My mom got breast cancer when I was ten and, although she is the strongest human I possibly know, I got to see how much it destroyed her. To face an illness which makes you stand on a thin, thin line between life and death is one hell of a changing experience. < Back Pink October: Let’s Run for a Cause By Wang Di October 30, 2021 One event worth featuring this month was the “Octobre Rose,” or Pink October event, jointly organized by our very own Feminist Union (FU) and the Bureau des Sports (BDS) of the SciencesPo Menton campus. On October 3, a fundraising sale and run took place in Menton, with the support of the Institut du Cancer de Montpellier, for the student population to raise awareness on breast cancer prevention and diagnosis, as well as donating to the cause. The event consisted of merchandise and food sales that began at Bastion from the late morning, culminating in a 4km run/walk to the Italian border post and back to Bastion. Even as it began to pour at the beginning of the run, the organizers and participants were undeterred and remained determined to complete the 4km route. Despite the odds, the runners completed the run and were able to support a good cause. The mood back at Bastion after the run was ecstatic. Below is an interview with Cloé Azria (Co-President of the FU) and Samanéa Rousseau (President of the BDS) on their motivations and experiences in organizing the Octobre Rose event. The interview has been lightly edited for the purpose of this feature: What is your objective of organizing the October Rose event? What is the beneficiary organization, and which other student associations did the FU partner with to achieve this aim? Cloé : Organizing Octobre Rose has been one of my most beautiful projects as breast cancer is a cause that I really care about. Breast cancer is and must remain a matter of common concern. It is not just about women and girls suffering from a disease which can be potentially treated, it is a cause which can affect our friends, our sisters, our mothers or any other woman on this earth. It is thus important to remember that breast cancer is the most common cancer among women and the second most common in the world after prostate cancer. After spending my summer as a volunteer at a cancer patient support centre, I really understood the terrible stakes of this disease. This is why I wanted to unify the students of Menton around such a beautiful and touching subject. In addition, as I used to participate in the Pink October races in Montpellier, the idea of doing a similar event in Menton could not be more evident. My aim: organizing a “not serious” race for a serious cause (What I mean by these words is a fun run which supports a very serious cause). As I couldn’t organize Octobre Rose last year because of Covid 19 and the sanitary situation, I was more than eager to concretize my project. As one of the Co-Presidents of the Feminist Union and Vice-President of the BDS, it became obvious that the run would be a collaboration between the two associations, especially with Samanéa, the President of the BDS, who has been a great help in both organization and realization of the event! Samanéa : I think we can all agree that breast cancer overall is a very important cause which must be fought for. It represents a very special cause to me because I got to see the effects it can hold both mentally and physically on one individual. My mom got breast cancer when I was ten and, although she is the strongest human I possibly know, I got to see how much it destroyed her. We tend to think that the diagnosis and the treatment are the hardest to go through yet the step after you are finished is even harder – especially as a woman – to accept her body after breast cancer. Once the treatments are done, once you have been accommodated with chemo, radiotherapy, the tons of operations and ins and outs at the hospitals, getting back into the real world; to your job, to social gatherings... To run basically any task once you go through something that so drastically and unexpectedly changed you is the hardest. You never can really heal from cancer. It takes acceptance and faith to take back your life where you “left” it and I admire my mom- and all these women- that are going through or have gone through a breast cancer suspicion or diagnosis. Pink October is the occasion for celebrating the little but giant fighters that these women are -because let me tell you that- to face an illness which makes you stand on a thin, thin line between life and death is one hell of a changing experience. Pink October is the occasion to raise funds for the foundations supporting these women during their treatments, the hospitals, the NGOs, the research institutes helping the treatments improve. Pink October is also the occasion to raise awareness amongst men and women. I am one of many who has seen a loved one go through a cancer diagnosis so please share the information. Ladies check up on yourselves, men make sure your surroundings know about this cause and how important check-ups are. It is never a fun topic but truly, the earlier you notice it, the better. That is what Pink October is about. That is what the pink ribbon means. When Cloé came to me with the plan of organizing an event containing a race for Pink October, the matter was set, and I was thrilled to put my BDS board and myself to collaborate with the Feminist Union on this cause. What is the greatest challenge you have faced in organizing this event? Cloé : Even though the organization was a bit complex as I had to face challenges regarding logistics, the city, the stands, the day... It was an amazing experience which taught me a lot as I had to learn how to deal with the Mairie, the various problems, the hospital, etc… Samanéa: Cloé did such a good job with handling the administrative burden of getting authorization- THE struggle haha- and got such great ideas to make this event enjoyable for a serious cause. What is the amount of funds that you managed to raise during the event? Cloé : Along with the sale of goodies and the run, we have launched a prize fund to collect all the donations to fight Breast Cancer. For now, we have collected about 800€ which is amazing! The prize fund is open until the end of October and we hope with all our hearts that people will still give something to support the fight against breast cancer, as all the donations will be given to the Cancer League. What is your greatest takeaway in organizing this event? Cloé : Organizing this event took me many weeks but I had an incredible team by my side, first Samanéa and then both the FU board and the BDS board. We even decided to go to Ventimiglia to buy all the food and drinks we needed and it was really fun to do! The fact that our event was also sponsored by the Institut du Cancer de Montpellier was amazing: they sent us goodies (USB keys, pens, shirts, bracelets...) and gave the race more impact!! I sincerely want to thank all the people who helped me in this touching event, it couldn’t have gone better. I also want to thank the Institut du Cancer de Montpellier for supporting us. Samanéa : Seeing the project take form by Cloé’s side was very warming. Seeing the associations of our campus supporting our project and encouraging their boards to participate encouraged us. Seeing our students engage was touching. Seeing all of us get together for this cause was beautiful. Organizing the event with our great team made it easy and enjoyable. We thank you for bringing your smiles to your event and for making it count with your donations. Special thanks to my board for being incredible ;) Let’s keep it up. Given Cloé’s and Samanéa’s recount of events, it would have been an understatement to call the Octobre Rose a success, for it fully demonstrated the solidarity of the campus to unite around a singular cause that continues to affect the lives of millions around the world. For all inquiries regarding breast cancer or how to donate to the prize fund, please feel free to reach out to either Cloé or Samanéa directly in person or through social media.

< Back Turkish Elections: A Political Paradigm Shift By Yasmin Abbasoy April 30, 2024 The results of the Turkish local elections, which took place on March 31, were, for most observers, anything but predictable. In a final count that left the opposition buoyed by a rare taste of success and the government facing an unexpected defeat, re-elected Istanbul mayor Ekrem Imamığlu seemed to have captured the unified feeling of a nation when he remarked that “The rules of Turkish politics are being re-written.” Turkey was all but overtaken by what has been called a “red wave.” While the customary red of the main opposition party colors the west of the election map, as usual, what is surprising though is the slow creep eastward towards historical government party AKP strongholds in central Anatolia. The opposition CHP took a total of 10 mayorships from the AKP, for a final split of 35 cities being governed by the opposition while the government won 24. Behind the numbers, however, is a startling shift in the balance of politics Having received 37.7 percent of the vote, the CHP will now govern 48.8 percent of Turkey’s population, with the rest split between the three relevant opposition parties. It has taken control of almost all industrial and cultural centers in the country. This massive rebalancing of power has set off much speculation: are voters finally sick of Erdoğan, entering his twenty-second year in some form of power? Or is this a warning rather than a complete withdrawal of support? Almost all of the provinces that voted for the AKP in March had overwhelmingly elected Erdoğan in the general elections last year, granting him his second presidential term. Are economic factors the cause of a mass disengagement from the ruling party, or are there other reasons at play? Another shift in the political paradigm took place in Istanbul, where incumbent CHP favorite Imamoğlu took a comfortable victory, despite much hand wringing about the changing preferences of Kurdish voters. In his victory speech, he highlighted the fact that he had won not just against government-supported candidate Murat Kurum, but also the president and all of his ministers. Istanbul has long been considered the battleground of Turkey's future, with President Erdoğan himself linking his blooming political career to his early success as the mayor of the city. It has been a site of a shrewd powerplay throughout the election cycle, with Erdoğan throwing his and his government's support very visibly behind Kurum. This perceived victory over the President himself bodes well for Imamoğlu’s future. Since the 2019 elections, he has been the ideal unity presidential candidate of the opposition. Having lost his chance last year to outgoing party chairman Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, this victory guarantees his place on the ballot in the upcoming 2029 elections. Kurdish voters, who undeniably carried Imamoğlu to victory in Istanbul, defied expectations by voting for Imamoğlu in droves. An enthusiastic campaign by pro-Kurdish DEM Party leaders in the city amounted to a meager two percent of votes, with Imamoğlu retaining and even increasing the gap with his rival. Despite the disintegration of the formal opposition alliance, voters seem to have stuck together behind Imamoğlu–a saving grace for a party long concerned with balancing the Kurdish and home nationalist vote. When it comes to the AKP, the big question is “Why?” All indicators, as well as several statements from party insiders, seemed to indicate that Erdoğan was expecting a comfortable victory, even in Istanbul. When even the most preliminary results were not in the AKP’s favor, Erdoğan canceled his planned victory speech in Istanbul and set off towards Ankara. There, he gave a delayed speech after midnight, in which he acknowledged his defeat and promised to reflect and earn the peoples’ favor once more. A big topic of discussion regarding the somewhat nonsensical AKP failure has been Turkish policy toward Israel considering the war in Gaza. In the weeks leading up to the election, well-known journalist Metin Cihan caused massive backlash against the government policy vis-a-vis Israel by unearthing documents showing the trade of government-owned firms with Israel, despite strong condemnations of the state’s actions in Gaza by the government. In parallel, the election cycle had seen the AKP forge closer ties with the Welfare Once Again Party, which in the later stages heavily criticized the government on this point from its Islamist stance. The message seemed to resonate, as the realistically minor party managed to walk away with two cities taken from the AKP at the end of election, which perhaps served as a beacon for those who felt betrayed by the president's hypocrisy. Other minor parties also suffered–nationalist IYI Party leader Meral Akşener was widely considered to have dug her own grave when she walked out of the opposition alliance over disagreements on the candidate in 2023. Her party, made up of ex-government coalition voters, has always had a strong strain of anti-government feeling which fueled its alliance with the opposition. After a disappointing performance in general elections, where the party failed to attract pro-government voters, as was their primary purpose, the party had been in a state of limbo. Election results reflected this, as the party, which used to be the 4th largest in Turkey, won a singular province in central Anatolia and a humiliating 3.77 percent of the vote. Upon learning of the results, Akşener announced her resignation among a wave of the same. The post election landscape has been predictably rocky as the government scrambles to hold onto power where it still can. In southeastern Van, won by Abdullah Zeydan of the pro-Kurdish DEM Party, the government wasted no time issuing a decree to remove the mandate of the mayor-elect. This is a part of a larger pattern of mayoral removals in the Kurdish southeast of the country. While all candidates are pre-approved by the Supreme Electoral Board prior to being granted permission to run, the government post facto accused Zeydan of ties to the PKK, which Turkey considers a terrorist organization, and thus granted the mayorship to the runner-up AKP candidate. Zeydan, who had served a prison sentence for attending the funerals of PKK members, drew support from the local population as well as statements from major political figures. After a tense few days of protest and brutal suppression by the Turkish state, Zeydan was surprisingly reinstated to his post by the Supreme Electoral Board. The elections marked a significant shift in the political paradigm of the Turkish state. The surprising victory of the opposition reflects a growing discontentment with the ruling AKP, raising questions about the future trajectory of Turkish politics. As parties strategize for the looming 2029 presidential race, the stage is set for a period of realignment in the political sphere. Only time will tell if it garners results.

