‘moment of grace,’ in which God fills her with supernatural love, enabling her to see the Misfit as a fellow suffering human. The Misfit recoils at her touch, which causes him to shoot her, yet she has already had her redemption and dies with a smile on her face. Despite this common analysis, there are no clear answers provided by O’Connor—there is no moment of triumph, no decisive victor between good and evil. Instead of killer clowns and evil dolls, the horror lies in the tragic realization that beauty and brutality exist side by side. This is where the grotesque and the Southern Gothic detach themselves from mainstream horror. It is not simply death and gore, but an entanglement between beauty and terror. It forces the reader to confront human nature. It unsettles and scares, but does not offer relief or a conclusion. Away from literature, it invokes the question of: why the South? If the South is so deeply religious—it quite literally has been termed the ‘Bible Belt’ during cultural and political descriptions—why is it so drawn to horror? The answer lies in the paradox that envelops faith itself. To believe in heaven is to acknowledge that hell also exists. The belief in salvation is not complete without the recognition of sin. The South, with its religion and belief in divine punishment, has always and will always be a place where horror feels natural. This becomes evident even in modern media, with Southern horror films, which take the themes of the Southern Gothic and then amplify them. For example, this can be seen in The Texas Chainsaw Massacre (1974). The film fits multiple criteria for the Southern Gothic: it takes place in rural Texas, with the Sawyer house filled with bones and rotting furniture. The family, especially Leatherface, embodies the grotesque perfectly. Even more recently, with The Devil All the Time (2020), the film surrounds faith and violence, the two things essential for the Southern Gothic. And then, of course, there is true crime. The region has produced some of the most infamous serial killers, from Henry Lee Lucas to Donald Henry ‘Pee Wee’ Gaskins. True crime documentaries have become modern gothic tales, with The Murdaugh Murders: A Southern Scandal becoming the number one Netflix show the day after it premiered. Further, despite an increasingly secular world, the Southern Gothic, especially in the form of religious mysticism, is making a resurgence. Take Ethel Cain’s Preacher’s Daughter , a concept album that tells the story of a Southern girl, raised in a deeply religious small town, who becomes consumed—both literally and figuratively—by faith, trauma, and ultimately, horrific violence. The final song on the album, Strangers , whilst initially seemingly a song of love, transcends into something entirely sinister. As Cain repeats, ‘Am I making you feel sick?’ in a haunting melody with the revolting revelation behind the protagonist asking such is because she is quite literally being eaten. The beauty of the melody, as is with the Southern Gothic, completely juxtaposes the horror of its meaning. It is a modern example of how the Southern Gothic is evolving, blending music and storytelling into something uniquely unsettling. Why is it that when a car crashes, those behind it slow down to look? Common sense would indicate a desire to look away, to be shielded from horror. Yet, humans, like moths to a flame, are drawn in by flashing police lights and the wailing cries of ambulance sirens. It is down to human nature. It is not out of morbid pleasure, but due to a deep, primal fascination with disaster. The Southern Gothic thus endures because of this instinct. We are drawn to horror not because we enjoy suffering, but because it forces us to confront truths and reassures us we are alive. The grotesque unsettles, yes, but it also fascinates us. This fascination is like the very topic, paradoxical. We want to look away, but something intangible will always bring us back. Photo source: Stock Image

In this digital age, violence against women is not limited to the physical world. It is spreading at alarming rates online through the creation of deepfake sexual content that can only be considered as a violence to the existence and integrity of women and girls. < Back Digital Sexual Exploitation: the Deepfake Epidemic in South Korea Lydia Ntourountou November 30, 2024 “If a deep fake video version of me is more attractive, how can I bridge the gap between that and the real me? " Finalists of the 2024 Miss Korea beauty pageant were expected to answer this question. Despite the controversies surrounding pageants—whose sole purpose is for women competing to showcase their physical beauty—comparing a deep fake version of a woman to the way she actually looks had previously been completely unheard of. Amidst a period in which women and girls in South Korea have fallen victim to the technology using AI in order to create fake videos depicting mostly sexual content and acts, this has caused outcries and severe criticism. Deep fakes , or “images or recordings that have been convincingly altered and manipulated to misrepresent someone as doing or saying something that was not actually done or said” made using Artificial Intelligence, have been around since 2017. They were used mostly to insert celebrities' faces in pornographic videos. However, the recent surge in AI popularity has made it extremely accessible for anyone to insert a photo of a person to a bot, with the purpose of changing their face or body and creating a fake version of the person who could be nude or performing a sexual act. Sexualization of women is not a recent phenomenon; it dates back to centuries of gender inequality and the stereotypes associated with them. Women are molded to fit into specific categories and their physical beauty is constantly scrutinized, especially on social media where objectifying a person becomes simple, hiding behind the protection of anonymity: nowadays, one only needs to scroll through the comment section of a woman’s post to find degrading comments regarding her appearance. Unfortunately, hyper-sexualization does not stop there. It has managed to become even more complex and disturbing with the creation of deep fakes. The main problem with deep fakes is not necessarily the fact that they depict explicit content, but rather that the people shown in these videos or images are mostly women and young girls who have not consented for their photos to be used for such purposes. This explicit non-consensual deep fake content (“ non consensual intimate image abuse”) is becoming increasingly concerning, especially given how accessible it is. One can simply find an online bot—there are more than 50 bots whose purpose is to create deepfake content after all—and provide the image of their preference, whether that be a friend, a celebrity or a child, asking it to create this type of illicit content. And what better platform to host these types of bots than Telegram? It could be argued that this application constitutes the ideal platform for these videos and images to circulate, because of the minimal restrictions that it imposes on its users, allowing them to connect and share illegal sexual and pornographic content developed by the bots. The purpose of these bots is not cryptic, but rather hidden in plain sight: “I can do anything you want about the face or clothes of the photo you give me” is what a creator of one bot wrote. While the “deepfake crisis” is worldwide and impacts thousands of women, women and girls in South Korea have been some of its main targets. Research conducted by the newspaper Hankyoreh has uncovered horrific results about the reality that Korean women and children experience due to the use of their images for deepfakes; they are stripped of their fundamental rights and experience a traumatic shock that could stigmatize them for the rest of their life. Women are rendered objects, classified according to the university they are attending and their major, tainted by images of themselves distributed in Telegram chat rooms called “friends of friends.” These are later divided into sub-groups where their members chat about these women—usually their classmates—and share their images to produce pornographic deepfakes. These chat rooms are not limited to university students, but go all the way to high school, exploiting minors and young girls—who are already sexualized in the media—but this time actually using their photos to create such “content.” It is needless to mention the horror that women and children victims of such acts might experience. They are not only forced to deal with deepfake videos of themselves, but also rarely find justice. The protection of South Korean women by the legal system has heavily been criticized, due to the lack of efficient legislation concerning crimes such as illegal filming and digital crimes. The current crisis called for a ban of creation, distribution and consumption of deepfakes, which seems to be an important step towards change, but its concrete enforcement is rather unrealistic. The convenience of using Telegram is not limited to the lack of restrictions concerning the production of such content, but extends to the challenge for authorities to investigate and prosecute criminals using the application for illegal purposes. The application is infamous for its lack of communication and cooperation with authorities, making it difficult to identify suspects and render justice to the victims. Its founder, Pavel Durov, was even arrested in September on charges relating to a lack of content moderation on Telegram, as well as his refusal to cooperate with police investigations. So, where does this leave women in South Korea? In between fighting against the proliferation of illegal spy cams in public restrooms, the Burning Sun case —in which several celebrities and police officials were responsible for sexually assaulting women in a famous Gangnam nightclub—and the rise of deepfakes, women are forced to to remain in a constant defense position to protect their fundamental rights and freedoms. In this digital age, violence against women is not limited to the physical world. It is spreading at alarming rates online through the creation of deepfake sexual content that can only be considered as a violence to the existence and integrity of women and girls. In order to combat this disturbing situation, feminists in South Korea have taken on the heavy responsibility of defending women’s rights by adding pressure on the government to pass more strict legislation, aiming to create a more secure environment. However, the creation and circulation of deepfakes is not a matter that should only concern women, but rather society as a whole. And it might be easy, or even convenient, to let the blame fall on AI, instead of letting ourselves acknowledge that human beings are responsible for the creation of such dangerous and apaling “content”, or worse that they are rarely held accountable for the severe damage and trauma they have caused to victims.

