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Behind the curtain of seemingly increasing stability in Syria, out of the eye of Western press and politics, a deplorable crime is being committed against Syrian nationals: the expropriation of their heritage. < Back Turkey Is Waging War on Syrian Heritage By Emilia K September 29, 2022 Behind the curtain of seemingly increasing stability in Syria, out of the eye of Western press and politics, a deplorable crime is being committed against Syrian nationals: the expropriation of their heritage. Syrian heritage is one of the oldest and richest, providing invaluable insight into our past, with some of the best-preserved sites in the Middle East dating back thousands of years. Syria was the birthplace of sedentarization and agriculture; the first complex societies, writing systems and sciences emerged there. However, for several years, Syrian heritage has suffered immeasurable damages under various factions of the Syrian National Army (formerly known as the ‘Free Syrian Army’). Funded, trained and supplied by Turkey, which has established de-facto control over areas in Northern Syria, these armed opposition groups have looted and bulldozed numerous essential heritage sites. The theft of integral parts of Syrian history is happening against the backdrop of increasing Turkification of the self-proclaimed “safe zones.” This Turkification includes renaming geography and landmarks (the Saraya square in Afrin is now the Erdoğan Square), the introduction of Turkish in the school curriculums and the ethnic cleansing of a sizable Kurdish population. Heritage represents an indispensable component of the construction of group identity, and the loss thereof has a grave impact on the ability of Syrians to reconstruct their national identity after a traumatic war that has sown great divisions in the nation. By 2020, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights had reported activity at more than 25 archaeological sites, a number which has been continually increasing over the last two years. ‘Ayn Dāra represents the most prominent victim of the numerous attacks on Syrian heritage. This temple was a unique monument with rich sculptural decoration, dating to the 14th/13th century BCE, and — ironically — built by the Anatolian Hittites who had, at that time, conquered large parts of northern Syria. Lying roughly 40km northwest of Aleppo, the archaeological site dates back over 3000 years and bears importance on ancient trade routes between Egypt, Palestine and Anatolia. An airstrike by the Turkish air forces in 2018 eradicated half of the temple structure. However, more recently, Turkish-backed forces have looted both the site and the storage of the archaeological mission, despite repeated warnings by United Nations organizations. The temple of ‘Ayn Dāra is only one of many decimated sites. There have been reports of excavations near the Nabi Huri fortress, an important site on the ancient trade route from Antioch to the Euphrates, containing a 100-meter diameter Roman theater. Furthermore, the Sheikh Hamid shrine and the archaeological shrine of Abdulrahman, both holy sites for Yazidi Kurds, have been desecrated by excavations. Turkey’s role in this is significant: Stolen artifacts have been reported smuggled and sold in Turkey, and Ankara funds the heavy machinery and advanced equipment available to the armed groups. However, beyond the material damage, the loss of Syrian heritage in the Turkish-occupied regions presents an even greater danger to the Syrian identity, particularly to its Kurdish inhabitants. The United Nations reported the displacement of over 150,000 Kurdish residents of Afrin by the Turkish invasion and subsequent prohibition to return, instead promoting Arabic settlements. The remaining Kurdish population has been subject to the expropriation of property, harassment and arbitrary arrests by Syrian National Army factions. Other reports describe the widespread hewing of olive groves, which often represent a source of firewood in cold winters and the sole source of income for the families to whom they belong. While some of the olive trees were burned systematically, others were uprooted and smuggled to sell in Turkish markets. Few conflicts have grown as protracted as the Syrian one. The war has displaced 13 million Syrians since its 2011 outbreak, of which 3.6 million have fled to neighboring Turkey. In 2016, Turkey launched its first military intervention to counteract the Islamic State and the organization of Kurdish groups in Northern Syria. Since then, it has established effective control over an area of almost 9000 square kilometers, referred to as safe zones. These areas are under Turkish military rule and connected to the Turkish infrastructure. In a 2019 policy brief analysis, Engin Yüksel and Erwin van Veen identified that “Turkey has been setting up institutions that mirror Turkish structures and practices, creating favorable conditions for private (Turkish) investment and encouraging refugee return. These institutions also reflect Turkey’s own brand of national Islamism. Nationalism manifests itself in the introduction of the Turkish language in the primary school curricula in the area. State Islamism reveals itself in the 1,472 clerics and 5,686 religious teachers that Diyanet — the government’s directorate of religious affairs — has hired among Syrians to spread Turkey’s political interpretation of Islam among the local population, including anti-Kurdish and anti-Gülenist sentiments.” While establishing these safe zones is primarily interpreted as serving the relocation of the large refugee population in Turkey, the broader context of the occupation offers a different perspective. President Erdoğan’s neo-Ottoman sentiments towards a regional Turkish hegemony are no secret. Before Turkish incursions, the “conquest” Surah of the Quran rang from mosques, and in 2012 he proclaimed, “Inshallah, we will go to Damascus soon to hug our brothers. That day is close. Inshallah, we will read el-Fatiha at the tomb of Salahuddin and pray at the Emevi mosque...” The more control Turkey gains over educational and religious institutions, the stronger its ability to shift the narrative in favor of Turkish expansionism. The destruction of heritage represents the loss of tangible reminders of the nation’s history and heightens the difficulties of returning to unity, a prerequisite to sustained peace. While Western powers continue to support peace-restoration efforts in Syria, their closest ally is diminishing the prospects of their project. How can the North Atlantic Treaty Organization continue its pledges of support to Ukrainian sovereignty while one of its members exhibits such blatant disrespect to the very notion of such?

Tandis que les élections européennes approchent, l’Union européenne a décidé dans la nuit du 20 mars de réinstaurer des droits de douane sur certains produits agricoles ukrainiens. < Back Terres fertiles et défis amers : L’Union européenne et l’agriculture ukrainienne By Jonathan Smidtas March 30, 2024 Bon sens paysan ou trahison ? Tandis que les élections européennes approchent, l’Union européenne a décidé dans la nuit du 20 mars de réinstaurer des droits de douane sur certains produits agricoles ukrainiens. Le pays, un des principaux producteurs mondiaux, avait vu ses exportations vers l’Union européenne grimper en flèche à la suite de l’invasion du pays par la Russie car les taxes sur les importations agricoles ukrainiennes imposées par l’Union européenne avaient alors été supprimées. Depuis, la colère des agriculteurs européens dénonçant une concurrence insoutenable a marqué l’actualité. Alors que l’invasion à grande échelle de l’Ukraine a commencé il y a plus de deux ans, il semble de plus en plus clair qu’aucun camp n’est en mesure de l’emporter militairement, sauf retournement de situation majeur. L’on parle déjà de l’après-guerre, de la reconstruction de l’Ukraine et de son intégration à l’Union européenne. Alors que pendant des années les capitales européennes se sont opposées à l‘entrée de l’Ukraine au sein de l’UE, généralement en invoquant la faiblesse de l’état de droit et la corruption qui minent ce pays, une autre raison émerge aujourd’hui : l’agriculture. Des terres exceptionnelles Depuis des siècles, l’Ukraine a été surnommée le grenier à blé de l’Europe. Grâce à sa concentration en humus très élevées, les “terres noires” ukrainiennes sont extrêmement fertiles. Aucun pays au monde ne dispose de sols cultivables aussi productifs. Cela constitue un avantage comparatif certain pour ce pays, mais n’a pas été sans tragiques conséquences tout au long de son histoire. L’Ukraine a ainsi été conquise tantôt par les polonais, les autrichiens et les russes souhaitant, entre autres, assurer leur sécurité alimentaire grâce à l’Ukraine. Le pays était avant guerre le premier producteur mondial de tournesol, et dans le top dix pour ce qui est du blé, du maïs, de l’orge et du colza. Des salaires bas En comparaison avec les pays de l’Union européenne, l’Ukraine est un pays très pauvre. En dépit de l’héritage industriel de l’époque soviétique, le salaire moyen y est inférieur à 400 euros, sept fois plus faible qu’en France et encore trois fois moins important qu’en Pologne. Les coûts de la main-d'œuvre très faibles permettent à l’Ukraine de proposer des prix agricoles très intéressants sur le marché mondial. Un potentiel L’intégration de l’Ukraine dans l’UE permettrait d’assurer la sécurité alimentaire de cette dernière. Les capitaux et technologies des pays riches transférés en Ukraine entraîneront une hausse de la productivité des terres en dépit des normes environnementales européennes qui devront s’appliquer. La concurrence accrue sur le marché européen causera une baisse des prix de l’alimentation et augmentera le pouvoir d’achat des consommateurs européens. Les investissements d’entreprises agricoles européennes en Ukraine permettront de relancer l’économie du pays après la guerre et la pression exercée sur le marché de l’emploi poussera les salaires à la hausse. Les craintes Qu’adviendra-t-il des agriculteurs des autres pays européens ? Ils dénoncent déjà une concurrence insoutenable et craignent d’être les grands oubliés de l’entrée de l’Ukraine dans l’Union européenne. Après l’expérience de la désindustrialisation qui a entraîné une hausse du chômage dans les pays de l’Ouest et déstabilisé les sociétés, l’idée de voir le même schéma s’appliquer dans le domaine agricole est effrayante. De plus, concentrer la production agricole en Ukraine, c’est s’exposer à une vulnérabilité si la Russie décidait un jour d’attaquer de nouveau. Espoirs Il faudra donc assurer à l’Ukraine des garanties de sécurité afin de pouvoir sereinement y investir. Une démilitarisation de la Russie semblant irréaliste, l’intégration à l’OTAN et le stationnement de troupes occidentales nombreuses sur le sol ukrainien pourraient être une solution. L’agriculture des autres pays européens devra monter en gamme afin de pouvoir faire face à une nouvelle concurrence. La réduction du nombre d’agriculteurs, dont beaucoup ne parviendront vraisemblablement pas à demeurer compétitifs, implique la nécessité de penser dès maintenant aux solutions politiques afin d’éviter une catastrophe sociale. La formation semble être une des clés, alors que les subventions ne feront que créer une distorsion de concurrence inefficace. L’entrée future de l’Ukraine dans l’Union européenne représente un risque existentiel pour notre modèle agricole actuel. Transformer ce risque en opportunité est possible, mais nécessitera une implication forte des pouvoirs publics afin de repenser l’agriculture européenne. C’est bien plus facile à dire qu’à faire et cela explique pourquoi l’entrée de l’Ukraine dans l’UE ne semble pas être pour demain. Cette entrée soulève de véritables dilemmes. Certains suggèrent d’exclure initialement l’agriculture ukrainienne du libre marché et de progressivement abaisser les droits de douane. Ce serait une façon d’intégrer l’Ukraine dans l’Union en évitant un choc fatal aux agricultures européennes. Néanmoins, assumer de créer une Europe à différents niveaux c’est ouvrir la boîte de pandore. Quant à faire patienter trop longtemps l’Ukraine hors de l’UE, c’est la priver du développement économique qu’a entraîné l’UE pour ses États-membres. Il est dans l’intérêt des démocraties européennes d’avoir une Ukraine développée et prospère à ses frontières afin de contribuer à la stabilité et la paix de la région. Ne ratons pas le coche.