< Back Protests in Türkiye: The Fight for “Hak, Hukuk, Adalet!” Anonymous April 30, 2025 What does it mean to live in a country where your university diploma can be revoked not by an academic committee, but due to political motivations? In Türkiye, these aren't hypothetical questions but a dark reality. Ekrem İmamoğlu, the Mayor of Istanbul, had his university diploma suddenly invalidated; a sequence of targeted arrests, student uprising, and a brutal police crackdown followed . Across university campuses, city squares and on social media platforms, an uprising occurred, showcasing that the Turkish people have had enough. The students, professors, journalists and artists are leading the resistance against the alleged competitive authoritarian regime. As crackdowns increase, people continue to question: if not now, when? And if not us, then who? In March 2025, the Turkish public was stunned after it was revealed that the diploma of Ekrem İmamoğlu from Istanbul University had been revoked. So what was the legal basis for this? The Board of Directors of Istanbul University stated that there were alleged procedural inconsistencies in his 1990 transfer from Girne American University in Northern Cyprus. İmamoğlu had graduated in 1994, had worked in the private sector and held multiple offices, but now his diploma is "invalid." However, this decision was announced just weeks before he was expected to declare his status as the presidential candidate. According to legal experts such as Mehmet Pehlivan , once a degree has been granted and recognized for decades without controversy, suddenly invalidating it violates not only the principles of administrative fairness, known as idari istikrar in Turkish, but also the individual's right to due process. İmamoğlu’s legal team immediately filed an objection to the decision, declaring it “void of legality,” hukuka aykırı , and “politically motivated.” İmamoğlu’s lead attorney stated that "It is not a matter of documentation but timing." In the same week, 27 other individuals had their degrees revoked under similar circumstances. Among the people were Naciye Aylin Ataay Saybaşılı , professor of the Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences at Galatasaray University, who completed her doctorate at the Sorbonne. This act was seen as particularly offensive to Turkey's academic community. In response, students at Galatasaray University organized campus-wide protests where they chanted “ Akademiye Darbe! ” (“ A Coup Against Academia! ”) and clapped to show their professor their support. Faculty members joined in solidarity, stating that this act was “a direct ass ault on academic freedom.” The question emerged: if a regime could erase a diploma, why wouldn't it also erase an election? On the morning of March 19, 2025 Turkey was faced with the arrest of Mayor of Istanbul, Ekrem İmamoğlu , who was detained by officers under allegations of “misuse of public resources,” “corruption,” and “connections to a terrorist organization.” He strictly denied such accusations. The images and videos of İmamoğlu being escorted into police custody outside his home sent shockwaves throughout the country. For many, it wa s no surprise. After years of alleged political targeting and legal manipulation, this moment seemed inevitable and unbearable. Many stated that no legitimate court of law would detain a democratically elected official in such a militarized manner, especially someone who is seen as a national symbol of freedom and hope. Prosecutors accused İmamoğlu of “improperly awarding contracts” and “harboring sympathies” with outlawed groups. Yet no concrete evidence was provided. Although İmamoğlu had previously been investigated and cleared of similar claims, this time, the arrest appeared to be concocted not to convict but to interrupt. They aimed to interrupt İmamoğlu's goal of becoming a presidential candidate. He was taken to Silivri Prison which is known for political prisoners, journalists and academics who are arrested. After the arrest, millions of people went out in the streets to protest this unlawful act. Supporters gathered in Saraçhane , chanting “ Hak, Hukuk, Adalet! ” (“ Rights, Law, Justice !”). Many held signs that read, “15 milyonun iradesini hapsedemezsiniz!” (“You cannot imprison the will of 15 million people!”), a reference to the nearly 15 million citizens who had voted for him as Mayor and backed him as the next presidential candidate. İmamoğlu was not the only one detained. Mahir Polat , Istanbul’s Deputy Mayor and Mayor of Şişli, was also impacted. His crime? According to the state, "overstepping his authority in cultural restoration projects"—an accusation that could be interpreted as punishment for his views of secularism and urban heritage against gentrification efforts. Polat’s lawyer, Erkam Erden , called the charges to be dropped since they had no legal backing. Several municipal employees and cultural coordinators were arrested in a manner that represented a political purge rather than a legitimate legal investigation. International human rights organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch immediately issued statements condemning the arrests as politically motivated. The European Parliament members called for Türkiye to uphold democratic norms and warned of potential sanctions. However, the government affirmed that this was part of an "anti-corruption campaign." What terrified many was the speed of the process, since within 24 hours, a presidential candidate was transformed into a political prisoner, and the city that had twice elected him was left leaderless. This caused resistance and mobilization. After İmamoğlu was detained, hundreds of protesters took to the streets. The first act came from Istanbul University , where students gathered in front of the main gates with banners that read “ Diplomamı değil, geleceğimi çaldınız! ” (“ You didn’t just steal my diploma, you stole my future! ”). F rom there, the resistance spread across the country's most prestigious universities such as Istanbul Technical University (İTÜ), Boğaziçi University, Middle East Technical University (ODTÜ), Yıldız Teknik, Hacettepe, Bilkent, Ankara University and Dokuz Eylül University. At Boğaziçi, known for its anti-government resistance in previous years, students occupied the campus square with tents, books, music and megaphones, transforming the space into a “Democracy Watch Zone.” At ODTÜ , a large march circled the campus with chants of “ İmamoğlu halktır, halk yargılanamaz! ” (“İmamoğlu is the people, and the people cannot be judged!”). At the same time, cities across Türkiye began to resist. In Istanbul, millions of people gathered in Saraçhane , the symbolic space of İmamoğlu’s political story. The crowd chanted “ Bu daha başlangıç, mücadeleye devam! ” (“This is just the beginning, the struggle continues!”) while holding Turkish flags, opposition banners, and posters. In Ankara , students and parliament members organized a march from Kuğulu Park to the Parliament, demanding justice and an end to unlawful detentions. The march was met with police barricades, but the people refused to back down. Protestors sang the national anthem as armored vehicles loomed behind them. In Izmir, Samsun, Trabzon, Konya, Eskişehir, Mersin, and even Diyarbakır, protests broke out in public squares, parks and metro stations. Signs with İmamoğlu’s image with the phrase “ Seni Yalnız Bırakmayacağız ” (“We Will Not Leave You Alone”) and “ Her şey çok güzel olacak ” (Everything will be great), his prominent slogan, which was used in both his mayoral election campaigns, were seen in protests. The song “Yiğidim Aslanım Burda Yatıyor” was sung as protesters held their signs. As well as the songs "Kufi" and "Ceviz Ağacı" became symbolic songs for resistance . As the scale of protests grew, so did the state's fear. And in Türkiye, fear is often expressed through force. The regime responded with TOMA vehicles, tear gas, rubber bullets, mass arrests and brutality that shocked the whole country. In Saraçhane, where nearly two million people had gathered to demand the release of Ekrem İmamoğlu, riot police cordoned off the square, then charged into the crowd with armored vehicles and tear gas. At ODTÜ , a horrifying image of a protester clutching a Turkish flag while being tackled to the ground by the police became viral. A boot came down onto the flag itself, caught in the protester's arms. In the eyes of millions, it was the Turkish flag, and all that it should stand for—justice, freedom and democracy—being stomped on by the very forces meant to protect it. Over 300 people were detained . Students were pulled from crowds without warning, their heads slammed into armored vans. Lawyers working with the Progressive Lawyers Association (ÇHD) reported that many detainees were denied access to counsel for over 24 hours. The conditions of detention were even more horrifying. Multiple testimonies emerged detailing cases of physical and psychological abuse. Female students reported being strip-searched and sexually harassed by police officers. In Gülhane Parkı , where a group of students staged a peaceful sit-in under the slogan “ Gençlik Gelecektir ” (“Youth is the Future”), 43 students were arrested and the police rounded up the park. In Kadıköy, during the now-famous Gençlik Direniş Sahnesi (“Youth Resistance Stage”), artists and students resisted together. While the opposition alleged that the state aimed to use its resources to silence protesters, the opposition politicians, journalists and public figures raised their voices. Mahmut Tanal , a CHP deputy from Şanlıurfa and one of the most vocal defenders of civil rights in the Parliament, played a key role. Tanal joined students in person, walking among them, shouting alongside them. When police stormed the ODTÜ campus with TOMA vehicles, Tanal stated , “ ODTÜ’de TOMA’nın ne işi var? ” (“What business does a riot tank have at ODTÜ?”) Tanal didn’t stop there. He took to the Parliament floor, slamming the government’s assault on students, artists and municipal workers. “You are not protecting the state,” he said, addressing AKP ministers. “You are waging war on the youth of this nation.” Özgür Özel , the CHP’s new party leader, gave a nationally broadcasted speech declaring: “Ekrem İmamoğlu’na yapılan, Türkiye halkına yapılmıştır.” (“What has been done to Ekrem İmamoğlu has been done to the people of Türkiye.”) Özel later visited the families of arrested students and called citizens to join a nationwide boycott on April 2nd. Ali Mahir Başarır, also from CHP, stated that "Sokakta olmak, eylem yapmak suç değil. 86 milyon anayasal hakkını kullanıyor...Anayasal hakkınız, anayasal hukuk çerçevesinde her tepkiyi verebilirsiniz, bunlardan biri de sokaktır, nokta" ("Being on the street and protesting is not a crime. 86 million people are exercising their constitutional rights...You can express any reaction within the framework of constitutional law, and one of those ways is taking to the streets. Period.") Soon afterward, the investigations against journalists began. Murat Ağırel , a journalist known for exposing corruption, published an explosive piece detailing the financial motives behind İmamoğlu’s arrest, suggesting that Istanbul’s public works budget, once under AKP control, was now unreachable to party-affiliated companies. Ağırel was later detained on charges of “spreading misinformation” and “inciting unrest.” Another journalist, Timur Soykan , was arrested shortly with similar charges. Then came the shocking arrest of Berkay Gezgin , the young man who had once become a symbol of hope during the 2019 Istanbul mayoral election with the phrase “ Her şey çok güzel olacak. ” The ongoing resistance united people from all corners of the country who only chanted for the same thing: “Justice.” Photo source: Mark Lowen on Wikimedia

< Back Embedding Sustainability Constitutionally Maria Eirini Liodi January 31, 2025 A new amendment in the Cypriot Constitution has added Article 7A —the right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment. This comes after a series of important developments in the international legal realm in recent years. Such developments include the landmark case of KlimaSeniorinnen v Switzerland (ECtHR) , otherwise known as the Senior Women for Climate Protection case, where a group of elderly women sued the Swiss government, alleging that its insufficient climate action violated their rights under both the Swiss Constitution and the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The case was brought forth in 2016, with its final judgment coming in early 2024. The Court found that Switzerland indeed failed to comply with its positive obligations under the Convention concerning climate change, with important shortcomings in implementing a relevant action plan specifically regarding its carbon budget and greenhouse gas (GHG) emission limits. This comes with Switzerland’s failures to meet its past GHG emission reduction targets. This case is a fascinating example of the power of climate litigation as a tool allowing individuals or groups to hold governments and corporations accountable for inadequate climate policies. In the meantime, in October 2021 we saw the UN Human Rights Council recognizing the right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment after decades of advocacy from relevant civil society groups. The following year the UN General Assembly officially recognized this right, with 161 countries voting in favour and none against. This was another important milestone outlining that states ought to set climate protection and sustainability at the core of their priorities. Going back to the case of Cyprus, I have heard a few people dismissing the amendment as a mere formality in adherence to European standards/international standards. Although that is certainly part of the equation, this amendment goes beyond a formality. The first time I came across the topic was a few years ago with AKTI’s “ AdvocaCY ” project, where I was surprised to realize that the right to a safe and sustainable environment was not in fact recognized by many countries, including Cyprus at the time. I found this shocking, especially given the plethora of climate and sustainability-related issues the country faces. For one, waste management is a serious issue on the island—an issue Cyprus may face serious fines for if adequate actions are not implemented. Additional shortcomings were addressed by lawyer and human rights specialist Mr. Achilleas Demetriades in a discussion of the Senior Women for Climate Protection case last April. Amidst other things, he outlines how landmark cases such as this one, and progress in the recognition of a sustainable healthy environment as a human right, would be important on the topic of accountability in Cyprus. He also notes the hefty taxes and levies the state pays due to exceeding its emissions targets annually. While the exact numbers vary with Demetriades stating an approximation of 1 million euros a day in levies, and more recent articles arguing numbers approximating 165 million annually in 2021, one thing is certain: the consequences of inaction are as economic as they are environmental, and kicking the can down the road is unlikely to be beneficial. Recent Eurostat reports capture the harsh reality in Cyprus : electricity prices rank above the EU average for consumers, while for industry, Cyprus ranks the second most expensive in Europe, largely due to the taxes and levies it is faced with. So, why is this constitutional amendment relevant? As I have explored in previous pieces , the Cypriot government should place environmental protection at the core of its national strategy for several reasons: its location in the south-east Mediterranean, one of the most vulnerable regions to climate change, warming 20% faster than the global average; its divided status, which leaves nearly half the island exempt from EU environmental protection and sustainability policies; and its rampant development, which, without adequate sustainability projects, leaves the island increasingly susceptible to impacts of climate change. I will end with this—a constitution can be seen as “an attempt by a political community to express the fundamental rules and values of political life.” Beyond mapping out the legal foundations of the state, it outlines a system of checks and balances that aims to mirror the societal fabric of the country. What is a government saying to its people by enshrining the right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment? It marks this right as one that it will prioritize, as “the protection of the natural environment is an obligation of the state.” The difference this amendment brings, alongside pioneering cases in Europe, is that citizens can hold their governments accountable with regard to their actions or inaction. This recognition by the UNGA and the domestic integration in our Constitution reinforces citizens’ ability to defend their rights and the environment and opens new opportunities for legal activism where it is required. Photo credits: European Parliament, Flickr .