The chilliing news about Ukraine, struck me – I felt that I wanted to discuss the situation with others from our campus, and inform those who were less up to date with the events leading up to the invasion. Half an hour after I woke up, the group chat was born. < Back How Students Are Keeping Up With Ukraine By Markus Vaher March 30, 2022 A Student Perspective on the Russo-Ukrainian War Estonian second year student, Markus Vaher, created a group chat following the Ukrainian invasion, in which students share information and updates. In five responses, he sums up his experience. 1. Why did you create the Ukraine group chat? What is the purpose? The day that the war broke out was very cloudy and depressing here in Menton. I remember waking up in the early morning, way before my alarm. The war had started a mere two hours earlier, but my parents and close friends had already texted me. Just a few minutes later, I found myself plunging into the news, making coffee and breakfast on the side. What I was seeing really struck me differently. I felt that I wanted to discuss the situation with others from our campus, and perhaps inform those who were less up to date with the events that have taken place in Ukraine in the last decade. Half an hour after I waken up, the group chat was born. 2. How have you been following the invasion so closely? Are there any apps or sources you would recommend? Following a live war from a distance is always quite exhausting, it is very emotionally draining. It takes up a lot of your time, and distracts you from whatever else you might be doing. But if it matters to you, then you will keep following the events. My sources vary quite a bit. In a large part, especially for information about battles and bombings, I follow Ukrainian Telegram channels like the Kyiv Independent, Политика страны, Украина сейчас, and Киев сейчас. For information about Russian and Belarussian internal opposition, NEXTA Live and Осторожно новости are quite good. A lot of information also comes through Estonian media and the Estonian Council of Foreign Relations, of which I am a member. And Twitter, of course, but as a source it is not very reliable. 3. As an Estonian, how do you feel about the safety and security of your country and family? How does being Estonian impact your perception of the invasion? 24 February, the day that the war started, was also Estonia’s 104th independence day. The speeches and celebrations that day took on a very different, darker tone. Our people remember history. We remember the battles, the killings, the deportations and carpet-bombings of World War II. We remember - my parents from first-hand experience - the silent terror of the [Russian] occupation [of Estonia]. So, of course, the symbolic meaning of this conflict is very deep for us. We remember how our people, language, and culture were being erased, and we are now seeing a revived attempt at that. I have never stepped foot in Ukraine, but we have a lot of common historical experiences with the Ukrainian people. Today, I do not see a direct threat to the safety of my friends and family. Our country is a highly committed member of NATO and the EU, our society is heavily opposed to any form of Russian domination and influence. Compared to an attack on Ukraine, an attack on Estonia would be even more costly for Putin’s regime. We have already proved this with the level of military support we are offering to Ukraine: proportionally to population size, Estonia has provided the largest amount of military aid of any country, and in absolute terms, we are in third place after the United States and the United Kingdom. 4. What do you think has motivated Putin? Do you think he has an upper hand? For a long time I was skeptical about the narrative that Putin just wants to rebuild a Russian empire in the former territory of the Soviet Union, perhaps because I expected him to be more rational. Since the war started, however, I have begun to give more credit to this view of him as an imperialist. After all - attacking Ukraine was a very high risk, but low reward endeavour. And he still went for it. I do not think he has an upper hand, however. As of my writing this article [March 28, 2022], the war on the ground has come to a stalemate, whilst Putin is losing on the information and economic fronts. He has won very little so far, and even if he can drag the conflict out, there is little for him to gain. On a more personal level, he seems to have lost a large part of the legacy he sought to make for himself. Even the judo belt was taken away. There is an important historical comparison. When Poland was attacked by Germany and the Soviet Union in 1939, it took the invading forces 36 days to occupy the country. It seems highly likely that Ukraine will pass that mark, albeit at a great cost to human lives. Yet it is nowhere close to losing the war. The question is whether Ukrainians can win back their land. 5. What have been the biggest outcomes and challenges of the war thus far? Do you see these persisting? How do you feel about the international response? The biggest positive outcome is that Ukrainian society has been reoriented toward the West. If Ukrainians and Russians might have gotten along well a decade ago, the animosity between them, between normal, everyday people, has grown very large. And so Ukrainian unity and commitment to Western values have never been as large as today. After all, Ukrainians are the only people who have died fighting under the European flag. The biggest negative outcome is, obviously, the cost in human lives and livelihoods. This war has already resulted in more than a thousand civilian deaths, including the confirmed bombings of three hospitals and nine schools. There are up to four million people that have left the country, just as many have been displaced within. It is very hard to tell today how the health and well-being of these people can be ensured, or how they could safely return to their homes in a relatively short time-frame. A lot has been done, but nonetheless the international response should be stronger, especially regarding a lot of low-risk measures, such as humanitarian aid, military intelligence sharing, limiting Russian disinformation, and working on ending the European dependence on Russian fossil fuels. The slow response in many of these areas is perhaps behind technical challenges that the public is not aware of. But in other cases it might be a lack of political will or real commitment. The proposal of a NATO-backed no-fly zone, however, is a technical question. Too often, it is seen as a symbolic or diplomatic question rather than a purely military one, but at the end of the day, it is the military calculus that matters. As of now, it is unlikely it will ever be established.

Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. < Back Syria Today: Post-Assad Turmoil and Efforts to Rebuild Maria Eirini Liodi for Sciences Defense April 30, 2025 The fall of the Assad regime in December 2024 marked the end of a dictatorship, leaving Syria free from Assad family rule after 50 years. Surely that’s a cause for celebration... However, Syria finds itself at a new crossroads. It is tasked with establishing stability and security in a nation on the brink of collapse. Today, the landscape remains bleak: 90% of Syrians in the country live below the poverty line. Bread prices have skyrocketed since the new regime lifted subsidies, electricity is available for just a few hours a day, the public sector remains largely unpaid, and banknotes are scarce, leaving the cash-reliant economy in a stranglehold. Adding to its financial constraints, the country remains one of the most heavily sanctioned in the world, second only to Russia and Iran. While the United States has paused its proposed 41% tariffs on Syrian goods, within the general 90-day sanctions pause, the future remains uncertain. Sanctions relief has been alluded to by both the EU and Washington, however, policy ambiguity persists, trapping the country in a precarious limbo. Where does that leave Syria in terms of safety? The country is facing both internal and external threats. Internally, local security has been jeopardized by sectarian violence in recent months, especially from March onwards. Alawites, an ethnoreligious group and Shiite sect living predominantly in Syria, have increasingly been the target of attacks by armed groups supporting the Sunni-Islamist government, who are thought to be carrying out ‘revenge killings’ against those associated with the previous regime. The reasons behind these attacks can be attributed to the Assad regime's legacy, given that Bashar al-Assad himself was an Alawite, and the sect made up a central part of the Shabbiha, an Assad-loyalist paramilitary force that carried out deadly attacks against Sunni civilians during the civil war. Aside from the historical origins of the grievances, an immediate trigger occurred on March 6 when Assad loyalists attacked a local patrol of security forces in the Latakia province, killing at least thirteen people and prompting consequent anti-Alawite attacks and revenge killings. In early March alone, at least 1,000-2,000 civilian casualties, mostly Alawites, were reported by monitoring groups in the regions of Latakia, Tartus, Hama and Homs. More recently, in late April of this year, fourteen Alawites were reportedly abducted and killed in the Homs region. As noted by UN Envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen, “every step towards establishing the rule of law—and moving on transitional justice—will help reassure all components of the Syrian society.” Grievances persist amidst both the Assad loyalists and those in support of the new regime. Additionally, external threats continue to compromise security, as Syria finds itself at the heart of growing Israeli-Turkish tensions. Since December 2024, Israel has carried out repeated airstrikes on Syrian bases, incurring several casualties, while also deploying troops in a UN-patrolled buffer zone in the Golan Heights. The true target of these attacks is Turkey, with Israel’s foreign minister raising concerns of Turkey playing an increasingly “negative role” in Syria. Turkey’s vested interests in Syria are multifaceted. For one, Turkey has been hosting the largest number of Syrian refugees since the start of the civil war. Aiding in the establishment of stability in the country would allow for the repatriation of some Syrian refugees, alleviating pressure on Turkey from hosting 3.2 million Syrian refugees. Turkey’s primary interest, however, lies in sustaining a ‘security corridor’ in northern Syria, tackling counterterrorism linked with Kurdish insurgency on its home grounds, and expanding its soft power through a growing military presence. This comes at a time when Turkey is preparing to deploy air defense systems in Syria’s T4 air base, concurrent with negotiations with the new government for a defense pact . This would increase Turkish presence in the country and bolster Syria’s military. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s response has been clear : Turkish bases in Syria would pose a “danger to Israel.” According to Israeli Defense Minister, Israel Katz, Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa’s new government would “pay a very heavy price” for allowing Turkey to further establish itself in the country. Given the various conflicting external pressures, President Sharaa is called to tread carefully in navigating Syria’s next steps. Despite the turmoil taking Syria by storm, there are some glimmers of hope on the horizon. The new Syrian leadership is taking a cautious stance diplomatically, committed to balancing ties between competing regional powers and positioning itself strategically. Experts suggest that Syria’s transitional government has a rare window of opportunity to reclaim its agency and stability. As such, the government’s next steps are of special importance, especially if sanctions relief is contingent upon counterterrorism cooperation and minority protections. If Syria can leverage its current relative freedom from Irania n dominance and can secure support from international actors and allies, the country may be en route to a sustainable transition away from its years of violence. Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. Photo source: upyernoz on Flickr