As it’s a Saturday afternoon, and as I am a creature of habit, I almost automatically bundle my bike out of my apartment. < Back 2024: Year of the Bike on the Côte d’Azur By Gruffudd ab Owain January 31, 2024 It’s a Saturday afternoon, and as I have come to expect, the weather is, to a Welshman, perfect. It’s cliché to say that people from Britain always talk about the weather, but it’s true; its changeable nature lends itself to an easy topic of conversation. I notice that often, since moving to Menton, comments about the weather still seem to slip off my tongue with surprising ease. However, I have noticed also, that since moving to Menton, I am very much a creature of habit. As it’s a Saturday afternoon, and as I am a creature of habit, I almost automatically bundle my bike out of my apartment. I hoist it onto my back on the way down the stairs to the Basilica, cautiously treading each step in my cleated shoes, which make my walking akin to that of a duck. As I hoist my leg over the top tube and gladly feel the padding of my shorts make contact with the saddle, I notice how perfect the weather is. The sun is so therapeutic, so warm on my back. Then, I remember that it’s like this every day, and that I don’t need to think and talk about the weather all the time. The skies are a deep shade of blue; the colour of freedom. With freedom comes discovery and adventure. Today, I have decided to follow my nose across the border and venture into Italy for the first time. I have a destination in mind, around 35 kilometers along the coast in Sanremo. Sanremo holds significance in the world of professional cycling, hosting the reliably dramatic finale to the notoriously long Milano-Sanremo one-day race in March. The climb up to the quintessential little village of Poggio di Sanremo can often be the deciding factor for the victorious rider; today, it will offer me a turnaround point, and a slight challenge on an otherwise flat percorso . That remains a distant thought, as the cycle path comes to an unexpectedly early end close to the border, awakening me from my rather dreamy state. At this point, a couple of fast-looking cyclists with enviable physiques pass me going in the opposite direction, and we exchange a wave and a Ciao! One of them was clad top to toe in the kit of the UAE Emirates team, who boast one of the most extortionate budgets in the pro cycling peloton *, and some of the biggest names of the present generation, including two-time Tour de France winner, Tadej Pogačar. Later on in the day, in my hours of post-ride procrastination, I discover on sports social media platform Strava that this cyclist was none other than pro Davide Formolo; stage-hunter extraordinaire, with stage wins at the Giro d’Italia and the Critérium du Dauphiné to his name, fresh from a mid-October win in the one-day Veneto Classic. It’s not uncommon at all to see professional cyclists when out and about on the Côte d’Azur, especially northwards into the Alpes-Maritimes. After all, many of them, some of them Tour de France winners and legendary names, choose to reside in Monaco, particularly in winter. It turns out that it isn’t only me who values the blue skies and the favourable weather conditions, although admittedly one of them, 2018 Tour winner Geraint Thomas, does happen to be Welsh too (and incidentally, one of his jerseys hangs proudly in the bike shop in Garavan). Reliable year-round weather and lenient tax obligations for non-French nationals help in attracting cyclists to choose Monaco; the former has proven attractive for centuries, and the story behind naming Promenade des Anglais after 18th and 19th century English aristocrats is a well-documented example. Another key attraction, for the pro cyclists and indeed myself, are the fabulous roads which meander into the mountains in a snake-like manner, offering a challenge on the way up, and a thrill on the way down. The Col de Braus is a perfect example, with its series of switchbacks like a shoelace untidily thrown on the hillside. A climb which starts in Menton is the Col de la Madone, which has long been considered iconic in cycling realms. It is said that it was the road on which Lance Armstrong, infamously stripped of his seven Tour de France titles for doping, frequented to train during the winter, starting his stopwatch at Intermarché, and trying to beat his record each time. Combined with the Col d’Èze, this route is nowadays the most popular amongst cyclo-tourists; cyclo-tourism is an industry estimated to have contributed 27 million euros to the region’s economy in 2021, and predicted to reach 84 million euros annually by 2025. The bike, however, is about to bring another substantial boost to the region’s economy in 2024. For the first time since 1905, this year’s Tour de France, the iconic three-week bike race that is the world’s largest annual sports competition, will not finish in Paris. In a similar way to many of France’s nation-building efforts, the race pledges to visit each département at least every four years and at least try to ensure that the benefits, particularly economic, of hosting the race are relatively evenly distributed across the country. But for over a hundred years, it hasn’t budged from its annual grand finale on the Champs Élysées in the capital. In 2024, however, out of necessity, the Paris Olympics have pushed the Tour to the sidelines. Instead, Nice will host the closing weekend of the race, with a final-day time-trial from Monaco over Col d’Èze into Nice, which could prove decisive if the lead still hangs in the balance. Ironically, the last time the race visited Nice and its surroundings was in 2020 on an opening weekend remembered primarily for torrential rain. The economic prospects of hosting the final stages of the race are very favourable indeed, no doubt somewhat contingent on favourable weather, with each euro spent forecast to inject eight euros into the economy, totalling around 50 to 60 million euros. The region will undoubtedly see this as an opportunity to promote itself for its cultural and natural wealth, attract long-term investments and promote cycling and sport in general. And after all, maybe the fine weather and fabulous roads that attracted an unimportant Welshman to the Côte d’Azur will make 2024 the year that the Tour’s organisers see an opportunity to break its habit of finishing in Paris.

Beirut, known as the “Paris of the Middle East” in the 1950s, and arguably the region’s financial hub, is slowly relapsing into its war-torn state. After hearing of yesterday’s events, I felt as if someone had stabbed me in the heart — the country’s collapse has never seemed so clear and obvious. < Back A Beacon of Light for a Country in the Dark: Lebanon’s Untiring Resilience By Maria Kouteili October 30, 2021 October 14, 4:38 pm. My phone does not cease to ring: photo flash, gunfire, smoke, chaos. The photos on my device are the same ones you would find in a history textbook about the civil war; the same militias that terrorized my mother and my aunts, are now terrorizing my friends and my cousins. Today’s attack is just another example of a crumbling nation; what was supposed to be a demonstration in Beirut calling for the removal of a judge who led a probe into the deadly August 2020 port blast quickly became a blood-bath. Thursday’s attack falls within a context of national crisis on all scales: Lebanese citizens have been in the dark since 2019 and are gradually being stripped of all human dignity. The needs of the Lebanese people have been ignored, brushed off and frankly stepped on. I remember going to the pharmacy with my grand-father, a diabetic with heart failure, I remember him having to beg the pharmacist (who was a close friend) for his prescrip-tion. My grandmother, who lives in Central Beirut, wakes up in the dark every morning. Lebanon is in the dark. These are not isolated examples, every single Lebanese citizen has seen his or her way of living crumble. To quote the World Bank, this is “one of the worst financial crises in centuries.” Beirut, known as the “Paris of the Middle East” in the 1950s, and arguably the region’s financial hub, is slowly relapsing into its war-torn state. After hearing of yesterday’s events, I felt as if someone had stabbed me in the heart — the country’s collapse has never seemed so clear and obvious. However, it also made me think of how special the country is. Lebanon is undeniably a crossroad of civilizations; to quote an Oxford article on the matter “Modern-day Lebanon is like a mosaic, characterized by a diversity of cultures, traditions, and religions. Because of its location at the crossroads of Asia, Europe, and Africa, Lebanon has been shaped by many civilizations throughout its long history.” The streets of downtown Beirut tell the story of Lebanon’s history themselves: you will pass domed mosques and steeply churches on your right, French cafes and Arab “Souks” on your left. Lebanon is also the home of arak, an alcoholic beverage made from raisins and aniseed and many other delicacies enjoyed worldwide. This example of cultural heritage is particularly interesting as it first appeared in the 12th century from the Arab invention of alembic distillation and later spread to the Balkans and eventually Indonesia and Malaysia. Similar to Lebanon, arak is a cultural mosaic and an emblem of Arab-Islamic history. And just like arak, Lebanon has a heritage almost as old and as diverse as Arab civilizations and an incontestable influence on a global scale. Generally speaking, the country’s geographical location at a crossroad between Arab and Asian civilizations has made it a cosmopolitan power. As most Lebanese proudly state: “Lebanon is small in size but huge in its influence.” Finally, let this article be a celebration of Lebanese culture rather than another cry of despair: let us remember the joys of Lebanese mezze, kahwa, and Fairuz!

On that evening, when I was casually texting my relative as we discussed Lebanon’s situation, he sent me a photo that my Tweet was shared on TV < Back Never Give Up on Your Voice: My Tweet Went Viral in Lebanon By Riwa Hassan November 30, 2021 Expressing my voice in Lebanon, a country that has been collapsing Nothing uncommon, just some videos of militias terrorizing the country with their legal and illegal arms. Over the years, this has become a norm for me and for everyone who lives in Lebanon, one of the most politically complex and divided countries in the MENA region. For decades now, our citizens have stood by political warlords and religious extremist figures, which has weakened Lebanese unity and allowed for corruption to infiltrate almost all governmental and non-governmental organizations. Today, with the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the economic crisis, the Beirut explosion, and the overall socio-political situation compounded, people can no longer afford their basic necessities. On October 14, 2021, although the scene was not very different from today, the backstory was in fact more threatening, as it seemed that the country was on the verge of a civil war. Hezbollah and Amal Movement, known as the duo-Shiite, protested against the judge for the Beirut explosion investigation, Tarek Al Bitar, and accused him of being biassed after he involved some of their leaders in the investigation. As the protestors approached Ain El Remmaneh, where the residing majority are Christians who follow the Lebanese Forces Party, the clash, which soon became a bloodshed, began. This Tayouneh-Ain El Remmeneh bloodshed was called a “mini-civil war” as it also started in the same area where the Lebanese Civil War began in 1975. During that same time, I was in French class, trying to process all the news and the videos while texting my loved ones to make sure they were safe. The whole clash was not as disappointing to me as the youth supporters of these political parties, whose dreams and daily lives have been destroyed over the past two years. The protest, which was clearly not peaceful, was defended by Hezbollah and Amal supporters, as they backed it up with their right to protest and express themselves freely. They only recognize such human rights when it is in their interest. This sentiment was expressed in a Tweet I shared, which compared Hezbollah and Amal’s reactions in protests against a judge doing his job to the protests which demanded justice, equality and basic life necessities. In the former, they clearly supported the protests, but in the latter, their reaction was opposing and full of violence. As I normally do, I wrote a Tweet, “Remember when they called us ‘ate3een tor2at’ and ‘ze3ran’ and accused us of threatening civil peace when we were protesting for our basic rights #العدالة أقوى_من_ترهيبكم #الطيونه .” ‘Ate3een tor2at’ and ‘ze3ran’ can be translated to bandits or crooks. The hashtag under which I shared my Tweet is translated to “justice is stronger than your terrorism.” Suddenly, my Tweet was trending, and while some were threatening and cursing me, others showed their full support. On that evening, when I was casually texting my relative as we discussed the whole situation, he sent me a photo that my Tweet was shared on TV, on Lebanon Broadcasting Corporation International (LBCI). I received a lot of messages that encouraged me to continue voicing my opinion. At the same time, I got messages to be careful, and warnings that being bold about my stance is not safe. Later this year, on November 22, Lebanese Independence Day, while I was supposed to be studying for my finals, I could not help but think of how our lives have flipped upside down during the past two years, and reflect on what independence I was supposed to celebrate. I poured the words from my heart onto a post on Instagram. In almost an hour, my post was shared on numerous Instagram stories, especially within the Sciences Po community. For that, I cannot explain how safe it felt to be living in such a supportive community. I cannot thank you enough but I am forever grateful for your effort to help share my voice. I am writing this article on the plane on my way back to Lebanon and I have never felt this afraid yet excited at the same time. I know that I have only been away for around three months, but the situation in the country is changing very fast and, sadly, for the worse. On the bright side, this is the first time I have seen this amount of people going back to Lebanon, which explains how much love all the Lebanese diaspora hold for this country despite all the traumas and losses it has caused them. Sharing my stance and explaining the situation in Lebanon means a lot to me, and I will always express my opinion regardless of the consequences. Freedom of expression might only be found in our constitution, on paper, but we have the duty to share our concerns and turn it to action. The latter is one step forward towards change which Lebanon is in dire need for.

The Ummah is not fulfilled without the campus cheer team. Beyond [being] a sport, the Um-Miauu fosters an immaculate spirit rendering cheer sessions the highlight of my Menton quotidian.” < Back ‘The Highlight of my Menton Quotidian’: Reflections from the Campus Cheer Team By Lilou d'Inca April 30, 2022 Picture the cliché, Netflix-series archetype of the cheerleader: she is shaking a pair of pom-poms with an artificial smile incessantly stamped on her lips; her pretty face conceals nothing but a frivolous, flighty personality; and the “sport” she practices is little more than a light-hearted introduction to the “real” games in sports tournaments. If you have not yet witnessed our unmissable Christmas show and BDE performance, the Sciences Po Menton cheerleaders are as far as possible from such a typecast. Yes, our cheerleaders are indeed incredibly smiley and ebullient — in the gym, on the stage, and even in their daily lives — but not because they are shallow; rather, because they are proud to boast the skills, lively character, and decidedly united spirit of their team. And, no, their bonds have not just been forged (or ruptured) by the permanent scars they share — from a stunting practice that dramatically ended with stitches for 1A Angeliki Vytogianni to the countless nose bleeds and bruises resulting from a few failed pyramids and backflips. The so-called “Um-Miauu” has also reinforced itself over the past eight months thanks to the unyielding dedication of its captains, 2As Frida Hellen and Nikola Avramović, whose vibrant, bubbly personalities have fostered the team’s intrinsic dedication and energy. Avramović affirmed, “the [most apt] word to describe the cheer team this year is motivation. I know it’s quite common to say, but we really have a team which is consistently up for anything and everything. Very often, I have found myself super energized after training, no matter how shattered I could have been before it, simply because of the energy our cheerleaders bring.” Hellen agreed that the team is “an energetic and resilient group [that] shows support for each other and pushes through the many challenges we have faced together this year as a team.” Such enthusiasm is not only shown by the captains, but by all cheerleaders. 1A Lise Thorsén said, “The Ummah is not fulfilled without the campus cheer team. Beyond [being] a sport, the Um-Miauu fosters an immaculate spirit rendering cheer sessions the highlight of my Menton quotidian.” Cheerleading is indeed an integral part of its athletes’ routine since training is organized twice a week in the College Vento gymnasium and by the sea at Bastion — yes, even on the most piercingly windy nights. With such frequent sessions, a significant obstacle for the team has become, according to Avramović, “ensuring that everyone could make time in their busy schedules to attend practice. Many elements of cheer require the group to function as one, which is both marvelous for a motivated team, but also a huge drawback if even one member of the team is missing.” Hellen added that, “practicing and teaching each other stunting skills and dance routines for minicrit” requires all athletes to be present at practice, hence why “the biggest challenge has been to find a way to make the time demand feasible with everyone’s crowded schedule, as well as the lack adequate training facilities in such a small town.” Speaking of facilities, Hellen and Avramović had to display utmost perseverance and creativity to complement the team’s drive and maintain the team’s professional appearance. “After Minicrit [was] canceled for two years, Nikola and I started almost from scratch with no equipment and little experience,” said Hellen. “We faced material and consequently institutional challenges, to say the least,” added Avramović. Due to poor financing and the overlap between the Sciences Po optional sports courses, the captains relied on their Um-miauu’s original initiatives to subsidize the purchase of pom-poms. As 1A Felipe Boitard — the team’s darling gossip boy — explained, “the cheer team turned to the students on campus and organized a fundraising auction, where members of the cheerleading team would auction out a date experience with them. Dates varied from making pizza with Viola to going on a scooter adventure to Italy with Greta. The night was filled with high-intensity auction battles between friends and potential love interests to get a date with a cheerleader! With the help of all the students who showed up in support of the lovely cheerleaders, the team made much more than was expected and was thus able to buy the supply for the pom-poms. As much as it did not get the official support of the campus, cheerleading is what brings life to the campus with their energy and enthusiasm, succeeding in gaining the support of the students on campus and funding their road to Minicrit!” Cheerleading will play a central role in the upcoming intercampus competition in Nancy alongside other sports including football, volleyball, thèque, and more. The Menton cheerleading team is thrilled to perform the fruit of its effort and resilience in an eight-minute upbeat, acrobatic choreography. In Hellen’s words, “the [personal evolution] of each member with regards to their dancing, gymnastics, and stunting skills, as well as the solidarity and hype among the athletes, continues to blow my mind, and I am beyond excited to show everyone the product of our hard work at the end of May.” Avramović said, “However cliché it sounds, it was thanks to the cheer team’s enthusiasm that we felt confident to fight for what the team needed. I am certain this has left our team much more tightly bound than ever, and really drives us to carry the Menton spirit at minicrit!” As per Thorsén’s words, Menton cheer is “not only a perfect creative outlet outside academia, but it has also most definitely equipped me with motivation and cheerfulness —” values which she looks forward to displaying in Nancy. Thus, allow yourself to be transported by the cheer team’s entrancing dance battles and hypnotizing canon movements. But, above all, remember to appreciate the unified and enriching fusion of cultures, personalities, and backgrounds that will emerge from our dances, from the unique and friendly community that is Sciences Po Menton cheerleading team!