< Back Tug-of-War: Chinese and American Shared Interest in Greenland Téa Breedon February 28, 2025 President Trump’s recent inauguration has sparked a series of policy shifts, driving changes in American conduct on a global stage. Among the most notable of these changes is Trump’s declaration of pursuing expansion to Greenland, echoing his past calls for American annexation of the Arctic territory. Trump’s interest in Greenland is largely tied to its potential for strengthening U.S. military presence in the Arctic, thereby enhancing its surveillance of adversaries to the east and safeguarding U.S. national security. Similarly, the Jinping administration attempted multiple Greenland grabs between 2016 and 2018, aiming to take control of the country for economic purposes. Rich with rare minerals yet sparse in population, Greenland serves as the perfect base for Chinese ambitions in the Arctic. Despite China being one of Greenland’s largest trading partners, accounting for all of Greenland’s seafood, ice and water exports, the nation responded with caution, wary of the risk of debt traps placed by entering into major material infrastructure deals with China. Together, these two global actors share an interest in territorial expansion to Greenland, identifying such ambitions as central to their nation’s success. In 2016, General Nice Resources —a Hong Kong-based company—made attempts to acquire a decommissioned Danish naval base, but Copenhagen rejected the bid due to concerns about jeopardizing the country’s relationship with the United States. China made a second pass at the region in 2018, offering to invest in Greenland’s airport infrastructure by modernizing its runways. Like the first, this attempt was blocked by Copenhagen, but it represents growing efforts to increase Chinese influence in the region. Aside from its rich resource bank, Greenland is appealing to China for its value to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)—Beijing’s trade strategy aimed at connecting China to Asia, Africa and Europe via land and maritime networks. Establishing influence in Greenland would enhance Chinese access to Arctic shipping routes, explaining why Greenland has emerged as a popular target for geographical expansion. In 2019, Trump advanced a proposal for the U.S. to acquire Greenland, stemming from concerns about U.S. national security. Due to Greenland’s limited naval defenses and strategic location near the U.S., the USSR frequently used the island’s surrounding waters as a base for Soviet nuclear submarines, allowing them to monitor the U.S. and its NATO allies during the Cold War. Concerned about China adopting a similar strategy to that used by the Soviet Union in the 20th century, Trump issued a proposal for American annexation of the island. In addition to its role in deflecting Chinese expansion and influence, Greenland is of strategic significance to the U.S. for its relative distance from European conflicts and its value as a pitstop for aircraft refueling and military reconnaissance. In short, Greenland’s geographical position acts both as a buffer against global conflict and a vantage point for monitoring international activity. Despite the potential benefits of successfully acquiring Greenland, could the competition for control prove problematic for both nations? Might American annexation of the Arctic territory trigger Chinese attempts to challenge U.S. influence? Lessons learned from the Japanese attacks on Pearl Harbour shine light on these inquiries, pointing to the risks of over-reliance on the strategic significance of territorially-removed states. The Hawaiian naval base—most notable for its distance from adversaries and, thus, its potential for safeguarding the U.S. from international threats—suffered surprise Japanese military attacks in December 1941, forcing the U.S. into WWII in the following weeks. These attacks ended the debate over whether the U.S. should risk intervention in both the Pacific and European quarters of WWII, illustrating the dangers of over-dependence on the geographical advantage of a territorially-removed region such as Pearl Harbour. In this respect, assuming immunity to attacks based solely on geographic advantages is naive, potentially leaving a nation unprepared for international threats. Thus, should his plans come to fruition, Trump’s annexation of Greenland might provoke Chinese counterbalancing efforts, leaving the U.S. unprepared for a power struggle over the territory. The risk of an inter-state power struggle over Greenland is heightened by China’s condition as a declining power, making the 2020s rife with potential for conflict. China’s former One-Child policy —spanning from 1979–2015—initially intended to provide economic stimulus by creating a generation of unencumbered parents has recently led to a shrinking workforce and demographic decline. Consequently, the country is likely to find means to climb out of such decline—including territorial expansion to Greenland. In this sense, despite the common assumption that China is a global superpower, its current trend of economic downturn suggests a more precarious position that could fuel ambitions in—or competition over—Greenland. Greenland has become a focal point of strategic competition between the U.S. and China, with a mutual struggle risking triggering a new arena for great power rivalry. The historical lessons of overestimating geographic security, as seen by Pearl Harbour, highlight the potential dangers of relying on territorial distance to ensure national security. As China grapples with economic challenges and the U.S. seeks to reinforce its Arctic presence, it has become clear that Greenland could play a crucial role in shaping the future of international dynamics. Photo credits: New York National Guard, 2016

< Back Sciences Po Bans Chat GPT By Colette Yamashita Holcomb February 28, 2023 With the recent creation of Chat GPT, dystopian visions of a world dominated by artificial intelligence (AI) left the confines of sci-fi. ChatGPT is the AI tool that has made headlines for its impressive range of abilities — from its potential to replace the London School of Economics president, as advocated in a student petition, to its capacity to pass bar exams and the Medical College Admission Test (MCAT). The free program works similarly to Google: users type a question into a box and hit enter, to which the chatbox responds with everything from detailed explanations of code to essays on immigration law. The general public has access to this groundbreaking software for the first time. Yet, while its creation has opened new opportunities, it has also evoked new fears. The service’s audience is not limited to students — its ability to explain complex topics concisely has drawn a significant number to the platform from across the globe. Some use it innocently — describing how to derive a formula, for example — while others have abused the technology’s power to have it essentially complete assignments for them. Student use of the platform has sparked fevered discussion amongst the education community. Sciences Po students at all campuses received a message addressing ChatGPT from Sergei Guriev, Sciences Po Paris’ Economics Provost, on Jan. 25, 2023. “The use of ChatGPT or any other tool using AI, without the transparent referencing, is strictly forbidden in the academic space under the penalty of expulsion from the institution or even from the entire system of higher education,” Guriev warned. While Chat GPT poses threats to academic integrity, many — including Guriev — also seem to see its potential as an educational tool and the changes it will bring to the future of education. In his message, Guriev announced that, in spring 2023, Sciences Po plans to host a series of conferences and workshops on teaching and research in the era of growing AI importance. Across the Menton campus, students have been experimenting with the program and reflecting on its pros and cons. For example, some students argue that tools like ChatGPT will prevent future students from learning skills in research and argumentation. In contrast, others believe that aversion to this new technology parallels the apprehension around tools like Wikipedia becoming wildly available to our generation. Therefore, the system must adapt rather than resist these developments. “I agree [with the Sciences Po administration] that ChatGPT shouldn’t be used on exams, but I think it can be an important tool that makes work more efficient and shouldn’t be completely banned,” remarked one anonymous student. On the other hand, some students believe that adaptation to these developments, including allowing ChatGPT and other AI tools, to be used on exams and assignments. When asked about using the platform, many students said it helps them primarily with small tasks like writing emails. Some use it to make preliminary outlines for projects or to summarize readings but have found mixed results with its accuracy. “It is definitely a formulaic response; you can tell when an outline was written on ChatGPT because it always follows the same format,” a student said. Several other students agreed with this observation, saying that it is impossible to rely solely on ChatGPT to complete assignments, but it can be beneficial to start brainstorming. Similarly, many noticed that certain summaries of readings were inaccurate because they summarized the author’s work entirely — opposed to just the chapter or section — making them unreliable. However, as technology expands, it will likely become more and more accurate. “Because ChatGPT makes tasks more efficient, it opens up our abilities to accomplish more in the time it saves, which creates more opportunities for societal progress,” concluded another student. While opinions on its role in education may differ, it is clear that AI will only continue to develop and alter our society and education system.

< Back Students Blockade Campus in Protest of Free Speech Limitations By Lara Harmankaya December 31, 2023 On Thursday, Nov. 16, Sciences Po students united behind the cause of protecting free speech and blockaded the Menton campus. From 8 a.m. to 3 p.m., they barricaded the entry with determination in protest of “Sciences Po's policy of censorship against any student support for Palestine,” as voiced in the email sent out by Solidaires the day of the blockade. Their persistence was forced to come to a conclusion with the arrival of police forces who physically dragged students away from the gates. This momentous day, for many, was the culmination of tensions in a growingly-hostile campus atmosphere following the events of Oct. 7. Now, more than a month later, it is important to look back on this event and evaluate whether real change has been effectuated since. Have students’ and the administration’s attitudes improved? What do Science Po students think about the event in hindsight? To understand the extent to which things have changed since, we must identify the causes that induced the blockade in the first place. For the students I have spoken to (whose identities will not be disclosed throughout the rest of this article to ensure their safety) the primary impetus for participation was a feeling of concern that there was an active curtailment of expression by the administration. One student described this as a prevention of “any opinion, or any input related to Palestine especially, but also about the situation in general.” There were undeniable clashes of opinion that prevailed among the polarized student body, but what elevated such contentions was the apparent bias of the school’s administration when determining which acts of expression constitute as acceptable. This was evinced by the fact that the activities of the student club, Palestine: Understanding the Struggle (Sciences UTS), were largely restricted. Similarly, the administration’s interference in some students’ private social media accounts was interpreted by many as an act of censorship. For one student, the problem was the “threatening” way in which this was done, not the actual act itself. This, compounded by “the total lack of support by the administration “in response to threats” received by some students online, contributed to the very “atmosphere of denunciation” that prompted the blockade. The invitation to participate that was sent out at 7:15 a.m. through email that morning, therefore, was the final push for a row of dominoes that were already shaking by tremors deep underneath. The Palestinian cause is embraced by many students on our campus. Therefore, creating the impression that holding this opinion is not supported by the campus intensified the impression of censorship. One student, who had not read the email before arriving on campus that morning, describes this sentiment when explaining why she participated in the blockade: “seeing the Palestinian flag hanging from the railing and a sign saying ‘ceasefire now’ was really all that I needed to sit down with the others.” The course of events that took place during and immediately after the blockade presented the students sitting in front of the campus gates with many frustrations and hopes. From the refusal to broadcast the meetings that were taking place by student representatives and the administration, to the arrival of the police, a general feeling of disappointment with the responses of the administration was felt by many students. Students conceded that it is understandable that the administration wished to reopen the campus without having to cancel all of the planned lectures for the day. However, they could have searched for an alternative means to reach a resolution. One described the presence of the police as “unnecessary”; “We were just a bunch of students sitting and calling for our right of free speech – it was almost laughable when we saw the police arrive in full riot gear with shields and batons.” Many, therefore, were of the opinion that there should have been a “formal apology from the administration regarding their attitudes and actions,” especially for the treatment of the students by the police because there was “a bit of violence there.” There is a consensus among the students I spoke to that the blockade was effective. In the most obvious terms, the disruption it caused succeeded in turning the spotlight on the pressing issue. With French news outlets and Mentonese locals now also conscious of the students’ protest and demands, they could no longer be ignored. “It made the administration realize, not just what were we asking for, but the general sentiment – which was a very a frustrated one.” Given the isolation and the small size of the Menton campus, one student argued, other means of protest, such as a campus walk-out, simply would not have been as “publicly seen.” Since then, students I have spoken to argue that things have changed for the better, at least to some extent. They pointed out that there is now greater “sensitivity” from the administration regarding the issue and an “awareness that we want to talk about it and have it discussed on campus.” The recent holding of two conferences centered around Palestine and the Israel-Hamas war, for many students, was therefore a manifestation of a promising beginning of a more constructive academic environment. The relations between the administration and students seem to have also improved, particularly “regarding student safety” according to one student. This should continue to remain as a priority to avoid politically-charged conflicts within the Sciences Po community. Moreover, efforts by students to arrive at a point of mediation have been enacted since; more students are now acknowledging the importance of not posting or saying disrespectful statements that can easily be construed as inappropriate or offensive. Like the students themselves, the administration is also showing signs of a greater willingness to become involved in constructive discussions. This “shift in tone” is more in line with the expectations of students who came to this institution with the hope of engaging with diverging variants of political thought and opinion. Although declaring that the tensions that were prevalent in the pre-blockade environment have dissipated would be going too far, it can be stated that the very need for recognition and reconciliation that brought about the blockade is now finally being responded to. Whether real policy changes will be implemented is more ambiguous, and the work to attain true freedom of speech has not yet been finalized, but at least it has left the ground. We have the blockaders to thank for that. The key takeaway from this consequential moment in the history of the Menton campus is that Science Po students, after all, are resolute in their commitments to free speech. This is precisely why they are the students of this institution.

Stone skipping is a sport at least to the same extent as tennis is a sport. It involves a motion and movement giving a round object projectile motion. They both involve handsome gentlemen and ladies partaking in the activity. < Back Stone Skipping Society: A New Player in Menton Athletics By Ada Baser October 30, 2021 No one can dispute that the key value of the Menton campus is athletic excellence. Students burn the midnight fuel in the volleyball courts or drag themselves out of bed to head to the fields. Yet, the rocky beaches and the crystal clear water remained untouched in a competitive environment. Until now. Three 2A entrepreneurs and masterminds responded to the deep void created by the absence of organized stone skipping on campus. An association that is well before its time, the Stone Skipping Society of SciencesPo Menton engrains the sport into our community forever. Established in 2021 by co-founders Nikola Avramovic, Stanisław Naklicki, and Benjamin Vitenson, the Society is a response to those with a great interest in and desire to institutionalize the sport, according to Naklicki. The athletes in the society can be found on the Sablettes and Bastion beaches in their training positions, although the organized events themselves are characterized as “spontaneous” and “impromptu” by Naclicki. The open and integrative team offers ample competition for those to perfect their sport, while simultaneously instilling the inspiration to learn in many by assisting and encouraging perfection and accuracy. As the name suggests, the goal of stone skipping is twofold: for the rock to skip the most number of times while simultaneously achieving the farthest distance. Sound simple? Not at all. The precision of the sport comes down to the choice of the right flat rock, core strength and balance, and muscular endurance to throw with aim and dexterity. All of these skills are targeted during the society’s trainings. Video evidence and inspiration can be found on the society’s Instagram page, @stone_skipping_society. Unfortunately, no tell-all article on the issue of stone skipping can be complete without the discussion of its status as a sport. The controversy is at best baseless and harmful to the many people that dedicate their time, energy, and hopes into the sport. Naklicki defends his position with a simple statement: “Stone skipping is a sport at least to the same extent as tennis is a sport. It involves a motion and movement giving a round object projectile motion. They both involve handsome gentlemen and ladies partaking in the activity.” Furthermore, how would established organizations like the North American Stone Skipping Association respond to unfounded accusations towards their legitimacy? Or legends in the game, like Kurt Steiner, Christina Bowen-Bravery or Peter Szep? Christina Bowen-Bravery further nuances the discussion of stone-skipping with a sad fact: the sport is very male-dominated. Especially for a campus with a female majority population, shattering gender stereotypes should be at the core of all associations. Vitenson commented on the sad reality of gender imbalance in the game: “I think if we had more women role models in the sport we would see a surge in participation, but we are looking to tear down that gender wall of stone skipping and have everyone participate.” As the sport becomes accepted and embraced on campus, the real question becomes, why does the serious sport of stone skipping get continually excluded from the mini-crit competition? Vitenson, appalled at the lack of stone skipping at such a well-rounded, inter-campus competition, calls for action on the student and administrative level to fix the wrongdoing. Whether it be your first time looking at a rock, or your final practice before the next World Stone Skimming Championship, the new society has “expanded into everyday life of students,” according to Vitenson, and is dedicated to continuing this legacy and cultural tradition. Who will stand in the way of such a “noble activity” and the interest therein among the student population? The official incorporation of this sport into campus life is changing how the campus views athletics and actively pushes for change in the professional sport. The time has come to end unproductive debates regarding the activity and instead focus the energy of the campus on embracing an integral aspect of culture: stone skipping.