The question, “Why are we so susceptible to populism and lies?” is inevitable. Is it the charisma of these figures? Does the symbolism of a powerful leader appeal to our insecurities and the sense of instability we were thrown into with economic stagnation, wars and globalisation? Does their promise to return to a place of power, prosperity, and stability appeal to the hurt, humiliated patriots in us? < Back The New Wave Viktorie Voriskova February 28, 2025 For the last couple of years, a sharp rise in the support for the far-right, especially for far-right populism, has been obvious all over the globe. Although it is impossible to mark a specific date for the beginning of this shocking political phenomenon, people all over the world were spectators to clear evidence of this global political shift on January 20th, 2025 - Donald J. Trump was named as the 47th President of the United States, pulling the whole world in the direction of far-right extremism and sending the international community into a spiral of uncertainty and fear. Musk’s speech at Trump’s inauguration all but diminished the extremist atmosphere that carried on through that day. The three and a half minutes he spent on the podium were dedicated to thanking the people of America for making this happen: “This was a fork in the road of human civilization. OK? There are elections that come and go, some elections are important, some are not, but this one. This one really matters.” His speech was strongly nationalistic, which was not shocking. However, he did manage to sneak in a gesture that truly was not expected by the global audience—the Nazi Salute. Musk’s far-right inclinations were unheard of before his speech at Trump’s inauguration. Critics have said that what Musk has performed was undoubtedly a Nazi salute. Does that make him a Nazi? Some experts, such as Jean-Yves Camus, the co-director of the Observatory of Political Radicalism at the Jean Jaures Foundation in Paris, said that Musk is “not a Nazi …. they [Musk and Trump are both] are self-serving rather than ideological.” On the other hand, Nazis seem to think so. Christian nationalists, white supremacists and avowed neo-Nazis in the US all hailed Musk’s salute as a historic comeback for their cause. Furthermore, Musk has recently become one of the most influential endorsers of the German far-right party Alternative for Germany (AfD), which has clear links to Nazis. During one of their rallies held maybe not-so-accidentally, two days after the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, Musk appeared on screen stating that it is time for Germany to “move on” from “past guilt”. In 2023, he also endorsed an anti-semitic post on X, replying, “You have said the actual truth” to a tweet stating “, Jewish communities (sic) have been pushing the exact kind of dialectical hatred against whites that they claim to want people to stop using against them” How is it possible that such extremism, which was even called Nazism by many, can not only be tolerated but does not even come as a surprise to anyone anymore? Only in the last half a year, New York Times articles about right-wing extremism concern countries from all over the world - from Germany to the United States, but also France, Venezuela, Australia and Austria. When researching “far-right extremism”, the largest number of articles is from the years 2022, 2023 and 2024, rising throughout this period. There is a possibility of a correlation with the beginning of the Russian war in Ukraine, as well as Trump’s announcement to run for president in 2024, and the sudden surge of research on far-right extremism in 2022, but there has not been any research done in this phenomenon yet. According to the research of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), the rise of the new far-right is not an unexpected phenomenon. They claim that the tendency to shift towards the political right has been going on since early 2007, when the Great Recession happened, beginning the continued culmination of economic, social and political unrest that can be grouped as the “triggers” of one of the greatest insurgencies of far-right politics since the end of the Cold War. Furthermore, researchers Georgiadou, Rori and Roumania, focusing on economic factors and their correlation with the rise of the far-right, find a significant correlation between economic insecurity - including high unemployment and negative GDP growth - and the support for what they call the “extreme right”. They further claim that blame is often placed on perceived “globalism” and “immigrants”, which allows far-right social ideology endorsed by nationalists. Political instability can also contribute to the rise of extremism. The lack of strong opposition from the left, which has been evident in countries with multi-party systems where opposition vote is distributed amongst several anti-capitalist, socialist and communist parties, allowed for fragmentation, which allowed far-right parties to concentrate more support due to their small number. In a research carried out by the Blog Team of the LSE, the surprising statistic is that, except for brief periods in Germany and Greece, left-wing parties have not formed a stable government after 2010, and this is internationally blamed for the current state of the economy. In the specific case of the European Union, the adoption of neoliberal economics as the status quo for the modern EU policies and its continuous failure to prevent the economic crisis of 2008 and 2020 led to a general lowering of support for left-wing socialism, which allowed right-wing parties to gain traction as the “alternative” route for citizens who seek stability and an end to the never-ending cycle of economic crises. Although the structural causes of the rise of extremist populism are relatively understandable, the unwavering support it receives is staggering. In the United States, the number of far-right extremist attacks has surpassed other acts of terrorism. Furthermore, in a public opinion study by Piazza (2022), supporters of Donald Trump were found to be more likely to express support for the use of political violence. The Israeli population was mostly not alarmed by the “wave” that he made during Trump’s inauguration. And why? President Netanyahu quickly came to his rescue, claiming that Musk was “falsely smeared,” despite the fact that the claim that the gesture he did was a “Roman Salute” was refuted by historians. In the face of these facts and statistics, the question, “Why are we so susceptible to populism and lies?” is inevitable. Is it the charisma of these figures? Does the symbolism of a powerful leader appeal to our insecurities and the sense of instability we were thrown into with economic stagnation, wars and globalisation? Does their promise to return to a place of power, prosperity, and stability appeal to the hurt, humiliated patriots in us? There is not a single, all-encompassing response to this question, and, besides, it is presumably a combination of all of the above-mentioned, possibly mixed with a desire for revenge and violence. Life can seem grim and pointless in the face of the powerlessness that arises with seeing how easily people accept propaganda and lies without any critical thinking. But all is not lost. Populism can be fought with facts and extremism with compassion. If we do not let ourselves be manipulated and consoled into a false sense of security by our politicians, we can fight back and bring the truth back into the light. Photo credits: Gage Sidmore on Flickr

This summer acutely felt the effects of an ever changing climate. From the French Riviera to Somalia, the lives of millions are being transformed. < Back Biting Fish & More: A Summer Marked by Climate Change By Peyton Dashiell October 31, 2022 Rising Sea Temperatures on the French Riviera Over the last summer, tourists and locals enjoyed the beaches in the South of France. Yet, lovers of sun and sand dealt with an unprecedented concern while spending the day at the beach: fish bites. Triggerfish, a thirty to forty-five-centimeter-long fish, are searching for food in the shallow waters. The French Mediterranean coast is usually between twenty-one and twenty-two degrees, but it is now twenty-eight degrees. Triggerfish are now daring to bite humans swimming close to the shore as they search for food closer to shore with the warming temperatures. Unfortunately, this is just one minor danger of climate change in our world today. Flooding in Pakistan In Pakistan, people are facing crises because of constant flooding , another consequence of climate change. In April, Pakistan reached its record-breaking temperature: 49 degrees Celsius. Higher temperatures cause glaciers to melt, making it harder for flood water to be absorbed. The monsoon rain season will continue for twice as long this year. Extreme floods have killed 1,600 people and 800,000 livestock. Roads and bridges are also collapsing, and infrastructure and livelihoods are being destroyed. Drought in Somalia Somalia is experiencing a severe drought. Because of it, many households suffer from food insecurity; one-third of families have at least one member they cannot afford to feed. Due to the death of livestock, over 700,000 camels, goats, sheep and cattle, many people have lost their farming capabilities. Somalia has always had droughts, but now, they are lasting longer. Families with children are fleeing their homes, hoping to find water, food and land with livestock. Rising Temperatures and Heat Waves Threaten Livelihoods In certain parts of Iraq, temperatures are currently 125 degrees Fahrenheit. Skyrocketing temperatures are being felt globally. The United Kingdom and America experienced unprecedented heat waves last summer, causing health issues for people worldwide. United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres believes that the extreme temperatures will continue to rise due to climate change, and humans are “firmly on track towards an unlivable world.” Recent studies have shown that dire temperatures are in the near future, and the human body will not be able to survive through the usual mechanisms such as sweating. Humans will not suddenly die tomorrow, but soon, we will have to base our routines on the climate. For instance, going for runs outside will not be bearable in afternoon heat. Therefore, any exercise must be done in the morning or late at night. Crops that require manual labor will be nearly impossible to tend to, as the workers would not endure the heat. Therefore, rising temperatures will affect the most vulnerable first. This will be an equally challenging issue for workers in the United States and farmers in less prosperous countries. Takeaways From rising temperatures in the sea and land to droughts and floods, climate change is affecting the globe. There are simple ways that SciencesPo students and their families can contribute to the disasters that come with climate change. For example, using solar or wind-powered energy in our houses, using mass transit or an electric vehicle, and replacing old electrical appliances with more energy-efficient models. Little changes make a significant impact. Climate change is not an issue for 2050; it is a lethal issue today.

With personal testimonies, voice recordings, interviews, personal letters, and diaries, oral history detaches historical events from purely governmental accounts. < Back The Concept of Oral History is Changing the Way We Study the Past and Shaping the Future of Humanities By Angeliki Vytogianni January 30, 2022 I have always been very interested in history. As soon as I realized how easily history could be used as a means of propaganda, I recognized the importance of oral history. This movement requires historians to alter the way they study the past. The value of oral history lies in personal testimonies from people that have witnessed or been involved in historical events. Studying these events in this grassroots way and paying more attention to the individual instead of government records ensures that history is shaped by the people, not by political, economic, military ideologies, or by the interests of those with power. This allows for a more humane way of looking at history, to get an accurate reflection on some of humanity’s greatest question marks and historiographical debates. One example of this could be the post-World War I power struggle in the Ottoman Empire territories. Turks, Greeks, Armenians, and ethnic minorities all tried to claim their heritage in Asia Minor, in, more or less, hostile ways, after centuries of peaceful co-existence of this mix of nationalities up until the beginning of the 20th century. Moreover, in the Balkans, the Serbs, Bulgarians, Macedonians, Greeks, and Turks also tried to claim grounds. Historians that have studied this part of European-Middle Eastern history have mostly relied on reports, numbers and statistics provided by the governments and national organizations in the region. Novels written by Penelope Delta and other distinguished authors, intellectuals, and politicians of the time proved to be strong sources of information. However, one can easily understand that due to the complexity of this geopolitical issue, a variety of conflicting interests arose, with drastically different historiographical approaches. Thus, none of these sources can be guaranteed to accurately reflect the essence of the struggles of the time, which is when oral history comes in. With personal testimonies, voice recordings, interviews, personal letters, and diaries, oral history detaches historical events from purely governmental accounts. According to the Oral History Association, the term oral history refers to "a method of recording and preserving oral testimony" which results in a verbal document that is “made available in different forms to other users, researchers, and the public.” This organization also stresses the complexities of oral history in regard to legal concerns. Testimonies, interviews, and personal stories need delicate policies to protect privacy and copyrights, all analyzed in A Guide to Oral History and the Law . The author examines the most relevant court cases and cites examples of policies and procedures that oral history programs have used to avoid legal difficulties. But oral history is not limited to researchers in history associations. Here in Menton, we have so many interesting stories and personal testimonies from important events in history to share. I was really intrigued by the prospect of being able to learn from this diverse student body, but I encourage Sciences Po to include more testimonies, and oral history into the curriculum itself. This would add to our social sciences and anthropological studies, by giving a first-hand picture of historical events and situations. Studying social and political sciences in such a prestigious university, we use history a lot, thus oral history could very well fit in our curriculum. It would be an improved way of looking at things, considering different points of view, getting different experiences, which is actually crucial to the work of a thorough historian. Instead of basing the bulk of research on governmental state archives, we can study and create different archives by interviewing people from different backgrounds to get their experiences of a particular historical period. Oral history is a very powerful tool that can make all diverse voices heard loud and clear. It gives power and space to historically oppressed and marginalized groups, and we get the option to understand the same event in greater depth, and under different lenses, depending on each person’s experiences. Indigenous populations, for example, are often not included in reports by authorities, however, by using oral history and interviewing them, we get a better sense of their reality. In the refugee crisis, for example, listening provides more context than numbers, and head counts in the camps of Lesvos, we need to listen. Let the people talk and we listen. Lilinaz Hakimi, 2A at Sciences Po, volunteered in one of the camps in Lesvos this past summer. She stressed the importance of this human-to-human connection in building empathy that cannot be replaced by statistics. In her own words, having heard the stories from the people themselves, “it is really important to hear someone’s story and connect, visualize, to understand what they are going through, understand how any historical event has so many different layers underneath.” In the end, what it really comes down to is making history more a part of humanities like it was always intended to be. Let us not get carried away by the tendencies of our times to measure and file everything, which can be demeaning to the actual events. Let us keep being humans, keep connecting to other people and listening to them. Experiences are more valuable than any other means of sourcing, and we have so much of that.