Cancel culture is a movement denoted by the accountability of celebrities and people with platforms; however, it has more recently progressed into a worldwide attempt to exercise justice through online discourse. < Back Cancel Culture: The Delivery of Justice? By Rozy Betrosian “Ashton Kutcher fears being cancelled for sex trafficking scandal.” Kutcher is a public figure predominantly associated with the comedic series “That ‘70’s Show” and his inaugural organisation against sex trafficking. Recently, his co-star Danny Masterson was convicted of the sexual assault and rape of two women, rendering him sentenced to thirty years in prison. Danny Masterson's connection to Ashton Kutcher put him in the spotlight for Masterson’s transgression. Kutcher is a board member of Thorn: Digital Defenders of Children (i.e., Kutcher's and Moore’s sex trafficking organisation); therefore, fans expected a response to Masterson’s transgression. Kutcher provided a legal deposition for Masterson, including characterizations such as “dedicated and loyal [husband]” and “excellent role model” alluding to the support for Masterson. As the founder of an anti-sex trafficking organisation, Kutcher was scrutinised for his allegiance to his former cast member, and his punishment included reassigning his organisation to new leadership. Was the scrutinization of Kutcher efficient in promoting justice? Cancel culture is a movement denoted by the accountability of celebrities and people with platforms; however, it has more recently progressed into a worldwide attempt to exercise justice through online discourse. Believers of cancel culture argue that it resembles the public sphere– a means of democratic and open discourse, and “being cancelled” is the sheer and unavoidable consequence for people who have wronged, thereby violating the quest for social justice. Furthermore, fervent advocates for cancel culture have an imperative significance in holding celebrities with far reaching platforms accountable for harm to communities and minorities. However, further contemplation on cancel culture and counter-arguments to the movement highlight that it has degenerated into mass media bullying and revoking the right to free speech. The primary question of the efficacy of cancel culture lies on the legitimacy of the “enforcers of justice.” Are internet users legible social justice advisors? Criticising in an impersonal forum empowers people to become more vicious and spiteful, legitimising verbal violence. Hateful commentary against public figures enables and fuels the crowd, signalling an attack on an individual. This potent and overwhelming reception of negative and disapproving evaluation of behaviour, inevitably results in “cancelling.” It is understood that cancel culture is not serving its purpose of serving justice on the internet but rather initiates debate on the application of democracy online and the limitations of free speech. A common phenomenon is retrospective cancellation; this requires the inspection of a person’s past and questions problematic behaviour in the public arena. Common examples include the lead singer of The Smiths, Steven Patrick Morrissey. Morrissey has been outspoken about his extremist views that align with far-right ideology in Britain, he has been characterized as xenophobic and racist as he has claimed that “the gates of England are flooded [by foreigners].” His statement from 2010 has been reviewed under the cancel culture lens, with heavy media scrutiny of Morrissey and widespread boycotts of his music. Regardless of the reprehensibility of his statements, the artist is merely expressing his political ideas. One could argue that he is just acting upon his right to freedom of speech. Moreover, it is interesting how former claims and “problematic” behaviour resurfaces for the sole purpose of scrutiny. Overall, critics of retrospective cancel culture argue that it risks erasing the nuances of history and failing to acknowledge the context of past eras and diverse opinions. They suggest that judging figures solely based on contemporary values may oversimplify complex historical narratives and hinder the understanding of societal progress and transformation over time. Specifically, in the case of The Smiths singer, the question of whether cancel culture has been efficient, rematerialized. Is Morrissey’s cancellation stopping fans from listening to The Smiths? This brings about another debate known as separating the art from the artist dilemma. Cancel culture has brought the longstanding debate surrounding the separation of art from the artist into sharper focus, a phenomenon exemplified by the intense scrutiny directed at acclaimed author J.K. Rowling. Widely revered for her monumental contributions to literature, particularly through the globally cherished Harry Potter series, Rowling faced substantial backlash due to her contentious statements on matters related to gender identity and transgender rights. This provoked an intricate discussion concerning the balance between celebrating her literary achievements and critiquing her personal convictions – presenting a challenge to the concept of separating the artist from their art. While her literary works continue to resonate deeply with audiences worldwide, her vocal stance on issues related to transgender rights prompted a reevaluation of her public persona and creative legacy. As cancel culture advocates for the decisive reprimand of objectionable behavior, supporters of Rowling's work grappled with reconciling their appreciation for her literary contributions with their disapproval of her personal views. In the face of dynamic sociocultural shifts, her case reflects the ongoing challenges of navigating the relation of an artist's creations and their personal beliefs. The debate revolving around J.K. Rowling underscores the inherent tension between the desire to preserve an artist's creative legacy and the need to hold them accountable for their personal beliefs and actions Cancel culture, initially an emblem of accountability, has transformed into a global instrument for justice in the online sphere. Advocates contend that it represents a form of social justice, imposing repercussions for those who have caused harm, especially to marginalized communities. However, it has drawn censure for descending into mass media bullying, hindering free speech, and lacking a structured system of justice.The question of the legitimacy of online "justice enforcers" becomes inevitable. Impersonal criticisms often fuel online attacks, legitimizing verbal violence and leading to cancellations. This prevalent culture of "cancelling" frequently falls short of delivering online justice, prompting reflection on the boundaries of free speech and the application of democratic principles in the digital sphere.

The political co-opting of the hijab has a long and violent history. As the French governmental and social domains continue to politicize Muslim head-coverings, it is vital to examine it. < Back The Hijab Is a Hot Political Topic for Islamists… but Also the Secular West By Ghazal Khalife November 30, 2022 Hijab is an Arabic word that translates to “curtain” or “covering.” It is now commonly used to refer to the headcovers sometimes worn by Muslim women. A lot of questions surround the hijab: Why is it worn? Is it a sign of oppression — an archaic symbol of patriarchal traditions? Does it fit in modern societies? What should we do about it? The fact that the hijab has become such a controversy shows how it has long left the private realm and become a matter of public debate and politicization. In Iran: From a symbol of protest to a symbol of oppression In its modern history, Iran has had a complicated relationship with its religious identity and, thus, the role of the hijab. Reza Shah Pahlavi, who ruled Iran from 1925 to 1941, to abandon backwardness and tradition and promote modernization, issued the decree, “Kashef-e Hijab,” which banned all head coverings for women as well as the “chador,” a full-body Iranian covering. Unsurprisingly, this decision, which was swiftly and strongly enforced across the country, was not received well by the more conservative population. The ban restricted women’s freedom of movement, as many stayed at home or came out at night when they could hide from police, who were instructed to resort to physical violence to unveil hijabi women forcibly. The shah’s decree adhered to the premise that the hijab is antithetical to modernity and women’s integration into society, a view that resonates to this day. During the ceremony in which the shah announced “Kashef-e Hijab,” he stated that women “should stand out in society the same way they stand out in their homes.” Fast forward to the years leading up to the Islamic Revolution, the hijab resurged in the social and political spheres as a sign of protest against westernization and the Pahlavi dynasty’s attempt to repress Iran’s cultural and religious identity. It is worth noting, however, that at that point, wearing the veil was a choice, an expression of disenchantment with a regime that dictated women’s clothing. After the Islamic republic was established, veiling became mandatory and violently enforced by the morality police. Post-Revolution leader Ruhollah Khomeini described women who did not veil as “naked.” Consequently, the veil became a symbol of the resurrection of Islamic values and strict interpretation of the Quran. Women have been protesting the hijab mandate for decades in Iran — a movement that culminated in the recent and ongoing protests . The hijab is simply another manifestation of the Islamic state’s political oppression; it is a reminder that the Islamic Republic can and will dictate the public’s life choices, that it does not tolerate diversion from its interpretation of religion and that its version of society is the right one. The affiliation of the hijab with a political movement is not exclusive to Iran, however. The idea of the hijab was also politicized in post-colonial Arab liberation movements and their competing ideologies, most notably the Muslim Brotherhood. During the early period of decolonization (1930s-40s), Muslim women wore the hijab to reaffirm their pride in their heritage and Islamic identity, especially since European colonial soldiers unveiled indigenous women during “civilizing missions.” In Algeria, the veil became a focal point of the War of Independence as there was strong resentment against the French for their unveiling and sexualization of Algerian women. Unveiling ceremonies were popular, but the obsession with the hijab took on an even more sinister undertone. To many, it hid mysterious sexual objects cloaked beneath a layer of modesty, begging to be seen by the male gaze. This is epitomized by the school of French photographers who took photos of unveiled women and hypersexualized them; some of these images were even used in French postal cards. In France: The symbol of a struggle with religious diversity In contemporary France, the hijab remains a contentious topic in government and public realms. Despite being worn by less than 2% of France’s population, the hijab dominates political discussions about secularism, immigration and Islam. Under the pretext that it violates France’s sacred principle of “laicité,” a specific interpretation of secularism that guides French society, many lawmakers, even those affiliated with the centrist party, have fervently supported strict regulations on veiling. These include banning the headscarf in public schools and prohibiting citizens working in the public sector from wearing it. In February 2022, the French senate voted 160-143 in favor of banning the wearing of the hijab: “an ostentatious religious symbol” in sports competitions. How do these regulations fit into the larger context of French politics? The prevalent argument is that the hijab is an “ostentatious” religious symbol and, hence, incompatible with “laicité.” Many hijabis have countered this assertion by pointing out that the hijab is a religious obligation and a commitment to modesty as opposed to being an inherent symbol of faith. As such, the rhetoric in support of restricting the hijab in favor of laïcité minimizes its significance for hijabi women and is sometimes used to emphasize the “otherness” of France’s Muslim population. France, like many Western countries, has undoubtedly struggled with its increasing diversity in the post-colonial context, especially with recent migratory waves from predominantly Muslim countries. Since hijabi women are easily identifiable as Muslim, they have been subject to the most scrutiny and discrimination. When asked how wearing the hijab changed people’s perceptions about her in France, an anonymous Menton first-year answered that “people’s perceptions definitely changed towards me as I started wearing the hijab because I was no longer seen as (who I am), but as ‘the hijabi girl.’ I particularly noticed (this) when people confused me for another hijabi girl or when the first interaction I had with a stranger would be regarding my hijab.” Another angle from which to examine this issue is a more subtle extension of the “civilizing mission” justification in which the hijab is considered a symbol of patriarchal oppression and incompatible with modern society. This may also be interpreted as an argument that encourages Muslim women to abandon a potentially important element of their identity in order to be accepted into French society. The fundamental problem with this “savior complex” narrative is that it assumes that all women are forced or even conditioned into wearing the hijab and not wearing it out of their own free will. While this unfortunately, can be the case in many Muslim communities, it cannot be generalized. Moreover, instead of empowering women, banning the headscarf could inhibit many Muslim women from integrating productively into society since many civic and educational doors would be slammed shut for them. The hijab: An individual experience Ultimately, politicizing the hijab reduces women’s bodies to social matters; it risks ridding them of their bodily autonomy, as observed in both extremes of hijab regulations. Every Muslim woman experiences the hijab differently, and while it is normal and even vital to discuss the motivations behind wearing the hijab, employing it as a political tool to control women, garner votes or advance a political agenda constricts not only Muslim women but also distorts the deeply personal nature of this religious practice.