< Back Famine et politique: l’Éthiopie dans la tourmente By Elian Jorand March 30, 2024 Dans les étendues arides d'Atsbi, à l'est du Tigré, où des teintes d'ocre remplacent ce qui autrefois étaient des parcelles de terre prospères, une bataille silencieuse se déroule entre la faim et le déni politique. Le Monde et des sources internationales rapportent une situation préoccupante, où les autorités régionales déclarent un état de famine, mais le premier ministre Abiy Ahmed refuse de reconnaître la gravité de la crise alimentaire, transformant une catastrophe humanitaire en champ de bataille politique. Comme le souligne la correspondant du Monde Noé Hochet-Bodin, Atsbi, autrefois symbole de prospérité agricole, témoigne désormais sombrement des séquelles d'une guerre civile brutale qui a sévi entre 2020 et 2022. Les rebelles Tigréens ont affronté les forces fédérales éthiopiennes, entraînant un bilan de décès estimé à 600 000. Le conflit a laissé derrière lui une région luttant non seulement avec les cicatrices de la guerre, mais aussi avec les dures réalités d'une grave crise alimentaire. Tesfaye Hailu, administrateur du village de Fellag Weyni, peint un tableau vivant de l'abandon et du désespoir. Les fermes vides et le bétail mort racontent une histoire d'une communauté forcée de fuir la brutalité du conflit, abandonnant ses moyens de subsistance. Les champs autrefois fertiles de Teff, la céréale principale de l'Éthiopie, sont désormais stériles, recouverts de poussière qui tourbillonne autour des sandales en plastique de Hailu. En dépit des déclarations alarmantes de famine par les autorités locales, le gouvernement d'Abiy Ahmed à Addis-Abeba nie la gravité de la crise, créant un contraste marqué entre la reconnaissance du désespoir sur le terrain et les manœuvres politiques au niveau national. Le leader éthiopien, autrefois salué comme un lauréat du prix Nobel et un symbole d'espoir, fait face à des accusations d'abandon de la population tigréenne pour consolider son pouvoir. Cette double narration d'une nation en crise n'est pas nouvelle dans l'histoire troublée de l'Éthiopie. Les échos des famines passées utilisées comme armes politiques résonnent dans la situation actuelle, laissant les habitants du Tigré pris au piège entre le déni et le désespoir. Alors que le monde est témoin de cette tragédie en cours, c'est un appel à l'action pour la communauté internationale, afin de confronter l'intersection entre la politique et la crise humanitaire. L'avenir de l'Éthiopie, autrefois prometteur, est maintenant en suspens, et la résilience de son peuple fait face à un test redoutable à la suite d'une bataille silencieuse qui pourrait bien déterminer le cours de la nation.

The success of the Moroccan team at the 2022 FIFA World Cup has disrupted the traditional balance of football. It has shown how the unassuming underdogs can, with the right combination of teamwork, persistence, and a steadfast, strong-willed, bald-headed coach — Walid Regragui, nicknamed “avocado head”— attain new heights. < Back Morocco's World Cup Success Sends the World a Powerful Statement By Colin Lim January 31, 2023 “Avec nos lions!” triumphantly proclaimed the destination displays of the Casablanca buses. Although the Atlas Lions had lost the World Cup semifinals to France a week earlier, the feeling of triumph was palpable under the balmy December sun. As traffic flowed along the wide boulevards of Morocco’s financial hub, adorned with red and green flags, the national team was eagerly welcomed home 80 kilometers away in Rabat. Riding in an open-top bus, conspicuously emblazoned with the national rallying cry, “Dima Maghrib,” the players were greeted by thousands of jubilant fans who recognized and appreciated the magnitude of their accomplishment. The fact that Morocco’s national football team had even made it to this point was an impressive feat. Their unprecedented success rallied Morocco, the Moroccan diaspora, and Muslim communities of disparate origins worldwide behind a single team. As the first Arab or African country to advance to the semifinals, Morocco managed, at long last, to break the glass ceiling that had been so inviolably reserved for European and South American teams, the traditional strongholds of professional football. The players, whose feline moniker dates back to an extinct species that used to roam the mountains of North Africa, carry an array of passports, as the 26-person lineup includes only 12 players born on Moroccan soil and others born in France, Spain, the Netherlands, Belgium and Canada. As the Moroccan team advanced through the World Cup, defeating Belgium, Canada, Spain, and Portugal, they captivated their audience and the world with several iconic images. Photographs that went viral displayed players’ jubilee — even embracing and kissing their mothers, à la Achraf Hakimi. Several photos of Moroccan players and staff united in prayer on the field, all facing the qibla and publicly affirming their faith, gained momentum among Muslim communities globally. The visibility of their devotion in the face of anti-Muslim sentiment in their European birth countries offered a source of inspiration and empowerment. The success of the Moroccan team at the 2022 FIFA World Cup has disrupted the traditional balance of football. It has shown how the unassuming underdogs can, with the right combination of teamwork, persistence and a steadfast, strong-willed, bald-headed coach — Walid Regragui, nicknamed “avocado head”— attain new heights. The Atlas Lions will showcase their improvements at the next World Cup in North America, potentially contributing even more to the diversification of successful football teams.

< Back 3 Ans Après le Meurtre de Mahsa Amini, un Bilan sur la Situation des Femmes en Iran Bronwen Sutcliffe September 30, 2025 Le 16 septembre 2025 marque le troisième anniversaire du décès de Mahsa Amini aux mains du régime iranien. La politique répressive envers les femmes perdure. Cependant, l’Iran a connu d'importants bouleversements à la suite de cet outrage, notamment portés par le mouvement international Femme, vie, liberté. Ces mobilisations ont-elles réellement amélioré la condition des femmes ? Trois ans après, faisons le point sur la société iranienne depuis le soulèvement Femme, vie, liberté. Le meurtre de Mahsa Zhina Amini En septembre 2022, Mahsa (Zhina) Amini, jeune Iranienne kurde, se rend à Téhéran avec son frère. Elle est arrêtée sur place par la « police des mœurs » (gasht-e ershad), connue pour contrôler arbitrairement les femmes ne respectant pas les lois strictes sur le port du voile. Selon des témoins, les agents l’ont violemment poussée dans un fourgon et battue avant de l’emmener au centre de détention de Vozara. Les autorités ont déclaré qu’elle devrait y suivre une « séance éducative » pour corriger son comportement.Quelques heures après son arrestation, Mahsa Amini est victime de coups à la tête et perd connaissance. Après trois jours dans le coma, elle meurt, le 16 septembre 2022, à 22 ans.Le gouvernement parle de causes naturelles, mais la famille de Mahsa affirme qu’elle était en parfaite santé avant son arrestation. Suite à la mort de Mahsa Amini, trois mots—femme, vie, liberté—ont rythmé un mouvement de manifestations de masse. Son meurtre a choqué la communauté iranienne et internationale et a montré une réalité effarante : la répression systématique et la violence envers les femmes par le régime iranien. Des milliers de personnes se sont mobilisés dans les rues pour contester la loi rendant obligatoire le port du voile, dénoncer les abus de l'État et revendiquer les droits des femmes, le tout accompagné de gestes symboliques forts, tels que ôter le voile, le détruire, ou couper ses cheveux. Aujourd’hui, entre répression et résistance Après le mouvement Femme, vie, liberté , la repression s’intensifie. En 2023, la rédaction de VICE News, un média américain, a obtenu de rares visas pour se rendre en Iran et couvrir la situation des femmes. Dès leur arrivée, les journalistes ont été confrontés à une forte surveillance : leurs déplacements étaient limités à des lieux approuvés et ils ont été arrêtés à plusieurs reprises, leurs images étant parfois supprimées. L'équipe a toutefois pu monter un documentaire présentant des fragments de la réalité : étudiants contraints de signer des engagements pour respecter le code vestimentaire et ne pas assister aux manifestations, cafés et commerces fermés lorsqu’ils permettaient aux femmes d’entrer sans voile, quartiers centraux des manifestations étroitement surveillés et jeunes enfants formés à soutenir le régime à travers des organisations religieuses et sécuritaires. Une intervenante anonyme a même révélé que la police lui avait tiré dessus avec des balles en caoutchouc lorsqu’elle était au parc avec ses amis. S’entretenant avec la seule femme du gouvernement iranien, celle-ci a répeté les revendications du gouvernement, affirmant que Mahsa Amini n’avait pas été tuée et que le gouvernement est plus démocratique que dans d’autres pays. Selon elle, le gouvernement considère le hijab comme un moyen de protéger les femmes et affirme que si, un jour, il estime que ces lois leur nuisent, il les supprimera. Des propos nettement trompeurs. Les jeunes interviewés dans le documentaire ont été nombreux à demander l'anonymat. La peur est palpable. Un article publié dans la revue La Pensée écologique en 2023 décrit comment de nombreux Iraniens et Iraniennes vivent depuis leur plus jeune âge dans une « schizophrénie généralisée ». Ils doivent adopter des comportements contradictoires selon le contexte—à la maison, à l'école ou dans l’espace public, naviguant entre les exigences du régime et leur vie privée. La politique répressive du gouvernement, mêlée à la corruption, à l'hypocrisie, aux mensonges et aux détournements de fonds, exerce une pression quotidienne. C’est à travers de gestes simples mais profondément courageux que, malgré la répression, les femmes s’offrent des gouttes de liberté et contribuent à transformer progressivement la culture de l’espace public : elles se rendent à leur école ou sur leur lieu de travail sans porter le voile obligatoire et roulent à vélo ou même à moto (ce qui est interdit aux femmes). Selon Sedigheh Vasmaghi, théologienne et universitaire qui a elle-même été arrêtée pour être sans voile, « le système politique [iranien] ne peut plus remonter le temps ». Elle précise que L’État, confronté à d'énormes problèmes de politique intérieure et étrangère, n’est plus en mesure de contrôler les femmes à travers le pays, en particulier les adolescentes et les jeunes femmes, qui ne veulent plus porter de voile. De nombreux témoignages suggèrent que les policiers détournent le regard des femmes sans voile, soit par épuisement, soit par crainte d’attirer davantage de mauvaise presse, mais certainement pas par volonté de remettre en cause le régime en leur accordant plus de liberté. En décembre 2024, le Conseil national de sécurité d’Iran a présenté un projet de loi draconien sur le hijab, prévoyant de lourdes amendes, jusqu'à 15 ans de prison pour les récidivistes ainsi que l'obligation pour les commerces de signaler des contrevenants. Face à des protestations publiques et aux objections des organismes de surveillance internationaux comme Amnesty, ce projet a été suspendu . Toutefois, la suspension de la loi ne reflète pas forcément une libéralisation des conditions des femmes, plutôt une continuation du statu quo qui pourrait s’aggraver à tout moment. Toutefois, la surveillance des femmes se poursuit à travers des applications de signalement, la reconnaissance faciale, la surveillance aérienne et le contrôle des réseaux sociaux, créant une pression constante. Même si de nombreuses femmes non-voilées échappent à des sanctions directes, les militantes féministes, journalistes et femmes dans l’espace public—comme Vida Rabbani, Saeedeh Shafiei, Niloofar Hamedi, Elaheh Mohamaddi ou Narges Mohammadi—vivent en péril, emprisonnés ou poursuivis pour des accusations comme « propagande contre l'État » ou « rassemblement contre la sécurité nationale », en représailles à leur travail et à leur engagement public. Un futur incertain L’afflux de femmes revendiquant leur liberté dans l’espace public signale une transformation graduelle de la société vers l’émancipation des femmes. Toutefois, une amélioration réelle du statut des femmes ne pourra se faire sans un changement du gouvernement et la réforme, voire la sécularisation, du code civil, qui, entre autres, d ispose que le mari détient l'autorité exclusive au sein du foyer, que l'épouse a un devoir de soumission sexuelle (tamkin) et qu’il peut contrôler son lieu de résidence ainsi que l’exercice d’une profession. Ces lois institutionnalisent une réalité profondément sexiste ne pouvant être déconstruite sans de profonds changements institutionnels. Ce n’est pas pour minimser les contributions des manifestants que mon article a mis un accent sur la répression par l’État ; les Iraniennes et Iraniens qui ont soutenu le mouvement Femme, vie, liberté ont eu un impact enorme, étendant la cause iranienne à l’échelle mondiale et exerçant une pression sur le gouvernement iranien. De nombreuses femmes ont pu en profiter pour jouir, quoique illicitement, de davantage de libertés dans leur vie quotidienne. Toutefois, le comportement oscillant du régime iranien pour appliquer des lois répressives révèle un désir profond de maintenir son pouvoir et sa légitimité en se pliant le moins possible à la pression populairee. Après le conflit israélo-iranien de juin 2025, le débat sur la stabilité du régime islamique a été relancé. Étant donné sa longévité, certains le qualifient d’un retour du religieux, mais des enquêtes non-gouvernementaux du GAMAAN (Groupe d’analyse et de mesure des attitudes en Iran) révèlent une sécularisation croissante et un large désir de changement au sein de la majorité de la société iranienne. Si les trois ans suivant le meutre de Mahsa Amini n’ont pas mené à une révolution, ils ont porté la situation à un point de rupture imminent. Photo Source: Loco Steve, Flickr