When we speculate about the takeover of artificial intelligence, we envision robots and robots with human-like abilities toppling the human race. However, as humans continue to deplete their own environment without regard to the rights of others, it becomes more and more clear that the revolution of artificial intelligence is already underway. At this rate, it is not the machines that will destroy us, but rather ourselves. < Back Hey Chat! How sustainable are you? Isabella Suels for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton March 31, 2025 “What can I help with?” “Ask anything.” Suddenly, the possibilities become endless. ChatGPT has gained a cult following over the past few years. A gateway into the ever-expanding world of the internet, ChatGPT can answer anything in a matter of seconds. Yet, despite the number of opportunities opened up through artificial intelligence, there is an ugly truth in the shadows of this revolutionary tool. The corner of artificial intelligence (AI) lies in the rate at which artificial intelligence pumps out responses. Other platforms, such as Google or Bing, which merely provide search results rather than concentrated answers, cannot compare to the supersonic speed at which ChatGPT operates. Because of this, ChatGPT has brought impressive results to workplace productivity through its ability to cut down hours of work for employees. However, while it is impressive that AI can make people's lives at work easier, there is a serious danger to relying heavily on Chat GPT, and it rarely affects those who use it. The main issue at hand is that ChatGPT does not live in our little computers but rather in its home-based data centers. These data centers are responsible for quenching the insatiable appetite of power-hungry servers required by artificial intelligence models. The mother base that makes these artificial intelligence servers come to life consumes a considerable amount of energy while generating a substantial ecological footprint. For instance, a recent study conducted by researchers from the University of California, Riverside, uncovered the secret water footprint of Artificial Intelligence models. According to the study, during the production of the ChatGPT-3 and 4 models, Microsoft used approximately 700,000 litres of freshwater during GPT-3’s training in its data centres—that’s equivalent to the amount of water needed to produce 370 BMW cars or 320 Tesla vehicles. The reality of the situation is that as data centers increase, water will decrease as servers are kept in check through “ cooling towers ” which use water to cool down the hardware needed to generate responses. Water is our scarcest natural resource, with 1.1 billion people worldwide lacking access and 2.7 billion people in short supply of water for at least one month out of the year. We cannot afford to misuse water when the countries that pay the price are those that rely the least on artificial intelligence. Currently, out of the 17 countries experiencing the most water shortages, only a handful are among the leaders of artificial intelligence consumption. Unfortunately, there is a common trend where countries in the Global South are left to fit the bill of countries in the Global North. While countries such as the United States, United Kingdom, France and Germany are using artificial intelligence technology to continue expanding their academia, countries experiencing water shortages pay the ultimate price. However, countries such as India and the United Arab Emirates—two countries with immense water shortage problems—still rank in the top ten when it comes to global artificial intelligence vibrancy. Just a year ago, an article was published by the World Economic Forum detailing the role of India in the Intelligence Age. In this new age, India is rebranding itself from a “ global hub for low-cost manufacturing to a leader in high-quality production and innovation.” Stifled with fierce competition from the U.S. and China, India has to capitalize on its leapfrog potential and increase investments in the technological frontier. India has already been making strides over the last decade through strong efforts by the government to promote broad-based development in tandem with eliminating multidimensional poverty. Nonetheless, India must also ensure that it expands its technological sector without jeopardizing its people or resources. Currently, 35 million people lack access to safe drinking water despite the aforementioned government efforts. An increased usage of AI will not help this shortage. AI also strains critical minerals and rare elements, which are often mined unsustainably to power AI algorithms, therefore cutting down on India’s already limited supply . Shifting gears to the Gulf, another great giant in the Intelligence Age emerges—Saudi Arabia. Vision 2023, Saudi Arabia’s ambitious plan to transform the kingdom into a knowledge-based economy, is the country's golden ticket to widespread change. Embedded into Vision 2030 and emphasized in Saudi Arabia’s roadmap to revolution, the kingdom has been concentrating on several critical technological sectors for future growth, including AI. While AI serves as a great tool to aid the development of sustainable cities, utilizing AI is an unsustainable method of bringing these cities to life. Albeit that Saudi Arabia is looking towards a more sustainable future, using AI—which is an environmental hazard—is an unsustainable means of development; not to mention that it is contradictory to the goals the kingdom is allegedly setting out to achieve. Due to exponential population growth, booming new industries and agricultural strains, the demand for water is too much to bear. The overexploitation of water in Saudi Arabia has led to an alarming scale of depletion. Therefore, the kingdom must perform a balancing act where it can execute sustainable projects such as Vision 2030 with tools that will not strain its natural resources. This aforementioned phenomenon sheds light on the realities of artificial intelligence. On one hand, artificial intelligence is revolutionizing our world in the academic and professional spheres while simultaneously destroying our planet. According to ESCP Business School, which published a study highlighting the role of AI in workplace productivity, artificial intelligence boosts skilled workers. On one hand, workers who are well-versed in artificial intelligence models can focus on tackling strategic tasks while AI handles “preliminary research or content creation.” Data analysis tasks have also been thrown on the plate of “AI software, as advanced AI systems analyze vast datasets, uncovering insights that would be impossible to detect manually.” Although this study paints a picture of all the positive effects of implementing A.I. in the workplace, this study hones on the benefits for skilled workers, failing to mention the effects artificial intelligence can have in boosting unskilled workers. Nonetheless, people are unlikely to reduce their use of artificial intelligence, especially because the negative side effects go unnoticed by those who heavily rely on it. What emerging economies must understand is that revolution can occur in tandem with sustainability, while also discovering new avenues to sustainable development. Countries that are gunning to become emerging superpowers have a great tool in their hands, but further analysis needs to be conducted on the trade-off of AI because the consequences are beginning to manifest themselves. For instance, several cities , such as those in California, Arizona, the Netherlands, and even India, are beginning to face a greater shortage of water, which experts from the World Magazine have linked to their data centers. Unfortunately, as demand for these cutting-edge artificial intelligence platforms keeps increasing, so has the number of data centers sprouting throughout the world. Every chat comes at a troubling cost. These effects are tangible, staggering, and borderline apocalyptic. There needs to be a greater sense of accountability when using artificial intelligence tools. For academics, students, and professionals, what is a tool that helps increase our productivity and pump out emails at alarming rates is one less glass of water for a family elsewhere. As demand for these centers increases, so do the social, political and ecological risks. While artificial intelligence appears to be here to stay, there needs to be a greater push for transparency, and the companies that generate these technologies must make the development of these softwares more sustainable. With this rapid progression, providing resources to bolster academic thought overshadows the need to provide basic human resources such as water. It is hypocritical in nature that artificial intelligence is paraded as a tool to help revolutionize and improve our world when this tool has proven to be so destructive to our earth and its resources. When we speculate about the takeover of artificial intelligence, we envision robots and robots with human-like abilities toppling the human race. However, as humans continue to deplete their own environment without regard to the rights of others, it becomes more and more clear that the revolution of artificial intelligence is already underway. At this rate, it is not the machines that will destroy us, but rather ourselves. Photo source: Ecole polytechnique on Flickr