While restaurant food and your roommates' ready-to-eat options all seem like acceptable means to satiate your hunger, an array of more efficient, cheap and satisfying options will save you from unnecessary tensions with your roommates and a possibly drained credit card. I hope to help you prepare balanced meals that will fuel you for your long study sessions while simultaneously not exhausting the limited amount of time on your hands. < Back Eats with Angela: Speedy October By Angela Saab Saade October 31, 2022 October is a transitional month for most of us; the weather is as unstable as Katy Perry's ex, the tourists of Menton are departing, freeing up our lonely town's streets, and mid-semester stress factors, such as midterm exams, vacations plans, third-year abroad decisions and parcours civique preparations are constantly lurking in the back of our minds. Overwhelmed with these important matters, we may find ourselves betraying our kitchens by avoiding the hectic task of food preparation. While restaurant food and your roommates' ready-to-eat options all seem like acceptable means to satiate your hunger, an array of more efficient, cheap and satisfying options will save you from unnecessary tensions with your roommates and a possibly drained credit card. Research shows a strong relationship between stress and nutrition. Mindful balanced eating “provides the extra energy needed to cope with stressful events.” Other findings posit that short-term stress actually reduces appetite. The disparity in the literature indicates that there is no single truth that generalizes the effect of stress on individuals. What is certain however, is that comfort food — as its name implies — is meant to yield comfort in anxious times, for example, eating a pack of chocolate for breakfast (guilty as charged). Nonetheless, I hope to help you prepare balanced meals that will fuel you for your long study sessions while simultaneously not exhausting the limited amount of time on your hands. The Veggie Roast The veggie roast includes three simple tasks: Place the vegetables of your choice onto a baking sheet (cut if necessary or preferred). Some usable vegetables include zucchini, tomato, broccoli, brussels sprouts, carrot, pepper, beetroot, potato, sweet potato, onion, butternut squash, corn, and cauliflower. You can use fresh vegetables, frozen or canned; whatever suits you! Place the vegetables into a preheated oven and set the oven temperature and your timer based on your vegetables of choice. Drizzle some olive oil, sprinkle lots of sea salt and enjoy! For a more flavorful and fulfilling serving, I recommend preparing eggs, tofu or your choice of meat to go with your mix, and, for a wiser use of your time, do so while your veggie mix is cooking. My recipe involves fresh tomatoes (not cut or peeled) and fresh cut-in-half zucchinis and carrots, alongside some frozen bell peppers and broccoli. I grease the baking tray, throw in my veggies, and add frozen filet fish on that same tray, since the vegetables and protein source I have chosen conveniently require a similar cooking time. Speedy Bowls Aside from being time-efficient, as its name implies, making this delicious dish only requires two components: a bowl and a microwave. Microwaves have repeatedly come to my rescue for quick breakfasts prior to eight am classes and effortless late-night snacks. However, for those of you without a microwave, do not fret! The oven is just as efficient as an appliance; the main difference is that ovens need to be preheated. Find below three basic items with which you may craft delicious, quick and balanced meals! Oatmeal Vitamin-rich and mineral-dense, oats are a great source of fiber which may be cooked by different means and with various ingredients to fulfill savory or sweet cravings. Plus, they are incredibly cheap! Simply throw some oats in a bowl and pour in water or your choice of milk. If desired, add chopped fruit, honey, peanut butter, seeds, nuts, coconut flakes, candy (I would recommend crushing Oreos, M&M's or sweet biscuits) or whatever else may sound appealing to you. Place the bowl into a microwave and determine the heating time as per the appropriate consistency. I enjoy adding yogurt for a cold twist to my warm oatmeal. Oatmeal serves as a great snack too! Sweet potato Sweet potatoes are rich in vitamins, minerals and fiber. Poke holes in your sweet potato and place it in your microwave for a few minutes, et voilá! You can melt cheese on the potato, add cold or cooked vegetables and chickpeas into the equation.Top with spices and a dressing of your choice for a delightful and filling meal. My sophisticated roommate expertly embellishes her sweet potatoes with marinated tofu, chopped tomatoes and a fried egg. Unfortunately, I am far too lazy for this haute-cuisine and opt to put minimal effort into my sweet potato creations. But, if your ambitions surpass mine, I support you in your gastronomical escapades. Corn Corn is a canned gem — it may be consumed with olive oil and salt, cream and sugar, or cinnamon and lemon juice. It may also enrich your meals with more flavor and color. It is perfect for tasty corn soup too. Some items I bet you do not know exist that are advantageous in autumn Packaged Soup As repulsive as that may sound, packaged soup is cheap, quick and quite flavorful in comparison to what its name may signal. You just pour the soup in a bowl and cook in the microwave or on a stove for a few minutes and enjoy! Purée I do not know how you feel about mashed potatoes, but I adore them. Warm and savory, mashed potatoes will work wonders if you give them the chance. Unfortunately, however, cutting, peeling and mashing the potatoes is not a good use of your time. For that reason, I often head to the store and purchase eight packs of powdered mashed purée (each pack makes one to two servings) for approximately three euros. Whenever I have no time on my hands, I empty a pack into a bowl, add milk or water, microwave the bowl for a few minutes, drizzle some oil and sprinkle some salt. Complemented by boiled eggs, beans or vegetables, this platter tastes heavenly. Last tip While creating quick meals is ideal for stressful days, it is also worth considering cooking one “proper” meal and storing it for the longer term. This could be as simple as making a pot of pasta or rice and storing it for future consumption. In fact, if you are seeking shortcuts, you can find portioned bags of rice or couscous that simply need to be dropped into boiling water for consumption. For example, a meal that takes under ten minutes to prepare is the combination of couscous, lentils, and a side salad. I apologize in advance for my North African counterparts, however I prepare couscous by just placing the couscous in boiling water and covering them for five minutes. Meanwhile, rinse some canned lentils, chop up an apple and parsley. Add all ingredients on the plate and add the dressing of your choice. I added olive oil and salt on the couscous and lentils and opted for balsamic vinegar for the side salad. If speedy and cost-effective recipes are your jam, stay tuned for next month’s edition of Eats with Angela. Traditional Lebanese recipes that require under 10 minutes preparation await you.

The question does however prevail – do these camps therefore pose a durable long-term solution? < Back The Refugee Camps in Tindouf: Is There Another Way? By Vanja Lerch Eriksson November 30, 2023 The refugee camps in Tindouf were established by the Polisario Front, the Algerian state and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as an immediate emergency response to Sahrawis fleeing Western Sahara as the Moroccan occupation began. The camps are located in the western corner of Algeria and house between 90,000 to 165,000 Sahrawi refugees. Established in 1975, thousands of Sahrawi refugees have spent almost five decades in the camps while others have come and gone. Over the years, the camps have transformed into an established civilization with a state-like structure divided into four villages with internal municipalities and neighbourhoods, all of which are named after landmarks and places in Western Sahara, to remind the camps’ population of their homeland. The quick establishment of the camps in Tindouf was absolutely necessary to stabilise the number of Sahrawi refugees seeking to leave the occupied territories, and such an immediate solution was welcomed by many international organisations which sought to find possible long-term avenues. However, looking back, the immediate ‘success' of the camps also contributed to the conflict being portrayed as less urgent to resolve, as a large part of the Sahrawi population was now considered safe from the violence of the Moroccan state. Increasingly fewer international organisations thus put in an effort to stabilise and mediate the conflict. Even though the word about the ‘success' of the camps spread in the international community, the reality in the camps was very different. Families have suffered from extreme poverty and food insecurity for decades as international organizations changed priorities and also wrongly estimated the number of inhabitants in the camps, sometimes differing by tens of thousands. In addition, the camps face large challenges regarding access to water as knowledge about how to treat, store and distribute it is close to nonexistent. It is therefore unsurprising that an increasing number of people in the camps are distressed and seeking alternative solutions. A continuous question is: why can’t the Sahrawis simply return to the occupied territories? The answer is clear – returning would pose a huge safety risk. The few Sahrawis who have chosen to stay in the occupied territories are constantly put at risk by the Moroccan authorities, as well as the Moroccan settlers in the area, as the Sahrawis are often subject to harassment and violence. International organizations have concluded that in the occupied territories, there is no guarantee that human rights are or will be respected, as few international organisations are granted access to surveil the human rights situation. In addition, Sahrawis in the occupied territories are subjected to violations of their freedom of speech, their freedom of association and their freedom of assembly. There have also been numerous reported cases of Sahrawi activists being imprisoned on false ground after unfair trials, and many of those have also been subject to torture and harassment from Moroccan authorities. Over the years, the international community has tried to facilitate negotiations and propose peace plans. However, all such efforts have proved insufficient as both Morocco and the Polisario Front continuously violate cease-fire agreements and reject peace plans and possible solutions. The international community further questions whether the camps should even be allowed to exist, as they could prevent serious matters from being dealt with urgently. Such matters include long-term plans for reintegrating refugees and plans for rebuilding necessary infrastructure. Though the conclusion in the case of the camps in Tindouf has been clear, the camps need to remain as few other options are available. The two most recent and possibly realisable solutions proposed are: West Saharan autonomy under Morocco and “The new capital solution.” The option of West Saharan autonomy under Morocco is supported by the Moroccan regime, however, the international community opposes this as long as the situation in Moroccan politics prevails. For such a solution to be realizable in terms of human rights, the international community has concluded that the Moroccan regime would need a great democratic transition as well as a major decentralisation of the state. Thus, as expected, this option was rejected by the Polisario Front. The second proposed option is that the inhabitants of the Tindouf camps would slowly move to the liberated territories of Western Sahara, especially to the area surrounding the capital of Tirafiti. However, such a solution is estimated to be problematic as well, as Tirafiti is located only five miles from the defense front and could contribute to a renewal of the armed conflict in the area. In addition, the area is close to inhabitable; it completely lacks natural resources and is composed of only a small strip of land the size of barely a third of Western Sahara. Though there are clear complicating circumstances, this is the favoured option by the Polisario Front as it means that the Sahrawis could partly return to their land. As these are the currently most favoured options for a possible solution, the idea of a referendum for the Sahrawis is out the window. Many blame the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) as a significant subject in enabling the stalemate situation to prevail, as they have continuously failed to provide and create an environment where a referendum is safe to be held. If MINURSO had had a more sufficient mandate as well as a better structure from the beginning, a referendum could possibly have been held in the 1990s as initially planned. To hold the referendum today is considered close to impossible, not only due to the humanitarian situation but also the lack of authentic representation of Sahrawi opinions, as Sahrawis have now become a minority in their own land. Actors of the United Nations, unfortunately, complicated the conflict even further as Ban Ki-Moon publicly mentioned the occupation of Western Sahara during a visit to the Tindouf camps in 2016. Even though he was correct from the perspective of the international community, this ravished the diplomatic relations with Morocco. As a response, the Moroccan government retracted all of their financial support to MINURSO and demanded that all 84 international civil staff members leave the country. This signified that no surveillance of human rights was allowed in Morocco or the occupied territories, putting the Sahrawi population in the occupied territories even more at risk. The humanitarian situation in the camps is evidently unfavourable, as it consequently results in prolonged and extreme poverty and human rights abuses of thousands of Sahrawis. However, few other options seem realisable at the moment. The question does however prevail – do these camps therefore pose a durable long-term solution? Even though the international community continuously answers no, little effort has been put into actually changing the situation, neither in the camps nor in the occupied territories.