< Back Une France qui s’assèche, des scientifiques qui alertent, un gouvernement qui se dépêche By Salomé Greffier March 31, 2023 « Sens-tu l’air du désert/ Te dessécher la peau/ Comme si l’on avait/ Laissé le four ouvert/ Et ce souffle brûlant/ Nous ôter le repos/ Pour venir nous donner/ Un avant-goût d’enfer ? » Laurence Hérault s’exprime en ces mots afin de décrire un phénomène observé à grande échelle par les sociétés depuis une cinquantaine d’années déjà : la sécheresse. Tandis que les populations subissent des épisodes sans qu’aucune goutte de pluie ne tombe du ciel, les scientifiques parlent d’avancée du désert et les pouvoirs publics tentent de proposer des alternatives économiques et sociales moins énergivores en eau. La sécheresse, fait désormais l’objet d’observations rigoureuses et constitue un enjeu majeur pour les États. En outre, le dernier rapport du GIEC publié en 2022 tire la sonnette d’alarme quant à la fréquence des périodes de sécheresse à travers le monde dans les années à venir. Ces dernières devraient devenir plus régulières, voire permanentes, impliquant une remise en question de la gestion de l’eau à l’échelle individuelle mais aussi collective, au regard des comportements agricoles principalement. Le groupe d’experts intergouvernemental place l’activité humaine comme responsable de ces phénomènes météorologiques extrêmes. Par conséquent, seule une adaptation anthropique face à cet enjeu climatique (mais aussi socio-économique, politique et qui atteint plus généralement la santé publique) permettrait d’inverser, ou du moins de ralentir, le processus en cours. Pour le moment, les baromètres français affichent un record historique inquiétant. En effet, à la date du 21 février 2023, les météorologues cochent la case d’un 31ème jour sans pluie sur le sol de l’hexagone. Or, en plein milieu de l’hiver, l’eau des pluies devrait remplir les nappes phréatiques afin de répondre aux besoins des mois d’été. Février se termine donc avec un déficit de précipitations de 75 %. En d’autres termes, la situation actuelle est celle que l’on chiffre, en temps normal, autour de la mi-avril voire de mai. Les réserves souterraines en eau se trouvent par conséquent à des niveaux particulièrement bas alors que la saison estivale de 2022 avait déjà puisé plus d’or bleu que la nature pouvait apporter. Dans le même temps, il ne faut pas omettre les inégalités territoriales en matière d’exposition à la sécheresse. Ainsi, les scientifiques décrivent un phénomène plus fort dans des régions comme l’Occitanie, la région PACA ou encore la Corse. De manière plus générale, une analyse du quotidien La Tribune de Genève avance qu' en temps normal, Nice enregistre plus de 800 mm de pluie par an. Entre février 2022 et la première quinzaine de février 2023, seuls 285 mm de précipitations se sont abattus sur la ville, soit 500 bons millimètres de moins que d’ordinaire !” Une situation qui devrait nous préoccuper en tant que (nouveaux) habitants de la région en perspective du retour de l’été. Ce constat posé par la communauté scientifique et l’observation empirique obligent les pouvoirs publics français à agir en prévention des épisodes de sécheresse. Ainsi, lors du Salon de l’agriculture 2023 le président de la République, Emmanuel Macron, s’exprime en ces termes « On sait qu’on sera confronté à des problèmes de raréfaction d’eau : plutôt que de s’organiser sous la contrainte, on doit planifier tout ça ». Un appel à la sobriété soutenu par son ministre de la Transition écologique, Christophe Béchu. Ce dernier a demandé aux préfets des sept grands bassins du territoire, le 27 février dernier, d’anticiper les pénuries et de contraindre dès à présent les particuliers et entreprises à travers des arrêtés. Le gouvernement lance alors un « plan sécheresse » pour se préparer aux difficultés à venir. Ce projet public a tout d’abord pour vocation d’adapter l’agriculture. En effet, si le chef de l’État choisit un moment comme le Salon de l’agriculture pour exprimer ses inquiétudes, c’est avant tout pour toucher une frange de la population directement concernée par la sécheresse. L’agriculture représente en France 45 % de la consommation d’eau, chiffre qui s’élève jusqu’à 80 % au cœur de l’été. Celle-ci repose sur un modèle d’irrigation trop consommateur par rapport aux ressources disponibles. Par conséquent, il est demandé aux agriculteurs d’employer la méthode du goutte à goutte ou de se procurer des outils optimisant l’usage de l’eau. Néanmoins, la mise en place de ces moyens revêt un coût économique parfois trop important pour les exploitants qui doivent en priorité répondre à des demandes de rendements et générer des bénéfices pour maintenir leurs entreprises. L’État, pour pallier à ces inégalités, a débloqué des fonds à hauteur de 20 millions d’euros pour la « protection contre la sécheresse » à destination de toutes les exploitations en espérant que ce budget soit utilisé pour lutter contre les aléas climatiques et non à des fins économiques. De plus, l’idée d’installer des compteurs capables de recenser la consommation en eau des agriculteurs est envisagée par les pouvoirs publics de la métropole. Le « plan sécheresse » se déploie également en intervenant sur les failles du réseau d’eau. Ancien, sous dimensionné et parfois mal entretenu, le système d’alimentation se doit d’être rénové pour limiter les fuites en eau potable. Chaque année, c’est en effet 20 % en moyenne d’eau potable qui s’échappent des tuyaux à cause de l’obsolescence du réseau. Ensuite, l’État a pour objectif d’accélérer le déploiement de la réutilisation des eaux usées traitées. En bout de classement européen, la France recycle seulement 1 % de ses eaux à l’heure actuelle notamment à cause d’une réglementation sanitaire stricte en vigueur. On cherche dès lors à remplacer l’eau potable nécessaire au fonctionnement et à l’entretien des stations d’épuration par de l’eau recyclée et étendre progressivement cette pratique à des usages industriels et agricoles. Enfin, la conscience écologique mariée à des intérêts socio-économiques mobilise de plus en plus les citoyens. Les Français semblent prêter davantage attention à leur consommation d’eau et soutiennent des projets tels que l’utilisation de l’eau recyclée ou de compteurs « intelligents ». La tendance à la sobriété individuelle apparaît nécessaire pour les spécialistes mais insuffisante. L’appel des experts insiste davantage sur un changement collectif des usages de l’eau et des mentalités à l’échelle globale. Il n’en demeure pas moins que le levier de l’action individuelle est une goutte d’eau essentielle à, espérons-le, un recul du désert dans les prochaines années.

< Back Can We Cope with COP? Maia Zasler January 31, 2025 My aunt handed me a rectangle wrapped in dreidel-adorned paper. I opened my Hanukkah gift: a teal notebook from the 29th Conference of the Parties (COP) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) hosted in Baku, Azerbaijan. She let out a laugh as I processed the gift in front of me. “Even the swag wasn’t sustainable!” Climate change is arguably the most substantial issue of our time. Transcending borders, unbothered by race and religion, the often catastrophic impacts of detrimental anthropogenic activities affect us all. We need no more reminders after this first month of 2025, from the destructive Palisades fires, tearing through 23,700 acres in California during the state’s historically wettest month to the news of Hong Kong breaking 35 temperature records—recording its hottest year since 1884. 2024 marked the “decade of deathly heat;” “once-in-a-generation” storms occur once a year, blizzards reach the southern points of the U.S., and other climate-related disasters destroy food supply chains. A global issue necessitates global solutions. Theoretically, COP provides a forum for some of the brightest diplomats, world leaders, climate negotiators, and activist groups to come together and formulate a way forward, making concessions to mitigate a devolving climate crisis and plan for future problems. The first COP was held in Berlin, Germany in 1995; under a framework of international cooperation, with various required reduction targets for “developed country Parties,” COP stands as the singular format for climate negotiations in the global space. But it’s not enough anymore—if it ever was in the first place. From 11 to 24 November, COP29-goers engaged in a series of lackluster strategy drafts, missing necessary benchmarks for CO2 reductions and commitments to climate finance. A London School of Economics study estimated that 6.5 trillion USD would be needed on average per year by 2030 to meet climate targets in advanced economies, China, and emerging markets and developing countries (EMDCs) other than China. The G77 bloc—developing countries plus China— demanded 1.3 trillion USD by 2035 from historic emitters such as the United States and European Union countries. Another clear and worrying misstep was a missing follow-up to COP28’s declaration of a determined “ transition away ” from fossil fuels. No concrete decisions were made in Baku, largely in part of Saudi Arabia’s refusal to “accept any text that targets any specific sectors, including fossil fuel.” Was COP29 doomed from the start? Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev told the UN climate conference that oil and gas are a “gift of God.” His father (and the former President of the Republic of Azerbaijan), Heydar Aliyev, phrased the country’s vision for its natural resources years ago: “Oil is the greatest wealth of Azerbaijan and belongs to the people, and not just to the current generation, but also the generations to come.” Azerbaijan was created in the wake of political and economic disarray, following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991; Azeris needed a long-term, national development plan to turn their resources into a means of profit. For Azerbaijan, these resources are oil and natural gas, and Azeri leadership continues to expand these sectors. The fact that the COP presidency was secured by a country confident in expanding its fossil fuel market speaks to just part of the problem. Of course, no Azeri official would admit to a potential conflict of interest. As reported by the BBC, President Aliyev said Azerbaijan had been subject to "slander and blackmail" ahead of COP29. According to Aliyev, a “Western fake news media” campaign had been waged in advance of conference proceedings. But the Baku leadership was tenuous at best. The chairman of the conference, Samir Nuriyev , was also the Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources and a former oil executive for Azerbaijan’s state-owned oil and gas company, Socar. On the first day of the conference, Baku’s leadership did push forward and closed an issue that had previously been at a stalemate: operationalizing carbon markets. Parties could make the (hasty) choice of either accepting or rejecting a framework for country-to-country carbon trading and crediting mechanism—the opening of a carbon market , finalizing the last remaining component of the Paris Agreement, which was drafted a decade ago. Baku’s leadership was not as heavy-handed with mobilizing recovery funds for climate-related disasters. The UN Adaptation Fund, “a two-decade cornerstone of resilience-building against extreme weather and rising seas,” secured just 61 million USD against its 300 million USD annual target. And, as previously stated, the provisions of curbing future fossil fuel production went unaddressed. However, it would be foolish to divert all blame for conference shortcomings to one Party, even if that Party was the esteemed host. Azerbaijan contributes only 0.15% of total global greenhouse gas emissions. Meanwhile, the U.S., which has added the most CO2 into the atmosphere since the inception of the Industrial Revolution, and is often perceived (and portrays itself as) the “ world’s police ,” is likely to abandon future climate talks (follow-ups to the decisions pushed off at COP29) with the next Trump administration—one of Trump’s first actions this term was to pull out of the Paris Climate Agreement. China, whose production operations and general fossil fuel-centric activities account for 35% of the world’s carbon emissions, was expected to step-up at this last conference. Another global superpower, attention has shifted to China as the “natural successor” to spearheading climate adaptation and mitigation. Yet China was “ largely silent ” over the course of the two-week conference. There is much to do at COP30, to be held in Belém, Brazil in November this year. Aggressive climate action is required to turn back the already surpassed 1.5-degree Celsius warming limit. Each of the past 10 years (2015–2024) was one of the 10 warmest years on record, and 2024 was the first year to go beyond 1.5 degrees above pre-industrial levels. Dancing around the issue, pivoting focus to climate financing and “ambitious” goals for a green energy transition—although both important—cannot erase the fact that the continued burning and reliance on fossil fuels will bring about an infernal end. We can keep coping for now, putting off somewhat painful choices and making difficult concessions. We could wait to see how long nations—that should have learned from environmentally costly development—will avoid leading by a better example, using their resources to aid so-called “developing” countries reach their goals in a greener way. But I’ve never liked when things are done at the last minute. You never know when you just might run out of time to get a job done. Maybe I’ll jot that down in my new notebook. Photo credits: Wikimedia