A warm welcome to the Menton Times 2022-2023! < Back A Warm Welcome From the Editor-in-Chief By Lara-Nour Walton July 26, 2022 Dear incoming Ummah, As I write this, we are scattered like confetti about the globe just anticipating our convergence. Sciences Po beckons us, and we draw nearer to her cautiously, maybe zealously, or perhaps not at all – denying, denying, denying, grasping onto summer’s last lights with a desperate grip. But alas, we must begin to heed her now, the time has come. To the rising 1A’s, it is with great pleasure that I welcome you to our idyllic town. My name is Lara-Nour Walton, and I am the editor-in-chief of The Menton Times, the campus newspaper. I joined as a timid first year, knowing that my love for journalism ran deep, but distrusting my ability to generate meaningful work. I had only briefly been a staff member of any conventional journalistic publication before. Everything was so new, and everything proved to be so wondrous. I owe my instant infatuation with this paper to the dynamic, welcoming, and worldly Menton Times community. Our team is composed of creators who cannot be described merely as staff. They are journalists who are famished for knowledge, craving to trace the political, economic, and social contours of the world around us, eager to serve their student body. We all share the unifying conviction that information should be accessible to everyone, and we put in great effort to meet this end. The paper covers campus and global news, arts and culture analysis, sports, and opinion. Moreover, the publication aims to celebrate the campus’ West Asian, North African, and Mediterranean specialization by emphasizing the region in our reporting. Our ultimate aim is to feature and disseminate the ideas of our brilliant Sciences Po Menton. Applications for the Menton Times open on August 1st, 2022 . We welcome all – the philosophers, football players, artists, computer scientists, and rookie writers among us. There is something that each one of you has to say, and we cannot wait to know what it is. In the interim, we encourage you to follow our Instagram, @thementontimes , for regular updates about the exciting plans we have in store for our newest generation of Sciences Pistes. And please peruse our all-new website for a taste of what we have to offer. Here’s to a great year ahead to all our readers and contributors - new and old. With great impatience for our imminent convergence, Lara-Nour Walton Editor-in-Chief The Menton Times 2022-2023 Chère Ummah entrante, Au moment où j'écris ces mots, nous sommes éparpillés comme des confettis autour du globe anticipant notre convergence. Sciences Po nous fait signe, et nous nous rapprochons d'elle avec précaution, peut-être avec zèle, ou peut-être pas du tout - niant de toutes nos forces, saisissant les dernières lueurs de l'été d'une poigne désespérée. Mais hélas, nous devons commencer à faire attention à elle maintenant, le moment est arrivé. Aux 1A montantes, c'est avec grand plaisir que je vous accueille dans notre ville idyllique. Je m'appelle Lara-Nour Walton et je suis la rédactrice en chef du Menton Times, le journal du campus. J'ai rejoint le Times en tant que timide étudiante en première année, sachant que mon amour pour le journalisme était profond, mais ne faisant pas confiance en ma capacité à générer un travail significatif. Je n'avais été que brièvement membre du personnel d’une publication journalistique conventionnelle auparavant. Tout était si nouveau, et tout s'est avéré si merveilleux. Je dois mon engouement immédiat pour ce journal à la communauté dynamique, accueillante et mondaine du Menton Times. Notre équipe est composée de créateurs qui ne peuvent pas être décrits uniquement comme constituant le personnel. Ce sont des journalistes affamés de savoir, avides de tracer les contours politiques, économiques et sociaux du monde qui nous entourent, désireux de servir leur corps étudiant. Nous partageons tous la conviction unificatrice que l'information doit être accessible à tous et nous nous efforçons d'atteindre cet objectif. Nous couvrons l'actualité du campus et du monde, les commentaires sur les arts et la culture, les reportages sportifs et les opinions. En outre, le journal vise à célébrer la spécialisation du campus en tout ce qui concerne l’Asie de l'Ouest, Afrique du Nord et Méditerranée en mettant l'accent sur cette région du monde dans nos reportages. Les candidatures pour le Menton Times ouvrent le 1er août 2022. Nous accueillons tout le monde - philosophes, footballeurs, artistes, informaticiens et écrivains débutants parmi nous. Chacun de vous a quelque chose à dire, et nous avons hâte de l’entendre. En attendant, nous vous encourageons à suivre notre Instagram, @thementontimes , pour des mises à jour régulières sur les projets passionnants que nous avons en réserve pour notre nouvelle génération de Sciences Pistes. Et nous vous prions de parcourir notre tout nouveau site Web pour un avant-goût de ce que nous avons à offrir. Je vous souhaite une superbe année à tous nos lecteurs et contributeurs - nouveaux et anciens. Avec grande impatience pour notre convergence imminente, Lara-Nour Walton Rédacteur en chef The Menton Times 2022-2023

The life of Liam Payne, similar to the lives of other young stars, lays bare the terrifying exposures of rising to fame at such a young age, as well as the unseen pressures that often come with success in the music industry. His death, which was reportedly influenced by substance use by the Argentinian authority, can be related to a broader pattern seen in the lives of other famous young artists who have struggled with mental health and addiction. < Back The Hidden Cost of Fame: Child Exploitation and Drug Abuse within the Music Industry Nil Çelik November 30, 2024 Liam Payne, former member of the boyband One Direction, was often seen as an idol for teens growing up in the 2010s. His life was projected as that of a successful young artist who had risen to fame and taken over the world—and the music industry—with his fellow bandmates. He was known for his bubbly and playful personality and was named “ Daddy Direction ” by fans. Yet, although he was the caretaker of the group, the music industry failed to take care of him. Liam Payne , former member of One Direction, died on October 16, 2024, after falling from a third-floor balcony at the CasaSur Palermo Hotel in Buenos Aires, Argentina. An autopsy revealed that he suffered multiple traumas and internal and external bleeding. It was stated that a high amount of drugs were found in his bloodstream when he died. The dark side of the music industry has come under scrutiny, bringing urgent attention to crucial issues of child exploitation, substance abuse and insufficient support structures for young artists. The life of Liam Payne, similar to the lives of other young stars, lays bare the terrifying exposures of rising to fame at such a young age, as well as the unseen pressures that often come with success in the music industry. His death, which was reportedly influenced by substance use by the Argentinian authority, can be related to a broader pattern seen in the lives of other famous young artists who have struggled with mental health and addiction. As cases such as this one come under public eye, the urgent need for reforms in the music industry become apparent, with growing demands for the accountability of the industry and fundamental support systems to protect young and vulnerable artists. The search for young talent in the music industry has led to long-lasting exposure of children to immense pressures and workloads, frequently in the absence of legal protection. Children in the music industry can be exposed to harsh schedules, high expectations, and increasing criticism from the public. 16-year-old Liam Payne joined One Direction through the reality show The X Factor , catapulting him to fame across the globe. The fatal story of Liam Payne, similar to other child stars like Britney Spears , Micheal Jackson , and Demi Lovato , demonstrates how young artists can be forced into adulthood and the responsibilities of it with no regard for their mental and physical well-being. Studies have highlighted that young artists in the music and entertainment industries often face similar challenges to those of adult employees, such as exploitation, but lack effective support systems and maturity to address them in a healthy manner. According to a 2019 study by Swedish digital distribution platform Record Union, an overwhelming 73% of independent musicians have dealt with stress, anxiety, and depression. In many of these cases, young stars are incapable of diverging their professional lives from personal development, resulting in identity crises and long-lasting mental health issues. The case of Britney Spears' highly publicized conservatorship battle highlighted the extent to which even internationally recognized artists can lose control over their own lives;for years, as projected in the media, Spears fought for the right to reclaim her personal and financial independence from a legal structure supposedly meant to “protect” her. Such examples have prompted various debates on whether the music industry has sufficient regulations that protect minors or, instead, enable their exploitation for profit. There is a correlation between gaining fame early on and following the route of substance abuse, with the majority of young artists looking to drugs and alcohol as a coping mechanism for overwhelming demand and stress. Liam Payne’s ongoing struggle with addiction was revealed during interviews leading up to his death. Throughout his time in One Direction, Payne was vocal about his battle with substance abuse and how the pressing demands of fame harmed his mental health. In a 2017 interview with The Mirror , Payne stated that continuous touring and lack of breaks led him to develop unhealthy coping mechanisms such as consuming alcohol and use of substances. Additionally, Payne indicated that throughout his time in the band, he was frequently under major pressure to preserve a “perfect” public image, which added to his hardships. In another interview in 2021 on the “Diary of a CEO” podcast, Payne disclosed the severity of his drinking and substance abuse problem, describing his ongoing struggles as “really, really severe.” According to the reports, Argentinian authorities stated that Payne had cocaine in his bloodstream when his fatal fall from Buenos Aires hotel balcony occurred, another notifier of the ongoing pressures he had faced within his career. Demi Lovato , another teenager who gained fame early on through Disney Channel then as a musical artist, similarly openly voiced her unhealthy coping mechanisms of using drugs and alcohol against anxiety and depression heightened by the demands of fame. Her publicized overdose in 2018 and following recovery journey further showed the destructive influence of the lack of mental health resources and shortcomings of the industry in supplying sufficient support systems for young stars. Tragic cases like Amy Winehouse indicate the fatal results of the neglect of the music industry. Winehouse struggled with alcoholism and substance abuse and received minimal professional support against her battle of addiction. In the meantime, she was exploited by her record label, management agency as well as her parents for profit. Her tragic death at 27 due to alcohol poisoning shows the story of what happens when the music industry fails to supply necessary resources for mental health and addiction. The music industry has frequently shown that the priority is to generate profit rather than ensuring the well-being of the young artists. This approach of the industry is frequently supported through contracts that bind artists into busy schedules and restrictive agreements, giving them minimal control over their careers. For example, the legal battle that Taylor Swift faced with her former record label over the right to ownership of her recordings showcased the lack of freedom artists have in the music industry, especially younger artists who may not be able to fully comprehend the substance of the contracts that they sign. The role of parents is also noteworthy when the subjects in these cases are minors and depend on their legal guardians. In such situations, parents or legal guardians often play a pivotal role in advising and making decisions on behalf of their children. However, their involvement can cause a dilemma because while some parents act in their child’s best interest, others may lack the expertise or even prioritize financial gains over long-term artistic freedom and rights. This adds another layer of complexity to the already challenging dynamics of artist management and contractual negotiations in the music industry. This case indicates how the procedure of contracts by the industry exploits the artists property rights, alongside labels who benefit excessively from their work. In 2008, Spears was subjected to conservatorship which went on for over a decade and limited her personal, financial, and professional freedoms. This situation could be seen to understand how the music industry, in times supported by legal systems, can possess control over the career and life decisions of the artist, often against their will. Although there are in fact various realities that many young artists face, the music industry lacks the will to implement meaningful reforms. Institutions like Music Support in the United Kingdom and MusiCares in the United States, supply mental health and addiction support resources, but such initiatives are frequently not well-funded and cannot provide a comprehensive process to address the broader extent of the issue. Mental health experts and advocates are calling for carrying out more efficient support systems throughout the industry, including mandatory psychological evaluations, restrictions on working hours, and the increase in accessible mental and physical health services. Additionally, artists and advocacy organizations are pushing for legal reforms to enhance protection for young artists. An example is the Coogan Law in California which was established to guarantee that a part of a child actor's earnings were to be placed aside in a trust fund. However, this law does not apply to all states and the broader scope of the music industry. Broadening laws to include young artists and implementing work-hour limitations could provide protection for minors in the industry. Reforms are crucial to prevent the exploitation of artists. The tragic death of Liam Payne highlights the dire consequences of insufficient support systems in the music industry. The current provisions for mental health and addiction are inadequate to address the immense pressures young musicians face. Many global stars have advocated for the integration of comprehensive mental health systems within the industry, aiming to make them more accessible and destigmatized. Although organizations like MusiCares offer some assistance, Payne's untimely passing underscores the urgent need for broader, systemic initiatives across all record labels and management agencies to ensure that artists receive the consistent support they desperately need.

