The ceasefire is already reshaping domestic and regional dynamics, with inextricable implications for ongoing conflicts and political landscapes in neighboring states. This development is closely linked to the ongoing Israeli operations in Gaza, with direct repercussions for Lebanese and Israeli internal affairs, as well as the revival of the once-stagnant Syrian civil war. < Back New Milestone, the Ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel: Why It Happened and What It Changed Marwan Shawwara for Students for Justice in Palestine, Menton December 31, 2024 On November 27, U.S. President Joe Biden announced a ceasefire to end 14 months of intense fighting between Israel and Hezbollah. The agreement, brokered by the U.S. and France, marks the conclusion of a conflict that caused extensive losses and suffering on both sides, “designed to be a permanent cessation of hostilities,” U.S President Biden told reporters. The Israeli offensive significantly weakened the Iran-backed Hezbollah, leaving its leadership decapitated and its resources severely depleted , though not entirely eradicated. This came at the cost of widespread destruction across Lebanon, killing more than 3900 people indiscriminately, particularly in the Southern Litani area, where infrastructure was devastated, and civilians faced brutal violence. Meanwhile, Hezbollah, through its cross-border missile attacks, managed to paralyze Northern and Central Israel for months, displacing over 1 million residents in regions such as the High Galilee. It also inflicted substantial damage on Israeli troops attempting to penetrate Lebanese territory in the last months of operations. The ceasefire is already reshaping domestic and regional dynamics, with inextricable implications for ongoing conflicts and political landscapes in neighboring states. This development is closely linked to the ongoing Israeli operations in Gaza, with direct repercussions for Lebanese and Israeli internal affairs, as well as the revival of the once-stagnant Syrian civil war. While Hezbollah had refrained from directly supporting Hamas by opening a “supporting front” since October 8, 2023, Hamas now appears more likely to accept a truce with less restrictive conditions. After the killing of its former leader, Yahya Al-Sinwar , on October 16, the group initially maintained a stance of stubborn resistance, a hallmark of its approach since the onset of the conflict. However, the ongoing isolation of Hamas, compounded by daily massacres and the starvation of about two million people in the enclave , has intensified pressure on the group. In Cairo, President Abdel Fatah el-Sisi hosted a dual meeting between Hamas and Fath for the first time since October 7, aiming to discuss Gaza’s future leadership post-ceasefire. This aligns with Israel’s primary condition besides freeing the hostages to end the conflict: the removal of Hamas from power in Gaza. Hezbollah has maintained pressure on Israel until the final days of the conflict, forcing millions of Israelis to take shelter from near-daily missile sirens. The group also launched successful resisting attacks on Israeli forces in Southern Lebanon. However, Israel’s targeted assassinations of Hezbollah leaders, culminating in the killing of Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah on September 27, left the group weakened. The new Hezbollah leadership under new Secretary-General Naeem Qassem accepted a ceasefire that required the withdrawal of its forces to the Northern Litani River, roughly 35 kilometers from the Lebanese-Israeli border. For Hezbollah, continuing hostilities would have been unsustainable after a widely popular view among the Lebanese people that Lebanon has nothing to do with the Israeli war on Gaza and needs to be more focused on the shattering domestic economic crisis, given the need to rebuild its internal hierarchy more than involving in another regional destructive war. On the Israeli side, Netanyahu also recognized the limitations of extending a prolonged guerrilla war in Lebanon. With his focus shifting to the southern front in Gaza, Netanyahu sought to avoid the high costs of fighting on two fronts. A deeper incursion into Lebanon would not have decisively undermined Hezbollah’s military capabilities but would have placed immense financial and human strain on Israeli forces. The strain on Netanyahu’s coalition government—composed of far-right and ultra-Orthodox parties such as the United Torah Judaism party—further complicated the situation. Many ultra-Orthodox citizens, exempt from mandatory military service, opposed conscription efforts to address manpower shortages, threatening the coalition’s stability. Last October, UTJ party head and Housing Minister Yitzhak Goldknopf addressed the issue by saying, “Without a doubt, the conscription law will be passed before the government approves the budget… [but] if it doesn’t happen, we won’t be in the government.” Additionally, with the Knesset’s constitutional requirement to approve the government’s budget for 2025 before the deadline on March 31, the economic toll of simultaneous wars made a single-front conflict a more pragmatic choice. The future in Lebanon remains uncertain. The ceasefire agreement stipulates that over 10,000 Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) troops will be deployed in the Southern Litani region, reinforcing the Lebanese state’s official authority. However, the broader effort to centralize state power faces significant challenges with the two polarized camps —one supporting Hezbollah and the other calling for disarmament. Past ceasefires, such as the 2006 UN Security Council Resolution 1701 , which ended the relatively short war between Hezbollah and Israel, have demonstrated the Lebanese state’s inability to assert control over Hezbollah’s strongholds for the following two decades. Now, with Syrian rebel groups making significant advances in Syria, Hezbollah risks losing its critical supply routes from Iran through Syrian regime-controlled territories. This creates an opportunity for the Lebanese state to reclaim authority, provided it can overcome internal divisions and fill the state vacuum that has been functioning without a president since Michel Aoun’s term ended two years ago. Culminating the consequences with the main event, the civil war in Syria officially ended with the toppling of the long-lasting Assad regime and Ba’ath ruling, which had been standing since November 1970. Just one day after the ceasefire was announced, Syrian rebel groups based in Idlib launched a surprise offensive, breaking the Syrian regime’s siege and capturing Aleppo, Syria’s second-largest city, in less than two days. This rapid advance, led by Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), has revived the Syrian civil war, but this time it was faster than anyone can imagine. The rebels capitalized on the distractions facing the Syrian regime’s allies: Russia’s involvement in Ukraine, Iran’s international approach uncertainty and Hezbollah’s weakened state. Over less than two weeks, HTS forces reached the Syrian capital, Damascus, after the Syrian overthrown president fled the country for an unknown destination. After the regime’s allies have shown little willingness to re-engage militarily in Syria’s internal conflict, Bashar Al Assad regime’s total collapse was inevitable. With the pace of the rebels and the unprecedented retreat of the Syrian Arab Army, the rebels penetrated Damascus in the early morning of the 8th of December, putting an end to 54 years–lasting dictatorship of Al-Assad family in Syria.

From November 15 to 17, the Ummah hosted the 2024 edition of the Sciences Pistes Model United Nations on our sunny Mediterranean campus. Participants from all corners of France that Sciences Po spans across—Paris, Reims, Le Havre, Poitiers, Nancy and Dijon—arrived in Menton for a dynamic engagement with the theme of “Defending Democracy: Institutions at Work.” < Back SPMUN 2024 takes over Menton Saimi Hartikainen December 31, 2024 From November 15 to 17, the Ummah hosted the 2024 edition of the Sciences Pistes Model United Nations on our sunny Mediterranean campus. Participants from all corners of France that Sciences Po spans across—Paris, Reims, Le Havre, Poitiers, Nancy and Dijon—arrived in Menton for a dynamic engagement with the theme of “Defending Democracy: Institutions at Work.” The several months of hard work and dedication of the MUN teams were rewarded when over 200 participants enjoyed a weekend of insightful encounters and fruitful debates, all with a splash of limoncello and the fresh breeze of the sea. Source: MEDMUN Press Team On Friday, November 15, the weekend was kicked off with an impeccable atmosphere at the welcome cocktail and opening ceremony. Attendees were immediately immersed in the vibrant Menton experience, with touching musical performances, refreshing drinks and Mediterranean delicacies. The cheery crowd then settled to listen to the anticipated opening speech by Monsieur Jean d’Haussonville, Ambassador of France to Monaco. The ambassador highlighted the importance of cultural diplomacy, a field in which he has an impressive record, through his work relating to the Louvre in Abu Dhabi and the national domain of Chambord. The MEDMUN team welcomed all participants to our little lemon town, without forgetting to remind them to enjoy the Mediterranean sun, a rare opportunity for our envious northern colleagues. Friday ended with a bar night at the iconic Menton beach spot, Les Incompris, where Sciences Pistes mingled before getting some well-deserved rest before an early Saturday morning. After spending the nights at benevolent hosts’ houses around Menton, the delegates were guaranteed an energized start to both Saturday and Sunday. Sciences Pistes enjoyed a delicious breakfast in the sunny Mediterranean weather, where the scarcity of pain au chocolats was the only worry in sight. The beloved Boulangerie Jean Luc Pelé treated hungry participants to fresh and mouth-watering meals throughout the entire weekend, offering a large variety of choices, including pizza, pichade, quiche and sandwiches. The vegetarian dishes even received an honorary mention from attendees. The meals and breaks were definitely a highlight of the Menton spirit, allowing dedicated delegates to relax and enjoy each other’s company. There was something for everyone as music was heard in English, French, Spanish, Italian and Arabic— sparking excitement for dancing and singing! After a nutritious meal and an energizing dance, delegates returned to committee sessions to discuss themes such as the Catalonian Independence Crisis at the European Council, and the Siege of Baghdad, 1258 and Digital Democracy in Tiktok in Crisis committees. Weddings, trivias, brat interventions, coups d’état, protests, dance battles, arrests and fraud were some key crisis moments that we are sure delegates will forever remember. Other committees, such as the historical committees, were highlighted as well because of their topics; even if they were set on events of the past, bringing them back for discussion highlighted their modern echoes in current political debates. Saturday, November 16, provided participants with the perfect intermission to the intense committee sessions. At night, Sciences Pistes were packed at Inky Bar, one of the Menton spots that guarantees an overload of fun! Cultured Menton students were definitely aware of this, as the intense fight for extra tickets had them sold in less than a minute. Dressed in the SPMUN colors of red and white, Sciences Pistes instantly created a party-appropriate atmosphere where music and dance brought together people from all over France and the world. The efficient MEDMUN team took care that everyone had a good time, and some Menton students even introduced other Sciences Pistes to the privilege of being able to walk to the Italian border in the early hours of the morning after a wild beach party…Surely well-rested and relaxed, delegates kicked off Sunday with a morning of committee sessions before ending the conference at the closing ceremony. The Sunday, November 17, closing ceremony brought the SPMUN 2024 conference together one last time. The occasion was honored by an insightful speaker, Madame Isabelle Rosabrunetto, Director General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of the Principality of Monaco. She enlightened the attendees with a presentation on diplomacy and democracy, giving an inspiring demonstration of the more abstract political challenges of the modern day and of the profession of the diplomat. This was a spot-on conclusion for the conference of aspiring diplomats and this year’s theme, “defending democracy.” The ceremony lightened the mood for the delegate awards distributed by committee chairs. Finally, MEDMUN Secretary General, Éléonore Blanchet, pronounced the final words, and participants were ready to head on their long journey back home. The tireless effort of the MUN teams yielded enthusiastic and rapturous feedback from delegates who acquired great memories for the whole weekend’s worth from our little lemon town.

When I attended the Sciences Po rentrée solennelle and I heard myself called an elite member of French society; I felt very confused. < Back Elitism at Sciences Po By Saoirse Aherne September 29, 2021 About three days before my flight was set to leave for France, I found myself huddled around the kitchen table with my parents engaging in a long conversation about the adventure on which I was about to embark. At some point, my Dad turned to me and warned me that universities in Europe were far more classist than those in Canada. I brushed off his comments. I assumed my dad was describing the Europe of his time, the culture he left 19 years ago. I couldn't picture an academic setting that would push a narrative of superiority or intellectual elitism — how alien, how foreign. Just about anyone in Canada can get into university. Sure, some institutions carry a little more prestige, but at an undergraduate level, the world of Canadian post-secondary education is incredibly relaxed. Then I arrived at SciencesPo Menton. I attended the rentrée solennelle and I heard myself called an elite member of French society; I felt very confused. Elite? That word carries some heavy connotation for me. Division, oppression, superiority, social stratification-isolated-out-of-touch-legacy….. These ideas swirled around my head as I sat in the Descoings Amphitheatre. Who would willingly define themselves as an elite? The thought of being seen as a member of some special social club made me feel a little ill, and it became clear that my reaction was not unique in speaking to other American and Canadian students. I had to stop myself from spiralling, and question whether the way I had come to understand the elite was different from its meaning in France. Perhaps my issue was not with the ideology of SciencesPo but rather was founded in my own cultural ignorance. I became curious — what does it mean to be an elite here in France? Can the idea of an elite play a valid and productive role in modern society, or is this an archaic concept that needs to be laid to rest? In speaking to a French track student who will remain anonymous, I encountered quite a different definition of the elite from the one I had come to know. This source defines the elite as a “part of a given population that has the most… cultural capital” and thus the power to influence society. However they also make a distinction between “theoretical” elites and “true” elites. To be an elite, this source believes that one must manifest cultural capital in the form of productive action. One must use education and power to contribute to societal progress. Hence the source denotes that elites can be valuable to society but only when they utilise the power bestowed to them by their cultural capital, and further suggests that only those who do, constitute legitimate elites. This perspective seems to merge meritocratic values with the concept of elites, something that I as a Canadian student would never have considered possible. However the definition produces more questions if we return to the tendency of Sciences Po to label its students as elite. Have we truly had the opportunity to accumulate cultural capital and use it to the benefit of society? Many students underwent rigorous and selective application processes to arrive here, but does that in and of itself make them elite? According to my source, it does not. We cannot adopt the powerful identifier that is “The elite” whilst spending our time partying and invading Sablettes. As of now, we are merely “elites in potential.” This assertion creates some conflict when we consider the manifestations of elitism on our campus. I'm referring specifically to the selectivity of student organisations in Menton. Discovering that student associations have rigorous application processes and further reject many candidates was a huge surprise to me. My English track peers and I have discussed on numerous occasions how confusing it is that some people are denied the opportunity to volunteer their time to causes about which they are passionate. At the core of this application tradition is the belief that a hand-picked group of the most qualified individuals is more efficient and capable than a large group of interested people. In all honesty, that doesn’t sound too unreasonable. However, I’ve encountered many people who were denied entry to associations in spite of being highly qualified for a position. It seems as if the validity of association boards is characterised by the exclusion of other students — selectivity is a means to achieve legitimacy. Finally, if we return to my source's assertion that the state of being an elite must be earned through action, why is it that we deny “potential elites” in our student body the opportunity to manifest their cultural capital in a productive manner? My source makes a point to say, “we should not categorise French students as a pro-elite group.” French society is deeply split on the validity and responsibilities of the elite. However, the source also recognizes that having grown up with an understanding of Les Grandes Écoles , and having internalised the validity of the selective process through schooling, French students have a “specific opinion of the Elite.” Looking at the history of elites in France can provide some insight as to why the notion of elites remains so prevalent in the French education system. A study by Mara P. Squicciarini of Bocconi University, and UCLA Anderson’s Nico Voigtländer found that the French revolution was driven by “enlightened elites.” Indeed, it was educated scientists and philosophers who drove social change and upended the French monarchy. This study found that regions in revolutionary France with higher proportions of knowledgeable elites were far more likely to support education for the masses, freedom of the press, and equal rights. It is unsurprising that elites have come to be associated with the protection of freedom and education in France. Such that the contributions of this class built the foundation of modern French values, there is a logic to the belief that they should continue to strongly influence politics in this nation. Ultimately, this study concludes that “the presence of ‘enlightened elites’ can encourage positive growth and democracy-building.” Perhaps the state of being an elite in France is less defined by a special quality or superior intellect, and more founded in a passionate desire to improve French society. Indeed, this definition seems to echo that which my source provided. But this does not explain the origins of anti-elitism in France, which is just as prevalent as elitism itself. Consider the Gilets Jaunes, a popular movement that attacked the supposed oligarchic French political system, claiming it was governed by rich, out-of-touch Elites. My source agrees that these movements are founded on a valid critique of classism in the French system, wherein “it is very hard for the son or daughter of a worker to gain legitimate cultural knowledge.” According to the French Observatory of Inequalities, students whose parents hold high income jobs are 12 times more likely to enter l’Ecole Nationale d’Administration , one of Les Grandes Écoles , than those from poorer backgrounds. It is important to note that l’Ecole Nationale d’Administration has a reputation for producing presidents, heads of state and senior officials in the French administration. Thus, in excluding a social class from accessing schools such as l’ENA, huge portions of the population come to feel unrepresented by their government. In a way, Les Grandes Écoles have become emblematic of class division within French society. To justify this claim, one need only look at Macron’s announcement on April 8th that l’ENA will be abolished and replaced by a "Public Service Institution.” This comes two years after Macron introduced the idea of closing l’ENA as a response to the Gilets Jaunes movement. Considering this, why is it that we, at Sciences Po, continue to build an identity around elitism? The emotional attachment to the historical revelry that surrounded the academic elite is not productive. My source states that to combat anti-elitism, equality of opportunity must be established within the French education system, though this is an idealistic objective. A change of that nature requires that we reframe the notion of the elite; it requires us to stop calling students elite when they have yet to make societal contributions. The practice of calling a student elite based merely on their place of study denotes that one need not achieve legitimacy through action, thus breeding “theoretical elites” who lack a sense of responsibility to the betterment of society. Macron’s closure of l’ENA suggests that French culture and political opinion is shifting in its view of the elite. If SciencesPo is not careful, it shall be left behind in this tide of changing perception.