Figure skating is an integral part of Russian culture and identity. It is the amalgamation of Russian persistence in sacrifice, the current government’s propensity to reject all things Western, and above all, the pathway to repairing the fragmented prestige of years past. < Back Focusing on the Figures: Insight into the War in Ukraine Through the Lens of Figure Skating By Maia Zasler October 31, 2023 “Government,” “war,” “authoritarianism,” and “nationalism” are all terms with which you are likely familiar. “Axel,” “lutz,” “pairs performance,” and “spiral” probably evoke less of a confident visual. But what if I asserted that these jargon are intrinsically connected? Figure skating blends the intensity of sport and athletic training and the gracefulness and personal expression of the most enchanting art forms with the fascinating and complex realm of global politics. The first account of organized figure skating dates back to 1772 with Englishman Robert Jones’ A Treatise on Skating . Skating has significantly evolved since Jones outlined initial, rudimentary patterns and practical advice in his instructive handbook. Investment in and commitment to skating athletic achievement has also evolved. Figure skating plays a particularly important role in quotidian and political life in Russia. After 1864–when Czar Peter the Great introduced figure skating to Russians–figure skating became an emblem of national unity and a source of immense pride. Throughout the 20th century, skating represented an outlet for domination on a global scale; the Soviet skaters made up arguably the most competitive force at the international level. Skating was publicly funded in Soviet states and remains so in present-day Russia. From a young age, children were (and are) selected for a rigorous track involving intense physical training, dieting, and mental strain, culminating in a brief window of time where they actually compete—and frequently win. In the Soviet Union, children were often separated from their families, moved to distant cities to train with specific coaches or with an assigned pairs partner. In every case, they had to commit to 10 hours of training at the ice rink, six days a week. Additionally, there are documented cases of emotional and physical abuse, especially in pairs skating. Female skaters often have to adhere to strict dietary regimes to suppress hormonal development and weight gain. There has long been a history of sacrifice in the sport: sacrifice for the sake of athletic success during performance, but primarily for the sake of “Mother Russia.” Between 1964 and 1991, Soviet skaters won seven consecutive Olympic gold medals and 24 of the 26 World Figure Skating Championship events in pairs skating; Ukraine was the primary exporter of illustrious and talented pairs of skaters. Historically, the USSR relied on Ukraine for agricultural production, storage of nuclear arsenals, and a constantly developing defense sector. Thus, Ukraine has served as the cornerstone of the Soviet Union in more ways than one. The Soviet collapse occurred in December of 1991. Ukraine’s declaration of independence earlier that same year is often interpreted as the inception of Russia's impending demise. Funds for figure skaters dwindled. Throughout the following years, Russian skaters brought home fewer and fewer medals, and sought-after coaches took their expertise abroad. The shrinking of their skating world reflected Russia’s geopolitical position at the end of the 20th century. In both contexts, Russians were left grasping for prestige and pride that once shaped their national identity. There was a general anxiety over losing a spot on the international stage and an absence of answers on how to reclaim it. Enter Ukraine (again). Ukraine has increasingly aligned itself with the European Union and Western nations in the last three decades. After the 2014 annexation of Crimea, Ukraine became a battleground in defense of its right to position itself apart from Russia. More recently, Ukrainians have had to take up arms again to fend off Russian aggression since February 24, 2022. They have had to persevere through Russian leader Putin’s threats of nuclear weapon use. Further, there have been upwards of 21,900 Ukrainian civilian casualties, severe infrastructure damage, and insurmountable trauma to the Ukrainian people. To some extent, through its aggressive military operation, Russia aims to impose its authority to prove to the rest of the world–and to itself–that the nation remains just as strong as it was before the Soviet Union collapsed. This mentality is mirrored by the pressure levied onto Russian figure skaters and their stature in Russian society. Take the case of Kamila Valieva, an immensely talented skater whose artistic and athletic legacy was tainted by the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics doping scandal. At just 15 years old, Valieva dominated the team event, representing the Russian Olympic Committee. She became the first woman to land a quad jump–rotating four times in the air before landing on a singular blade at an Olympic competition. But, before the women’s individual competition events, it came to light that Valieva had tested positive for a performance-enhancing drug: trimetazidine. Since she was a minor, she was allowed to compete in the women’s individual event. Although her short program was flawless, her free skate was riddled with falls, leaving her with a fourth-place finish. The International Olympic Committee announced they would not have hosted a medal ceremony if Valieva had finished among the top three. Amidst and following the scandal, Russian officials claimed that the illegal drug use accusation was a “Western conspiracy” and political issue in which Russia was the victim. Behind the scenes, Valieva’s coach, Eteri Tutberidze, scorned her: “Why did you let it go? Why did you stop fighting?” Once back home, Tutberidze received Russia’s most prestigious coaching award from none other than Russian President Vladimir Putin, and Valieva had a press photoshoot with him. How can we make sense of this? Russian figure skaters are forced to sacrifice a traditional childhood and healthy relationships (with people, food, and their bodies). They are subject to public scrutiny and private criticism from their coaches. They are scapegoats for paranoia surrounding the West. But, at the same time, they are celebrities. They are recognized across the country as national heroes, associated with the cult of personality that Putin has curated since he first took office in 2000. They are perceived as beacons of hope to propel Russia back to its position pre-Soviet collapse. Figure skating is an integral part of Russian culture and identity. It is the amalgamation of Russian persistence in sacrifice, the current government’s propensity to reject all things Western, and above all, the pathway to repairing the fragmented prestige of years past. American media personality Ted Turner said that “sport is like a war without the killing.” In the case of the war in Ukraine, sport may be a second military front and a valuable insight into Russia’s behavior.

La situation dans laquelle nous nous trouvons aujourd’hui alimente les peurs de certains que ce régime, où la figure du président est si forte, ne lui donne un pouvoir trop personnalisé; ce qui pourrait s’empirer avec l'avènement d’un ou une président.e populiste et autoritaire. < Back Vème République, une expérience défectueuse? Anna Halpern November 30, 2024 La France sous la Vème République est le porte-drapeau par excellence de son régime politique semi-présidentiel. Le pays de la Révolution française a longtemps été fier de porter haut les couleurs d’une démocratie parmi les plus fortes au monde—se plaçant en 23eme position sur l’index démocratique du classement EIU . Mais avec la fin du second mandat d’Emmanuel Macron, les critiques se multiplient, et il semble pertinent d'évaluer si ce régime est vraiment adapté aux demandes démocratiques de la société civile. Mais qu’est ce que le semi-présidentialisme? Il s’agit d’un régime hybride combinant une élection au suffrage universel du président, typique d’un régime présidentiel, et des éléments du système parlementaire tels que la responsabilité du gouvernement devant le parlement. Il est important de noter que ce système hybride a tendance à créer une surpuissance de l'exécutif; en France cela se manifeste par le chef d'Etat démocratique le plus puissant du monde, sauf en cas de cohabitation. En effet, le président préside le conseil des ministres, ce qui laisse douter de la séparation entre chef de gouvernement et chef d'Etat. En outre, il jouit d’une quasi irresponsabilité sauf en cas de « manquement à ses devoirs manifestement incompatible avec l’exercice de son mandat » ce qui justifierait une destitution, mais cela n’a encore jamais été le cas, bien qu’une tentative déposée par Mathilde Panot ait récemment été abandonnée . De plus, pour ce qui est de la responsabilité du gouvernement devant le parlement, une seule motion de censure spontanée a réussi depuis 1958, année de l’adoption de la Vème République, et aucune depuis 1962. Depuis, il est apparu que le gouvernement est devenu plus responsable devant le président, ce qui démontre un aspect unique de la culture politique française. Par ailleurs, en France, le Premier ministre est nommé par le président et non par l'Assemblée nationale, ce qui explique le fait qu’une figure telle que Michel Barnier, qui ne représente aucun des trois programmes ‘gagnantes’ de l'élection parlementaire, puisse former un gouvernement technocratique fortement critiqué par l'opposition pour son manque de légitimité au vu du résultat très bas de son parti LR. L'Assemblée nationale qui n’a donc que peu de pouvoir sur le gouvernement et qui peut être dissoute par le président semble très affaiblie. Néanmoins, il est possible d'espérer que grâce aux résultats divisés des élections législatives de 2024, le parlement reprenne de ses responsabilités en s’opposant plus fortement aux décisions présidentielles, une occasion qui ne s'était jamais présentée depuis le référendum de 2000 qui a écourté le mandat présidentiel à cinq ans et l’a fait concorder avec les élections législatives. De cette façon, les deux élections n’avaient que peu de chance de faire gagner un différend parti. Mais il est tout aussi possible qu’en choisissant un gouvernement bien a droite Barnier essaie de assurer l'acquiescement non seulement du parti présidentiel, mais du RN aussi et que la dynamique d’opposition reste un compromis entre chefs de partis et n’impliquent pas les députés de l'assemblée. Dans ce contexte, il n’est pas surprenant d'entendre des voix dissidentes. En effet, voir l'inégalité des pouvoirs entre l'Assemblée nationale et le Président dans un pays dont la tradition et les pays voisins sont majoritairement des régimes parlementaires peut faire douter de la viabilité de cette ‘exception’ française. Ce mécontentement a été très audible cette dernière décennie; cela a été mis en avant par les campagnes présidentielles de 2017 et 2022 où LFI a largement porté l'idée d’une VIe République. Cette proposition établirait un régime parlementaire stable rendant le pouvoir au peuple et mettant entre autres fin à la « monarchie présidentielle » et à l'utilisation de mesures de « vote forcé » tels que l’article 49.3. Mais les propositions concernant la VIème république existent dès 1961, avec l’article dans l’Express de Pierre Mendès France en faveur d’une VIème république, et ont fait l’objet de discussions jusqu'à nos jours. Mais à travers les mandats d’Emmanuel Macron, et surtout depuis son second mandat et la dissolution de l'Assemblée, les questions sont devenues encore plus pressantes, et se sont recentrées sur la figure du président. En effet, Macron a souffert d’une très mauvaise image avec une cote de popularité de 25% et se fait souvent caricaturer comme voulant être le nouveau Napoléon ou encore un « président jupitérien . » La nomination de Michel Barnier et la composition de son gouvernement n’ont fait qu’aggraver ces accusations, le faisant paraître d’autant plus sourd à ce que le peuple a exprimé par les votes. Après avoir choisi seul de dissoudre l'assemblée et ayant refusé de nommer Lucie Castets, candidate du NFP, à Matignon, le président semble avoir perdu tout contact avec le peuple. La situation dans laquelle nous nous trouvons aujourd’hui alimente les peurs de certains que ce régime, où la figure du président est si forte, ne lui donne un pouvoir trop personnalisé; ce qui pourrait s’empirer avec l'avènement d’un ou une président.e populiste et autoritaire. Il semble donc que la démocratie française se trouve à un moment critique où la légitimité de son ‘exception’ est mise en doute, et où l'on se demande si la désillusion et la « crise démocratique » que nous traversons ne viennent pas d’un régime créé à une époque où la stabilité manquait grandement. Il n’est plus adapté aux demandes démocratiques et à la société d’aujourd’hui.

At the start of the 1920s, although hard to imagine today, the Riviera was practically deserted during the summer months. Hotels and restaurants catering to the European elite would close shop after spring, as their wealthy patrons would leave for colder climates. The Murphys were the first to convince hotels in Antibes to stay open during the summer months, as a way to host their American friends. Thus beginning the transformation of the Riviera into the summer destination it is today. < Back Americans on the Riviera Kerem Demir Karahan September 28, 2025 The French Riviera may seem far too beautiful to inspire the Valley of Ashes , yet Scott Fitzgerald’s timeless classic “The Great Gatsby” was partially written here. Another one of his books, “Tender is the Night” is set in the French Riviera, around Cannes, telling a story far more dramatic than the feuds between modern movie stars who convene there every year. With the conclusion of American isolationism thanks to the American intervention in the First World War, members of the American gentry began to resettle in the Old World, especially Southern France. Brilliant mansions began to appear across the French Riviera, coupled with wonderful gardens, rivalling the splendor of British villas, such as Eilenroc in Antibes, dotting the shore from Cannes to Menton. The forerunners of American migration to the Riviera were Gerald and Sara Murphy. Their home in Antibes, Villa America , hosted parties and was the centerpiece of a social circle composed of not only Americans such as Ernest Hemingway, and Zelda and Scott Fitzgerald, but also European artists like Jean Cocteau and Pablo Picasso. They embodied what was the “Jazz Age” in the United States, importing the Charleston for the French “Années folles.” At the start of the 1920s, although hard to imagine today, the Riviera was practically deserted during the summer months. Hotels and restaurants catering to the European elite would close shop after spring, as their wealthy patrons would leave for colder climates. The Murphys were the first to convince hotels in Antibes to stay open during the summer months, as a way to host their American friends. Thus beginning the transformation of the Riviera into the summer destination it is today. With that, the “Lost Generation” , the group of authors who became adults during the First World War, found themselves a home on the French Riviera. Ernest Hemingway, the Fitzgeralds and John Dos Passos, among others, all took refuge on the Riviera from their personal woes that they hoped to leave behind in the States. Still, it is hard to say that the Riviera was without its share of the signature decadence of the Jazz Age . Fitzgerald does not shy away from showing the echoes of that decadence on the Riviera by telling the story of the lavish lives of his two main characters, based on the Murphys, in “Tender is the Night . ” On the other hand, Hemingway takes a contrasting approach, exhibiting the Lost Generation as more resilient than decadent in his book “The Sun Also Rises , ” telling stories of his Parisienne days. This convening of great minds in such a small region helped build relationships between flag-bearers of American literature and European art. They vacationed, ate, partied, and drank together for many years, influencing one another. Gerald Murphy’s time with Picasso even led Murphy to pick up painting as a pastime. The lives of the Murphys provided ample material for Fitzgerald and Hemingway when reflecting on their own experiences in France. Fitzgerald’s “Tender is the Night ” acknowledges the Murphys’ inspiration, beginning with the dedication “To Gerald and Sara, to many fêtes.” The American experiment on the Riviera was cut short in 1929, when the Great Depression hit stock markets across the world. At the same time, the secondborn child of the Murphys’ was diagnosed with tuberculosis, which proved to be the end of the Murphys’ time in the Riviera. They would then go to Switzerland and then back to the States. The Villa America, whose poolside sunbeds inspired Picasso, Fitzgerald, Cocteau, Hemingway and many more, would fall into disrepair during those years until its purchase by a Russian oligarch. The Riviera’s influence on American literature and art is hard to exaggerate. Both Hemingway and Fitzgerald, two of the most consequential writers of the 20th century, wrote arguably their most impressive works while at the Riviera. However, Americans were not the only ones savoring the Riviera. France’s vanguard of the avant-garde, Jean Cocteau, called Menton his home. Likewise, Pablo Picasso continued spending his summers on the Riviera long after the Murphys left. However, the allure of the Riviera didn’t end with the departure of Villa America ’s patrons. In 1960, perhaps the most influential author of the civil rights movement in the United States, James Baldwin, followed in the footsteps of the great writers before him and came to the Riviera to escape the social woes at home. Baldwin, like the Lost Generation, was on the lookout for a breath of fresh air. However, whereas the Lost Generation enjoyed the riches of life on the Riviera, Baldwin was there on a mission to continue his advocacy. Disillusioned by the way colored people were treated in the States, Baldwin found a much needed base in the Riviera where he could continue focusing on his commentary on American society. His time in France and the Riviera brought American social problems to the public's attention across Europe, and also helped him see America from an outsiders' lens. The Riviera is now more characterized by its famed and rich residents rather than the famed writers and painters it has inspired. Grace Kelly’s highly publicized marriage to the Prince of Monaco, Rainier the Third, brought the Riviera to the public consciousness across the world, identifying it with luxury. Similarly, Sean Connery, the first and most iconic of all James Bond characters, took up residence in the Riviera, purchasing a Belle Époque villa in Nice. Parties whose luxury would put Jay Gatsby to shame are held every summer in St. Tropez, showcasing how vacationing and residing on the Riviera turned into a status symbol. Still, the streets of Menton and the wider Riviera are filled with tiny ateliers with wonders inside, inspiring those who are willing to take on the challenge to match the beauty of the world around them. With its cosmopolitan SciencesPistes, vibrant BDA, and a breathtaking view of the Old City, perhaps 11 Place Saint Julien today embodies the spirit of Villa America: brave, unapologetic, and dangerously creative. Photo Source: Unknown Author, Wikimedia Commons