“I Am A Drug Lord” is a manifestation of the drug business and how it started, and most importantly, what happens to relationships at the micro and macro level in the initial stage of drug trade. < Back “I Am A Drug Lord”: A Glimpse Into International Security By Catarina Vita for Sciences Defense February 29, 2024 After an arduous goodbye from my parents and a weekend in the wonderful city of Rome, I decided to browse the local airport bookstore to distract my mind. Originally planning on going to my gate earlier, something caught my eye. An orange and black book cover lured me into the bookstore, and it read: “I Am A Drug Lord.” What enthralled me the most by this book, however, was the author: Anonymous. This book is not supposed to be scrutinized grammatically or dissected with technical, stylistic and storytelling devices. “I Am A Drug Lord” is a manifestation of the drug business and how it started, and most importantly, what happens to relationships at the micro and macro level in the initial stage of drug trade. This book starts with an intricate demographic analysis of the setting, the island of Ibiza. The author details the difficulties his parents encountered being from outside Spain but still having volunteered to fight the subsequent dictator Francisco Franco. After years of injuries, exclusion and scrutiny in Ibiza, the author presents his relationship with his uncle, who lived in the United Kingdom, and eventually took the protagonist to study in a prestigious boarding school in the country. After suffering racism and bullying, Anonymous returned to his homeland, Ibiza, to find his mother sick and his parents divorced. Shortly after, the uncle also capsized on his way back to Ibiza, killing him. Anonymous, confronting feelings of grief and anger, did not expect to be involved in a drug trafficking cartel, but the leader of the cartel argued that his uncle had an outstanding debt, and Anonymous was in charge of covering it. “I Am A Drug Lord” is not to be regarded as an informative book, or even an autobiography; due to the need to preserve the identity of certain individuals, especially with key characteristics and names, this book is too altered to be considered informative. However, the book shows unprecedented details about cartel involvement, and what flashy Netflix shows such as Narcos and Griselda (which are still amazing and worth the watch) cannot disclose due to television regulations. Evidently, Anonymous pairs the dynamic nature of being in a drug cartel to his love life and sentiments, but this adds to the reader being able to think how a previous drug lord thought, and feel like a drug lord felt. Nonetheless, a common misinterpretation of this book and other means of art inspired by drug cartels is that too much luxury is showcased, possibly convincing people to be involved in cartels. In “I Am A Drug Lord,” Anonymous definitely shared the luxuries his uncle obtained suddenly after a few months of implied drug trade. However, Anonymous also anecdotes how in each of his uncle’s luxuries, such as his race car and boat, either him or his uncle found themselves in danger. The general critique that people ingress in the drug trade business solely out of pure desire is refuted upon reading this book. Although the author describes his regret for continuing his business and committing certain actions during his time as a drug lord, he also takes time to recount his story and the part that contingency and path dependency played on his future. As his uncle left him the alleged debt, Anonymous was not aware of his participation in the drug trade due to his young age. The book also describes situations that would put his father and ill mother in danger upon threats if a certain package was not delivered or if a certain meeting was not conducted. In essence, Anonymous does not wish to blame his drug trade on himself or say that he is entirely blameless; he wishes to broaden the concept of what it is to get involved in a drug trade and emphasize the implications of this business. “I Am A Drug Lord,” with its easy digestibility and informativeness despite the necessary anonymity, can be considered a precise glimpse into international security. Besides giving specific intel on how a drug cartel functions intersected with the niche demographic of the island of Ibiza, the book also shows the complications of international relations after the drug market became one of the key movers of the economy — but describing what Anonymous talked about international relations would spoil the book too much. This book is necessary for demystifying the drug cartel business and tracing the economic and social impacts back to Ibiza and Francoist Spain, through a young boy’s perspective.

< Back A Journalist’s Reflection from Within the Brussels Bubble Maria Eirini Liodi It is no secret that the ongoing conflict in Gaza has given the European youth yet another reason to be disillusioned with the European Union—what it stands for and what it offers. One evasive speech after another and failure to address the concerns many people have been raising—whether from European leaders or EU institution officials—have been focal points in highlighting the limitations of the EU. As a supranational body with undeniable influence in contemporary politics and society, the EU’s actions and inactions can, and should, be subject to critique. This article is a reflection on the multiple aspects that make up our view of the EU, both the good and bad, through the lens of my experience as a journalist at the Youth4Regions Journalism program which took place in early October in Brussels. Attending the Youth4Regions program offered a unique opportunity to peek inside the Brussels bubble—a glimpse into the “capital” where many decisions impacting EU citizens are made. It also allowed me to observe the often-overlooked backbone of EU policies: Cohesion Policy. Upon first glance, I admit, it seemed mundane and bureaucratic; however, listening to experts from the Directorate-General for Regional and Urban Policy, including Commissioner Elisa Ferreira, revealed its significance. EU Cohesion Policy is the primary investment policy of the EU; it aims to contribute to sustainable development, economic growth, job creation and overall improved quality of life for EU citizens. It is fundamental in funding local initiatives, driving balanced growth, innovation and social progress across often overlooked and marginalized regions within the EU. The policy is crucial for bridging gaps between regions, ensuring that even those underdeveloped can share in growth and opportunity. My experience at Youth4Regions went beyond just understanding policy. It prompted me to reflect on the role of the EU itself, as an important, even essential, institution in today’s world. In the post-materialistic society many young Europeans live in, it is easy to take certain things for granted — freedom of movement across borders, economic benefits, educational opportunities, scholarships, free workshops and programs like Youth4Regions. These benefits are so interwoven with our daily lives that their value often goes unnoticed, but failing to recognize their value poses its own danger: disengagement. Political participation, particularly from young people, is critical in sustaining the very processes that create these opportunities. This is by no means a pro-EU propaganda piece, even though this program was in fact fully funded. Rather, I aim to highlight that while the EU has many faults, it plays a critical role in shaping the present and future of its citizens, and we ought to be critically engaged, to ensure that its institutions reflect our values and aspirations. Moreover, it highlighted the invaluable role of journalists in this constructive feedback loop. Journalists, the torchbearers of democracy, carry the flame of freedom of expression, illuminating political realities, and in doing so, empowering an informed citizenry. The Youth4Regions program deepened my appreciation for this role, as I sat in on two daily newsroom briefings in the European Commission Press Room, listening to journalists’ critical questions on key global issues. While it was frustrating to hear some of the Commission’s evasive responses, this delicate balancing act seems to serve the EU’s efforts to maintain harmony between its member states and their diplomatic relations. This balancing act, however, shouldn’t escape public critique. This is where a journalist's role becomes indispensable. They are key pillars in upholding the platform for public involvement by allowing citizens to be informed and therefore use their voices to push for change. By posing tough questions and cutting through evasive political discourse, journalists help keep institutions such as those of the EU accountable, and help bridge the gap between politics and the public. Beyond these reflections, I must highlight the workshops, which were a standout feature of the program. The most memorable sessions were led by Dutch journalist Wytse Vellinga, whose workshops delved into the ethics of journalism, investigative reporting, and the craft of storytelling. These sessions not only enhanced my understanding of the journalistic process but also beckoned us to consider vital ethical questions in the field. The case studies presented, followed by peer discussions, emphasized the need for integrity and accuracy, especially when reporting on complex political issues. Finally, we explored online tools, equipping us with practical skills for navigating the evolving media landscape in modern journalism. The program also offered us visits to prominent media organizations such as Euronews, providing insights into their operations and offering another opportunity to engage with professionals in the field. However, the most lasting highlight for me is the network of young journalists I met. Coming from all sorts of different backgrounds and levels of experience, the young journalists I met inspired and motivated me. These new connections showed me once again the crucial role journalists have in society, strengthening my resolve to contribute to the field with even greater responsibility. The Youth4Regions program has been an important stepping stone in my evolving journey as a young journalist, Political Sciences student and EU citizen. Previous Next