< Back Protests Ongoing in the Côte d’Azur By Cameron Sterling September 30, 2021 Last Tuesday, about a hundred people gathered at Garibaldi tram stop in Nice to protest the government’s recent COVID-19 measures during President Macron’s visit to the city. Protests have been ongoing in Côte d’Azur cities such as Monte Carlo, Marseilles, and Toulouse since the introduction of the pass sanitaire in mid-August. According to Sortira Paris, The Côte d’Azur region is known for its high rates of vaccine hesitancy and refusal, with 68.2% of the population considered “fully vaccinated,” a lower rate than the national figure of 70.2%. Lower vaccination rates are accompanied by a high ICU occupancy, with the region at 71%, nearly double the national average. In a continuation of the ongoing demonstrations against the pass sanitaire , the majority of the protestors gathered in opposition to an impending mandate that all healthcare workers be vaccinated or face suspension without pay. Demonstrators, such as Louise A. (who asks that her last name be omitted), assert that this measure amounts to “extortion,” forcing members of the public to be vaccinated or lose many of the fundamental benefits of society. Many were also of the opinion that vaccine mandates were illegal under French law. Though there is a consensus among the legal community that the health pass is valid as it can be acquired through regular testing even without vaccination, anti-vax demonstrators question the legality of such mandates. They assert that it is outside of the powers of the French government because the Pfizer and Moderna jabs use technologies, and thus should not be considered the same way as traditional vaccines. One protester, named Steven, raised concerns about the contents of the vaccinations. He, and many others, have questioned the intentions of the institutions that developed and distributed the vaccine. Many of those present do not believe that the vaccine is effective in stopping the spread of the virus, nor that the spread of the virus is a serious public health risk. Instead, the demonstrators attribute the majority of COVID-19 deaths to those that are already sick. As a means of public display, demonstrators laid on the ground wearing white clothing, face masks, and sheets while bearing crosses on their chests. Accompanied with signs that read, “ Sauvons nos Soignantes ,” or “Save our Caregivers,” the spectacle symbolized solidarity with healthcare workers. However, not all people present were solely demonstrating against the pass sanitaire . Other issues raised included an overactive police force, racism, the migrant crisis, and violations of civil liberties. The composition of the crowd was intersectional, with notable presences from the political right and left. Though there were also many yellow-vesters present, protesters maintained that the movement against COVID-19 restrictions and pass sanitaire is a distinctly civilian meeting. Many take an optimist view: that Tuesday’s demonstrations are a small part of a growing popular resistance against the French government’s COVID-19 measures. However, many Nice residents oppose the ongoing protests. Long-time resident Badia Daniel expressed that she was annoyed by the demonstrations as they were disruptive to the flow of the city, and felt that there is little problem with the pass sanitaire and vaccine. Other residents echoed the sentiments of Madame Daniel, expressing indifference or animosity towards the demonstrators. In general, there is still widespread support for the pass sanitaire and vaccine mandates for healthcare workers. Polls show that about 62% of the country is in favor of the health pass, while 69% expressed support for the mandate.

Cela serait-il la quête d'une époque où la musique semblait davantage vivre à travers l'âme de l'artiste, plutôt que d'être le produit d'une industrie froide et formatée? Si les jeunes préfèrent parfois la musique « vintage, » c’est peut-être parce qu’ils y trouvent un souffle d’humanité, de passion et d’authenticité, fréquemment absent dans la pop trop lissée et sur-produite d’aujourd’hui. < Back Quand la musique ancienne résonne de nouveau Christy Ghosn November 30, 2024 Selon les données de MRC Data , la musique ancienne, définie comme celle enregistrée il y a plus de dix-huit mois, a représenté en 2022 70 % du marché musical américain, et ce chiffre ne cesse de croître. Les décennies 60 à 90, véritables tournants dans la musique populaire, connaissent aujourd'hui un retour triomphal auprès des jeunes générations. Les ventes de vinyles, par exemple, ont atteint leur plus haut niveau en 20 ans en 2021, malgré des retards de production et des difficultés de fabrication. Mais comment s’explique cette fascination pour les sons d’autrefois? Qu’est-ce qui pousse les jeunes à rechercher des mélodies empreintes de sens, à une époque où la signification des chansons semble s’effacer? La musique comme voix de résistance Dans un contexte sociopolitique marqué par la guerre du Vietnam, les luttes pour les droits civiques ou encore la montée des inégalités sociales, la musique s'est imposée comme un moyen de contestation puissant. De Pink Floyd à Bob Marley, ou encore John Lennon, la musique a été un miroir de l’époque et une voix de résistance. Pink Floyd, avec The Dark Side of the Moon, est connu pour offrir une critique acerbe de la société de consommation. Dans « Money, » David Gilmour critiquait ouvertement l’obsession pour l’argent et l’avidité qui mènent à la corruption et à l’injustice sociale. Il chantait: “ Money, it's a crime Share it fairly, but don't take a slice of my pie Money, so it's said It's the root of all evil today But if you ask for a rise It's no surprise that they're giving none away.” Bob Marley, quant à lui, s’est fait le chantre de la liberté avec des titres comme « Redemption Song. » Inspirée par le discours de Marcus Garvey, la chanson encourage les opprimés à « s’émanciper de l’esclavage mental. » Les paroles de Marley dénoncent l’oppression historique et coloniale tout en transmettant un message universel d’espoir et de résilience. Par ailleurs, au-delà des artistes, des genres musicaux entiers incarnaient la rébellion. Dans les années 80, le punk prend par exemple racine dans les quartiers populaires des États-Unis et du Royaume-Uni, exprimant la colère d’une jeunesse révoltée contre l’injustice. Il était une arme contre le système, une explosion de rage brute. Le mouvement Riot Grrrl , influencé par le punk rock et avec des groupes comme Bikini Kill, a fait entendre la voix des femmes face au sexisme, au racisme et aux abus de pouvoir. Ces artistes révoltées, souvent marginalisées, ont amplifié leur message dans une société dominée par les hommes. De plus, la musique ne se limite pas à refléter une époque ou une lutte, elle devient souvent un refuge émotionnel et un point de ralliement collectif dans les moments de crise. L’ascension récente de Fayrouz sur les réseaux sociaux par exemple, en plein contexte de conflit entre le Hezbollah et Israël, en est une parfaite illustration. À l'instar de la musique des décennies passées, utilisée pour mobiliser et inspirer, Fayrouz rappelle que les artistes peuvent eux aussi jouer un rôle fondamental dans la préservation de l’espoir collectif. L’impact de TikTok : La reprise des classiques Une tendance alimentée par la montée de plateformes comme TikTok, permet aux utilisateurs de partager de courts extraits de chansons, et d’offrir une nouvelle visibilité à ces classiques d’hier. Par conséquent, des chansons autrefois porteuses d’un message politique ou social fort, sont aujourd'hui souvent utilisées dans des vidéos légères et divertissantes, loin du contexte originel. L’utilisation de ces morceaux sous forme de courts extraits sur TikTok entraîne une transformation de leur signification . En isolant une phrase ou un refrain, l’essence même de la chanson se perd. Ce qui était autrefois un cri de révolte devient une simple toile de fond, transformant la mémoire culturelle collective et vidant ces œuvres de leur portée critique. Si vous utilisez fréquemment les réseaux sociaux, vous avez forcément entendu "Fortunate Son" de Creedence Clearwater Revival sortie en 1969. Cette chanson écrite dans le contexte de la guerre du Vietnam visait à dénoncer l'injustice sociale et l’hypocrisie des classes privilégiées face à la guerre du Vietnam. En effet, Creedence Clearwater Revival y critiquait le fait que les jeunes hommes des classes populaires étaient envoyés au front, tandis que les fils de familles influentes en étaient exemptés. Cependant, « Fortunate Son » est fréquemment utilisé comme fond sonore pour des vidéos mettant en scène des voitures de luxe, des scènes de vie glamour ou encore des défis humoristiques. Les phrases « It ain't me, it ain't me, I ain't no senator's son » perdent leur connotation de protestation contre l’élite et deviennent simplement un accompagnement musical accrocheur. De plus, en mettant en avant des valeurs opposées à sa critique originelle, « Fortunate Son » est dépouillée de sa portée protestataire. Au lieu d’être un hymne contre l’élite, elle est parfois utilisée pour accompagner des modes de vie qu'elle dénonçait initialement. Toutefois, il est important de noter et reconnaître que certaines chansons trouvent encore une place dans les débats contemporains. Par exemple, de nombreuses chansons qui revendiquent l'égalité et les droits civiques étaient reprises lors du mouvement Black Lives Matter telles que “ A Change Is Gonna Come ” de Sam Cooke sortie en 1964, révélant l'intemporalité de certaines chansons qui transcendent leur époque en ralliant les générations actuelles autour des luttes sociales. L’exposition des individus à ces chansons politiques et leur diffusion peuvent alors être des outils puissants pour raviver des thèmes, idées et discours du passé qui regagnent aujourd’hui en pertinence. Ainsi, il apparaît que de plus en plus de jeunes se tournent vers la musique des décennies passées. Certains avancent que cette tendance traduit une quête de style ou une volonté d’adopter une esthétique « rétro ». Cependant, cette fascination va au-delà du simple effet de mode: aujourd’hui, il semblerait que la musique moderne devienne progressivement dépourvue de son humanité, lisse et parfaite à cause des logiciels qui corrigent tout, des rythmes aux voix... Dans les chansons plus anciennes, l’authenticité derrière ces imperfections qui laissent transparaître l'émotion humaine est palpable, et elle était essentielle pour créer une connexion avec le public. De plus, en matière d’originalité, les années 60, 70 et même 90 étaient marquées par une volonté constante de repousser les frontières et d’innover. À l’époque, les artistes ne cherchaient pas à reproduire des succès préexistants, mais du neuf, de l’époustouflant. Cela serait-il la quête d'une époque où la musique semblait davantage vivre à travers l'âme de l'artiste, plutôt que d'être le produit d'une industrie froide et formatée? Si les jeunes préfèrent parfois la musique « vintage, » c’est peut-être parce qu’ils y trouvent un souffle d’humanité, de passion et d’authenticité, fréquemment absent dans la pop trop lissée et sur-produite d’aujourd’hui.