< Back Trump and Republicans Win 2024 U.S. Elections Pracheth Sanka November 30, 2024 He’s done it. Donald Trump has won the 2024 Presidential Election, ascending, once again, to the coveted office at 1600 Pennsylvania Ave. He has achieved a feat not seen in over one hundred years, joining Grover Cleveland as the only two presidents to serve non-consecutive terms. He also became the first Republican presidential candidate to gain a majority of the voter share since George W. Bush in 2004, breaking a four-election-long streak of Democratic dominance in the popular vote. His shocking success arrived following several Election Eve predictions for a Vice President Kamala Harris victory. While many outlets stated the race was “too close to call,” notable pollsters and forecasters painted more optimistic pictures of Harris’ hopes. Ann Selzer’s reputedly reliable Iowa poll indicated a silent majority of democrat support in both conservative and swing states, and Allan Lichtman’s “Keys to the White House” predicted an incumbent party win this electoral cycle. Both The Economist and opinion poll aggregator FiveThirtyEight gave Harris a lead in simulated estimations, albeit with extremely tight results. Despite these grim projections for Trump, he had an outrageously strong showing, winning all seven battleground states en route to gaining 312 electoral college votes and more than 75 million votes. The White House was not the only favorable outcome for Republicans, as they gained control of the Senate, retained their narrow majority in the House of Representatives and maintained their majority of Governors nationwide, winning seven out of the ten gubernatorial contests. They won high-profile Senate races, namely in Texas, where the infamous incumbent Senator Ted Cruz won decisively against the underdog U.S. representative Colin Allred. In Montana, political newcomer Tim Sheehy prevailed against the long-time incumbent, the moderate Jon Tester. Both of these races were described as tight and dead heats in the lead-up to November 5th. Still, decisive Republican victories indicate the prevalent and enduring conservative ideals among the progressive facades. President-elect Trump will now benefit from a perfect Republican trifecta, which entails a conservative control of all three branches of government. In the first two years of his initial term, he was gifted Republican command of the Senate and House of Representatives but battled against a divided Supreme Court. But now, with a 6-3 right-wing majority, Trump has the legal and political framework to enact his Agenda 47, or perhaps the more controversial Project 2025. He’s also been busy building a czar-studded and loyalist cabinet to reign in the executive branch. There have been some notable picks among the bunch, such as Florida Senator and foreign policy hardliner Marco Rubio as Secretary of State and South Dakota Governor Kristi Noem as head of the Department of Homeland Security. Incoming Chief of Staff Susie Wiles, a subtle and often off-stage figure, will head Trump’s advisory team. Rising the ranks as an election strategist, “The Ice Maiden,” as Trump has affectionately anointed her, has become a close right-hand woman on the campaign trail, a quiet character who brings order and competence to an otherwise chaotic campaign trail. Further, Trump is not scared to appoint those new to government. His expected appointee for the Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth , is a Fox News correspondent who has never worked in the Department of Defense and whose closest experience is being an Army Veteran. To streamline and economize government operations, Trump has picked two leading campaign partners to head the new Department of Government Efficiency: Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy. For Musk, the CEO of X and the world’s wealthiest person, this would be the first public position he’s held, and his contracts with the Federal government have raised alarms of a possible conflict of interest. Likewise, Ramaswamy’s closest call to office came with his 2024 Presidential campaign, a role he was ready to take on after being a career biotech entrepreneur and near billionaire. These appointees highlight Trump’s vision for a devoted and dependable executive branch. His cabinet and advisory committee will be composed of people who won’t tell him no, an essential element in achieving his goals in the next four years. This means the “ Dictator on Day One ” can quickly enact some of his most crucial policy proposals. Expect to see hefty tariffs levied —especially against Chinese imports—and a push toward a more protectionist approach to trade. Despite fears of large migrant detention centers and promises of a mass deportation mission, Trump will much more realistically use executive action to halt catch-and-release policy and restore his 2019 “Remain in Mexico” practice to reign in the crisis in the United States’ southern border. Also, look for Trump to use his executive power to majorly cut down the size of the federal bureaucracy, adding party adherents to the administrative state, and to pardon many of those convicted for their actions of storming the Capitol on January 6th, 2021, another show of affection to his loyalists and fanatics in his quest for a fully conservative government. Though he needs congressional support for certain legislative measures, Americans should predict a continuation and expansion of his 2018 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, and more than likely see a steep decline in aid to Ukraine and an increase to Israel, which comes along with promises to end both conflicts as soon as possible. With the control of the Senate and House, expect a slew of conservative bills to be passed. Republicans have two years before the 2026 midterm elections to enact a hardline, right-wing agenda before their bicameral majority becomes jeopardized. Though the future looks bleak for many Democrat and left-leaning voters, this election cycle offered some spots of hope. In Arizona, far-right MAGA devotee Kari Lake was defeated by Ruben Gallego, adding to a set of liberal policy-makers and executives who hold statewide office. Despite Trump carrying the state by 3 points, North Carolina saw Democrat wins in its high executive offices. Established Democrats Josh Stein, Rachel Hunt, and Jeff Jackson became the Governor, Lieutenant Governor and Attorney General respectively, sweeping the top three elected offices in the state. In the State House of Representatives, Democratic wins can help break the years-long Republican supermajority, allowing Stein to effectively use his veto power to curb conservative policy. Out of the ten states that left abortion measures to public referenda, seven codified or strengthened protections in their state’s constitution. Only Florida, which failed to reach the sixty percent threshold needed, and hyper-conservative Nebraska and South Dakota were unsuccessful in the effort to enshrine and protect abortion rights. Though eclipsed by the result of the Presidential election, these small victories provide optimistic outlooks for Midterm elections and individual state policy for the near future. But in the end, Trump won. Republicans won. Handily, America’s left-wing lost, and for at least two years, conservatives will have a straightforward path to achieving their ideals. This will undoubtedly manifest itself in a Reagan-esque, populist call back to a time of American “greatness,” with streaks of protectionism and nationalism, a full fall into Trumpism by the Republican right. While it is possible to gauge some of the precise ways this will come about, with near-guarantees of tax cuts and Trump loyalist appointees, the future does seem fairly uncertain, especially with some small Democratic shifts occurring across the country. What is certain, though, is that come January 20th, President-elect Donald Trump will take office, ushering in a new era of his dominance in American politics.

< Back La COP 28: pourquoi Dubaï? By Calista Cellerier January 31, 2024 La COP28 s’est déroulée aux Emirats Arabes Unis (EAU) en novembre dernier. Elle promettait une approche globale et détaillée des futures actions pour le climat, réunissant les pays du monde entier dans le combat contre le réchauffement climatique. Pourtant, une fois de plus depuis la Coupe du Monde au Qatar, il semblerait que les pays du Moyen Orient soient au cœur des débats critiques environnementaux, politiques et sociaux. Alors, qu’est-ce que la COP28 aux EAU, et pourquoi tant de scandales? Pour commencer, qu’est-ce qu’une COP? COP pour Conference of the Parties , il s’agit d’un rassemblement annuel à l'échelle gouvernementale, réunissant de nombreux pays dans l’objectif de répondre à la crise climatique et de trouver des solutions et plans d’action contre le réchauffement climatique. La COP28 a pour but, comme les autres, d'adresser la crise climatique. Elle se déroulait entre le 30 novembre et le 13 décembre 2023 sur l’ancien site de l’Expo 2020 à Dubaï. Parmi de nombreux consensus, les pays se mettent d’accord qu’il nous faut transitionner au-delà des énergies fossiles, de manière équitable et organisée. Il est attendu des pays les plus développés de transitionner vers l'énergie verte plus vite que les pays en développement. Cette COP se concentrait aussi sur le financement climatique et l'inclusivité de tous les pays dans les accords et actions. En revanche, pas d’obligation d’agir ni de plan chronologique proposé. Selon les Nations Unies, la COP28 était une COP très importante, car non seulement elle devait mettre les pays d’accord sur le plan d’action, mais aussi, pour la première fois, comment le mettre en œuvre. C'était un premier bilan mondial, décidant de ce qu’il nous reste à faire et guidant les pays dans les méthodes et technologies nécessaires pour accélérer les choses. Pourtant, les critiques fusent. Défenseurs de l'environnement, journaux et médias reconnus, tous s’accordent à dire que la décision des Nations Unis de placer la COP28 aux des Emirats est une erreur compte tenu de l’empreinte écologique monstrueuse du pays. Mais le problème ne s'arrête pas là, car il semble que le choix du président de la COP28, fait par le gouvernement Émirati, ne fasse pas l'unanimité internationale. En effet, la nomination du Dr. Sultan Al Jaber a la présidence de cette conférence rencontre de l’opposition car il est aussi l'exécutif en chef de la 12eme plus grande compagnie de pétrole au monde, la Abu Dhabi National Oil Company , ou Adnoc. De plus, des documents secrets publiés sur de nombreux médias comme la CNN affirment que Al Jaber prévoit de nouveaux contrats avec d’autres acteurs politiques pour augmenter et distribuer plus de pétrole. Quel paradoxe donc, que le président de Adnoc soit aussi celui de la COP28. Ainsi les théories du complots émergent quant aux véritables intentions de Al Jaber. Bien qu’il nie ces allégations, le Guardian affirme avoir découvert des échanges par email affirmant ces dernières, soulignant le manque de responsabilité et de jugement de la part des Nations Unis et du gouvernement Émirati. La COP28 est qualifiée de “scandale” par Manon Aubry, politicienne française, ou encore de “ridicule” par Greta Thunberg, jeune activiste suédoise déjà très reconnue mondialement. Il n’est un secret pour personne qu’une partie du business des Emirats est basée sur le commerce du pétrole. Les EAU se classent 8eme dans le monde en termes de production et 24eme en termes de consommation. La production et consommation de pétrole ne cesse de grandir année après année, faisant des Emirats l’un des pays les plus polluants du monde. En effet, selon le site Our World in Data , ils réunissaient 0,66% des émissions globales de CO2 en 2022, un record dans l’histoire des Emirats. Selon les dernières statistiques de la Banque mondiale, les expositions à la pollution sont 8 fois plus élevées dans le pays que ce qui est considéré comme sain pour la santé par l’Organisation Mondiale de la Santé (OMS). Les EAU font face à de nombreuses critiques quant au recyclage de l’eau, au gaspillage de nourriture et aux effets néfastes de l'activité humaine sur l'environnement, comme la construction d'îles artificielles. Les conséquences sont importantes : augmentation de la salinité de l’eau, destruction des habitats naturels et immense contribution du pays au réchauffement climatique. Mais les Emirats sont-ils vraiment une cause perdue en matière de changement vers une société plus eco-friendly ? S’il est vrai que les Emirats sont l’un des pays les plus pollueurs au monde, il ne faut pas ignorer les récents efforts mis en place pour améliorer cette image. Les EAU sont le premier pays du Golfe à avoir annoncé vouloir atteindre la neutralité carbone d’ici 2050. Le défi s’annonce de taille, mais l'idée est là, ainsi que les actions. En 2023, les EAU se plaçaient seconds dans la consommation mondiale d'énergie solaire, derrière l’Australie. A Dubaï, le parc solaire de Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum est déjà en opération et continue de se développer, dans l’espoir d’atteindre une capacite totale de 5 giga watts, pouvant ainsi réduire la consommation de CO2 de 6,5 millions de tonne par an. Une autre initiative, illustrant cette volonté de tourner au vert, se trouve être le développement de Masdar City, un quartier 100% eco-friendly à Abu Dhabi. Développé en partie par l’entreprise Masdar , dont le président n’est nul autre que Sultan Al Jaber, Masdar City offre une architecture désignée spécialement pour économiser l’eau et l'énergie, comme un surélèvement des quartiers pour éviter que l’air chaud du désert ne réchauffe la cité. Recyclage de l’eau, climatisation naturelle et utilisation d'énergies renouvelables. Seul problème, Masdar City n’est pas très peuplée, suscitant des questions quant à l'efficacité de l'émergence soudaine de nouvelles villes, ce qui pousse les villes déjà construites et connues, comme Dubaï, à se développer de la même manière. Le gouvernement Émirati annonce continuer de travailler avec ses entreprises d'énergie, dont Adnoc, pour continuer sur cette lancée et transformer sa consommation d'énergie. Alors, la COP28 pourrait bien être un moyen de se débarrasser de cette étiquette. Aujourd'hui, le cheikh des Emirats Arabes Unis, Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, s’engage pour un futur plus vert, et déjà l'Émirat de Dubaï ne repose plus son économie sur le pétrole, mais bien sur le tourisme et les investissements dans les secteurs du luxe, de la finance et de l’immobilier. La même affirmation est vraie pour les autres émirats des EAU, car le pétrole et les énergies fossiles ne sont plus la base principale de l'économie du pays. La décision de confier la COP28 à Dubaï n’est donc pas anodine. S’il est évident que le pays ne renoncera pas aux productions et exportations de pétrole d’ici peu, Al Jaber semblait être le parfait candidat pour la COP28. Habitué des discussions sur le climat, il est surtout le visage du développement vers les énergies renouvelables des EAU, avec des projets tels que Masdar City. Al Jaber affirme qu’il souhaite entreprendre une transition graduelle mais efficace sur le long terme, avec une approche balancée entre répondre à la demande mondiale en énergie et transitionner de manière adaptée à tous les pays. Lors d’une conférence pétrolière annuelle en 2021, il déclare: "Oui, les énergies renouvelables se développent rapidement. Mais le gaz et le pétrole restent les plus grandes énergies du mix énergétique et le seront pendant des décennies. Le futur arrive, mais il n’est pas encore là. On ne peut pas tout simplement débrancher le système d’aujourd’hui". Si Al Jaber affirme pouvoir faire de la COP28 une COP historique, réunissant tous les pays du monde, les populations indigènes et les industries d'énergies fossiles et renouvelables dans le combat contre le réchauffement climatique, reste à voir s’il y arrivera, et dans le temps limite que nous avons pour sauver notre planète.