The word ‘desert’ creates an image of desolation and emptiness. These spaces are not empty; there is huge potential for growth, nourishment and vibrancy. It is rather the obstacles of settler colonialism, white supremacy and segregation that stand in the way of food justice. < Back Death by Design: Food Apartheid from Nunavut to Palestine By Huda Javed for Environnementon November 30, 2023 In Nunavut, North Canada, home to the indigenous Inuit communities, 70 percent of homes face severe food insecurity in one of the richest nations in the world. A liter of milk in Nunavut costs over CΑΝ$7 and a handful of fresh vegetables costs almost CΑΝ$40. The few grocery stores scattered across the territory predominantly sell unhealthy and non-nutritious food. The remoteness of the territory requires fresh produce to be flown in due travel restrictions by boat and road. By the time fresh produce makes it to grocery store shelves, it is often expired, sold at extremely inflated prices and situated amongst multiple rows of processed foods that are considerably cheaper and higher in caloric energy. Territories like Nunavut are often referred to as ‘food deserts’ – places where access to affordable, healthy and nutritious food is restricted by social and geographical constraints. The term ‘food swamps’ is often used alongside this to describe areas where highly processed ‘junk’ foods are densely concentrated, namely in low-income urban neighborhoods with majority racialized or minority groups. While these terms certainly recognize the pressing issue of food accessibility and adequacy, they are severely ignorant and passive to the fact that these so-called ‘deserts' and ‘swamps’ are not naturally occurring phenomena, but they have emerged through a discriminatory process and deliberate government policies. Even so, the word ‘desert’ creates an image of desolation and emptiness. These spaces are not empty; there is huge potential for growth, nourishment and vibrancy. It is rather the obstacles of settler colonialism, white supremacy and segregation that stand in the way of food justice. So, food apartheid seems the appropriate term. In the U.S., the majority of farming subsidies go to white farmers. White neighborhoods have at least four times as many grocery stores as African-American neighborhoods. Housing subsidies largely go to rich, white Americans, while ‘redlining’ policies have also restricted mortgage lending to minority homebuyers, preventing those in low-income areas from moving to neighborhoods with adequate access to nutritious food. This has created the knock-on effect of ‘supermarket redlining’ as companies view wealthier neighborhoods as more profitable and safer from crime. As with the spatial segregation of minority and racialized communities in the US, the isolation of the indigenous Inuit communities in Canada is a product of forcible expulsion and land theft. The traditional food systems, environments and ancestral crop lands indigenous communities depended on, were destroyed by settlers. Consequently, native communities were forcibly relocated to isolated reservations, which are currently being impeded upon as well. Offshore oil exploration in the Arctic by major companies, endorsed by the Canadian authorities, threatens marine life. In 2008, seismic testing caused the death of up to 1,000 narwhals . Rising global temperatures due to climate change are also impacting the migration patterns of these marine animals, which the Inuit depend on for food. The Navajo Nation, spanning 17 million acres and the largest reservation in the U.S., has a total of 13 grocery stores, where the average resident has to drive three hours one-way to reach a grocery store that predominantly sells processed and non-nutritious products. The USDA’s Food Distribution Programme on Indian Reservations supplies some food to indigenous communities. However, the products tend to be highly processed and have little nutritional value. Along with the few job opportunities and the rarity of affordable fresh food in indigenous reservations, this leads many to resort to cheap, unhealthy processed foods. It does not stop there. As a result of limited access to healthy and culturally appropriate foods, health issues, in particular type 2 diabetes, are becoming increasingly prevalent in Black, Indigenous and other minority and low-income communities. On top of this, harsh discrimination and negligence within healthcare systems are a regular occurrence for these groups, and as a consequence, they experience higher fatalities and poorer overall well being . Achieving food justice and sovereignty for communities of color is more than simply living near a grocery store, but rather about having agency over their local food systems. Similarly to Black, Indigenous and minority communities in the US and Canada, Israel’s system of apartheid has wholly denied Palestinians their right to food sovereignty. Forced displacement, land expropriation, restrictions on free movement or even access to markets have led to severe food insecurity. The control of 80 percent of West Bank water reserves is one crucial way that Israel enforces food apartheid upon Palestinians. Israeli authorities, between 2012 and 2021, demolished 572 Palestinian water structures in the West Bank. These structures are often small-scale traditional rainwater cisterns and wells. The demolition of an entire water system severely impedes the ability to cultivate land and create a sustainable food system. Other discriminatory policies include requiring Palestinians, under military orders 1015 and 1039 , to be granted permission to plant certain crops like eggplants, tomatoes, and onions. Additionally, Israeli agricultural policies enforce the use of commercial seeds in an effort to erase Palestinian agricultural heritage. The traditional Jadu’i watermelon has been lost due to this. Simply foraging for Palestinian diet staples, such as zaatar, sage and akoub, is punishable by fines and three years in prison . Taxing ‘legal’ requirements and restrictions are piled one on top of the other, not only creating huge economic losses but hindering even basic subsistence agriculture within Palestinian communities. In 2020, Israel rejected 73 percent of farmer permit requests to access their farmland and tend to crops. The crops that are able to grow in spite of all this, as well as the increasingly dry and scorching summers, are often ruined by Israeli military aerial spraying of herbicides . Simultaneously, cheaper, ‘second-class,’ and harmful produce is introduced by Israel into markets across the West Bank, undermining the efforts of Palestinian farmers. In 2020, 72 percent of vegetables sold to Palestinians by Israeli producers were found to contain high levels of harmful pesticides. The Israeli destruction of up to 1 million olive trees since 1967 and the continuous vandalism and theft of harvests defines the nature of food apartheid as the deliberate effort to occupy or erase a people and their cultural heritage, regardless of environmental damage. Israel has even banned the Union of Agricultural Work Committees, which protects traditional Palestinian heirloom seeds that have the potential to increase biodiversity and minimize the environmental impacts of farming. The examples are endless. Food apartheid is one of the most instrumental ways in which the Israeli government has been slowly starving Palestinians. There is no question that this is all by design, from every policy and legal measure to the outright destruction and expropriation of land, it is as deliberate as North America’s utilization of food apartheid against racialized communities. Efforts of localized agroecological organizations among these communities are growing – farmers markets, community gardens and food sharing are autonomizing marginalized populations from their oppressors. However, complete food sovereignty, the right to affordable, fresh and culturally appropriate food for African Americans, the Inuit people, Palestinians, and marginalized communities all over the world, cannot be fully achieved without recognition of their humanity first.

My Palestinian neighbors cannot, should not, and will not accept nor live with their indigenous food being increasingly appropriated by their occupiers. And nor should we — all of us reading this article today, studying on this campus and aware of the occupation of Palestine. < Back My Home is Not Your Property: Enough with Culinary Appropriation By Angela Saab Saade September 27, 2023 If I were to show my grandmother this TikTok video explaining how to make hummus from beans, she would probably yell at me for being disrespectful and idiotic. She would be just as nauseated if I suggested she try chocolate hummus . I will therefore spare myself from such criticism and protect my grandmother from this ridiculousness. Instead, through this article, I hope to shed light on a terrifying phenomenon — the appropriation of indigenous Levantine cuisine. Hummus, My Heart Hummus is authentically prepared by blending chickpeas, lemon juice, olive oil, tahini, garlic and salt. So the only major difference in the TikTok video criticized is the replacement of chickpeas with beans. From the outside, this may be positively viewed as the evolution and adaptation of recipes. But this is not about open-mindedness and the widening of culinary horizons — it is about the abuse of indigenous cuisine. In Arabic, Hummus means chickpeas (حمّص). In other words, when you make "hummus" with beans, you are quite literally not making hummus. Rather, you are spreading a recipe inspired by my traditional cuisine, incorrectly under its name, with zero respect for its origins. But I can survive in spite of the horrendous appropriation of scrumptious food cooked and enjoyed alongside family and friends in Lebanon. I can live — though in disgust and frustration — with the fact that my cuisine is ignorantly and insensitively being insulted. On the other hand, my Palestinian brothers and sisters cannot. Their food — like many of their other indigenous cultural practices — is constantly used for colonial domination. My Palestinian neighbors cannot, should not, and will not accept nor live with their indigenous food being increasingly appropriated by their occupiers. And nor should we — all of us reading this article today, studying on this campus and aware of the occupation of Palestine. The Occupation of Palestinian Cuisine Chef Kattan recalls in a L'Orient Le Jour article that Hummus "was the very first dish appropriated by the Israelis as early as 1948." Originally, he says, "the Zionist project was marked by European-style colonialism that denied the Arabness of Palestine and its land. But when they went to eat at the homes of Palestinians who survived the Nakba — during which 580 Palestinian villages were razed to the ground — they said to themselves, 'This chickpea puree is not bad!'" Today, multiple other dishes have fallen victims of appropriation. If you walk on the streets of occupied Palestine, unlawfully recognized as the state of Israel, you will find non-Arab Jewish Israeli street vendors claiming that Levantine Arabic cuisines like falafel, baba ganoush, and Arabic salad (سلطة عربيّة), also known as rural fallahi (farmer) salad, to be their own. Kunafa Nabulsia (كنافة نابلسيّة) — quite literally in the name showcasing that the cheese is from Nablus, West Bank — is also sold disrespectfully by Pizza Hut Israel as Israeli. While it is true that recipes develop and cross temporal and spatial boundaries, there is a strict difference between the deliberate theft from another culture for the purpose of a political agenda, as opposed to the inevitable integration of populations and their cultural influences. For instance, kafta is a common dish today that has become traditional to Lebanese, Syrian and other previous subjects of the Ottoman Empire. These countries did not steal Ottoman cuisine, but rather have inevitably integrated the customs adopted under the Empire into their own. Moreover, though it is true that Middle Eastern Jews used to eat Levantine indigenous cuisines before the creation of the apartheid Israeli state, so did the Christians and Muslims of the region. Hence, all three groups have every right to claim this food as their own on a national or regional basis, but neither one has the right to appropriate it and market it as their own at the expense of the others. Unfortunately, this is precisely what Israel does today — it appropriates and brands indigenous Palestinian Levantine cuisine as Jewish/Israeli. Denied Their Own Heritage Even more worrying is the denial of Palestinians' claim to their own food. As " hummus and other dishes that Palestinians share with their Levantine neighbors [are] gradually relabeled as Israeli," Palestinians are subject to harassment when they rightfully share their own food and heritage in the West — as is evident by the experience of this Palestinian restaurant in New York . Yet, restaurants claiming to be Israeli seem to have no objections, as can be seen with the thriving Israeli restaurant in Nice , which does a great job at stealing my cuisine and advertising it as "Israeli/ Mediterranean." Not only is food being branded to deny its Arab origins, but Palestinians also face heavy impediments with regards to exporting their agricultural products. In 2021, after a roughly 40-day suspension of all exports out of Gaza, " new restrictions were then imposed , including the demand that the green stem, the sprig, be removed from every single tomato before exiting Gaza," reducing the product's "quality and shelf life." The primary purpose of this mockery was to make Palestinian exports less desirable and profitable, further damaging their economy. In August of that year, 9,000 Palestinian olive trees were illegally bulldozed , contributing to the over 800,000 that have fallen victim to Israeli occupation since the second major ethnic cleansing moment of 1967. The production of olive oil from Palestinian trees is another cultural tradition that Israel is not happy about. In 2022, Amnesty International published a 277-page report explaining the Israeli system of apartheid against Palestinian Arabs — Muslims and Christians alike, living in or outside of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), with or without an Israeli passport. Here are just some of the atrocities with regards to agriculture and farming highlighted in the report: " According to OCHA , between 1 January and 19 October 2020, many of the 42 Israeli military incursions into the Gaza Strip included bulldozing agricultural land and destroying crops." (p.182) " Since 2014, the Israeli military has aerial-sprayed herbicides over Palestinian crops alongside the fence between Gaza and Israel." (p.184) "Palestinian farmers are forced to neglect their farmland or switch to less water-intensive crops because of Israel's discriminatory policies on Palestinians' access to water in the Jordan valley." (p.190) Therefore, Israel's occupation of Palestinians includes not only the appropriation of their land, property and cuisine, but equally their fundamental right to plant, cultivate and harvest their own crops to be self-sufficient and preserve their cultural practices. And it does not end there; Israel attempts to erase all and any aspects of Palestinian identity. Tatreez — Palestinian embroidery , traditionally taught by grandmothers to their granddaughters and daughters — is the art of "an exceptional amount of patience, dedication and precision" in the creation of artisanal goods, such as the traditional Palestinian apparel, the thobe , bags, shoes, and accessories. Disdainfully, organizers of Miss Universe Israel 2021 distributed this integral aspect of Palestinian heritage across the beauty pageant contestants, who wore Palestinian thobes that they claimed as Israeli and prepared wara' aanab (ورق عنب) stuffed grape leaves, a dish of Levantine Ottoman origin. They essentially all had a party of identity theft and heritage slander at the expense of Palestinians, negatively impacted in their day-to-day life by Israeli forces. A tweet by Palestinian-American rights activist Zeina Ashrawi Hutchison expresses, "it's horrible to participate and ignore the ethnic cleansing being committed by the host of the pageant, but it's another kind of ugly to promote the apartheid regime while wearing the traditional clothes of those being ethnically cleansed. Disgraceful, shameless and honestly painful." Reclaiming Identity Palestinian journalist Alhelou asserts that "Palestinian culture and life revolve around food in every aspect, whether it is an ordinary day or a special occasion. Food and national identity are tied together." Unfortunately, the theft of Palestinian cuisine by Israel continues and amplifies by the day. Palestinian culinary appropriation is just one manifestation, product and tool of the Israeli colonial project and apartheid against Palestinians. It is also an insult to my cuisine and my people, as we have Levantine dishes in common with our regional neighbors. In Salma Serry's online library committed to historical knowledge of indigenous cuisines to modern Southwest Asia and North Africa, she emphasizes the necessity of "remembering and re-patching traditions when they are in danger of erasure," to "decolonize Palestinian food." Haya's Kitchen — defining herself as "a tribute to Palestine, Tetas, and Traditions" — does precisely that. It is our duty to support the decolonization of Palestinians from Israel-imposed and Western-backed injustice by taking the steps we can. This starts by supporting such initiatives, denouncing "Israeli salad", differentiating between "hummus" and beans, donating to our campus' SciencesPalestine, writing about the Palestinian identity, and hearing the voices of Palestinians who must be given the space to express themselves, especially here, in Europe, where they are majorly silenced. As Alhelou rightfully states, "cultural appropriation is a denial to the existence and heritage of the owners of the land — the Palestinians in their millions inside the occupied Palestinian territories, in refugee camps in some Arab countries or in the diaspora worldwide." For justice to be served, we must normalize the reclamation of Palestinian identity and defeat those who want to see it wiped off the face of the Earth.