If we understand that proper wording can strongly impact policy and recognition of the suffering of persecuted peoples, then it becomes all the clearer why so many are arguing on whether the war in Gaza constitutes a genocide, and whether the treatment of Uyghurs is a crime against humanity. < Back Terminology and War Crime Denial Anna Halpern February 28, 2025 We have often heard of South Africa’s much-mediatized Genocide case against Israel in front of the ICJ , and many of us have also seen Amnesty International’s reports which call the mass deaths in Gaza a genocide . The controversy surrounding the appropriate term and the clear political game behind any position adopted on the matter really seem to have reopened the question of politics behind the terminology. While we may have heard this debate before, the end of how we name events so that they match the reality of the context of the war in Gaza is part of a far larger issue that has deep historical roots. Indeed, the use of terminology to manipulate public opinion and deny war crimes and genocides is a very powerful tool that has been employed throughout the 20th and even 21st century. Before entering the specifics of the cases that we will compare, it seems impossible not to define the terms that are so critically argued upon. Genocides, war crimes and crimes against humanity are all international crimes committed by individuals or governments that “ affect the core dignity of human beings.” In order to understand the conflict of namings and narratives, one must know the terms’ definitions and history. War crimes refer to “serious breaches of international humanitarian law committed against civilians or enemy combatants during an international or domestic armed conflict, for which the perpetrators may be held criminally liable on an individual basis.” This definition is derived from the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, the Geneva Convention of 1949 and its additional protocols and Article 8 of the 1998 Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court (ICC). The definition of a crime against humanity “ encompasses crimes such as murder, extermination, rape, persecution and all other inhumane acts of a similar character (wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to body or to mental or physical health), committed ‘as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack.’” It is codified in Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the ICC. Finally, the term genocide was originally coined by Raphael Lemkin and first appeared in his 1944 work “ Axis Rule in Occupied Europe .” It is defined in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. “It is the specific intention to destroy an identified group either ‘in whole or in part’ that distinguishes the crime of genocide from a crime against humanity.” These definitions also highlight the critical fact that the term Genocide, for example, simply did not exist during some of the events that now are argued to fit within this definition. Such questions add to the terminological dispute the question of the possibility of judging such an event through the lens of a crime that did not exist at the time. Keeping this background in mind, we can now consider how the application of these definitions has been used and disagreed upon. An extremely famous case of genocide denial and terminology debate is the case of the Armenian genocide of 1915 which Turkey, and much of the international community, still officially do not recognize despite vast scholarly support. However, the debate over naming and recognizing this event is not unique. While we cannot explore all cases that have sadly occurred, it appears relevant to look at a few more historical cases that have yet to be fully recognized. We will consider the Japanese massacres and war crimes during the invasion of China namely in Nanjing (December 1927 to February 1938) as well as the Bosnian genocide denial (1995). These cases can be linked to a far more recent lack of recognition by China of its persecution of the Uyghur minority. Through both historical examples and the current cases in Gaza and China the critical importance of terminology is underlined, and its broad political implications clearly seep through. The case of the Armenian genocide is a blatant example of the difficulty of earning official recognition of war crimes, especially genocide, and the tricky word game played by Ankara is critical in this terminological warfare. The Armenian genocide is well recognized by historians and institutions —the creator of the term himself thought to apply it to the context of Ottoman crimes against Armenians in WWI. However, the international scene is not always ruled by expert opinions—as we know all too well—but often is far more politically guided. Thus, the reality is that only 33 countries currently recognize the genocide, and this list notably does not include Turkey. Indeed, Turkey has always maintained a policy of denying “ a deliberate policy of genocide.” The official website of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs portrays the Armenian view as an “embellishe[d]” version that it “selects” in order to vilify Turkey. Moreover, the website follows the phrasing “The events of 1915,” commonly used in official Turkish statements on the matter. Thus, this decision not to call it a ‘genocide’ is intrinsically linked to the maintenance of a very different narrative regarding the events themselves and is a tool aiming to prevent the acknowledgment of the extent of the devastation recorded by most non-Turkish historians. But national narratives differing regarding war crimes is not something that is exclusively reserved to the rather well-known case of Armenia and Turkey. Indeed, Sino-Japanese relations are still strained to this day by very controversial Japanese positions concerning the “Nanjing Massacre” or the “Rape of Nanjing” which in Japan is sometimes referred to as the “ Nanjing incident .” This case is not quite as clear as the case of the Armenia-Turkey disagreements. Indeed, Japan has been largely criticized for its unclear position, with varying positions from an acknowledgment of the Tokyo Trials and remorse for the suffering caused during WWII to an outright denial of the “Nanjing Massacre.” This public debate and division is all the more relevant to Japan’s international relations, within which it has maintained an unclear discourse. While it has apologized in general terms for Imperial Japan’s policies and actions, “many Japanese apologies have looked like “one step forward, one step backward.” Moreover, the lack of a unified messaging has led to questionable word choices such as referring to the “so-called Nanjing massacre” and has even seen the denial of certain Japanese war crimes. Thus, the lack of clear terminology and strategic uncertainty of positioning has led to the possibility of denials and belittling of war crime s which have affected Sino-Japanese relations. In a more recent and still very open wound, we can also consider the case of the Bosnian genocide. This refers to the massacre of Srebrenica in July 1995 which was ruled by the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia a Genocide. It occurred during the Bosnian War, where Bosnian Serb forces committed grave human rights violations and war crimes. Despite such international recognition, Bosnian Serb Politicians have largely denied such crimes, and have recently adopted a report denying the genocidal nature of the massacre. This comes in a context of great disagreement with a UN resolution to commemorate the Srebrenica Genocide by Serbian and Bosnian Serbs. This only serves to highlight that terminology arguments are crucial tools in the hands of genocide deniers and ultimately still have massive repercussions on Bosnian society thirty years after the events. This case is a prime example of the critical importance such terms hold and the real impact they can have. While all of these historical cases are immensely important and still have repercussions to this day, they also serve as a warning sign of the dangers of unclear terminology or intentionally untrue naming of grave events. It seems only fitting to look from such events to current war crimes, human rights violations and potential crimes against humanity whose terms are still under discussion such as the case of Uyghurs in China and the war in Gaza. If we understand that proper wording can strongly impact policy and recognition of the suffering of persecuted peoples, then it becomes all the clearer why so many are arguing on whether the war in Gaza constitutes a genocide, and whether the treatment of Uyghurs is a crime against humanity. Though in these two cases the final rulings are not given, both the ICJ’s indications of measures to be taken to prevent a potential genocide and the UN’s report accusing China of potential crimes against humanity indicate a high chance of such crimes having been committed and have led to no acknowledgment on the part of Israel or China. Such lack of impact of international warnings and refusal to acknowledge the terms used by both parties highlights a consistency in patterns of denial of crimes and seems all the easier to read through given such historical context. As a post scriptum, I feel that I must explain the lack of inclusion of a very well-known denial, and that is Holocaust denial. This is indeed a critical issue that merits being addressed. However, as I mentioned at the beginning, I did not have extensive space to delve into all cases of denial, and I found it to be far more interesting to focus on less well-known issues that have less media attention and deserve to be recognized. This does not in any way take away from the importance of Holocaust denial and of course we should consider a far wider range of events than the selected cases of this article when considering the real impact of terminology disagreements and denial. Photo credits: Diane_Krauthamer on Flickr

The new Netflix special “Mo” is one of the first American television shows to portray a Palestinian-American refugee as the protagonist. Its debut season will make you cry tears of joy, but its profundity may also provoke some tears of empathy as the main character, Mo, and his family navigate the American immigration system. < Back Chocolate Hummus and Dogs with Passports: A Review of Netflix’s Mo By Lilith Springer October 31, 2022 “Us Palestinians, we carry on.” Yusra’s eyes sparkle and in her tears, Mo can see the trauma that his mother has lived through since she fled Palestine and, later, Kuwait. But he also sees defiance and resilience. He sees endless love for her family and their homeland. Her tears are burning her cheeks, hot like the pride that ignites in her heart when she talks about their identity. "It is who we are ." The new Netflix special “Mo” is one of the first American television shows to portray a Palestinian-American refugee as the protagonist. Its debut season will make you cry tears of joy, but its profundity may also provoke some tears of empathy as the main character, Mo, and his family navigate the American immigration system. “Mo” is a semi-autobiographical dramedy, which may sound like a paradox. The show includes countless punchlines while also treating topics such as asylum, torture, PTSD, war, drug abuse and discrimination, all with taste and authenticity. Mo loves his family. He loves his country, his religion and his hummus. His family was displaced from Palestine to Kuwait, where Mo was born, and was later forced to flee to America during the Gulf War. They have been waiting for a hearing to receive asylum in the United States for 20 years. The show follows Mo in his efforts to sustain his family through small, illegal jobs whenever someone is willing to employ him despite not having a work permit, which is unobtainable for foreigners without permanent resident status in the United States. Besides brilliantly sarcastic and hilarious dialogues, “Mo” features inner struggles of belonging, frustration and the feeling of frailty. “Whenever something emotional happens, we’re going to sit in it and we’re going to embrace it and we’re going to go through it. It’s very important to have those moments and let it breathe,” explains Mo Amer, creator and executive producer who plays the protagonist. “I love Jesus, I believe in Jesus, Jesus was Palestinian.” “Mo” highlights the role of religion in the quest for belonging, something that many of the 400,000 to 450,000 Palestinians displaced during the exodus from Kuwait during the Gulf War struggle with. The characters seek reassurance in God, may it be at home, in a Christian church or at the mosque. “I get grazed by a bullet and I am addicted to lean. It’s a joke.” A study carried out by the University Michigan School of Health among Arab refugees and immigrants highlights that Arab Americans reported high levels of depression and anxiety symptoms. Another British study confirms these findings, finding that up to 50% of the Palestinian refugees questioned struggle with mental health, an observation confirmed by the UNRWA. “Mo” pays long overdue attention to this circumstance, going into the complexity of addiction and its relation to stress and mental health. “No, not Palestine, Texas. Palestine. You know, the land of milk and honey?” There are multiple references to the conflict, but “Mo” refrains from bringing up these political elements in a patronizing way that might alienate the audience. Rather, the sarcastic comments on the occupation, belonging and daily discrimination are conveyed in the form of jokes or witty dialogues that make you think just the right amount. The short show took a vital step towards a more authentic representation of Palestinians on Netflix and is definitely worth the watch.

Fasting in different religions does not divide us. It just makes us realize how similar we are, how we have the same needs, temptations and desires. And that’s precisely what I realized when I came to Menton, a campus full of diversity—ethnically, culturally and religiously. At the core, we are all the same… < Back Fasting, not a dividing element after all Eleni Dimitropoulou March 31, 2025 This year, Orthodox Lent and Western Easter coincide almost exactly with the Islamic Ramadan and Jewish Passover. This gives us the exceptional opportunity to highlight the similarities and differences, but most importantly, to understand how members of diverse religious groups experience this special pious period. The term “Fasting” can indicate either an abstinence from specific categories of food, or even from all foods for specific hours of the day. Interwoven with the worship of all major religions, fasting is observed in each for different reasons: as a practical sign of reverence; as a means of purification; as an expression of faith, moderation, restraint, self-control; as an exercise of humility and self-punishment; and even as an expression of mourning. However, in all cases, fasting leads to spiritual upliftment. This habit began long before the advent of Abrahamic religions. The first references to the practice of fasting come from the Far East. In the Hindu Law of Manu (Manus ti /Manava Dharmasastra), written in Sanskrit and dating from between 1250 and 1000 BC, we find the first commandments related to abstinence from food. Although no relevant sacred text or code of commandments has ever been found in Egypt, it is known that the Egyptians fasted on the feasts of Isis and almost all of their religious and social festivals. Connected with the worship of all major religions and philosophical currents, voluntary abstinence from food is observed in each for different health reasons. In particular, priests were subjected to abstinence from seven days to six weeks, which was determined by the goddess Ma'at, who was the personification of absolute truth and defined the ethical and moral codes that every Egyptian had to obey in their life. The diet of the ancient Greeks, until the fourth century BC, was particularly austere, and the Athenians fasted only during the festivals of the Eleusinian and Thesmophorian festivals. Those who participated in the mysteries necessarily abstained from food and drink, for purification and expiation, to ensure the favor of the gods during initiation. However, from the literature of the period, we can assume that fasting had been more closely associated with mourning, as is at least evident from a line in Aristophanes' Clouds: “ And often, while we gods are observing a fast, when we mourn for Memnon or Sarpedon, you are pouring libations and laughing .” In the three monotheistic, Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam), fasting is an important—sometimes necessary—stage for the psychophysical preparation of the believer. It is based on similar trials of biblical figures. It is characteristic that Moses fasted for 40 days before climbing to the top of Mount Sinai to receive, according to religious tradition, the Covenant of the 10 Commandments from God. Fasting gave him the courage and mental strength to "face" the Creator, while in the case of Samson, it was the real secret of his strength. After a 24-hour fast, Daniel " survived " the lions ' den ; while Jesus Christ, before starting his teachings , withdrew to the desert , where he spent 40 days fasting and praying. More specifically, in the one of three most popular doctrines of Christiniaty in the Orthodox Church, fasting occurs on designated days throughout the year , totaling approximately 180 to 200 days. More specifically, fast is held during the following days : Great Lent from Clean Monday, the first day of the 48 days throughout which believers are called to leave behind all sinful habits, including savory, non-fasting foods, thus cleansing the soul and body until Easter, 40 days before Christmas, from November 15 to December 25, Of the Holy Apostles, that is, after All Saints' Sunday (which falls 56 days after Easter) until June 29, when the memory of the Apostles Peter and Paul is celebrated, Of the Fifteenth of August, to be precise, from August 1 to the 15 of the same month (the birth of the Virgin Mary, mother of Jesus Christ), On August 29, commemorating the beheading of John the Baptist. On September 14, the day we celebrate the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. On the eve of Epiphany, that is, January 5. Every Wednesday and Friday. In Christian Orthodoxy, fasting does not only mean eliminating certain foods from our diet, such as meat, eggs, milk, cheese, fish and oil. It also means learning to control the amount of foodeaten. It is an exercise, a physical and spiritual effort to restrain oneself from eating, and most importantly, to watch over behavior (anger, lies, bad words, etc). Saint John Chrysostom says: “Show me your fasting by your works… for what is the benefit, if we do not eat meat, but devour our brothers?” Lent for Western Christianity begins on Ash Wednesday and ends on Holy Thursday, before the celebration of the Last Supper. Westerners celebrate the Resurrection of Christ on Holy Saturday evening and Easter Sunday. The fasts of the Catholic Church are more relaxed than those of the Orthodox Church, since they essentially prohibit only meat and distinguish between fasting (jeûne) and days of abstinence from meat and fat (jours maigres/d’abstinence), that is, all Fridays during Lent (Carême). For it, followers reduce their number of meals—they eat one main meal and two smaller ones within 24 hours. For their part, Protestants have generally abolished food fasting, which they do not include in their life of worship. They consider fasting to be completely optional, and the faithful apply it by their own choice—usually in the form of complete abstinence from food—only in exceptional cases. In Judaism, fasting is called “ta’anit” or "tsom” (humiliation) and is a period of voluntary deprivation of food and drink, including water, but also any pleasure and is observed for reasons of public repentance, mourning and purification. Ta’anit is observed on the Day of Atonement, Yom Kippur, a day dedicated to repentance, prayer and invocation of the greatness of God. It involves a 25-hour fast accompanied by prayers for forgiveness. During the Day of Atonement, the Jewish community experiences a profound suspension of activity; the shops are closed, the streets are bare and mediums are silent while believers undergo a 25-hour fast and pray fervently for the forgiveness of their sins. Also, the Tisha B'Av fast on the ninth of Av, the fifth month of the year, is the most tragic day of the Jewish calendar; a remembrance day and mourning of the destruction of both holy temples. Therefore, they fast a total of six fasting days per year, complying with kashrut. Kashrut, the Jewish dietary laws, divide food into 'clean' (including veal, sheep, goats, deer, and fish) and 'unclean' (including pork and seafood). These laws govern what is permissible to eat, similar to halal in Islam, and are separate from the concept of fasting. To Muslims, too, fasting is more than mere abstinence from food; it is a form of submission to Allah. It is observed from sunrise to sunset during the ninth month of the Islamic calendar named Ramadan and is one of the holiest moments in Islam, commemorating the revelation of Allah, or Laylat al-Qadr or the Night of Decree. It is believed that in 610 AD, the Prophet Muhammad was visited by the Archangel Gabriel, who disclosed the Quran, the sacred book, to him during the month of Ramadan. Islamic scholars instruct that fasting is the development of gratitude and compassion for the less fortunate. Charity and assistance to the poor are the hallmarks of this month, during which adherents usually pray more and read the Quran more. Fasting is considered by many as a cleansing and spiritual rejuvenation process. Fasting is among the five pillars of Islam. Iftar, the breaking of the fast, follows afterward. Often at iftar, people gather with loved ones. Suhur is the meal before sunrise. In Hinduism, fasting is not obligatory , but a voluntary act of spiritual purification. Hindus also fast on certain festivals as part of their spiritual discipline. A quite popular fast in Hinduism is Ekadashi, which is on the eleventh day of each lunar cycle when the moon is decreasing in light. There are, however, numerous other occasions when Hindus fast, including but not necessarily limited to Navratris, Janmashtami and Shivratri. Individuals may fast entirely, only partially or choose to forego their favorite foods for a specified period of time. In Buddhism, fasting has been recognized as one of the methods of practicing self-control. Fasting for Buddhists means vegetarianism and cutting off from the joys that food offers to man in order to mobilize the desire for taste. They abstain from meat twice a month, on the days of the new moon or full moon, or six times a month and more often. According to the Buddhist religion, children rarely fast. That is also relevant for Judaism and islam where children, elderly sick and women on their period are absolved from fasting. As fasting for monks is a much more difficult practice,as it involves extended periods of fasting and stricter regulations (e.g. abstinence after midday) thus it is carried out under the guidance of a teacher. The four rules regarding food, according to the ascetic practice called “dhutanga” (rejuvenation), are: eating once a day, eating only one meal, reducing the amount of food and consuming only as much food as they received from the first seven houses they blessed. How does the latter translate? Buddhist monks go around villages and bless people and, in return, they accept the food that people throw into their bowls. Sikhism is one of the few religions that does not require fasting as a meritocracy. This religion considers fasting inferior to "truth" and "right action," which, according to the founder of this religion, are superior. Fasting is a significant aspect of Jainism. It is regarded as a method of purifying the body . I t is also a method of eliminating bad karma. Fasting can last from one day to more than a month. People can do complete or partial fasting, or give up their favorite foods for a certain period of time. Today, fasting has been mainly associated with abstinence from certain foods, such as meat, fish and animal products. Another important consideration to make however, is to question by what criteria were certain foods excluded. The high temperatures of the Middle East, the nomadic lifestyle, the lack or effects of certain foods, such as spices, the need to differentiate from previous religious practices were some of the environmental and social reasons that influenced the formation of fasts. At the same time, they can be perceived as an attempt to equalize rich and poor before God. It is worth noting that as religions spread, fasting adapted to the climatic conditions and dietary habits of the region. How different is the fasting followed in the Mediterranean from that of believers living in the low temperatures of frozen Lapland or insular Greenland, where meat is imposed, rather than excluded! Fasting, nevertheless, has progressively been stripped of its theoretical background and religious meaning, and has been used as a weight loss tool and more. Nowadays several diets incorporate periods of fasting, such as the 5:2 diet, which limits the intake of "uncontrolled" calories to two days a week, considering it a healthy way to lose weight, or more recently the 16:8 diet or intermittent fasting, according to which for 16 hours (usually between 10 a.m. and 6 p.m.) a complete fast is observed, from which water and calorie-free drinks are excluded, and for 8 hours any type of food is allowed, regardless of quantity. I firmly believe that fasting, this struggle, the spiritual fight with ourselves, gives us the chance to test our limits, focus on the meaning, not on the materialistic dimension of life. It brings us together, regardless of our socio-economic background. The race is the same; we are equal, and that unites us as people. Fasting in different religions does not divide us. It just makes us realize how similar we are, how we have the same needs, temptations and desires. And that’s precisely what I realized when I came to Menton, a campus full of diversity—ethnically, culturally and religiously. At the core, we are all the same… Photo source: Zoheir Seidanloo on Wikimedia commons