My Palestinian neighbors cannot, should not, and will not accept nor live with their indigenous food being increasingly appropriated by their occupiers. And nor should we — all of us reading this article today, studying on this campus and aware of the occupation of Palestine. < Back My Home is Not Your Property: Enough with Culinary Appropriation By Angela Saab Saade September 27, 2023 If I were to show my grandmother this TikTok video explaining how to make hummus from beans, she would probably yell at me for being disrespectful and idiotic. She would be just as nauseated if I suggested she try chocolate hummus . I will therefore spare myself from such criticism and protect my grandmother from this ridiculousness. Instead, through this article, I hope to shed light on a terrifying phenomenon — the appropriation of indigenous Levantine cuisine. Hummus, My Heart Hummus is authentically prepared by blending chickpeas, lemon juice, olive oil, tahini, garlic and salt. So the only major difference in the TikTok video criticized is the replacement of chickpeas with beans. From the outside, this may be positively viewed as the evolution and adaptation of recipes. But this is not about open-mindedness and the widening of culinary horizons — it is about the abuse of indigenous cuisine. In Arabic, Hummus means chickpeas (حمّص). In other words, when you make "hummus" with beans, you are quite literally not making hummus. Rather, you are spreading a recipe inspired by my traditional cuisine, incorrectly under its name, with zero respect for its origins. But I can survive in spite of the horrendous appropriation of scrumptious food cooked and enjoyed alongside family and friends in Lebanon. I can live — though in disgust and frustration — with the fact that my cuisine is ignorantly and insensitively being insulted. On the other hand, my Palestinian brothers and sisters cannot. Their food — like many of their other indigenous cultural practices — is constantly used for colonial domination. My Palestinian neighbors cannot, should not, and will not accept nor live with their indigenous food being increasingly appropriated by their occupiers. And nor should we — all of us reading this article today, studying on this campus and aware of the occupation of Palestine. The Occupation of Palestinian Cuisine Chef Kattan recalls in a L'Orient Le Jour article that Hummus "was the very first dish appropriated by the Israelis as early as 1948." Originally, he says, "the Zionist project was marked by European-style colonialism that denied the Arabness of Palestine and its land. But when they went to eat at the homes of Palestinians who survived the Nakba — during which 580 Palestinian villages were razed to the ground — they said to themselves, 'This chickpea puree is not bad!'" Today, multiple other dishes have fallen victims of appropriation. If you walk on the streets of occupied Palestine, unlawfully recognized as the state of Israel, you will find non-Arab Jewish Israeli street vendors claiming that Levantine Arabic cuisines like falafel, baba ganoush, and Arabic salad (سلطة عربيّة), also known as rural fallahi (farmer) salad, to be their own. Kunafa Nabulsia (كنافة نابلسيّة) — quite literally in the name showcasing that the cheese is from Nablus, West Bank — is also sold disrespectfully by Pizza Hut Israel as Israeli. While it is true that recipes develop and cross temporal and spatial boundaries, there is a strict difference between the deliberate theft from another culture for the purpose of a political agenda, as opposed to the inevitable integration of populations and their cultural influences. For instance, kafta is a common dish today that has become traditional to Lebanese, Syrian and other previous subjects of the Ottoman Empire. These countries did not steal Ottoman cuisine, but rather have inevitably integrated the customs adopted under the Empire into their own. Moreover, though it is true that Middle Eastern Jews used to eat Levantine indigenous cuisines before the creation of the apartheid Israeli state, so did the Christians and Muslims of the region. Hence, all three groups have every right to claim this food as their own on a national or regional basis, but neither one has the right to appropriate it and market it as their own at the expense of the others. Unfortunately, this is precisely what Israel does today — it appropriates and brands indigenous Palestinian Levantine cuisine as Jewish/Israeli. Denied Their Own Heritage Even more worrying is the denial of Palestinians' claim to their own food. As " hummus and other dishes that Palestinians share with their Levantine neighbors [are] gradually relabeled as Israeli," Palestinians are subject to harassment when they rightfully share their own food and heritage in the West — as is evident by the experience of this Palestinian restaurant in New York . Yet, restaurants claiming to be Israeli seem to have no objections, as can be seen with the thriving Israeli restaurant in Nice , which does a great job at stealing my cuisine and advertising it as "Israeli/ Mediterranean." Not only is food being branded to deny its Arab origins, but Palestinians also face heavy impediments with regards to exporting their agricultural products. In 2021, after a roughly 40-day suspension of all exports out of Gaza, " new restrictions were then imposed , including the demand that the green stem, the sprig, be removed from every single tomato before exiting Gaza," reducing the product's "quality and shelf life." The primary purpose of this mockery was to make Palestinian exports less desirable and profitable, further damaging their economy. In August of that year, 9,000 Palestinian olive trees were illegally bulldozed , contributing to the over 800,000 that have fallen victim to Israeli occupation since the second major ethnic cleansing moment of 1967. The production of olive oil from Palestinian trees is another cultural tradition that Israel is not happy about. In 2022, Amnesty International published a 277-page report explaining the Israeli system of apartheid against Palestinian Arabs — Muslims and Christians alike, living in or outside of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), with or without an Israeli passport. Here are just some of the atrocities with regards to agriculture and farming highlighted in the report: " According to OCHA , between 1 January and 19 October 2020, many of the 42 Israeli military incursions into the Gaza Strip included bulldozing agricultural land and destroying crops." (p.182) " Since 2014, the Israeli military has aerial-sprayed herbicides over Palestinian crops alongside the fence between Gaza and Israel." (p.184) "Palestinian farmers are forced to neglect their farmland or switch to less water-intensive crops because of Israel's discriminatory policies on Palestinians' access to water in the Jordan valley." (p.190) Therefore, Israel's occupation of Palestinians includes not only the appropriation of their land, property and cuisine, but equally their fundamental right to plant, cultivate and harvest their own crops to be self-sufficient and preserve their cultural practices. And it does not end there; Israel attempts to erase all and any aspects of Palestinian identity. Tatreez — Palestinian embroidery , traditionally taught by grandmothers to their granddaughters and daughters — is the art of "an exceptional amount of patience, dedication and precision" in the creation of artisanal goods, such as the traditional Palestinian apparel, the thobe , bags, shoes, and accessories. Disdainfully, organizers of Miss Universe Israel 2021 distributed this integral aspect of Palestinian heritage across the beauty pageant contestants, who wore Palestinian thobes that they claimed as Israeli and prepared wara' aanab (ورق عنب) stuffed grape leaves, a dish of Levantine Ottoman origin. They essentially all had a party of identity theft and heritage slander at the expense of Palestinians, negatively impacted in their day-to-day life by Israeli forces. A tweet by Palestinian-American rights activist Zeina Ashrawi Hutchison expresses, "it's horrible to participate and ignore the ethnic cleansing being committed by the host of the pageant, but it's another kind of ugly to promote the apartheid regime while wearing the traditional clothes of those being ethnically cleansed. Disgraceful, shameless and honestly painful." Reclaiming Identity Palestinian journalist Alhelou asserts that "Palestinian culture and life revolve around food in every aspect, whether it is an ordinary day or a special occasion. Food and national identity are tied together." Unfortunately, the theft of Palestinian cuisine by Israel continues and amplifies by the day. Palestinian culinary appropriation is just one manifestation, product and tool of the Israeli colonial project and apartheid against Palestinians. It is also an insult to my cuisine and my people, as we have Levantine dishes in common with our regional neighbors. In Salma Serry's online library committed to historical knowledge of indigenous cuisines to modern Southwest Asia and North Africa, she emphasizes the necessity of "remembering and re-patching traditions when they are in danger of erasure," to "decolonize Palestinian food." Haya's Kitchen — defining herself as "a tribute to Palestine, Tetas, and Traditions" — does precisely that. It is our duty to support the decolonization of Palestinians from Israel-imposed and Western-backed injustice by taking the steps we can. This starts by supporting such initiatives, denouncing "Israeli salad", differentiating between "hummus" and beans, donating to our campus' SciencesPalestine, writing about the Palestinian identity, and hearing the voices of Palestinians who must be given the space to express themselves, especially here, in Europe, where they are majorly silenced. As Alhelou rightfully states, "cultural appropriation is a denial to the existence and heritage of the owners of the land — the Palestinians in their millions inside the occupied Palestinian territories, in refugee camps in some Arab countries or in the diaspora worldwide." For justice to be served, we must normalize the reclamation of Palestinian identity and defeat those who want to see it wiped off the face of the Earth.

As this academic year draws to a close and Menton becomes more boring to most of us, I am increasingly surprised by how much I have yet to discover about this town's hidden gems. < Back Eats with Angela: Menton's Top Five Food Gems By Angela Saab Saade March 31, 2023 As this academic year draws to a close and Menton becomes more and more boring to most of us, I find myself increasingly surprised by how much I have yet to discover about this town's hidden gems. The other day, I was aimlessly wandering around the streets of Menton — bored, uninspired and exhausted by the town's familiarity. At some point, I saw a crowd of people waiting in line at one of the tiniest patisseries I have ever seen. A mother, persuading her child of a pastry he was not convinced of, said “I promise you, you are going to love it. It is moelleux, it is sweet, it has a unique taste and it is fulfilling.” The patisserie took me by surprise. I had never seen it before, though I was sure to have crossed that street at least once a week. So, I decided to try out the pastry that the mother was so keen to make her child eat. I thought, why not? What do I have to lose other than 2.90 euros of my money? I purchased what is called a Fougasse Mentonnaise and it tasted above any other (non-chocolate) pastry I had ever tried before. What made it more special though, was that this fougasse, new to me in this town of monotonous familiarity, represents the untouched opportunities left for us to explore in Menton, especially for the uninspired 2As among us. Moreover, I will share with you my top favorite places thus far in Menton that have not yet been swamped by the student body. We will go beyond the common places, like Café Italiano, Istanbul Kebab and Brioche Dorée. I sincerely hope at least one of the five places will be new to you and will provide you with an interesting setting to explore. Number 5 — L'OPEN Address: 11 Av. de Verdun, 06500 Menton Pub, bar, café, restaurant — call it what you want, but this place is absolutely the perfect hub for a great dinner, a late cocktail or even brunch. The ambiance is lively, especially in the evening, and the staff is friendly. If you enjoy music while studying, I would encourage you to sit in their upper floor, which, similarly to Café Italiano, their customers usually avoid. Thus, it is great for those of us who like studying with background music in an empty space. Top 4 — Mitron Bakery Addresse: 8 Rue Pieta, 06500 Menton There is no need to reiterate how much I appreciated the Fougasse from Mitron Bakery. A bonus to their yummy desserts is their small outdoor space in which you may get some work done. What I particularly like about Mitron is that they offer proper Mentonnese specialities, rather than regular pastries like other bakeries. This specialization makes them distinct while also allowing us to try new flavors unique to this part of the world and precious to our limited time experiencing it. Top 3 — Le Paradis de la Glace Address: 59 Av. Robert Schumann, 06190 Roquebrune-Cap-Martin Given my obsession with ice-cream, I think any glacerie is splendid, but my flatmates would have thrown me into the Mediterranean if I neglected to add this establishment. Le Paradis de la Glace's name is an understatement to the quality of ice-cream sold. This better-than-paradise ice cream may be found just at the border between Menton and Cap-Martin Roquebrune. It is fresh, creamy and superior to the Menton ice cream shops that stud Rue St Michel. It may be a bit of a walk, but the high quality treats and friendly service make the journey worth it. Especially at this time of the year, the spring's reappearing warm sun can soothe you as you enjoy their outdoor seating area and overlook the cerulean sea. Top 2 — Sini 7 Rue des Marins, 06500 Menton You have probably passed by this restaurant multiple times and thought, "oh, just another incredibly expensive restaurant in Menton." Well, think again, because Sini's is quite affordable and may even be considered underpriced for the quality of the food they offer. You may enjoy multiple pieces of their fresh Corsican focaccia with different toppings, such as truffle, artichoke and Mozzarella, with an aperol spritz on a late afternoon or evening. Or, you can also just have the slices with no cocktail on a regular weekday for lunch. Either way, you can anticipate a pleasant experience of great food and chill ambiance, while not going broke! Top 1 — Ideal Tacos When I first came to France and saw taco restaurants, I was extremely disappointed to realize that a taco here is not what it is in most parts of the world. However, one restaurant in particular shifted my perception of the demonized French taco and allowed me to befriend it, maybe even love it, and that is Ideal Tacos. They offer scrumptious tacos and burgers and equally have vegan and vegetarian options. My personal favorite is the vegan taco with white sauce — absolutely one of the most fulfilling and flavorsome meals I have had. Complement it with some fries, mozzarella sticks or nachos and a side drink, and there you have it, the best fast food meal you could wish for. And, the staff is the absolute nicest!