< Back President Macron Visits Israel and the West Bank in Diplomatic Balancing Act By Peyton Dashiell November 30, 2023 On Oct. 24, French President Emmanuel Macron embarked on a visit to Israel after over two weeks of war in Gaza spurred by the deadly Oct. 7 terrorist attacks. While derided by some critics as belated and insufficient, his trip included an ambitious range of diplomatic objectives. He began the visit by meeting with the families of French victims and hostages of the Oct. 7 attacks in southern Israel, during which over 1,200 people were killed and around 240 taken hostage by Hamas. At least 30 French nationals were killed and nine are currently missing or being held in captivity in Gaza. 21-year-old Mia Schem, who appeared in a hostage video released by Hamas on Oct. 17, holds dual French-Israeli citizenship. Macron then engaged in a series of meetings with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, President Isaac Herzog, minister without portfolio Benny Gantz, and opposition leader Yair Lapid. Above all, he expressed solidarity with Israel's fight against Hamas: "I want you to be sure that you are not left alone in this war against terrorism." He evoked France’s recent history of terrorist attacks in the 2010s, declaring terrorism as the common enemy between both Israel and France and stating that the fight against Hamas must be “without mercy” but not “without rules.” He also reportedly suggested that the international coalition used to fight the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria could be redeployed to fight against Hamas in Gaza. Finally, both leaders expressed the urgency of a complete and unconditional release of hostages. On Oct. 25, Macron traveled to Ramallah to meet with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas – the first meeting between Abbas and a European leader since the beginning of the war. Protesters filled the streets of Ramallah, burning photos of Macron and accusing him of unqualified support for the Israeli government. During the meeting, Abbas characterized the war between Israel and Hamas as an Israeli military aggression and voiced the need for an immediate political solution. Macron expressed that there is no justification for the suffering of civilians in Gaza and pushed for the restoration of electricity to Gaza, particularly to hospitals and medical facilities, and several other humanitarian commitments. In the weeks following his visit, he has reiterated these sentiments, calling for a humanitarian pause and eventual ceasefire on Nov. 10 for the protection of Gazan civilians – a demand most Western leaders are yet to voice. In his meeting with Netanyahu, Macron declared the two-state solution as an integral part of resolving the current war between Israel and Hamas, stating that lasting peace will not be feasible “without a decisive relaunch of the political process with the Palestinians.” While France is far from alone in advocating for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the French government has expressed particular historical willingness to take initiative on matters of negotiation and diplomacy. The French government spearheaded the Venice Declaration in 1980, an agreement of the European Economic Community that affirmed the Palestinian right to self-determination and advocated for the inclusion of the Palestinian Liberation Organization in peace talks, even when it was designated by the United States and other powers as a terrorist organization. However, some question if France retains this commitment to Palestinians today, after increasing ties with Israel over time and criminalizing initiatives like the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement domestically. While the United States has played the role of the largest foreign power broker in the Middle East for several decades, the Biden administration placed minimal emphasis on Israel and Palestine compared to other policy priorities prior to the Oct. 7 attacks – he appointed no special envoy for Middle East peace, Secretary of State Antony Blinken has had relatively little engagement with Israel and Palestine compared to other regions, and campaign commitments like reopening the U.S. Consulate in Jerusalem for Palestinians faced years of stagnancy. Most recent U.S. attention was placed upon the potential accession of Saudi Arabia to the Abraham Accords, but negotiations were halted after the Oct. 7 attacks. Coupled with continued US military support for Israel creating distrust among Palestinians and Mahmoud Abbas’s prior unequivocal rejection of any U.S.-brokered peace plan, it’s possible France could play a mediatory role as the war continues. While Macron has been measured in his meetings with all parties, we must look to his future actions to see where his true policy priorities lie.

< Back Central Mediterranean Sea Rescue Sparks Heated Debate in European Union By Sophia Rottman January 31, 2023 Although various member countries tried to strengthen their borders, the number of migrants to the European Union increased by 68 percent in 2022 — the largest yearly increase since 2016. The major migration paths to Europe are through the Eastern Land Border, the Western Balkans, the Eastern Mediterranean, the Central Mediterranean, the Western Mediterranean and the Western African route. While the Western Balkans route records the highest number of entries to the European Union, the Central Mediterranean passage continues to take the most lives. The journey was fatal for 2,000 people in 2022, not including any unrecorded deaths. At the beginning of November 2022, France and Italy were at odds over an NGO-operated rescue ship, the Ocean Viking. Closest to the Italian shoreline, the Ocean Viking originally asked for a safe port in Italy. The Italian government would not relent, and the vessel, NGO staff and 234 migrants spent weeks at sea in the Mediterranean. The French government argued that Italy was responsible for offering a safe port according to international maritime law. Realizing Italy was unlikely to help, France allowed the boat to dock in Toulon. French Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin called Italy’s behavior “incomprehensible” and that it “lacked humanity.” For Italy, the Ocean Viking was just one part of what the government sees as a much larger problem: increasing migration at a rate disproportionate to other Central Mediterranean countries. From January to mid-December 2022, Italy received 102,000 migrants through the Central Mediterranean, a drastic increase from 67,000 in 2021. Italy’s Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani said the country wants “an agreement to establish on the basis of population, how migrants with a right to asylum are relocated to various countries.” However, Italy is not the only European Mediterranean country turning away migrants rescued at sea. In September 2022, Malta’s Rescue Coordination Centre (RCC) sent a merchant vessel that had rescued 23 migrants in the country’s search and rescue zone to Egypt. The Shimanami Queen was 159 nautical miles from Malta and 146 from Italy. Egypt was 760 nautical miles away. The RCC of Malta ordered merchant vessels near the endangered migrants at sea to stick to their planned route or await further instruction — a practice that Sea-Watch, Alarm Phone, Mediterranea Saving Humans and Doctors Without Borders argue the country frequently uses to prevent migrant arrivals. On June 22, 2022, eighteen European Union countries and three others announced their agreement upon the Voluntary Solidarity Mechanism, a provisional response to migration in the Mediterranean member states. Based on GDP and population, the mechanism would reallocate asylum seekers to a new member state after registration in the country of initial arrival. Countries that would not accept reallocation would provide financial or border control support. France and Italy signed while non-signatories include Poland, Denmark and Sweden. Within five months, the new agreement would be threatened. Following the diplomatic stand-off over the Ocean Viking, in mid-November, France increased its border control with Italy. The country announced it would send 500 more officers to ten Franco-Italian border crossing points and was withdrawing from the solidarity mechanism, reneging on its offer to take in 3,000 migrants from Italy. Around the same time, a joint statement from Greece, Malta, Cyprus and Italy called for the solidarity mechanism to transition from voluntary to mandatory status. On Nov. 21, 2022, the European Commission published an Action Plan on the Central Mediterranean, proposing 20 reforms to mediate the troublesome Central Mediterranean migration route. Various NGOs have criticized the plan for merely repeating past mistakes. Catherine Woollard, the director of the European Council on Refugees and Exiles, said that the plan “focus[es] on the responsibilities of the non-European states on the other side of the Med[iterranean]” and that the “first priority for Europe should be agreements within Europe.” At the end of 2022, the Italian government issued a new decree addressing civil sea rescue. Under the decree, if rescue ships do not immediately leave the search and rescue zone after their first rescue and move to their assigned safe port without delay, they will suffer harsh consequences, including fines of up to 50,000 Euros and vessel confiscation. Additionally, the Italian government had already begun assigning farther locations as safe ports to decrease rescue ships’ time in the rescue zone. Sea-Watch argues that if a captain does not try to rescue other people in danger, they are violating their duty to rescue in international law. The Union border agency Frontex informs Libya’s coast guard of migrant boats using GPS data, enabling their return of 23,000 migrants to Libya in 2022. Human Rights Watch warns that Europe is “complicit in the abuse” of people in Libyan camps and Doctors Without Borders asserts that Libya does not meet the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ guidelines of a safe port. Doctors Without Borders has publicly requested a European state Mediterranean search and rescue system and a better migrant distribution mechanism in the European Union. Largescale migration to Europe through the Central Mediterranean is unlikely to stop anytime soon. Without reform to Mediterranean rescue systems and a united stance in the European Union on how to alleviate member states unequally pressured by increasing migrant arrivals, prolonged and unnecessary suffering at sea is likely to continue.

< Back Boris Johnson faces Pressure as Police Mount Investigation into ‘Partygate’ By Hugo Lagergren March 31, 2022 Picture a group of 30 people gathered in the back garden of a house; a group of people who were invited to “bring their own booze” to the gathering, a gathering to which over 100 people had been invited. Now picture a small wooden table, topped with cheese and wine, with colleagues relaxing around it. While these scenes may sound normal at first glance, you are quickly persuaded otherwise when you learn that these activities occurred in Number 10 Downing Street, the heart of the British government, during a national lockdown. These were the first two out of 12 events held at Number 10, currently under criminal investigation by the Metropolitan Police for breaching national lockdown laws — both of which Boris Johnson has admitted to attending. The events took place in May 2020, almost two months after the beginning of the first national lockdown in the United Kingdom. On each of the days of these events, over 300 people died of COVID-19. Meanwhile, the prime minister (PM) and his staff partied. Allegations of these Downing Street gatherings during lockdown began to break in late 2021. Since then, the case against Boris Johnson’s administration has only become stronger, leaving him to fight for his political life. Leaked emails and pictures show Boris Johnson and Downing Street staff continuously disregarding the rules that they themselves introduced to fight the pandemic. Other events include a birthday celebration on 19 June 2020, which was held in the Cabinet Room for the PM organised by his then-fiancé. ITV News reported that up to 30 people attended this party. They also reported that singing took place and cake was served to everyone. On 13 November 2020, two more gatherings took place in Number 10: one to acknowledge the departure of a senior Downing Street advisor, and one, inside the prime minister’s private flat, to celebrate the departure of Dominic Cummings, Johnson’s former senior advisor, who had left the Prime Minister’s staff earlier that day. These events all occurred during periods when restrictions were in place and fines could be issued to anyone found in violation of these rules. Gatherings, both indoors or outdoors, of more than two people were illegal, with a few exceptions. Whilst work-related issues may have qualified as exempt, birthdays and drinking parties certainly did not. Their behavior is “difficult to justify,” said Sue Gray, a senior civil servant who recently conducted an investigation into the events, especially as the public was forced to “accept far-reaching restrictions on their lives.” “The good people are outraged by Johnson's ‘do as I say not as I do’ attitude. People could not say final goodbyes to dying loved ones, could not go to funerals and delayed weddings to obey the rules. Rules that Johnson just ignored,” said Liam Byrne, Labour MP for Birmingham Hodge Hill. He added, “Boris Johnson is an utter shambles of a prime minister, who has lied through his teeth about lockdown parties at Downing Street while presiding over a chaotic government that's doing nothing to help ordinary families deal with the spiralling cost of living.” In a brief update before the full report was published, Ms. Gray identified 16 events, during a period starting in May 2020 and ending in April 2021, that justified investigation, as they “represent a serious failure to observe” the high standards required of the government to lead the British people. Furthermore, another photo emerged showing that Johnson had attended a Christmas Quiz on 15 December 2020. The photo shows the PM standing behind two staff members, one wearing festive tinsel. The frame also displays an open bottle of champagne on the desk, in front of the group. Ms. Gray’s update sheds light on the heavy drinking culture which is innate to Number 10 under Johnson’s leadership. A drinking culture which, according to Ms. Gray, “is not appropriate in a professional workplace at any time.” However, Ms. Gray’s claims are not the first allegations against Johnson’s government regarding its excessive alcohol consumption. From the supposed installation of a “wine fridge” in one of the Downing Street offices, to the claims of suitcases full of booze being wheeled into Number 10, a tradition, which some sources claim dates back to David Cameron’s premiership, one is left to wonder how any work gets done in Number 10. An ex-senior advisor to Tony Blair spoke to the Menton Times about the scandal and said, when asked about the current drinking culture in Number 10, that “it just seems to be absolutely extraordinary […] The idea that the people manning the phones and talking to the world’s media about the British Government’s view on developing events would be drunk, is absolutely amazing.” The ‘Partygate’ scandal fell at a time of rising tensions between Russia and the West, over Putin’s early intention to invade Ukraine (see our special section on Ukraine for more). The scandal has diverted Downing Street’s attention away from a rapidly escalating situation. Johnson has organized a series of carefully calculated visits to vaccine centers and green energy projects, with the aim of restoring his heavily damaged image. The extended nature of the scandal, with Johnson trying to cling to power, has had serious consequences for Britain on the international stage, argues MP Liam Byrne. “The media around the world has looked on in amazement at this bumbling prime minister. As events on the Ukraine border underline, these are serious times that demand a serious leader. And Britain doesn't have one in 10 Downing Street.” Johnson has repeatedly, throughout his career, been accused of dishonesty and a lack of professionalism. A failure of leadership was highlighted in Sue Gray’s report.“The leader of any organization sets the tone, […] and the prime minister has set the tone of the rules not really applying to him, and therefore, to anybody who works for him,” says the ex-Downing Street advisor. He added that this sort of behavior “is not OK when you’re prime minister of the country […] The fact is, everybody knows that there would have been no such culture” under previous prime ministers. The recent partying transgression is part of a long list of scandals that have gripped Boris Johnson’s career. From his time at the Daily Telegraph, where he conspired to have a fellow journalist beaten up, to the lies and manipulation he was accused of during the Brexit campaign, up until his Premiership, during which he has been accused of dishonesty and corruption, notably during the ‘Cash for Curtains’ scandal, the Owen Paterson lobbying scandal and now, ‘Partygate.’ Despite the numerous scandals throughout his career, Johnson’s rapid rise to the top job somehow continued. However, ‘Partygate’ appears to be seriously threatening his position for the first time. The restrictions put in place by the government to curb the omnipresent threat of the virus subjected everyone to the same rules (apart from when Britain entered a regional tier system) and the same penalties — rules and penalties which also applied to the prime minister. Indeed, many conservative MPs are starting to lose faith in the prime minister. ITV News reports that as many as 20 letters of no confidence are believed to have been submitted to the Conservative Party apparatus. This demonstrates that Conservative MPs are rapidly losing faith in Johnson’s ability to lead. However, 20 is a long way short from the required 54 letters to trigger a vote of no confidence. The Labour leader, Sir Keir Starmer, has been praised for his handling of the situation, with his response in parliament to Ms. Gray’s report receiving over three and half million views on Twitter. Polls have also shown a large upswing in support for the Labour Party. So does Labour finally have enough support to overthrow 12 years of Tory rule? While Starmer’s position is not nearly as comfortable as he would have wished for, his ratings in the polls as leader of the Labour Party have increased by 16% in the last six months. If Starmer is to dethrone Boris Johnson and the Conservative Party, then he must maintain this intensity with which he has recently been gripped. He has proven successful in discrediting Boris Johnson in the eyes of the public. He must now start to build on this by developing his plan for Britain and selling it to the British people. The former Labour advisor commented on the party’s ability to defeat the Conservatives. “They’ve got an enormous uphill climb, Labour. They have got to do something which has virtually never been done in British political history, in terms of turning around millions and millions of votes in England to swap from Tory to Labour. It is a massive challenge. Jeremy Corbyn trashed the party and trashed the brand of Labour and it is a very big ask to come back in one election.” Strategy-wise, Labour is divided on how to achieve victory over the Conservatives. Most Labour MPs believe that Johnson should be removed before the end of his tenureship. There are, however, a small group of Labour MPs who believe that it would be better to keep the Prime Minister in office, due to the damage he has sustained, as it would greatly benefit them in the next election campaign. Labour MP Liam Byrne said, “there's an old saying that it's governments that lose elections, rather than oppositions that win them. But Keir knows Labour won't win by default. We've still got trust to earn and plans to set out, that put our country on a new course.”