Sans qu’on puisse mettre un trait d’égalité entre le RN et la Nouvelle droite, il faut saisir l’apport essentiel de cette mouvance à l’extrême-droite tant sur le plan idéologique que sur la formation intellectuelle de ses cadres. La Nouvelle droite est une entreprise de blanchiment car derrière le ‘pluralisme’ dont elle se targue, se cache directement le nazisme et le néo-fascisme terroriste. La grande blanchisserie aujourd’hui est le Rassemblement national. < Back Le racisme aussi peut être pluraliste Lubin Parisien March 31, 2025 « Je ne suis absolument pas raciste, » simplement il faut « faire des différences [...] en fonction de l’appartenance ou de la non-appartenance à la nation. » D’ailleurs, « nous considérons que c’est la seule discrimination en même temps légale et morale. » Bref, Marine Le Pen n’est pas raciste. C’est du moins ce qu’elle affirme dans une interview accordée à BFM TV le 6 mai 2024 au moment de la campagne des européennes. Le programme de préférence nationale qui est celui du Rassemblement national, ex-Front national, ne serait donc pas discriminant envers les personnes racisées car, affirme-t-elle dans cette interview, les Mahorais à 95% musulmans ont voté pour le RN lors des diverses élections précédentes. Le repli raciste et ethnonationaliste passerait inévitablement par le rejet des Noirs et des Arabes et le postulat de leur infériorité: rien de tout ça en effet dans le programme du RN… Pourtant, le refus du métissage et du mélange entre les ‘cultures’ sans en affirmer une hiérarchie trouve sa source dans la production intellectuelle de la ‘Nouvelle droite,’ une mouvance d’extrême-droite née dans les années 1970. Le droit à la différence? Le mouvement de la ‘Nouvelle droite’ se structure autour de revues et d’organisations ‘savantes;’ dès 1968, la revue Nouvelle école est créée. Un an plus tard, Dominique Venner fonde le Groupement de recherche et d'études pour la civilisation européenne, le GRECE. Il s’agit de discuter savamment des problèmes du temps, l’ambition n’est pas de faire de la politique mais de la ‘métapolitique.’ Jacques Marlaud , qui a présidé ce cénacle pendant quatre ans, explique que la métapolitique « se réfère à tout travail de réflexion, d’analyse, de diffusion d’idées et de pratiques culturelles susceptible d’influencer à long terme la société politique. Il ne s’agit plus de prendre le pouvoir, mais de lui fournir un aliment idéologique, philosophique, culturel… capable d’orienter (ou de contredire) ses décisions. » Il y a donc une certaine distance avec les partis politiques et les groupuscules d’extrême-droite, mais le GRECE se conçoit, selon Jean-Yves Camus en 2015 dans Les faux-semblants du Front national , comme une élite devant s’éduquer et être partout où il est possible de s’infiltrer pour concrétiser la pensée de la Nouvelle droite dans la politique nationale. Le postulat central est l'ethno-pluralisme, ou ethno-différentialisme: c’est l’idée selon laquelle toutes les cultures se valent. Hélas, elles ne sont pas compatibles, affirme la Nouvelle Droite. Les différences culturelles fondent l’impossibilité de l’assimilation et de la possibilité d’une cohabitation entre immigrés et natifs, principe qui vaut aussi contre une certaine colonisation ‘généreuse’ et ‘assimilationniste.’ Cette posture radicale surprenante est bien exprimée par un important idéologue de la mouvance, Alain de Benoist , en 1992: « je ne suis fondé à défendre ma différence que pour autant que je reconnais et respecte celle d'autrui. »C’est sur cette base qu’il critique la posture de Jean-Marie Le Pen—qui déclarait préférer « [s]a fille à [s]a cousine, [s]a cousine à [s]a voisine »—qui est un égoïsme subjectif à courte vue selon Alain de Benoist. Un mouvement respectable? Serait-ce donc vraiment une nouvelle droite radicale débarrassée de l'obscurantisme raciste? Cela est encore à vérifier surtout quand on discute d’une mouvance qui puise dans les références nazies et dont les compagnons de route sont pour certains d’authentiques nazis. Ainsi, le politiste Stéphane François indique que d’anciens SS tels que Saint-Loup, alias Marc Augier, ou encore Robert Dun, alias Maurice Martin, « participent aux travaux de la nouvelle droite » et cela « jusqu’au milieu des années 1980. » Idéologiquement, un des points communs avec le nazisme est le rejet du christianisme et la valorisation du paganisme comme la « vraie religion de l’Europe » pour reprendre le titre d’un ouvrage de Sigrid Hunke sur le sujet, une amie d’Alain de Benoist et membre du NSDAP . En effet, le christianisme et sa volonté évangélisatrice sont considérés comme les prémisses de l’universalisme contre lequel se dresse l'ethno-différentialisme. Ainsi, la Nouvelle droite se réclame du courant völkisch, « un courant apparu à la fin du XIXe siècle, habité par la nostalgie d’une Allemagne païenne, une fascination pour la race blanche et ses prétendues origines scandinaves, » selon Stéphane François. Les penseurs du GRECE se réclame aussi de la ‘révolution conservatrice’ allemande durant la République de Weimar. La Nouvelle droite a aussi une certaine vision du dépassement des clivages politiques classiques et sait ainsi brouiller les pistes. Par exemple, il y a dans les travaux du GRECE une vraie vision de l’Europe. Celle-ci n’est pas du tout la CEE et l’UE de Bruxelles telle qu’on la connaît—une « province de l’Internationale atlantique dirigée par les États-Unis » selon Jacques Marlaud. Il s’agit avant tout de penser une unité de la ‘civilisation européenne’ menacée par l’immigration et la mondialisation, c’est-à-dire la menace de la mixité. « L’idée est d’essayer de penser des aires culturelles débordant le cadre strict de la nation » affirme la doctorante en philosophie politique Périne Schir dans un article du Monde consacré aux projets européens dans l’extrême-droite. Cette Europe doit émerger en opposition aux autres civilisations qui posent un problème dès qu’elles mettent le pied en Europe avec l’immigration. Il y a un dépassement de la Nation—sans qu’on ignore les spécificités locales—pour adopter le cadrage culturel ethno-pluraliste d’exclusion des autres ‘cultures.’ Il y a également une volonté affichée de dépassement en essayant de penser hors des catégories gauche-droite, ce qui se manifeste par le cadrage culturaliste et par l’usage assumé de figures de camps politiques adverses. L’antifasciste préféré des néofascistes: Le grand apport de la Nouvelle droite, c’est aussi l’importation d’Antonio Gramsci dans les terres de l’extrême-droite française. Il est banalement utilisé pour dire qu’il faut gagner la bataille des idées et imposer sa vision du corps social. L’usage d’extrême-droite de Gramsci débute juste après la débâcle fasciste de la Seconde Guerre mondiale avec la nébuleuse d’« Ordine Nuovo », dont le journal, Ordine Nuovo , a le même nom que le journal d’Antonio Gramsci créé en 1919. Inspiré par le philosophe néo-fasciste et anti-moderne Julius Evola et son fondateur Pino Rauti , le mouvement participe pleinement aux Années de plomb en Italie avec de nombreux attentats comme en 1969 à Piazza Fontana à Milan (17 morts). Alain de Benoist a grandement contribué à inventer le ‘gramscisme de droite’ français. Ses liens avec les fascistes italiens sont connus et ses accointances sont publiques. Ainsi, il publie un article dans Europe-Action en 1963 sur le MSI—Mouvement social italien, parti néo-fasciste prédécesseur de Fratelli d’Italia—où pointe du doigt sa désorganisation , sa tendance trop légaliste à son goût et préfère les méthodes de l’ Ordine Nuovo . C’est de là que vient la référence à Gramsci à l’extrême-droite, mais discuter du militant communiste permet de ne pas évoquer les vrais maîtres à penser, à savoir Julius Evola et Pino Rauti. C’est ainsi que la référence à Gramsci est devenu un marqueur de l’extrême-droite, le GRECE ayant organisé un colloque en 1982 à son sujet et Jean-Marie Le Pen utilisant cette référence en 2007 pour justifier de sa stratégie. La Nouvelle droite et le Front national: la filiation ou la rupture ? La slogan d’une bataille culturelle à gagner avec Gramsci est le signe de la porosité entre la Nouvelle droite et le Front national. Néanmoins, il faut aussi concevoir la multiplicité des sources irriguant le programme frontiste et les fractures qu’il y a avec la Nouvelle droite. Il y a certes des liens personnels avec des gens issus du GRECE et ayant fini au FN tels que Pierre Vial ou Jean-Yves Le Gallou . Néanmoins, Alain de Benoist a eu des mots durs contre le FN en 1992: « En vérité, ce n'est pas parce qu'il y a des immigrés que la France est menacée de perdre son identité. C'est plutôt parce qu'elle a perdu son identité qu'elle n'est plus en mesure de faire face et de résoudre le problème de l'immigration. En montrant du doigt les immigrés, on opère donc un gigantesque détournement d'attention. » Nous savons ce qu’est l’ethno-pluralisme défendu par Alain de Benoist, mais remarquons ici la force pernicieuse du discours de l’intellectuel de la Nouvelle droite qui pourrait se faire passer pour un modéré. Le programme économique du RN ex-FN, fondamentalement libéral , doit beaucoup au Club de l’Horloge , créé en 1974 et qui se distingue du GRECE par son ultralibéralisme en matière économique en soutenant la révolution conservatrice, mais pas celle sous Weimar, plutôt celle de Thatcher et Reagan dans les années 1980. Le national-libéralisme ‘pragmatique’ de Bruno Mégret et des nombreux cadres qu’il a formés au FN s’inscrivent dans cette lignée. Sur la question de l’euroscepticisme et de la prétendue générosité coloniale, les différences sont palpables face à une Nouvelle droite quasi-fédéraliste sur l’Europe—d’un point de vue institutionnel, sans idée universaliste aucune—et jugeant l’entreprise coloniale comme un dangereuse émanation de l’universalisme judéo-chrétien. On aurait toutefois tort de s’arrêter là car ce serait ignorer que le RN fait de la politique et la Nouvelle droite de la ‘métapolitique,’ elle ne s’engage pas dans l’arène mais elle en fournit les armes. Ainsi, Périne Schir déclare dans un article de Mediapart au sujet des liens entre Jordan Bardella et des personnalités issus de la Nouvelle droite que ce mouvement apporte aujourd’hui au RN présidé par M. Bardella la « substance théorique » dont manque le parti suite à la stratégie de ‘dédiabolisation.’ Cela permet d’irriguer le discours de justification de l’idée d’un ‘grand remplacement’ que le président du parti décrit comme pointant une « réalité juste. » L’idée d’incompatibilité des cultures permet de donner un fond intellectuel à la chose sans parler de hiérarchie, évitant ainsi de se faire trop remarquer par son racisme. Sans qu’on puisse mettre un trait d’égalité entre le RN et la Nouvelle droite, il faut saisir l’apport essentiel de cette mouvance à l’extrême-droite tant sur le plan idéologique que sur la formation intellectuelle de ses cadres. La Nouvelle droite est une entreprise de blanchiment car derrière le ‘pluralisme’ dont elle se targue, se cache directement le nazisme et le néo-fascisme terroriste. La grande blanchisserie aujourd’hui est le Rassemblement national. Photo source: Joe Mud on Flickr