Il y a un siècle les Français et les Allemands se battaient pour déplacer leur frontière, aujourd’hui celle-ci ne semble même pas exister quand on la croise. » raconte Letta à l’ouverture de l’interview. Il faut trouver une histoire globale européenne, et comment cette institution bénéficie à tous les citoyens. < Back « Tombez amoureux de l’Europe ! » Le message d’espoir du président Enrico Letta Luca Palis and Zoé Isbled for the European Society x La Strada April 30, 2025 Près de 65 villes, 27 États et un continent. Enrico Letta, ancien Premier ministre italien, de 2013 à 2014, et président de l’Institut Jacques Delors, a réalisé un véritable tour d’Europe. Conseillé par l’ami et collègue Jacques Delors, il a voyagé en Europe pour rédiger le rapport sur le marché unique, « Beaucoup plus qu'un marché. » Cette recherche a été source de l’œuvre « Des idées nouvelles pour l’Europe. Avec les femmes et les hommes qui la font , » une publication du 30 octobre 2024, présentée par l’auteur à Sciences Po—Campus de Menton le 13 février 2025.Ainsi, La Strada, l’association de culture italienne, en partenariat avec European Society, son homologue européen, ont décidé d’interviewer monsieur Letta pour en découvrir plus sur l’avenir de l’Europe. « Il y a un siècle les Français et les Allemands se battaient pour déplacer leur frontière, aujourd’hui celle-ci ne semble même pas exister quand on la croise. » raconte Letta à l’ouverture de l’interview. Il faut trouver une histoire globale européenne, et comment cette institution bénéficie à tous les citoyens. Il commence par nous partager son histoire européenne de son adolescence à Strasbourg, en tant qu’étranger Italien en France, et son rapport avec la même ville frontalière post-Maastricht, il exhorte que « La beauté du projet européen doit devenir une expérience vécue » en citant sa publication. Toutefois, de nombreux citoyens ne se conforment pas à cette évidence (en 2024 43% étaient opposés). Selon Letta, l’UE est devenue un bouc émissaire dans le XXIème siècle, victime d’une ère de haine et de peur et synonyme de l’inefficacité et la lenteur de la démocratie. Mais il faut remarquer que concrètement tout cela est dû « au manque d’Europe », et à l’incomplétude de la vision des pères fondateurs. Le paysage économique a été bouleversé avec la montée rapide de géants économiques asiatiques. Le même Letta le rappelle, l’Italie dans les années 1980 à 1990 avait à elle seule le même poids économique que la Chine et l’Inde. Aujourd’hui, les puissances européennes sont comme des petits poissons dans « l'aquarium du monde . » Selon Letta, la solution pour faire face aux requins est de se réfugier dans la coopération commune, « bouclier face à la globalisation ». Letta nous invite ainsi à « tomber amoureux de notre marché unique et de notre Union Européenne . » Le programme Erasmus+, visant avant tout à connecter et unir la jeunesse d’un continent fragmenté en États-nations, générant dans les générations futures une conscience européenne enracinée. Toutefois, Letta raconte que l’Europe nous touche tous, en nous assurant le droit de se déplacer autant que de rester, en tant que défenseure de la paix. Cependant, le fait de ne pas « faire l’Europe , » spécialement dans des secteurs clés comme les finances, les télécoms, l'énergie et la défense, nous handicape en terme de compétitivité, explique-t-il en parlant du coût de la « non Europe. » La voie à poursuivre selon Letta serait celle de la coopération renforcée et de l’harmonisation des systèmes légaux dans les sujets au cœur de l’expérience européenne, notamment celui du droit commercial. Au lieu de 27 droits nationaux, il propose de créer un 28ème État virtuel comprenant un droit commercial valable partout en Europe. Cela permettra de diminuer les coûts et les temps de démarche pour les entreprises, tout en gardant une certaine souveraineté des droits nationaux. L’Europe ne peut et ne doit pas permettre le déroulement d’autres cas comme celui de Spotify. Un succès suédois qui, souffrant de la fragmentation du droit commercial en Europe, a immigré à New York à la recherche de fonds. De plus, Letta conseille la création de l’Union des épargnes et des investissements, nécessaire pour remporter les 300 milliards d’euros de capitaux nécessaires pour les grands investissements communs dans l’innovation, la crise climatique et la défense, essentiels pour le continent. Le continent a besoin d’une quantité énorme d’argent pour réussir dans le défi de l’autonomie. L’énergie était outsourced aux Russes, et la guerre en Ukraine a frappé, plongeant le continent dans le chaos énergétique. La finance aussi était outsourced aux États-uniens. La production aux Chinois. Letta se pose donc la question: « qu’est-ce que nous avons gardé en Europe? » La réponse, selon lui, est la créativité, mais dans le monde instable d’aujourd’hui elle n’est plus suffisante. Au sujet des réformes institutionnelles européennes, Mr Letta adopte une posture réfléchie. Il déclare être globalement en faveur de l’élimination de l’unanimité au Conseil de l’UE mais en constatant que « les autres font, et nous nous discutons , » il est clair que cela n’est pas une urgence pour l’Europe. Quand d’un côté un envahisseur impérialiste comme la Russie, mène une guerre féroce aux portes de l’Europe, et de l’autre Trump choque le monde avec sa façon théâtrale d’émettre des ordres exécutifs, en jouant avec les règles de la démocratie, l’Europe échoue sur des subtilités comme le véto. Il est essentiel de reconnaître que si les difficultés internes à l’UE sont à prendre en compte, le contexte international l’est également. Désormais, la lutte culturelle, entre différentes visions du bien vivre, s’est transformée en conflit politique pour ou contre les bases mêmes de la démocratie. La montée du populisme est le tueur de la démocratie, essence même de l’identité européenne. Le déchaînement de la haine détourne l’attention de la politique des problèmes concrets, en jouant avec les émotions, « parce que le populisme n’est jamais tendre » nous raconte Monsieur Letta. L’Europe est perturbée par ces dirigeants extrémistes, qui essayent de trouver leur place sur la scène internationale. Par exemple, Giorgia Meloni, actuelle Première ministre italienne, en profitant de sa proximité avec Donald Trump et Elon Musk et de la crise politique de l’axe franco-allemand, tente de s’imposer comme pont entre les deux rives de l’Atlantique. Le 4 janvier 2025, lors d’une visite de Meloni à Trump, avant l’investiture, le président a complimenté son homologue italienne comme « une femme fantastique, qui a conquis l’Europe, » exemple concret du rôle que l’Italie de Fratelli d’Italia voudrait jouer dans les nouvelles relations euro-américaines. Selon Letta, l’avenir de cette Union doit être celui de la fédération d’États nations , respectueuse de la multi-identité européenne et puissante de sa devise « in varietate concordia », « unie dans la diversité. » Il est remarquable que même si la démocratie du continent est sous pression et l’UE constamment attaquée, les souverainistes et les nationalistes, historiquement eurosceptiques, se sont redécouverts « souverainistes européens, » surtout au vu des conséquences du Brexit, en reconnaissant que l’UE est devenue incontournable. Pour clôturer l’échange, les équipes de La Strada et de European Society ont demandé des conseils pour un ou une jeune qui veut se rapprocher de l’Europe. Il conseille à la jeunesse de profiter de la chance de pouvoir étudier. Spécialement pour les élèves de Sciences Po, il nous exhorte à faire le maximum d’expériences possibles. Dans l’avenir, quand nous serons employés, les opportunités de voyager autant, de connaître et d’évoluer se développeront de manière différente et seront plus faibles, sous les poids des responsabilités croissantes. Un profond remerciement pour Monsieur Enrico Letta de nous avoir accordé ce temps d’échange ensemble et pour ses précieux mots sur l’avenir du Vieux Continent. Photo source: Wikimedia commons

“There’s nothing like the Arab world’s hatred of the truth.” < Back Arab Netflix: To Stream or not to Stream? By Lara-Nour Walton April 29, 2022 My cousin Zeina delighted in the sprawling array of Egyptian films before her. In years past we had shared halwa over Charlie and the Chocolate Factory, camped out in front of Black Mirror for hours, and swooned over Baz Luhrmann’s expert castings of Dicaprio. She introduced me to “Gone Girl,” “Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind,” “Inglorious Bastards.” Zeina has always loved her cinema, always reveled in good television. But, I’d never known her to be a connoisseur of Arabic programs until I visited her over this past winter break. She enthusiastically scrolled through Netflix’s seemingly never-ending queue of movies and shows from the Arab world, explaining the summary of each. I asked her why she’d never exposed me to this passion of hers, and she shrugged her shoulders: “I suppose I’ve never known how to show you.” On December 9th, Netflix launched an Arab cinema catalog comprising 58 films by 47 different filmmakers. The American streaming service titled this release “Celebrating Arab Cinema” and aimed to “explore the breadth and beauty” of the region and culture with the collection. Now, a large variety of Arab movies are accessible to anyone with a Netflix subscription, permitting Zeina to finally show me her Arabic favorites. While the “Celebrating Arab Cinema” launch was largely welcomed by the South West Asian and North African (SWANA) and international community alike, Netflix’s other Arabic initiatives have experienced cooler receptions. On January 20, the release of the first Arabic Netflix original, “Ashab Wala A’azz,” sparked mass controversy in the Arab world. A remake of the hit Italian box office hit “Perfect Strangers,” “Ashab Wala A’azz” implicates SWANA audiences in discussions about queer identity, infidelity, and premarital sex. However, many Netflix users from the region worry that the movie’s themes do not mesh with Arab society, some asserting that Western films cannot be made into SWANA adaptations due to insurmountable cultural differences. Lebanese English track 1A Angela Saab Saade repudiates this sentiment. “I don’t think it’s a matter of whether or not the Arab world is ready for this type of movie. I think it is imperative that we acknowledge that these things exist in Arab society. It is not a crime to address reality,” she said. However, Saab Saade’s perspective is purely normative. Broaching contentious subject matter in the Middle East should not be a crime, but it is certainly still condemned. According to Lebanese journalist Rabih Farran, “There’s nothing like the Arab world’s hatred of the truth.” This antipathy for candor, this cultural reluctance to recognize what happens behind closed doors, has been made all the more visible by the audience response to “Ashab Wala A’azz.” However, the public’s reaction raises questions that transcend Netflix’s scope. It reveals the heated duel between social sensitivities and artistic freedom in the Arab world — a battle that seems to have no end in sight.