< Back Kakuma By Amalia Heide October 31, 2023 C’est le 2 octobre, un dimanche à six heures du matin, Luna et moi sommes retrouvées à la gare de Menton Garavan pour prendre un avion — notre destination finale : la conférence internationale sur les mobilités et immobilités organisée par Open Society University Network (OSUN). L'élément le plus marquant de cette conférence est son lieu : le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma au Kenya constitue le troisième plus grand camp de réfugiés au monde. Comment ce camp de réfugiés a-t-il vu le jour ? Dans les années 90, des milliers de mineurs ont été contraints de fuir la violence au Soudan, conséquence de la guerre civile de 1983. Ces enfants ont fui leurs villages et ont trouvé refuge dans les forêts, d'où ils ont entrepris un périple à pied pour rejoindre l'Éthiopie ou le Kenya. En 1994, le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma a ouvert dans le nord du Kenya pour accueillir ces "enfants perdus du Soudan" qui avaient survécu en groupes pendant des semaines, des mois, voire des années grâce au leadership des aînés, dont certains n'avaient pas plus de 10 ou 12 ans. Cependant, on estime que la moitié de ceux qui ont fui le pays ont péri en chemin. Actuellement, bon nombre de ces enfants sont devenus adultes et nous remarquons que des personnes de différentes nationalités se sont ajoutées au camp, fuyant les conflits dans les pays voisins. Étant donné que le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma abrite plus de 185 000 réfugiés–six fois plus que la population de Mentones les réfugiés provenant de plus de 20 nationalités différentes, une communauté très diversifiée a été construite Pourtant, ce qui me surprend le plus dans ce camp, c'est son rôle en tant que référence éducative dans la région. Malgré les difficultés, 50 000 mineurs fréquentent les plus de 30 écoles du camp et parviennent à atteindre un bon niveau d'éducation, avec des notes supérieures à la moyenne nationale du Kenya. Selon les chiffres du HCR, en 2018, 90% des élèves ont réussi le Certificat d'Éducation Primaire, contre 76,3% dans le reste du pays. C'est particulièrement remarquable étant donné que chaque enseignant doit s'occuper de 96 élèves, soit près de 20 de plus que dans les autres salles de classe du pays. Pour ceux qui parviennent à atteindre le niveau secondaire, beaucoup obtiennent des bourses DAFI du UNHCR pour des études supérieures ou participent à des cours en ligne proposés par OSUN dans un centre éducatif situé dans le camp. Cette initiative vise à promouvoir l'égalité d'accès à l'enseignement supérieur et à la recherche dans les zones touchées par les crises et les déplacements. C'est à ces élèves de ce centre éducatif géré par des jésuites que Luna, moi-même et 10 autres étudiants issus de différentes universités du réseau OSUN avons eu l'honneur de rencontrer. La conférence s'est déroulée sur trois jours. Les deux premiers ont eu lieu au centre éducatif d'OSUN, situé dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma. Le troisième s'est tenu à environ dix kilomètres du camp, à l'hôtel Cairo Palace, où nous, étudiants étrangers, étions logés. À première vue, le camp ne semble pas être une prison, contrairement à la plupart des camps de réfugiés. Aucune grille ni barrière visible n'empêche les gens d'entrer et de sortir et ainsi nous avons pu entrer et sortir en voiture sans être contrôlés. Or, cette apparente liberté est simplement illusoire. En effet, le camp est situé dans une région aride où le soleil, la chaleur et la poussière rendent impossible tout déplacement à pied. À cette première contrainte s'ajoutent d'autres obstacles: s'éloigner du camp pour se rendre dans une autre localité implique de faire face à l'hostilité des tribus locales, constituant une véritable barrière. Le Kenya est un pays où l'identité tribale est forte, chaque tribu ayant son propre territoire défini. Les tribus qui accueillent les réfugiés sur leur territoire sont appelées "communautés d'accueil" et ainsi les tensions entre la communauté de réfugiés et ces communautés d'accueil sont palpables, comme nous l'ont expliqué plusieurs étudiants. À titre d'anecdote, des membres des communautés d'accueil volent du bétail aux réfugiés, considérant que ce n'est pas du vol, mais simplement prendre ce qui leur appartient puisqu'ils sont sur LEUR territoire. Par ailleurs,l'armée installe des points de contrôle sur les routes et demande aux véhicules de montrer des autorisations de circulation. Cela signifie qu'un réfugié souhaitant se rendre par exemple à Nairobi (la capitale du Kenya) a besoin d'un visa pour pouvoir passer s'il est contrôlé aux points de contrôle – une démarche pas forcément facile pour les réfugiés En réalité, cela signifie que les réfugiés de Kakuma sont pris au piège. Pour les étudiants d'OSUN, l'une des façons de s'échapper de cet enfermement est de saisir les opportunités éducatives, que ce soit en participant à des conférences internationales ou en obtenant une bourse pour étudier dans une université au Kenya ou à l'étranger. C'est cet espoir de sortir du camp grâce à l'éducation, qui motive du moins ceux qui fréquentent le centre éducatif d'OSUN, à cultiver une profonde culture de l'étude. Malgré le wifi limité et le besoin de travailler à côté de leurs études pour subvenir à leurs besoins et à ceux de leurs familles, ils trouvent le temps de s'inscrire à des cours de relations internationales, d'ingénierie, de cinéma, de santé publique et de droits de l'homme. Au niveau de l'éducation, ils font face à une difficulté supplémentaire : tous les cours sont en anglais. Cela signifie que, surtout pour les nouveaux arrivants au Kenya, ils doivent d'abord apprendre l'anglais, une langue cruciale non seulement pour leurs études, mais aussi pour la communication au sein de la communauté de Kakuma, où l'anglais est la langue commune. Au niveau national, la relation du Kenya avec cette langue fait partie de son héritage post-colonial britannique. Malgré les 65 langues vivantes au Kenya, l'anglais et le swahili (les deux langues officielles) sont des outils essentiels pour favoriser l'unité nationale. C’est pourquoi, ils apprennent à l'école, la langue maternelle étant la langue parlée dans la tribu. Ainsi, l'anglais revêt une grande importance pour le développement socio-économique et culturel, car même les programmes télévisés sont diffusés en anglais. Reprenant les caractéristiques du camp de réfugiés de Kakuma, les conditions de vie sont extrêmement difficiles, marquées par des constructions fragiles principalement en tôle. Ce détail est au cœur d'un problème majeur : la chaleur intense, devenue suffocante, et la lumière du soleil peuvent devenir insupportables, obligeant à chercher refuge à l'ombre. Cependant, comme les logements sont en tôle et que beaucoup d'entre eux ne disposent pas d'électricité, échapper à la chaleur est extrêmement difficile, à moins d'être sous la protection d'un arbre. Même le centre éducatif d'OSUN n'est pas équipé de climatisation, ce qui crée des conditions difficiles d’apprentissage À ce défi de la chaleur s'ajoute la pénurie d'eau, qui malgré son importance vitale constitue un “luxe” pour la communauté. À Kakuma, le manque d'eau est constant, malgré les efforts des ONG internationales telles que le PAM dans une partie de l'approvisionnement. Par conséquent, les habitants sont contraints de se déplacer vers les rives du Tarach, un lit de rivière sec, où il n'y a de l'eau que pendant la saison des pluies. La dépendance envers le PAM est également évidente en ce qui concerne l'approvisionnement alimentaire, ce qui contribue à la vulnérabilité de la population du camp. Toutefois les difficultés ne s’arrêtent pas ici. Il est essentiel de mentionner un autre facteur en apparence insignifiant à première vue : la poussière, omniprésente et envahissante. Elle pénètre dans les yeux, gêne la vision, se dépose dans les poumons et complique la respiration, adhérant à la peau, aux cheveux et aux vêtements. Dans l’objectif d'améliorer la situation, il est absolument nécessaire que des projets de développement urbain soient mis en place pour contrer le pouvoir dévastateur de cette poussière. Les étudiants du camp de réfugiés de Kakuma, confrontés quotidiennement à ces difficultés, sont pleinement conscients de la nécessité de trouver des solutions. Au lieu de se plaindre, ils entreprennent des projets de développement social dans le camp. Pour eux, bien que le camp de réfugiés doive être un abri temporaire, il est devenu leur résidence permanente au fil du temps , et ils ont ainsi développé un sentiment de communauté et d'appartenance. Beaucoup aspirent à poursuivre des études universitaires pour ensuite revenir et appliquer ce qu'ils ont appris dans la communauté, générant un changement concret en matière de développement Après cette brève introduction et contextualisation, dans la prochaine édition de Menton Times, nous plongerons dans les détails de ces projets. Nous explorerons également la problématique des violations des droits humains dans le camp de réfugiés, notamment en ce qui concerne les droits des femmes et des minorités LGBTQ+.

< Back Minors are Pushed Back at the Franco-Italian Border By Saoirse Aherne September 27, 2023 Since February, Sciences Po Refugee Help (SPRH) has been conducting weekly permanences at the Franco-Italian border to document the pushback of people on the move. At the permanences, SPRH volunteers wait outside the Italian border police station to receive migrants turned away from France. In total, the student association is stationed at the border for 11.5 hours each Sunday. Volunteers bring tea and coffee, notify individuals that no buses run on Sundays and guide them toward Ventimiglia. The aim is to create a sense of accountability among authorities, as the presence of volunteers reminds police that their actions are under observation. SPRH ensures that the Red Cross is called when young children are released, and volunteers can contact other regional solidarity actors to connect people on the move with local services. SPRH members offer what limited information they can, explaining in simple terms why a person has been rejected and where to go in Ventimiglia for food, legal support or a place to charge their phone. Ultimately, the extent of the support that can be provided is limited, and volunteers frequently encounter victims of unclear legal processes for whom no solution can be offered. In many cases, all volunteers can do is provide conversation, recognition and kindness. In 105 hours of observation, SPRH has encountered over 600 men, women and children at the Franco-Italian frontier. This suggests that about seven people are forced back from the border per hour. Of those pushed back, close to a fifth have been women, while close to 11 percent were accompanied minors, many of whom were under 12. About two percent were identified as unaccompanied minors. January 22 2023 Volunteers encounter a group of 16 year olds upon their rejection from France The first boy holds up his rejection paper, his age has been falsified: “My birthdate is the 23 of April 2007. They put the 23 of April 2004….With all this suffering, I ask myself why the French behave in this way, why are they cruel to us? We are minors.” After beginning this project, volunteers quickly noticed a perpetual violation of international law at the border via the pushback of unaccompanied minors. This observation has been corroborated by a number of humanitarian groups working along the Franco-Italian border. The right to asylum for minors is established by the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which states in Article 22, “State Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that a child who is seeking refugee status… Receive appropriate protection and humanitarian assistance.” Equally, French law recognizes the right of minors to claim asylum as, in 2018, the Nice Administrative Court ruled that it is illegal to send minors who enter French territory back to Italy. The European Council on Refugees and Exiles maintains that asylum-seeking children must be considered as children before they are considered asylum seekers. This means they ought to be awarded all the rights guaranteed to children in the United Nations Charter of the Rights of the Child. The Nice court, however, found the French authorities guilty of “a serious violation of the higher interests of the minors.” Despite the numerous denunciations of the pushback of minors from both local and international humanitarian organizations, French police have continued the practice. SPRH has gathered dozens of accounts of police forging signatures and incorrectly documenting dates of birth to justify the expulsion of children from French territory. Albeit true that many minors are first incorrectly registered as major when they arrive in Italy and thus appear as such in the system on the Italian side of the border, French police remain accountable for the forgery of signatures and dates of birth. Moreover, in cases where individuals can present documents that prove their status as minors, it should not be at the discretion of border police to determine whether these documents are sufficient proof of minor status. Ultimately, French police have no actual legal authority to determine who is a minor; however, gaps in the vague border protocol have resulted in police exercising this authority. March 26 2023: Testimony from an SPRH volunteer “We encountered a group of minors with documents proving their age. What’s more, they claim to have been registered as minors in Italy. They say they escaped from a camp for minors in Lampedusa as the conditions were unbearable. Given this, we approach the Italian police and ask why the boys are being rejected. They tell us the machine to check the registry for the boys' age is broken and that they should come back the next day. It is shocking that a faulty machine is sufficient justification for the arbitrary expulsion of unaccompanied minors.” The Border Report The perpetuation of this illegal practice has sparked the interest of the SPRH research pole, who have decided to investigate this border in more depth. Students have engaged in broader research on the violations of international law by authorities in this region. This includes the suspension of human rights in the informal detention center at the Franco-Italian border in Menton, as well as the lack of sufficient basic health services, the consequences of the militarisation of the border and the practice of racialized controls. The research, which has been conducted over the course of the last 6 months and on par with the border permanences, is being compiled in a report which will be published on June 1st, 2023. The project is called “Stories in Motion” and a website, which we invite you to visit at https://storiesinmotion.glitch.me is already up and running. Follow @st0riesinm0ti0n on instagram for more testimony from the people working in, living on and crossing the Franco-Italian border.