Despite a few hiccups and more than a few drunk incidents, the ski trip was a tremendous success. Sciences Pistes faced their fears on the mountain, and they are stronger for it. Going into the second semester of the year, there is undoubtedly a tighter connection between us than ever before < Back Menton à Risoul: Sciences Pistes Spend Last Week of Break at Annual BDS Ski Trip By Hugo Lagergren February 28, 2023 We all know that sports are not what Sciences Po prides itself on, and neither is the Menton campus famed for its sporting performances at the annual intercampus Minicrit competition. However, this has not stopped the Bureau Des Sports (BDS) from outperforming itself at every opportunity this school year. They managed to collect over 2000 euros for the League Against Cancer for Pink October, nearly triple what they managed last year. Thanks to their apt negotiation skills, the bureau received sports equipment for each campus team for the first time in Sciences Po Menton history. And for their final trick… send nearly 100 students to the Alps for a five-day skiing holiday before the beginning of term — a feat that they executed perfectly. On Monday morning, Sciences Pistes woke up early, eager to board the bus. The journey from the pebbly beaches of the Côte D’Àzur to the snowy tips of the French Alps began… and continued. After a few festive hours, the “are we there yet?” calls began in earnest. For eight hours, they persisted. A little downtrodden, we finally arrived in Risoul and checked into our rooms at “Yoonly & Friends” — well, at least those of us who managed to make it down the infamous icy steps. After a complicated check-in and a well-needed night’s rest, we were finally ready to begin exploring. Being super excited to start skiing, we all woke up early to pick up our skis from the local rental shop and collect our ski passes. Many of the group had never seen snow, let alone set foot on a ski slope, so there was some understandable apprehension among a few, especially after seeing second-year Ilyes Mesbah and first-year Nael El Kihal bombing down the slopes at uncontrollable speeds. Their speed and elegance, unfortunately, inspired second-year Lilou D’Inca, who, according to her, had not set foot on a pair of skis “for over ten years” to throw herself a little too enthusiastically down her first hill. After multiple barrel rolls and a torn ligament, the medical team managed to get D’Inca down the slope in one piece. Her ski holiday was promptly over. We hope our beloved cheer captain will recover quickly and bring home the Minicrit. The rest of the group remained in good spirits as we sat down for lunch beside the slopes. It did not take long for the initial groups of flatmates and friends to dissolve. Almost immediately, 1A’s and 2A’s were becoming more comfortable skiing with one another. What was so brilliant about the ski trip was not the skiing or the parties; it was its ability to bring us all together. “The ski trip really brought us closer together,” comments co-president of Bureau Des Sports, Romain Dufournet. “Five days of holiday all together is obviously going to be packed with emotion. I think constantly being around each other and talking to each other and just living in the moment outside the context of Menton and Sciences Po allowed us to create stronger bonds.” After skiing, we were treated to some first-class DJing by DJMiketrackz at ”La Grotte du Yéti.” It might have been a ski trip, but it did not stop the Ummah from partying like it always does. The Après-Ski was a highlight. Beer in hand, the snowy outdoor party embodied the Mentonnais saying: “no stress, success.” It was a moment for everyone to relax and decompress before the work kicked in a few days later. The parties often continued well into the night, with Sciences Pistes getting to bed at times that could only make Mme. la directrice Yasmina Touaibia proud. This resulted in exceptionally slow mornings. However, the enthusiasm never waned. Despite a few hiccups and more than a few drunk incidents, the ski trip was a tremendous success. Sciences Pistes faced their fears on the mountain, and they are stronger for it. Going into the second semester of the year, we have a tighter connection than ever. As the monotony of essay writing and unanswered emails set in, I would just like to leave the reader with a notion that is important to keep in mind going into semester two, as it highlights the campus’ ability to surpass all expectations despite the adversary we face: Samy, c’est un mec du R.

Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. < Back The Menton Times: A Year in Review By Celeste Abourjeili April 30, 2022 Mentoniya, Mentoniya. Last summer, I was struck with a vision for a newspaper that would synthesize campus discourse and bring all student events together in one collective monthly recount. Though I was committed to bringing it to life, I never foresaw the scope or size that it would reach in just one year. Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. The journey of creating a newspaper from scratch was filled with the unexpected — it was a turbulent yet irreplaceable experience. I got to watch our designer and my dear friend, 2A Ada Baser, create a layout template from scratch. She pieced together over 30 articles worth of content into one digital masterpiece each and every month. “Starting the design of a paper from scratch wasn’t the easiest experience… [but] at the end of the day, it’s been a pleasure to work with the many different members of the team, because designers need to communicate with reporters, photographers, and the editorial board,” said Baser. “I hope I have been able to bring their amazing works to life.” Her clean-cut designs have been praised by Mentonese students. “I really like the mise-en-page,” said 1A Amira Zargouni, “it’s really easy to read.” Our editorial team, made up of 1A Ayse Lara Selcuker, 1A Lara-Nour Walton, 2A Morgane Abbas, and myself, has had to edit just as many articles to fulfill our three-step editing process. “Editing felt special to me because journalism has been a really formative source for me,” said Walton. “To make this newspaper a reality was genuinely so fulfilling.” My role as Editor-in-Chief, besides managing and organizing the team, consisted of a wondrous albeit time-consuming process by which I had to review each article that was ever published. I knew that I was collecting stories from the students, combining them in one collective and polished form, and sending them back to the student body for all to read, and I wanted to do them justice. I grasped the significance of my job in qualifying the words our students were entrusting to the paper to send out to the world. Our photography team, led by 1A Hugo Lagergren and composed of 1A Emilia Kohlmeyer and 2A Wang Di, has brought each and every story to life with its talent and eye for the camera. “ The staff reporters and guest reporters, without whom this paper would not exist, made the decision to share their stories with us and with you — a decision for which we are endlessly grateful. “Writing for the Menton Times has been incredible! I joined the team with little writing experience, but I saw my skills improve through the feedback and support of our editors, and my articles allowed me to further immerse myself in the topics I am most passionate about,” said 1A Magdelena Offenbeck. Over the course of one year, we have worked with a team of about 20 people and around 39 guest writers. We wrote articles in collaboration with a variety of associations, ranging from Sciences Alcoolémiques to the Stone Skipping Society to the BDS to Babel, MEDMUN, TedX, Environnementon, and the list goes on. 2A Isabella Aouad, who contributed to the newspaper as a guest reporter, noted, “It was very impressive how, in one year, the Menton Times became a real thing. It was very consistent and rigorous and featured really high quality articles.” 1A Joudi Arafa, who claimed she was proud to contribute as a guest reporter, affirmed, “The Menton Times is a big campus name.” I’m proud of our team for creating a shared vision out of what started as a small idea. The process behind the paper starts with our monthly meetings, which take on the form of a team brainstorming session, to choose article topics for that month’s issue. “I really enjoyed the flexibility of choosing my topics instead of having them assigned,” said 1A staff reporter Luca Utterwulghe. I’ve always trusted our writers with the topics they chose, and I was ecstatic that they matched my trust with passion and motivation for the job. Besides our partnerships and guest articles, we try to include everyone on the campus by including student quotes and opinions in each article. “It’s fun interviewing people to get quotes for my articles,” said Utterwulghe, “I learned a lot from this past year at the Menton Times.” I am grateful to you, Mentoniya, for electing our association to be an official student initiative this past semester, opening up doors of opportunity for us with your trust. With the exception of the godforsaken month of February, we upheld our promise to you to publish each and every month. For the first year, our 7-1 success rate makes me quite proud. I recognize that our process wasn’t perfect. This was just the start of an association that I hope will live on for years after my departure. I believe in the future leaders of the association to not only enhance our process, but establish additional projects and events to make campus life even more robust. I am proud to announce that the association will be carried on by Lara-Nour Walton as Editor-in-Chief, Magdalena Offenbeck as Managing Editor, Hugo Lagergren as Head of Photography. I originally intended for the Menton Times to be a route for students to be heard by their peers, an opportunity for one to collect their thoughts before making them public, and to bring attention to a particular experience or event. It was supposed to serve as a chance to create change in our small, cozy Mentonese ummah. My goal, above all, was to bring students closer together. In my original “Letter from the Editor” in our very first issue, I wrote that journalism is a pillar of democracy, a chance to touch the hearts and minds of those around us and change the course of history for the better. Here in Menton, I hope we’ve done that on a personal level — if nothing else, I hope we’ve helped you better understand and resonate with the going-ons of our little community. I hope we’ve informed you. Thank you for your attention, and for the last time this year, happy reading! Sincerely and with love, Celeste Abourjeili Founder & Editor-in-Chief Menton Times 2021-2022

“I just want you to be happy.” At first glance, a wishful statement, a hopeful idea. But is this a burdensome phrase, a phrase pregnant with confusion and obsession? I don’t think I understand what happiness means. < Back A Happiness Hypothesis By Rosie Betrosian April 30, 2024 “I just want you to be happy.” At first glance, a wishful statement, a hopeful idea. But is this a burdensome phrase, a phrase pregnant with confusion and obsession? I don’t think I understand what happiness means. Is happiness a simple idea? Is happiness an ultimate goal, or is happiness momentary? So much empty language surrounds happiness: "Happiness is in the little things.” “Don’t worry, be happy.” But these phrases that permeate our lives are nothing but moot, hollow ideas, confusing and irritating—at least to me. I realize that the concept of happiness occupies a lot of time and space in my mind; thoughts about how to make my decisions. I know I am not the only one. To debunk the happiness hypothesis, I asked 13 people to give me their ideas on happiness. What is happiness? Is “happiness closing your eyes and not feeling heavy” or is “happiness accepting the cards that you are dealt with”? Does one include the other? In our discussions, two contrasting ideas arose. The first one describes happiness as a state, being free of negative emotions and stress, a peaceful moment. The second designates happiness as a purpose, a goal, or “something to strive for,” and “happiness as a goal and not something that necessarily exists.” Is happiness the absence of something else? What do you feel when you feel happy? Is happiness a feeling that can be described? What is happiness in its being? Is it a feeling? In the hardest attempt to delineate happiness, we all struggle. It’s already hard to describe a feeling; that being said, it is a feeling that is heavily discussed and rings in our ears from day one. We couldn’t conclude if happiness is the absence of something else. Some argued yes, happiness is peace, a mere absence of anything negative, mostly pertaining to imminent stress or anxiety. Others objected, claiming that happiness is its own thing, a feeling most closely related to something warm, “a sunny day,” “a conversation with a friend,” or even happiness is ontologically fragile and is solely construed as a goal. Do you think some people are incapable of finding happiness? Even though happiness is complex and misunderstood, all participants agreed that its subjectivity renders it accessible to all. Everybody agrees that happiness is so personal that it can be perceived in different ways and personalized to a maximum. However, what is the relation of happiness to external stimuli? Is happiness purely based on perception? Thinking of the sun, most people feel happy. So, do we have the power of perception over external stimuli, or is it solely dependent on our perception? Given the example of the sun as a predator in Camus’s “L’etranger,” we thought of the associations of things, their value, and the ideas we ascribe to them. The sun can be seen as a happiness indicator, an etch to spend the day outside, but according to most participants, the sun can turn into a predator depending on pre-existing emotions. If stress is preoccupying one’s mind, then the sun is an annoyance. One participant even mentioned that it depends on familiarity and comfort with external stimuli. The sun is as comforting and happy as you understand it to be. Rain in a rainy place is comforting, as it is understood as normality, associated with a blanket and a hot beverage. Does happiness transcend time? When you think about happy memories, do they remain happy? “Eating ice cream with my sister under the sun” will always be a happy memory in my mind. But is this pure happiness, or is it amalgamated with sadness, worry, and other negative emotions? I understand that happiness is not pure bliss, but how can you be sad and happy at the same time? I understand that it is not the same for everyone, and a happy moment that has passed for some remains happy and only reminisced in a positive light. What about nostalgia? Nostalgia, denoted by homesickness (nostos, i.e., return to home, and algos, i.e., acute pain), is something we probably all experienced. So how can happiness transcend time if it's thinking about something that is lost and can never be relived? Some claim nostalgia is unrelated to happiness, rather its own concept, even if it can be bittersweet. One interpreted nostalgia through the lens of ‘Saudade, in Portuguese,’ described by sadness for missing but happiness for feeling, arguing that happiness transcends time and the longing for a moment, is followed by happiness for the existence of the moment in itself. Nostalgia can be both happiness and unhappiness. Happiness can be tailored; happiness is experienced differently. In the end, as arduous as it is to find happiness on your own, it's the only way. There cannot be a collective happiness hypothesis. Thank you to all participants, this article would not be possible without you! Thanks to Ecesu, Nela, Aysenaz, Marly, Saskia, Louis, Lola, Chams, Juni, Tommi, Pedro, Greg, and Mahmoud.

< Back Setting Precedents – Greece’s LGBTQ+ Rights Triumph and France’s Landmark for Abortion Rights By Maria Eirini Liodi March 31, 2024 Cause for celebration comes in the past months, as Greece became the first Orthodox Christian-majority country to legalize same-sex marriage and France enshrined the right to abortion within its constitution. Amid tense discussions on upcoming U.S. elections, multiple ongoing conflicts, and protests of all sorts recently setting central Europe ablaze, perhaps a moment of appreciation for these two recent ‘wins’ could be uplifting. On February 15, 2024, following months of deliberation, Greece emerged as a triumphant example of LGBTQ+ representation within the Southern European region. Despite opposition from the Orthodox Church and members of the political right, the measure was passed by the parliament with 176 voting in favor and 76 against, legalizing same-sex marriage and granting same-sex couples’ adoption rights as well. Granting the right to marriage translates into recognizing LGBTQ+ couples and children's rights on an equal footing within their familial structure. For those who remained unconvinced as to why equal marriage rights are important, various studies conducted over the years support the reality. One such example published in the National Library of Medicine, indicates that same-sex marriage constitutes an issue of public health, delineating clearly that: “ Being in a legally recognized same-sex relationship, marriage in particular, appeared to diminish mental health differentials between heterosexuals and lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons (in the study). ” Greece has been one of the relatively liberal countries on LGBTQ+ rights in Southern Europe, considering homosexuality had long been decriminalized in 1951, and same-sex civil unions were legalized in 2015. However, given the persisting tragedies of hate crimes against members of the LGBTQ+ community, it is important to keep striving for equal rights and protection for all the country’s citizens. As notably stated by the country’s Prime Minister on X, this moment is “a milestone for human rights” in Greece. As the 16th European Union country to legalize same-sex unions, following Estonia earlier in January of this year, Greece can serve as a precedent for other countries in the region that beyond civil unions, remain more conservative on the matter. Across the continent, France marked its own historic milestone on March 4, 2024, shifting the global narrative toward progressive social change. France has become the first country to enshrine the right to abortion within their constitutional framework. Why is this significant, given that abortion has been legalized since 1975 in France? Ensuing the U.S. Supreme Court’s disruptive downturn in deciding to overturn Roe v. Wade, activists both within the U.S. and elsewhere around the world have responded in an uproar. As of January of this year, twenty-one states prohibit abortion or restrict the procedure to earlier in the pregnancy than the standards set by Roe v. Wade. Women with pregnancy complications or subjects of rape still have to illegally or unsafely deal with this issue. Abortion is a human rights issue, and France has made it clear that “guaranteed freedom” to abortion is vital. In celebration, the Eiffel Tower was lit up with the words “ mon corps mon choix”, my body my choice, clearly delineating the stance the country has taken and continues to take for women. There have been debates on why Macron’s government decided to enshrine this right within the constitution, considering the pre-existing laws safeguarding abortion in France. Is this merely a political stunt? An effort to win popular support? Whatever the case on this front, one thing remains steadfast – laws can change. Putting this right within its constitution, France is providing a long-term safeguard for its women today, tomorrow and for future generations. This step serves as a statement; one which can be an important example for other nations, especially during an era where certain countries are facing regressive shifts in reproductive policies. By codifying this essential freedom, France is challenging deeply ingrained patriarchal structures – after all, what does a state say to its female citizens today if it does not permit them bodily autonomy and protection? Amid grim news feeds, Greece and France shed light on a progressive path toward more equitable societies. Let’s hope these victories resonate globally, prompting policy change toward acceptance and autonomy.