< Back L'Usine Pedro Meerbaum The historical landscape of Menton seemed immutable. Nowhere in townscapes from the midday Basilique ring of bells can one walk by the beach without being struck by the beauty of the old town with its 16th-century architecture. Even in its new town, Menton feels like a bubble wherein modernity is far-reaching. Yet, the new Cap D’ail style beach clubs and current constructions on the beachfront point to a new direction, one where Menton slowly tries to associate itself with the modern and luxurious audience of Monaco and St Tropez. Amidst Menton's path to total commodification, a little store is at the intersection of Rue de Brea and the Prom. Du Val de Menton protects the key to the authentic Côte d’Azur charm. Located at 3 Rue de Général Gallienie is one of Menton's most precious boutiques, L’Usine . Based on an old factory, as its name suggests, L’Usine is one of Menton's biggest antique stores. Amid its multiple floors, rooms, and charming garden, the family-owned business has cultivated a collection of regional items, from home decor to jewelry, that exist as an archive of a Côte d’Azur that is long lost. One does not need pictures to understand the originality and authenticity of life in the region 40 years ago; the various sofas, cutlery and collectibles of L’Usine tell the story of the region. They put into perspective how much this historical town has shifted. Even its wide door does not do justice to the magnitude of the store. Its side doors and stairs are dizzying and dazzling. One could spend hours going through the collection of objects on the various floors, observing from the smallest pins to the largest human-sized dolls. The owner, Allo, allowed us to carry out an interview with him. He has owned the business for 25 years with his wife, Michelle. He calls himself a proud collector, and before opening L’Usine, he traveled around Europe to acquire different pieces. It was then, almost at the turn of the century, when the couple got the opportunity to buy the estate and open a store. In harmony with an antique store, the place had to undergo a process of renovations and cleanings before they could open it to the public. There were simply too many residues. After everything was clean, Allo told me they had to buy and fill the rooms “little by little.” I carried out the interview accompanied by journalistic partner Anna Halpern, who meticulously asked Allo if all objects were from Menton itself. He confirmed that, indeed, a good part of the objects were from Menton, and while walking through the store, one repeatedly finds posters and objects that herald our town and its beauty. He assures, though, that most objects are from the Alpes-Maritimes region. He claimed that Menton, Nice and Cannes were all cities that received a great influx of tourists and immigrants in the last few centuries, who brought with them specific objects and furniture that now are crucial pieces of his enormous collection. Allo points out that the town is changing. He is not talking about the construction of the new beaches but rather about their taste. His selling point was classical furniture, sofas, closets and grandiose cabinets from the early 20th century. Now, people want a different sort of vintage. He has sold significantly more modernist furniture, pieces from the '60s or '80s, with considerably fewer sales on early 20th-century objects. His audience has also shifted. It is not the local Mentonnaise population that offers him the biggest source of income, despite an occasional SciencesPo student looking for a poster or a lamp, but rather tourists. He estimated that 10% of his clientele is Mentonnaise, 10% is Italian, and the rest are composed of transient Americans, Germans, Scandinavians, and more recently, Australians. He is not quite sure if the change in taste is also related to the change in clientele—in his opinion the Italians had the most dramatic shift of taste, but he has shown himself flexible and ready to adapt his store to the needs of his clients. Allo offered us a store tour, pointing to particular objects that interested him: dutch barrels, 20th-century possessions and even what he called “bizarre stuff.” Anna made a point about how the things he had there were simply mesmerizing and shockingly interesting. Allo, after a quick laugh, says, “Yes, but this is what I am looking for. That is what I aim to sell. It's no easy find, but we work!” He presents objects that remind us of the diversity of the South of France beyond the coast and even elements from the neighboring Italian north and Spanish Catalonia. A conversation with the store owners has led me to become further disbelieved. How was it possible that a couple could find so many particular objects and foster such a big collection of antiquities? When asked how he sees these things, Allo quickly responds with a simple “Je me lève tôt,” “I wake up early.” Every Sunday, when the store is closed, he wakes up at 4 am and ventures throughout the region to find objects for his collection in a tireless search. “It's not easy to find this stuff,” he told me, “it is easier to buy old furniture than to find something truly interesting.” Throughout the years, scavenging his products has been the most challenging aspect of his job. “The provision,” he puts it, “is the hardest part. It's more difficult to find stuff than to sell it.” He also discusses the prices of his stuff, saying that he has to put a price that gives him a profit, and some things end up being more expensive than expected. Yet, “it is not close to being more expensive than the boutique stores in Paris,” he says. “ Those are a steal. You have to put it in perspective.” My final question was the most difficult to answer. “What is your favorite piece?” It took him just a few seconds to answer, “The big window in the showcase!” He took us outside the store to look at the said mirror. It is a grandiose piece, covered by crystals, and so mesmerizing one has to see it for themselves to understand why Allo felt so attached to it. Finally, he told us: “When I find stuff like this, I am happy.” Previous Next

“Iran is spoken here through a glorious culture (...) hidden under the heavy dust of politics.” To me, this quote exemplifies the importance of Iranian cinema: it is the brush that cleans the political dust off of Iran, giving a glimpse into the culture, the interactions of the people, the food, the scenery, the good and also the bad. < Back Diving Into Iranian Cinema By Sarina Soleymani February 28, 2023 At the 84th celebration of the Academy Awards in 2012, Asghar Farhadi — a renowned Iranian director — walked up on the stage to receive his award for best foreign film and give his acceptance speech. He expressed, “Iran is spoken here through a glorious culture (...) hidden under the heavy dust of politics.” To me, this quote exemplifies the importance of Iranian cinema: it is the brush that cleans the political dust off of Iran, giving a glimpse into the culture, the interactions of the people, the food, the scenery, the good and also the bad. Within these representations, we still find snippets of the real political context that Iranians live in. Yet this time, these depictions come from Iranian people, as opposed to Western or Islamic media, with ulterior motives behind the narratives they choose to display. Iran is truly exceptional when it comes to cinema, with numerous brilliantly creative figures that push their way into mainstream media. Let us take a quick dip into some of my cherished recommendations in this ocean-deep world of Iranian cinema. My favorite film of all time, and the first mention on this list, is Asghar Farhadi’s “A Separation.” Winning the previously mentioned Best Foreign Film Oscar in 2012 gave international recognition not only to Farhadi, who continued to win various awards for his subsequent motion pictures, but also to Iranian cinema as a whole. Farhadi’s work generally focuses on human complexities and the varying web of interactions between people that create delicate situations in which the characters are being challenged. He aims to show human vulnerability, underscoring that oftentimes there is not an obvious answer, a distinct good or bad. He carefully uses naturalist camera work to make the storyline more real, using simplistic techniques and camera angles to follow the characters. This characteristic sets him apart in the film industry. While all of his work, including “About Elly,” “The Salesman,” and “A Hero,” all deserve their spotlight, the one film that was genuinely above and beyond is, in my eyes, “A Separation.” With one of the most complex yet easy-to-follow storylines, “A Separation” commences with the divorce of two of the main characters: Nader and Simin. Simin wishes to leave the country with their daughter, while Nader needs to stay to care for his father, battling Alzheimer’s. Their situation complicates itself after Nader hires a caretaker for his father, a pregnant lady named Razieh, who comes from a religious and lower-class background. Following a misunderstanding, Razieh and Nader get into an explosive argument, causing Razieh to have a miscarriage resulting in a trial against Nader. Here, the two families become intertwined, and every sentence they say and every frame that precedes this moment gets examined to reveal the truth. We empathize with both sides of the story and become emotionally invested while appreciating the rationale behind their actions respectively. It uses a subtle technique to portray its message. It even gives an accurate glimpse into modern Tehran, the varying lifestyles and the socio-political and economic conditions of the people living there. It is truly a masterpiece in which every frame matters and is a remarkable stepping stone to entering the world of Iranian cinema. My next recommendation comes from an undoubtedly noteworthy Iranian director, Jafar Panahi. His films bravely express the voice of the Iranian people, their restrictions and the systems they are trapped in. His phenomenal work, dealing with much of the political will of the Iranian population, is often deemed a threat by the regime resulting in his six-year sentence in Evin prison and a ban from film-making. This ban, however, did not stop Panahi as he continued to publish works such as “This is Not a Film,” “Taxi,” or “No Bears,” which would move on to win international awards. Yet, the piece that I would like to shed light on is “Offside” (2006). Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, a strict practice forbade women from entering sports stadiums. The storyline follows six girls who, for various reasons, sneak into a football match dressed up as men. They each get caught, and we watch them spend the rest of the game in a detention section of the stadium before getting sent off to the police station accompanied by the men who detained them. The latter are young boys doing their mandatory military service and are thus forced to detain these girls even if they do not necessarily want to. What is so beautiful about his film is the humanization of these characters, the destigmatization of the people in Iran and how Panahi highlights that the people are not their government. The characters all end up bonding throughout the film: the girls and the military men befriend one another and show signs of mutual trust and care. By first commenting on the underlying hypocrisies and paradoxes within this law, Panahi uses football to comment on the society and Islamic regime, the restrictions it puts on the people and the people’s response to it. Here, the girls rebel even if they know the consequences, and the men comply, even if they do not wish to because they know the ramifications of disobeying. The ban on women in stadiums is a dominant issue in Iran, highlighting the discrimination in this gender apartheid regime. In 2019, Sahar Khodayari, unfortunately, set herself on fire after her trial in which she was prosecuted for entering a stadium. This ineffable outrage is depicted in films such as “Offside,” where one begins to understand the complex feelings of the people in this system. The film also subtly referenced Iranian social movements, including the White Hijab movement, where Iranian women would either wear a white hijab or take off their hijabs, generally on Wednesdays, to protest against the mandatory veil rule. This entrancing ended with the intriguing directorial choice of playing the old Iranian national anthem before the 1979 revolution while depicting the people’s celebration of the Iranian team winning the march and qualifying for the world cup. This was a strong yet subtle political statement, embodying the population’s disapproval of the regime even if they wish to celebrate their country’s win. This heart-wrenching and captivating story provokes smiles, laughs and tears in minutes and is certainly not a film to miss! On a more mundane and philosophical level, there is “Taste of Cherry” by Abbas Kiarostami. As one of the most renowned directors, Kiarostami set an important precedent for the film industry in Iran with several movies, including “Where is The Friends House?” or “Close Up.” He often depicts the Iranian countryside and uses his spectacular camera movements to illustrate its beauty. In this film, Kiarostami uses an intriguing storytelling technique where he keeps the main character a mystery. We know almost nothing of him, his family or his economic background. The extent of our knowledge is limited to his name, Mr. Badii, and that he is suicidal. Throughout the film, Mr. Badii takes a car stroll in the hills of Iran, picking up passengers who he hopes will carry out a job for him in exchange for money. He hopes to find someone who will go to where he wishes to be buried early in the morning and call his name twice. If he responds, that person will save him, take the money as a reward, and go back home. If he does not, that person should bury his body and take the money for themselves and return to their life. As he picks up these characters, they engage in conversations where they discuss the morality of suicide: the passengers try to discourage him using varying philosophies. The atypical storytelling is particularly compelling as it focuses on the concept and the message — brilliantly revealed in a plot twist that is communicated through just one sentence — as opposed to the main character and his reasons for wanting to commit this act. This film teaches us to appreciate the simple joys of life and highlights this with humble anecdotes and candid yet breathtaking camera shots portraying the scenery of Iran. Finally, a classic recommendation is the animation adaptation of Marjane Satrapi’s “Persepolis.” These delightful sketches give a historical overview of the Iranian revolution and the Iran-Iraq war, portraying a period of dramatic change in Iran through the eyes of the book’s author — Marji. It is astonishingly nostalgic, even relatable, despite being set in a different time frame. This authenticity is found through the transparency of Marji and her thoughts and feelings alongside the interactions she observes in her family and society at the larger level. Satrapi depicts how the revolution was transformed into something other than what it was intended and the uncertainties of the time. Persepolis is a digestible, genuine and open-minded account of Iranian history and culture, striving as an excellent starting point for those interested in grasping the Iranian perspective on these events. Artistic expression has always been central to preserving such a rich culture despite challenging conditions, and cinema does not fall short within this context. Indeed, these are just some of the many fascinating films in the kaleidoscope that is Iranian cinema that illustrates the reality of the Iranian experience.

Sports Recap – October 2022 < Back October Sports Recap By Arian Akrami October 31, 2022 Formula 1 Max Verstappen was officially crowned 2021 Formula 1 World Champion following the Japanese Grand Prix on Sunday Oct. 9. He became only the 11th driver to win back-to-back championships. With 12 victories already secured, and four races left, it remains entirely possible that the Dutchman could break the record for the most wins in a season (13 – Michael Schumacher with Ferrari in 2004, Sebastian Vettel with Red Bull in 2013). However, Red Bull has come under a barrage of criticism following statements that the team had exceeded the budget caps which were introduced at the beginning of the 2021 season. A Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile (FIA) statement announced that the team exceeded the $145 million budget cap by less than 5%, which constitutes a “minor” level breach. This level has come under criticism since it could still constitute a significant value of approximately seven million dollars. Ferrari team principal Mattia Binotto said: “five million dollars is about half a second, one to two million dollars is 0.1-0.2 seconds, which can be the difference between second on the grid to pole.” Potential repercussions include a deduction of championship points, financial reprimands and a reduction on the team’s budget cap. Tennis On Sunday Oct. 9, Novak Djokovic, recently championed at Wimbledon, defeated Stefanos Tsitsipas (6-3, 6-4) to clinch his 90th Association of Tennis Professionals title at the Astana Open in Kazakhstan. United States Open victor and world number one Carlos Alcaraz faced a major upset following defeat in the opening round Belgium’s David Goffin. Elsewhere on the Association of Tennis Professionals Tour, Taylor Fritz beat the United States Open runner up Francis Tiafoe (7-6, 7-6) in an all-American final at the Japan Open. This has allowed him to enter the world top 10 for the first time. Fritz was able to progress to the semifinals with a walkover due to the injury of Wimbledon finalist, Nick Kyrgios. On the Women's Tennis Association tour, the Polish world number one, Iga Swiatek, was stunned at the Ostrava Open final in the Czech Republic. She was defeated by Barbora Krejcikova, who managed to clinch her second successive Women's Tennis Association title on home soil (5-7, 7-6, 6-3). Football In the Premier League, as Arsenal continued their fine form, beating Leeds United away from home to remain top of the league, out-of-form Liverpool managed to defeat reigning champions and currently second place Manchester City, courtesy of a goal from Mohammed Salah. Manchester United Women thrashed Brighton and Hove Albion 4-0 to remain top of the Women’s Super League, level on nine points with Arsenal and Chelsea, who beat Everton and Reading, respectively. Manchester City picked up their first points of the season with another 4-0 scoreline against Leicester City, who remain rock bottom with zero points, alongside Reading. In Ligue 1, Neymar extended his excellent goal-scoring record so far this season in a crucial 1-0 victory for Paris Saint-Germain in the Classico against Olympique Marseille. The club now sit top of the table with a three-point lead over second place FC Lorient, who fell to a draw at home to Reims despite a 45th minute red card for their opponents. On the international front, Denmark’s kit manufacturer, Hummel, have hidden their logo, and Denmark’s emblem, on their World Cup apparel as a way to voice their disassociation with the Qatar tournament which has been criticized for its abhorrent treatment of migrant workers . Although their national colours are red and white, they have decided to release an all-back third kit, which Hummel described as “the color of mourning,” in solidarity with the thousands of lives lost during the construction of the stadiums.