It all started on a Thursday morning — at the crack of dawn to be exact — when around 40 Sciences Pistes walked across Menton to reach the bus that would take them to the first intercampus event in two years. < Back Menton à Reims: Sciences Pistes Converge at Intercampus Model UN Conference By Angeliki Vytogianni December 31, 2021 It all started on a Thursday morning — at the crack of dawn to be exact — when around 40 Sciences Pistes walked across Menton to reach the bus that would take them to the first intercampus event in two years. In reality, preparations for the SPMUN conference had started back in August when MEDMUN Secretariat leaders members Celeste Abourjeili, Florian Heydecker and Basile Rochet collaborated with RIMUN executives to organize and give life to this initiative. It took months of work for this event to come together, but in the end, everyone agreed that not only was it worth the work, but that it was one of the highlights of the semester. The Mentonese spirit was alive even at 5 a.m. waiting for Michel the bus driver to pick us up. Even though some of us had to walk for almost half an hour to get to the pick-up spot, and we were about to experience a 14-hour bus ride across the country, the vibes were immaculate. The bus ride had long cig breaks, numerous snack stops, and top notch music. Several pauses later, we reached frosty, cold and foggy Reims. The regal town looked intimidating and captivating from the moment we stepped off the bus. The fog, the champagne, the fancy buildings, the cathedrals… walking through the city was a different experience — a lovely change of scenery after many months in our cozy Menton. Our hosts were lovely, having filled entire living rooms with blankets and mattresses for us. They even showed us around and took us for late night kebabs, as the Mentonese were hungry (the gas station pasta boxes proved to not be very filling). The next day, everyone was dressed fancy and chic: it was time for the opening ceremony. By far outnumbering the other campuses, and making much more noise than everyone else, the Mentonese were ready to start the conference. We applauded our secretary general and our chairs; we listened to interesting points by different guest speakers on the current climate crisis and COP26. Then it was time for the most important part of the conference: the club. The ride there was long and we were late, but nevertheless we all got drunk together and had a wonderful time, with good music and lovely people. Day two of the conference was equally interesting: with everyone going to their committees, the debates officially began. From meat industry shenanigans to fishing incidents, each committee was special. The Menton campus had a very strong presence in UNEP, ECOSOC, Security Council, the Brazilian Amazon Crisis, the American Meat Industry, and much more. The conference ended with a loud bang in the form of another 14-hour bus ride, from the north to the south of France this time. We were all extremely happy, satisfied by unforgettable memories of the royal town near Champagne. We made strong impressions in each committee’s debate, and left with the winners’ champagne bottles and congratulations wishes. We got to know brilliant people from all Sciences Po campuses and invited them to our own MEDMUN conference in Menton, which will take place in April. We look forward to these experiences so much and hope to make it the best time for all staffers and participants.

The French National Assembly passed the long-awaited, controversial French immigration bill on Dec. 20, 2023. < Back French Immigration Bill: Sciences Pistes’ Perspectives By Jad Toufic Toutinji January 24, 2024 The French National Assembly passed the long-awaited, controversial French immigration bill on Dec. 20, 2023. It seems that the only thing that everyone agreed on was that something had to be done, yet disagreed on what that (something) had to be. The bill in both its early and final version split the French public as much as the French Conseil d’état (i.e., Council of the State). While, regarding Sciences Pistes, even if the left is more outspoken, the right also has their strong opinion. In its final version, the bill focuses on strengthening data collection on immigrants’ acceptance, deportation and rejection. It constitutes longer waiting time to access welfare benefits and to call for family reunification. Furthermore, the controversial law pushes for easier access to residency permits for professionals working in labor areas undergoing shortage. It also postpones the “jus soli,” which allows citizenship at birth till the age of 16. Concurrently it validates citizenship withdrawal from dual nationals who commit severe crimes towards the police. Concerning foreign students, they will have to pay a deposit at the start of their education in France to be recuperated later on. The law leaves space for several criticisms from both the left and the right. The left among the Sciences Pistes have unequivocally expressed their dissatisfaction for the bill passed. Many believe it to be a National Rally’s ploy to enact a strict immigration policy that negates fundamental rights in the name of security. “It is totally unjust to see at what point a country which has the means to help others but which does not in the name of spreading security defended by the racist extreme right,” said one respondent identifying with La France Insoumise. Another respondent, affiliated with the Place Publique, remarked with regards to fundamental rights that “Everyone, including the interior minister, knew that it (the bill) contained unconstitutional content.” On the subject of foreign students, many showed their concerns over the new required deposit. “It is a racist law aiming at criminalizing immigration and will only serve to promote access for wealthier foreign students to universities,” angrily expressed one respondent. “This law targets students in a general manner,” said another respondent who also doubts the motives behind the bill, “it looks like it benefits no one except that it satisfies political interests.” With eyes on the future, several responses reflected fear for the growing migration crisis, “if we are incapable of integrating migrants in France right now, it will be impossible to integrate future ones, especially environmental migrants.” At the same time, others show doubt in the efficiency of the law, “I firmly believe that the law’s efficiency is debatable … We must not neglect the consequences of preventing vulnerable people from access to essential services.” On the other hand, the right, even if less expressed in Sciences Po, has strong opinions on the issue. Tackling the restrictions on the aides personnalisées au logement (APL), one of the housing assistance services offered, a respondent identifying with the right described it as “a measure of full common sense,” praising that “France is not an NGO that distributes funds. The measure would help reduce the assistance culture that has been developing, urging immigrants to add to the richness of the nation.” This is a common criticism by the right as to how much government aid goes to unemployed immigrants each year, thus creating a burden on government services without fiscal returns. The right claims that this undeserved aid incentivizes immigrants to avoid working in order to continue receiving it. Meanwhile, the same respondent was skeptical of the refundable deposit put in place on foreign students, seeing that “in face of the decline of France as an attractive education spot globally, it is necessary to preserve those students who are the future ambassadors of French values in their home countries.” Not to forget is the CVEC payment which, among others, students have to contribute annually to without ever feeling its value in developing student life. In addition, this new deposit comes after the controversial significant increase in tuition fees on foreign students from 2019 in public universities. On the European scene, a strong pro-European student strongly doubts the bill, “Overall, I think this law is absolutely inadequate to solve the problem of migration in France.” When asked about his opinion on the rise of anti-migration trends in Europe, the student tackled the French situation, while noting its exact replica in other European countries, “The approbation of the new (discriminatory) law on migration in France is the outcome of a society incapable of adapting to the rapid changes of modernity. To keep the electorate ‘happy’ they vote for laws against the very own principles of the EU.” Finally, with regards to the implication of the bill on neighboring European countries, the student pointed out that it will surely worsen the living conditions of migrants on neighboring borders, especially in Ventimiglia, and that it will affect equal distribution of migrants in the EU. In conclusion, as one respondent posits: “the question posed right now is: will France stay silent at this moment?”