< Back Turbulent Tensions: What’s Going on Over Russia? Pracheth Sanka January 31, 2025 Dec. 25, 2024: Azerbaijan Airlines Flight 8243, en route from Baku, Azerbaijan to Grozny, Chechnya, inexplicably crashed near Aktau, Kazakhstan, on the other side of the Caspian Sea. The intended flight path, a regularly scheduled trip, was a near-straight shot north towards Grozny, passing over parts of the Caspian Sea before entering Russian airspace over Makhachkala, Dagestan. However, the flight veered east towards Kazakhstan, severely changing altitude and losing GPS service before its fated descent. The crash killed 38 onboard, including both pilots, and left 29 survivors. Early reports by Russian and Azerbaijani aviation authorities supposed that foggy weather conditions could have been a factor in why the flight diverted toward Aktau, but this gave no explanation for why the flight crashed. Rosaviatsiya, the Russian aviation agency, proposed that a flock of birds may have been to blame for the incident. While these initial predictions indicated that the plane malfunctioned due to unfortunate natural occurrences, the suspected truth is less tame. Shortly after the incident, Azerbaijan Airlines announced that “external interference” was a factor in the flight's demise. Survivors recalled hearing multiple loud bangs as the flight approached Grozny and the flight’s GPS was jammed as it entered Russia, leading to speculation that Russian military operations were to blame for the disaster. Though nearly a thousand kilometers away from the frontline, Ukraine has conducted drone strikes as far as Chechnya as part of the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war . Azerbaijani investigators believe that Russian missiles mistakenly struck down the plane as part of anti-drone operations. Rosaviastsiya also announced that Ukrainian drone strikes had been launched in Grozny before Flight 8243 took off, further providing evidence that the Russian military could have caused the crash. Azerbaijan's President, Ilham Aliyev, placed full blame on Russia, asking Russian President Vladimir Putin to admit guilt and offer compensation to the victims. Despite Aliyev’s pressure, which came with Western support , Putin refused to accept responsibility for the tragedy, only providing his condolences to the victims and those affected. This was not the first instance of a suspicious aviation disaster taking place over Russia. Russian airspace has long been plagued with cases of mysterious crashes and downed airplanes, such as Malaysia Airlines Flight MH17 and the 2023 Wagner Group plane crash, which killed Russian rebel and paramilitary leader Yevgeny Prigozhin. The Kremlin’s failure to cooperate in international investigations into these incidents, and their further refusal to accept any responsibility, point to their sinister involvement in some of aviation’s worst crashes. Flight MH17, which was en route from Amsterdam, Netherlands to Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, crashed over eastern Ukraine in July of 2014, killing all 298 passengers and crew on board. Russia-allied Ukrainian separatists shot down the plane during the war in Donbas, which was part of the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war. An international investigation headed by the Netherlands found that the separatists used Russian-owned missiles to bring down the flight. The same investigation prosecuted four individuals related to the incident, ultimately finding three guilty of the murders of the 298 killed. However, the Kremlin refuses to hand over the three men and continues to deny any involvement in the downing of the plane. Further probing by Dutch officials found that Putin may have even approved the funding and supply of the missiles used by the separatist forces, further implicating his involvement in the crash. While Dutch officials admitted that their evidence was insufficient for a proper conclusion, there were strong indications that Putin taking action may have led to the fate of Flight MH17. Russia’s refusal to cooperate with international prosecutors and investigators permits a shadow of feigned innocence, a way for them to remain devoid of responsibility in the space of international relations, despite the implicit understanding that Putin and the Kremlin bear culpability for their actions. Take Yevgeny Prigozhin’s death in August of 2023, which took place two months after his failed mutiny against the Russian Ministry of Defense. Prigozhin, a once-close ally of Putin and leader of the private military Wagner Group, perished in a private plane crash north of Moscow, killing all passengers on board. Like the Azerbaijan Airlines crash, investigators noted that there was external interference at play and grenade fragments were found in the bodies of the victims, indicating foul play. Putin, who was open to an internal investigation, rejected outside help from the Brazilian company that manufactured the plane, while also dismissing claims that it was an assassination attempt on his behalf. A targeted attack on Prigozhin—who at the time was seen as an enemy of the state—would not be new to the Kremlin. Russian oligarchs and businessmen who oppose the regime have famously died in suspicious circumstances, like falling out of hotel room windows or suffering heart attacks; popular Russian dissident Alexei Navalny suddenly died while serving time in an arctic corrective prison colony, in what may have been a targeted poisoning . It is not below the Putin regime to have assassinated Prigozhin, or at the very least, had some suspect connection to his death. Russia’s failure, like in their other aviation ‘accidents’, to transparently investigate the incident highlights their aversion to culpability and responsibility, despite the rest of the world seeming to see past the Kremlin’s facade. Perhaps Putin truly believes that he has done no wrong, and it could be that these accidents were truly just that: accidents. Or maybe he knows that as long as these disasters take place within his borders, no one can fully know what he has or has not done. Whatever the case may be, the world has become wary of wandering in Russian air. The European Union’s aviation agency has warned all non-European airlines to avoid flying over Western Russia and to avoid being unintentionally—or intentionally—targeted by Russian defense systems. As the war wages on, and Putin’s power is checked, both externally and internally, flying into Russian airspace seems to be an increasingly dangerous venture. Airlines should heed the ominous warnings of their fated predecessors and avoid the tragedy of a downed flight. Photo credits: Wikicommons

< Back Menton Hosts the 89th Edition of the Lemon Festival By Catarina Vita March 31, 2023 From Feb. 11 to 26, our once-deserted “lemon town” became packed with tourists from all over the world to attend Menton’s renowned Fête du Citron. Composed of parades (called corsos) from the train station to Place St. Roch, endless lemon-themed souvenirs and even 30-euro NFTs on sale , Menton’s Lemon Festival brought over 250,000 people to the small town . To Menton’s economy and tourism, this annualfestivity is crucial. The 89th edition of the Fête du Citron was themed rock and opera, with the mascot being John Lemon — a pun for John Lennon, the famous member of the Beatles and rock singer. The majestic lemon structures at Jardin Biovès all resemble rock and opera singers, and every Thursday during the festival, a parade stopped the city and displayed even more lemon-made structures and rock and opera music. According to Marinella Giardina, the tourism assistant to the mayor of Menton, in an interview with France Bleu , “a rock lemon is a lemon filled with vitamins and bananas and invites you to bite into life with certainty.” With this statement, Giardina means that the 89th Fête du Citron and its symbolic lemon will not be bitter but sweet and inviting to participate in. It is no exaggeration that the weekly corsos during the Lemon Festival paralyzed Menton. Mayor Yves Juhel, speaking to France3 Provence-Alpes-Côte-D’Azur , confirmed that over 100,000 people bought tickets to watch the festival. These presentations ended at 23:15, and since the trains back to other cities in the Côte D’Azur line end not long after 21:00, the Mayor encouraged bus networks to supplement train services. In 1896, the first edition of the Fête du Citron began. Hotel workers suggested a parade to draw visitors to Menton during the wintertime. This idea attracted not only high-profile visitors, such as Queen Victoria but the citizens of Menton as well. From 1896 to 1929, the parade continued, but without the famous citron as its main character. As 1929 approached, Menton led the production of lemons in the region, and hotel workers from Hotel Riviera organized a parade of citrus flowers and fruits throughout Menton. In 1934, the Fête du Citron became an annual tradition. It is undeniable that the festival is crucial for the Mentonese economy. According to BFM Côte D’Azur , a local Italian shop and restaurant, Pasta Piemonte, which sells ravioli with Menton lemon filling, reported selling eighty kilos of their delicacy. The shop owner also said that their orders are concentrated on corso days, especially because their location is close to Jardin Biovès, and hence close to the lemon-made statues. A local hotel was also reported to have a 100% occupancy rate during the Fête du Citron. Tutti Frutti, a Michelin-starred ice cream parlor, was closed in Menton since late October, and reopened due to the Lemon Festival, which has brought in massive queues. Frank Devergranne, interviewed by France3 Provence-Alpes-Côte-D’Azur as a member of the Menton’s hôteliers union, reported an approximate 50% growth in hotel performance. He also considered the economic concern for hotel workers in Menton during quarantine and winter time and how this year’s Fête du Citron was “a big gulp of oxygen” for their revenues. Small touristic train-like cars circulate Menton during the day times of the Lemon Festival, which gives temporary driving jobs to people in need. The promotion of dance, music and art for workers in the creative field is highlighted in the Lemon Festival, which makes the event a valuable opportunity for those working in the industry. Considering the passion the Mentonese government and the Côte D’Azur has for the annual Fête du Citron, the theme for its 90th edition is already established: the Olympics from ancient history to the present. The year 2024 will also be when Paris hosts the Olympic games, which will only further bolster French tourism. Nonetheless, the surface area of Menton is a humble 14.05 kilometers squared, and harboring more than 250,000 people is challenging, especially with its infinite staircases and narrow streets. For future events to come, the city is hopeful that the Mentonese government considers this factor and develops strategies to prevent the city from overcrowding. Obvious environmental factors come with the Fête du Citron, such as tourists polluting the streets and wasting food and material. As the Festival comes to an end, lemon peels and paper confetti are found scattered in the Basilica stairs and in the Mentonese narrow streets. To make this event even more prosperous for Menton itself and its citizens’ well-being, the government can deliberate strategies for the sustainability of the Lemon Festival.

Najib Mikati incarne un Liban corrompu et à bout de souffle. Le passé et le présent du pays se sont fait avec lui, mais le futur qu’espèrent nombre de libanais ne pourra se réaliser que lorsque Najib Mikati et toute la classe politique qu’il représente seront relégués au musée. De nouveaux visages sur scène sont attendus pour la nouvelle pièce à écrire. < Back Najib Mikati, un milliardaire dans le marécage du Grand Sérail Lubin Parisien September 30, 2024 « Quelles seront vos priorités ? » demande le journaliste du Figaro . « Améliorer la situation économique, réduire la dette publique, défendre le pouvoir d'achat des Libanais et travailler sur les grands chantiers de réforme qui sont en souffrance », énumère le Premier ministre libanais Najib Mikati. Il pourrait faire référence aux priorités de son gouvernement depuis 2021. En réalité, ces réponses sont tirées d’un entretien accordé au Figaro en 2011, quand il est élu Premier Ministre une seconde fois. Durant une décennie, Najib Mikati est à la tête d’un gouvernement qui doit faire face aux mêmes problèmes. L’absence de progrès interroge: pourquoi rien n’a été fait? Najib Mikati, qualifié « d’éternelle roue de secours » par L’Orient - Le Jour , incarne l’immobilisme d’une classe politique versée dans les affaires et profondément inefficace, si ce n’est néfaste. Le 24 Novembre 1955, Najib Mikati voit le jour à Tripoli. Les élites de Tripoli ont pu ainsi jouer le jeu nationamiste syrien avant de rallier la politique libanaise. Dans l’ouvrage collectif Leaders et partisans au Liban , publié en 2012, Bruno Dewailly revient sur les “transformations du leadership tripolitain”. Désormais, avec le mandat français, “la dimension du négoce finit par primer et l’indépendance marque l’instauration d’un libéralisme particulier associant de nouvelles élites foncières et marchandes”. Dans ce contexte, la famille Mikati est une famille de petits notables tripolitains avec une éducation certaine, mais cela n’a rien à voir avec de grandes dynasties de Beyrouth ou de Tripoli comme les Karamé. C’est dans toute cette dynamique qu’il faut comprendre l'ascension des Mikatis. Najib Mikati est diplômé de l’université américaine de Beyrouth. Son ascension commence avec Investcom, une entreprise de télécommunication, fondée avec son frère, Taha Mikati. De 1975 à 1990, la guerre civile fait rage au Liban, les infrastructures de télécommunications tombent comme des dominos. C’est justement cela qui fait la prospérité de Investcom; l’entreprise vend en effet des téléphones satellitaires, et plus tard elle reconstruit un réseau d’infrastructures de télécommunications. Najib Mikati noue des liens privilégiés avec le régime des Assads: quelques semaines après l’accession au pouvoir de Bachar al-Assad, une filiale d’Investcom obtient des concessions pour opérer en Syrie. Mikati s’est aussi fait une place dans le capitalisme mondial, son groupe est coté dans de grandes bourses et est présent dans 10 pays, notamment en Afrique de l’Ouest. En 2006, les frères Mikatis empochent 5 milliards de dollars avec la vente d’Investcom à la compagnie sud-africaine MTN. Néanmoins, en faisant l’acquisition de 6% des actions de MTN , les Mikati ne coupent pas les ponts avec les télécoms. Leurs actifs se diversifient, que ce soit avec l'immobilier, la finance ou avec la mode (Pepe Jeans). Tout cela est regroupé dans une maison-mère, M1 Group, créée en 2007. Ils s’aventurent même dans la presse avec le lancement du site Lebanon 24 en 2011. En 2024, le magazine Forbes évalue la fortune de chacun des frères Mikati à 2,8 milliards de dollars , c’est-à-dire les plus grosses fortunes individuelles recensées par le magazine au Liban. Najib Mikati s’est fait une place dans le monde des affaires libanais et plus largement arabe; ce faisant, il acquiert une place dans un monde inextricablement lié au premier: la politique. De 1998 à 2004, il est ministre des Travaux publics et des Transports. Il officie dans les gouvernements de Rafic Hariri notamment, sans pour autant intégrer le grand parti sunnite des Hariris. La charge ministérielle l’a d’ailleurs « convaincu de la nécessité de ne pas cumuler les charges du ministère et de la députation. » Il gravit néanmoins progressivement les échelons ; il est élu député à Tripoli en 2000 tout en restant ministre. En 2005, l’ex-Premier ministre Rafic Hariri est assassiné dans des conditions troubles. Le pays est en crise, nombreux sont ceux qui dénoncent les ingérences occidentales et surtout l’occupation syrienne. Najib Mikati est alors nommé Premier ministre en avril sur fond de retrait syrien et de révolution populaire. Najib Mikati est une personnalité politique peu connue qui représente l'establishment pro-syrien mais qui a une assise financière mondiale qui le rend légitime aux yeux de la communauté internationale. Son gouvernement comporte des pro et anti-syriens, et pour l’organisation des élections, il fait appel à la communauté internationale: c’est donc un gouvernement consensuel. Il profite de son image en retrait pour apparaître comme une solution de compromis, mais le mandat que lui accorde la classe politique n’est qu’un intérim: « il accepte ce qu’il refuse aujourd’hui [en 2021]: être à la tête d’un gouvernement dont la seule mission est de superviser les élections et le retrait syrien du Liban » selon L’Orient-Le Jour dans une rétrospective de sa carrière politique. En 2011, le Liban est encore en crise . Le gouvernement de Saad Hariri chute. Le Hezbollah affirme sa supériorité militaire et reproche à M. Hariri de ne pas avoir assez fait pression sur le tribunal international sur l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri. Il est soutenu par le Hezbollah, il est parfois même présenté comme le candidat du parti chiite. Le clan Hariri, chassé du Grand Sérail, accuse M. Mikati de trahison contre sa communauté sunnite. Mikati est dès le début en position de funambule: dans un entretien avec Le Figaro en Février 2011, il déclare: « Avant de me soutenir, le Hezbollah m'a certes demandé des engagements, mais j'ai répondu que je ne pouvais pas les assurer. Je ne me suis engagé qu'à une chose envers lui: protéger la résistance. » Les trois enjeux de son gouvernement sont sa propre survie, le redressement de l’économie libanaise exsangue ainsi que d’éviter la propagation de la guerre civile syrienne au Liban. Pour s’attirer les bonnes grâces de la communauté internationale, il dégèle les fonds que le Liban devait allouer au Tribunal enquêtant sur l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri; il le présente comme une initiative personnelle pour ne pas attirer en même temps les foudres du Hezbollah qui craignait des poursuites à son encontre. Le gouvernement chute à cause des dissensions de la coalition autour de l’attitude à adopter vis-à-vis de la guerre civile syrienne : la politique d’équilibrisme de Najib Mikati n’a pas fait long feu. La question de la réforme électorale et du redécoupage des circonscriptions ont finalement raison des lambeaux de la coalition de M. Mikati. Il reste Premier ministre jusqu’en 2013, il exerce l’intérim jusqu’en 2014, jusqu’aux élections législatives repoussées par un Parlement n’ayant pas trouvé d’accord sur ses modalités. En parallèle, le Liban obtient le score peu glorieux de 30 sur l’indice de perception de la corruption en 2013: le pays occupe la 127ème place. Le Gouvernement Mikati n’a pas rétabli la confiance envers le pays et sa classe politique. Il n’a pas attiré le tonnerre sur le Liban, mais il n’a résolu aucun problème et a ainsi laissé le système politique s'encroûter. En 2021, Najib Mikati est de retour dans le Grand Sérail, siège du gouvernement libanais. Le Liban a vécu de grandes manifestations en 2019 contre l’incurie économique du pays. En 2020, l’explosion d’un silo de nitrate d’ammonium dans le port de Beyrouth fait 235 morts et défigure la capitale. Après les échecs de Saad Hariri, Hassan Diab puis Mustapha Adib, c'est Najib Mikati qui est nommé Premier ministre , avec notamment le soutien de la France. Pour rétablir la confiance des bailleurs de fonds internationaux dans le Liban, il doit trouver une solution aux problèmes d’approvisionnement en hydrocarbures et améliorer le sort des 78% de libanais sous le seuil de pauvreté. Son poste de Premier Ministre est remis en jeu début 2022, nombreux sont ceux qui considèrent son gouvernement comme démissionnaire. En juin, il reçoit le mandat du Parlement pour former un nouveau gouvernement, avec 54 voix sur 128 ; il bénéficie du soutien des partis chiites que sont le Hezbollah et Amal, mais les partis chrétiens le rejettent. Le rejet de M. Mikati par les partis chrétiens est d’autant plus vrai quand il faut élire un nouveau président. Le mandat de Michel Aoun expire le 31 octobre 2022. Les relations entre Najib Mikati et Michel Aoun sont notoirement mauvaises, ce qui pourrait être expliqué par leurs parcours opposés: M. Mikati était au gouvernement sous l’occupation syrienne alors que Michel Aoun était en exil en France après s’être opposé à l’intervention de Hafez al-Assad. Avant de quitter le palais présidentiel, Aoun envoie une lettre au Parlement où il nie toute autorité à Najib Mikati, qui avait reçu la confiance du Parlement mais qui n’avait pas encore formé son gouvernement. Il déclare dans un discours qu’en « vertu des pouvoirs que [lui] confère la Constitution, j'ai adressé ce matin une lettre à la Chambre des représentants et j'ai signé le décret de démission du gouvernement. » Néanmoins, si la Présidence n’a pas de titulaire, c’est à M. Mikati de remplir les prérogatives liées à la fonction présidentielle. Il ressort gagnant du bras de fer avec Michel Aoun. Son gouvernement est constitué, mais il est affaibli. Najib Mikati est à la tête du jeu politique libanais en cumulant les prérogatives présidentielles et primo-ministérielles, mais il ne tire pas toutes les ficelles de ce jeu politique. Il n’est que celui qui a le plus réussi à maintenir des voix autour de sa personne. Aujourd’hui, il n’y a toujours pas de Président élu. Autre souci pour M. Mikati, la révélation des bénéfices qu’il a retirés de biens mal acquis, notamment avec les Pandora Papers en 2021. Il est accusé d’avoir détourné, par l’intermédiaire de sociétés-écrans, un prêt accordé à M1 Group par la Banque du Liban— entre 2010 et 2013 alors qu’il était Premier ministre—pour acquérir un patrimoine immobilier personnel à Monaco et en Côte d’Azur. En Avril 2024, l’ONG Sherpa et le Collectif des Victimes des Pratiques Frauduleuses et Criminelles au Liban ont porté plainte en France auprès du PNF (Parquet National Financier). Ces transactions malhonnêtes se seraient faites avec la complicité de Riad Salamé, ancien directeur omnipotent de la Banque du Liban, arrêté en septembre 2024 pour corruption et détournement de fonds. Enfin, M. Mikati est aujourd’hui à la tête d’un Liban au bord de la guerre, après le 7 octobre 2023 et avec des échanges de roquettes réguliers entre le Hezbollah et l’Etat hébreu. Alors qu’Israël a frappé Beyrouth-Sud en août et que de nouvelles frappes encore plus meurtrières ont été initié le 23 septembre, le gouvernement semble dépossédé de l’exercice de la souveraineté de l’Etat libanais, État bien souvent oublié quand on parle de la possible guerre au Liban. M. Mikati est spectateur de la géopolitique régionale. Ses initiatives sont convenues et reprennent peu ou prou les mêmes idées que celles défendues par les chancelleries occidentales. Le rôle de Najib Mikati, qui a des ministres du Hezbollah dans son gouvernement, est sans doute de maintenir et de geler le jeu politique libanais pendant que le Hezbollah, l’Iran et Israël mènent un jeu autrement plus dangereux et déterminant pour l’avenir du Liban. Najib Mikati est partout et nulle part à la fois. Son évanescence lui a permis de naviguer dans toutes les ramifications du marécage politique libanais, et il a su maintenir un État libanais lors de grandes crises comme celle d’aujourd’hui. Il a surtout maintenu les iniquités décriées par la population et qui gangrènent la politique libanaise: Najib Mikati incarne un Liban corrompu et à bout de souffle. Le passé et le présent du pays se sont fait avec lui, mais le futur qu’espèrent nombre de libanais ne pourra se réaliser que lorsque Najib Mikati et toute la classe politique qu’il représente seront relégués au musée. De nouveaux visages sur scène sont attendus pour la nouvelle pièce à écrire.

Allowing citizens abroad to vote in European elections is not just a matter of convenience; it's a recognition of the evolving nature of citizenship in an interconnected world. < Back European Parliament: A Plea for Uniformity in Electoral Regulation By Selma Kaymakci for European Society November 30, 2023 As the 2024 European Parliament election, scheduled for June 6 to 9, approaches, the institution is at a crossroads, with pressing challenges of possible radicalization and ensuing need for effective functioning. Central to overcoming these challenges is fostering high voter turnout in the upcoming elections. Amidst its commitment to democracy and increasing voter participation via communication campaigns, a persistent issue casts a shadow over the electoral process in four specific member states: Czechia, Slovakia, Malta and Ireland. These four countries, by law, do not allow their citizens to vote from abroad. Despite 23 of the 27 European Union Member States allowing remote voting as a means to enhance accessibility and civic engagement, these four countries require their citizens abroad to return home to vote, with many citizens opting not to do so. While this may seem like a minor issue, in practicality, it has wider implications. Allowing citizens abroad to vote in European elections is not just a matter of convenience; it's a recognition of the evolving nature of citizenship in an interconnected world. The voting rights in the elections to the European Parliament extend beyond national borders, impacting not just the voters’ own national legislation but shaping the very mechanisms and policies of the European Union, hence indirectly impacting the laws and legislation of other member states. EU citizens living in a different member state than their origin are also highly relevant for the outcome of the elections. The first-hand experience of cross-border mobility abroad offers a tangible expression of the abstract idea of the European Union, reflecting a nuanced understanding of the benefits and challenges of European integration. Particularly amid growing radicalization in some member states , the votes of those who live abroad are likely to push for policies reflecting ideals of the current European Union, contributing to stability. Interestingly, the four countries in question present a different case on this matter. In Malta and Ireland, citizens living outside the country do not have the ability to vote in any state elections or referendums—however, both countries have different outlooks and solutions on the matter. In Malta, all elections have resulted in subsidizing airplane tickets for eligible voters, which was also done in the 2019 European elections. While this is admirable, it calls into question the need for such barriers in the first place. The idea of citizens having to board an airplane to exercise their fundamental right to vote appears to be rather obsolete, at least, in the 21st century. In Ireland, no solution is proposed to this issue, and at the heart of the matter is a lack of political will to address this problem. However, by limiting voting rights to those within the country's borders, Ireland inadvertently sustains a system that excludes a segment of its population in both European and local elections. Czechia is a different case, where citizens can vote in parliamentary and presidential elections from abroad, but are excluded from participating in European elections, senate and local elections. Slovakia also presents a similar policy, where nationals abroad have the option of voting by mail in parliamentary elections but not in presidential and European elections. While the absence of vote from abroad in local elections can be justified via constituency fragmentation, the countries stand as one electoral district in the case of European Parliament elections. Hence, they have no reason not to facilitate elections from embassies or consulates. This exclusion of voting rights, coming from a time when interest in voting for MEPs (i.e., Member of the European Parliament) was low, presents a democratic blind spot that requires immediate attention. Solution? An alternative choice for individuals living abroad in these states is to vote for their country of residence rather than their country of origin. This, however, comes with obstacles—and the more obstacles presented to voters, the greater the chance of non-participation. It requires citizens to be aware that they can vote in their country of residence, register, map out the political arena and cast their ballots. Even when a person is willing to run through these hurdles, the conditions vary across member states as to who can vote in European elections, not ensuring that one can vote at all if they cannot travel to their country of citizenship. One thing is certain—the European Electoral Act requires revision for a set of united election rules to occur, ensuring full accessibility, equity and legitimacy of representation. The European Electoral Act currently only outlines very broad common principles and lacks a uniform electoral system across EU Member States for European elections. While changes were introduced to this act, most recently in 2022, that sought to harmonize the electoral procedure in many aspects, for these changes to come into effect a long process including a unanimous vote from the Council and majority consent from the Parliament is needed. Most recently, a debate on this act was held in June of 2023, so for the 2024 elections, the train to pass the revised version of the act has long passed. At a time when political turmoil is present and every vote can influence the outcome of the election, this can prove to be a dangerous aspect of European legislation that has not been given sufficient attention. Examining and addressing these seemingly insignificant legislative issues is crucial as the European Union navigates the complexities of modern governance to combat extremism in the European Parliament and ensure that the democratic process remains reflective of the dispersed European population, guaranteeing voting rights to every citizen.

We’ll find ourselves scrolling through 2.7 million posts ranging from references to the album, people talking about and embracing themselves using the brat aesthetic and lyrics from the album, photos of vice-president Kamala Haris, and tutorials on brat green hair and makeup. Nevertheless, there remains the question: How did being ‘brat’ come into the mainstream in an era dominated by the highest grossing tour in history, Taylor Swift’s Eras tour? < Back BECOMING BRAT Ema Nevrelova September 30, 2024 Contrary to many trends circulating on social media, the “brat summer” trend emerged from an album title. In the era of short videos and short extracts for songs, it sometimes seems impossible to appreciate more 'time-consuming' forms of art and music, but Charli XCX proved us wrong. Songwriter and artist Charli XCX released her sixth studio album, Brat, on June 7, 2024. It is worth mentioning that Charli has maintained her relevance for over 15 years, and has accomplished exactly what she had imagined for herself back in 2009 when she stated in an interview for the magazine Dazed Digital: “I want to prove to people that you don’t have to become this big, commercial pop writing machine to be successful, you can just do whatever you want, and it will be fine.” However, the recent resurgence of her popularity led some people to believe that she made an overhyped album with sloppy covers. Yet, her true fans know that coloured background and blurry title has been the aesthetics of her past four albums (including Brat). Fittingly, “you can just do whatever you want, and it will be fine” could also be a good basis to establish the definition of term brat, even though the commonly cited description of “brat essentials” by Charli XCX as having a “pack of cigs, a Bic lighter and a strappy white top with no bra.” There definitely has been room for interpretation illustrated by the #brat on Instagram. We’ll find ourselves scrolling through 2.7 million posts ranging from references to the album, people talking about and embracing themselves using the brat aesthetic and lyrics from the album, photos of vice-president Kamala Haris, and tutorials on brat green hair and makeup. Nevertheless, there remains the question: How did being ‘brat’ come into the mainstream in an era dominated by the highest grossing tour in history, Taylor Swift’s Eras tour? As Charli XCX alluded to in her interview for podcast Sidetrack, there is a cultural shift and “ the niche is being rewarded.’’ Her statement might be confusing to most people as they probably connect Charli with her second and arguably most mainstream studio album Sucker (which included hits like Break The Rules or Boom Clap ) released in 2014. What is perhaps lesser known is that she has been active in the Underground scene since her teenage years—attending raves or DJing in clubs. Charli has also collaborated with a producer named SOPHIE who, I would argue, helped shape her work towards hyperpop , a microgenre of electronic and pop music originating in the UK (mostly spread through SoundCloud). There are other reasons apart from a higher appreciation for the niche that made this album relevant this summer. An important factor for the promotion of the album was that Charli is the embodiment of brat—from the way she dresses to her confident yet vulnerable presence. Eye-catching colour, her strong personality and Tik Tok opened the door for her album into the mainstream. Another good marketing strategy and demonstration of various meanings of brat was the reconciliation of Lorde and Charli over the song “ The girl, so confusing” – even though they never really had a falling out. The 3.9 million views on YouTube prove that communication, female solidarity and friendship are brat. When discussing friendship that should have happened sooner, let’s look at the song “ Guess” featuring Billie Eilish. The song “ Guess” doesn’t appear on the original album Brat, but on its extended version called “Brat and it’s the same but there’s three more songs so it’s not” released on June 10. This queer hit pushed the brat obsession even further, with some of us longing for “lower back tattoo”. Possibly, the biggest ‘brat move’ surrounding the song was Charli and Billie donating around 10 000 of undergarments, from the Guess videoclip, to the I Support The Girls nonprofit organization providing ‘‘distribution of undergarments and menstrual products to folx experiencing homelessness and to victims of domestic violence.’’ Charli doesn’t just address important topics in real life but also in her songs. “ I think about it all the time” touches on the thought process and expectations around having children. Lines that resonate are “Should I stop my birth control? ‘Cause my career feels so small in the existential scheme of it all.’’ A second song with heartbreaking potential (not in a romantic way) is Apple . Unveiling Charli’s complicated relationship with parents allows for a reflection on our own childhood traumas and for a realisation that “the apple doesn't fall far from the tree.’ ’ Notably, the most emotional and vulnerable song is “ So I” – tribute to Charli’s long time music mentor, DJ and producer SOPHIE, who passed away in 2021. Slower tempo and reference to SOPHIE’ song It’s okay to cry should make us all cry. Clearly, brat isn’t solely about being a shallow bad girl, rather, it deals with the intricacy of womanhood from a messy feminine perspective. That is not to say that there is not a party element to the album, as Charli XCX revealed in the Therapuss podcast: “It [the album] is very personal but there are songs about just like getting f*cked up.’’ The party songs include 360 , 365 , Rewind or Club classics and that is where Charli utilized her skills from DJing. The tempo is fast, almost to a point where you feel dizzy but in a soothing tipsy way, at the same time the lyrics serve as reassurance that we don’t have a perfect routine, body or personality. We can “just rewind’’ and “say something stupid.’’ The popularity of this trend got so widespread that it even found its way into U.S. politics. After vice-president of the U.S. Kamala Harris announced running for presidency; Charli XCX endorsed her by writing on X: “kamala IS brat.’’ Harris’s campaign adopted the brat aesthetic and produced memes, making many people quickly forget about the attempted assassination of Donald Trump—a success, from a marketing point of view. Despite Harris’s quick rise to internet fame, it wasn't coincidental. As many politicians before her she likely aimed at younger voters in hopes of securing their votes. It remains to be seen if this tactic will prove to be successful, as Democrat voters among Generation Z and Millennials tend to sympathize with Palestine and criticize President Joe Biden’s policy in the current Israeli-Palestinian war. Harris will likely follow in his footsteps if she becomes president. Regardless of the outcome of the U.S. presidential elections, it is safe to say that “kamala IS brat’’ will not be forgotten. To conclude, this summer we witnessed a cultural shift during which, paradoxically, niche became part of mainstream culture and politics. But has the Brat album made a societal impact? As with any trend or album we will probably forget brat summer ever happened. Nevertheless, it will be one more summer which 2.7 million of us spent being less self-conscious and less bothered by other people’s expectations. Charli XCX reminded us, in her blunt and unhinged way, that we can be confident and vulnerable and there is in fact nothing wrong with our imperfect, complicated personalities. After all, if the potential U.S. president can be brat, can’t we all?

< Back From Mist to Magic: Menton’s Unstoppable Spirit at WEIS Eleni Dimitropoulou I don’t know where to start or end in describing the experience I lived through in three days in November, from the 9th to the 11th, in a place so different from our sunny Menton. In Nancy, a city draped in a veil of cold mist, despite the frost, there’s a surprising warmth that flows through its streets—not from the weather, but from the people. It’s a place where the cold is constant, yet the atmosphere buzzes with life, energy and a sense of belonging that feels anything but icy. Source: Science Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024 In the north of France, our university’s delegation, made up of around 100 people, gathered to compete in more than ten different sports, including volleyball, basketball, soccer, handball, rugby and cheerleading. Despite their excitement, we faced a major challenge even before arriving at the facilities: a grueling 15-hour overnight journey to Nancy, with a mix of trains and buses that tested our patience. We started by train as the sun dipped below the horizon from Menton carrying us through the Cote d’Azur, with the destination of Marseille. A midnight bus transfer broke what little rhythm we had. The journey through the French countryside along dark, winding roads was restless, with stolen moments of sleep between jolts. At the final stop, hunger set in, and a vending machine raid became our makeshift breakfast. By the time we arrived in Nancy at dawn, we were exhausted but relieved, our journey through the night finally behind us. Upon arrival, we had to wait for the organizers and other participants in 6°C weather. Yet this did not dampen our spirits. On the contrary, Menton's team once again demonstrated the spirit of fair play, cooperation, teamwork and enthusiasm. With their well-known chants and songs, they not only raised the bar for everyone else but also sparked waves of excitement and joy. Their loud, energetic voices were so impressive that the teams arriving in buses stared at them, amazed at how such a small group with limited resources—just a few microphones and dysfunctional speakers—managed to create such a stir, even in the challenging weather. This wasn’t just noise; it was a statement. It was our way of setting the tone for the games while also braving the cold. Source: Maria Marangoni, November 2024. On the first day, although exhausted, the mentonnais didn’t stop singing for two or three hours straight. We engaged in friendly competitions, danced in the freezing cold and formed human chains. And when the time came for the first event—cheerleading—everyone was there, without exception. Even when technical difficulties caused the music to stop, the rhythmic clapping of the students not only encouraged our team but also proved that Menton wasn’t there just for victories; they were there for the experience, as a team and as a community. Source: Maria Marangoni, Sciences Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024. That’s what set us apart from other campuses. While they were supportive of their athletes, our group felt like a family—synchronized, unified and full of vibrant energy. You could feel the pulse of the team beating strongly. By the time Friday ended, despite minor setbacks, our team had once again cemented its reputation as the campus with the best atmosphere, renowned for organizing unforgettable parties where no one could resist dancing. During a short marathon of bar hopping in Nancy, I can objectively say that Menton’s students lived up to their title. Playing drinking games, dancing non-stop, dominating at pool, and even throwing a surprise party for a teammate; we created a magnetic atmosphere. Other campuses gravitated toward Menton’s gathering, staying for hours, captivated by the lively and enchanting energy. It felt almost surreal, like stepping into a dream. Sadly, we couldn’t keep the night going as long as we wished, knowing that an early morning awaited us, filled with sports events. But that night would remain unforgettable for everyone. Saturday was packed with games—three or four for each sport. We experienced both wins and mostly losses. Yet no one felt discouraged, angry or disappointed. Every team gave their best, and despite lacking coaches, sufficient practice sessions or proper training facilities, our effort was unmatched. This even inspired other teams to support us. Of course, I must mention our injured teammates, who gave everything on the field and sacrificed themselves for the victory. Even with injuries to their arms or legs, they showed up early, cheered endlessly and danced with the same spirit. Source: Maria Marangoni, Sciences Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024. We must also highlight the hospitality of Nancy’s students, who warmly welcomed us despite the chilly temperatures. They opened their homes to us, introduced us to their style of partying—with plenty of beer—and invited us to pre-drinks and after-parties. We are deeply grateful to them for putting up with us for three whole days! Some of them hosted more than 15 people in their homes, and while the situation was chaotic, it had its own unique charm. The party organized at a club, while modest compared to those we’re used to, had its own magic. Students and athletes from all over the world came together, blending cultures and traditions. It was indescribable. During the day, these athletes were serious and focused, but for the first time, they let loose—dancing on tables and singing as one big family. I believe these inter-campus games are like our own Olympics, giving us a chance not only to broaden our horizons but to interact with people of different mindsets and lifestyles. Source: Sciences Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024. Rumors circulated that Menton students stuck to themselves and sang their own chants in the club, but I know for certain that many new friendships—perhaps even more than friendships— were formed during this event. And as for the rest? Well, some were seen wearing KRO outfits, sporting purple paint and leaving everyone wondering...let's just say, the Menton crew might have a lot to explain. However, to the best of my knowledge, no student from the Menton campus participated in the well-known “chelem” bet, at least not yet. The final day, Monday, was arguably the most significant. Even though we didn’t win in most sports and didn’t place in the top three, we were waiting for two important events: the ping pong match featuring our standout players, Finn and Charlie, who made us all proud by securing third place, and the awards ceremony. Source: Maria Marangoni, Sciences Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024. One award, traditionally given to the most spirited campus, seemed destined for us. Our energy, liveliness and unparalleled effort should have made this award ours. This was confirmed not only by our team but also by the opinions of other participants and athletes. A survey conducted before the awards by MentonTV showed that 80% of respondents believed we deserved the prix d’ambiance. Yet, inexplicably, we were overlooked. The road home was long and somber, as all our hopes had been dashed. We had given everything but still didn’t understand the outcome. But, dear readers, don’t be disheartened. BDS, in collaboration with UMMAH, our ultras, will come back stronger than ever in the upcoming Minicrit—the Collegéades. This was merely a test during WEIS, an experiment. Remember, we have not yet revealed all our cards, which, for your information, are full of aces. We endured a grueling 15-hour trip, raced to Burger King like our lives depended on it (Hunger Games Menton Edition), and a three-hour wait in the most dangerous city in France. And if you think these challenges would leave us besieged or discouraged, you’re mistaken. We have countless tasks ahead, but despite the hardships, our goal remains unshaken. With determination, hard work, and unwavering willpower, everything is possible, even attending a 9 am class after a sleepless and challenging night!!! In this article, I would like to extend my gratitude to the incredible people who made this trip special not just for me, but for the entire team and even for other campuses: Faustine and Robin : Awarded the Best Organization Team. Alexia : The Best Face Painter. Elia and Katalina : The Best Replacement for Megaphones. Antoine : The supporter and player who, even with an injury, never stopped chanting. Nour, Salah, Jasmine, Chloe and Ines : For incorporating Loulou, even when she was broken. Bus 1 : For having the Best Ambiance. Matine : We owe you some green clothes after your incident with the “valise”! Istvan : Awarded the Best Drummer among all campuses. Next time be careful of your drum. Nancy stole it thrice!!! Madeleine and Marwan : Our birthday players and lucky stars. Maria and Landon : The Best Photographer and Videographer. BDS : For creating the best maillots, which other campuses even tried to steal from us. All Captains (Charlie, Florian, Syrine, Theophille, Ylies, Catalina, Aymen, Orlane and Nina) : For organizing and guiding us through every step. An honorable mention to all those who returned to Menton without a voice, especially some of the 1As: Camille, Juliette, Lou and Max. We are eagerly counting down to the next Minicrit, which will take place from May 19th to 21st in Reims. This time, we’re coming prepared to conquer and excel. Ashad urid el intissar! Stay tuned for updates and be ready to witness the spirit of unity, resilience, and triumph as we aim for the stars! Source: Sciences Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024. Previous Next

< Back The Russian Riviera Amer El-Ibrahim The love story between the Russians and the French Riviera is not a novelty of contemporaneity. It is instead a communion that dates back 150 years, when the time of Tzars was at its peak. It all began in 1856, when Alexandra Feodorovna, widow of the Tzar Nicholas I, settled in Nice. From this point on, many members of the Russian aristocracy of the period spent their winters in this sunny paradise, building sumptuous villas that can still be admired today. Their numbers grew so quickly that, in 1859, out of 104 foreign families registered in Nice, 30 were Russian while only 24 were French (Nice became part of France only a year later). It is worth mentioning that most of the Russian aristocracy knew French and were fascinated by France in general, so moving to such a region did not require efforts at accommodating. Interestingly, the Belgian journal L'Indépendant wrote: "The English have taken a dislike to Nice. They claim that the Russians have imported there [...] their natural agitation, their inner tumult." This flooding can be explained on one hand through the adulation the Russians showed their Tzars and their families, aristocrats and bourgeoisie alike being more than keen to live in their proximity, and on the other hand through the rough winters that befell Russia yearly. Thanks to this exodus, the Russian Orthodox Cathedral in Nice is the largest one outside of Russia—its construction heavily financed by the imperial family. The Russian Revolution brought the ending of this trend in 1917, when the Bolsheviks were victorious, thus forcing a great number of White forces, intelligentsia and aristocrats to flee the country. Nevertheless, some of them did choose the French Riviera because of the already-established Russian community that flourished here. Fast forward seventy years of stagnation in Russian immigration in this region, the ‘90s brought about the fall of the USSR and together with it immense freedom for the subjects of the socialist regime. In this new climate, the French Riviera became once again a hotspot for many Russians, from oligarchs to a plethora of persons from the criminal underworld, all of which brought serious money to this region. The most important impact they had was regarding real estate. Luxury apartments and villas were bought by some oligarchs to move their dirty money out of Russia and to launder it. This trend was so significant that the prices of the whole real estate of the Riviera were—and to this day still are—drastically inflated. This over-inflation of the market left out the possibility for most locals to ever buy such properties. From the mid-90s to the financial crisis of 2008, prices skyrocketed all over the Riviera. For example, in Cap d’Antibes, a square meter of luxury property was 20,000 euros in 2000-2001, reaching a staggering 53,000 in 2005-2006. However, the war in Ukraine has brought drastic changes to this phenomenon. The authorities from France and Monaco have seized a considerable number of villas and other assets along the Riviera that belonged to associates of President Putin. Since the conflict, the number of Russian buyers of property in this region plummeted, according to the director of an important real estate agency . Regardless of this facade, the Russian elite lives and party—as if sanctions do not exist. As one French finance ministry official put it, “We’re entering an era of industrialisation of sanctions—and the EU has not been built for that purpose, it’s not in our DNA.” Indeed, EU-imposed sanctions are too lenient and have hardly been effective, allowing, for example, a seized mansion to be used by the owner without restrictions. The only thing that is not possible is to sell it. Recently, two Russian billionaires with heavy ties to the regime challenged the sanctions imposed on them by the EU and won, making this a step toward reclaiming their luxurious villas on the Riviera and setting a model for other sanction-stricken billionaires. Additionally, 60 percent of real estate agents on the Riviera are not checking whether their clients’ names appear on a sanctions list. So life has hardly changed for the oligarchs that inhabit this area. Nonetheless, what speaks in favor of the authorities is that the Russians have developed a system so complicated that sanctions are hard to implement. In order to avoid any type of suspicion or sanction, they use a number of shell companies, trusts and foundations, making it nearly impossible to trace the owner accurately. The Russian reputation has been severely tainted by the newcomers of the ‘90s, who have slowly transformed the French Riviera into a money laundering scheme.rices are now too high for most of the population here. But the Russian community belongs to the Riviera, as it has for the last 150 years. While sanctions have thus far been unsuccessful, with the implementation of harsher laws, the Riviera just might become what it once was: a place where cultural exchange plays a key role in the development of the region and not just a toxic tourist spot. Previous Next