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About twenty minutes into the concert, frontman Mahamadou Souleymane stopped the music. In solemn and simple words, he stated “Africa suffers. We are suffering.” This interlude was a stark reminder that what we, the crowd, had gathered to listen to was not simply music, but a political demonstration. < Back Renowned Tuareg Rock Group Mdou Moctar: Where Politics and Music Collide By Saoirse Aherne April 29, 2022 If you had walked down Avenue de Saint-Ouen this past Saturday, you might have heard a distant cacophony of noise. You would have caught the audible wail of a classic electric guitar, but layered on a rhythm that was not quite rock, not quite funk, not quite blues. The genre bending noise that flooded Paris’ 18th Arrondissement this weekend was all thanks to Mdou Moctar – a four-piece Tuareg musical act that took the stage of “Le Hasard Ludique” by storm, clad in daraa and tagelmusts, armed with electric guitars, and biting political lyrics in Tamasheq. About twenty minutes into the concert, frontman Mahamadou Souleymane stopped the music. In solemn and simple words, he stated “Africa suffers. We are suffering.” He continued, demanding an explanation for the deployment of French and American troops in numerous African nations, stating “it is not the 15th century.” Yet, according to Souleymane, colonial practices prevail. Souleymane described the extraction of resources from his home country of Niger at the hands of French mining companies, underlining how his people had seen no profit from their own nation's riches. Souelymane called on the audience to inform themselves on what the French government was doing in nations across the continent of Africa, and to condemn their leaders for the practice of imperialism. Leaving his words to settle in the humid air of the cramped concert hall, Souleymane stepped back, raised his guitar, and launched into a whining guitar lick. As the rest of the band joined, the song took the form of a typical Mdou Moctar ballad – rife with rhythm and spirit, a soul-catching groove layered with melodic vocals and lively drums. This interlude was a stark reminder that what we, the crowd, had gathered to listen to was not simply music, but a political demonstration. Such has always been the case of desert blues – a genre born in Libyan military training camps in the 1970s, an intricate fusion of rock, blues, and traditional Tuareg sounds. The Tuareg, a historically nomadic sub-group of the Amazigh residing in the Sahara-Sahel region, have long faced subjugation in the nations across which their people reside. There is a strong separatist movement within the Tuareg community, which has acted as a significant source of conflict since the Saharan-Sahel nations gained independence. In the 1980s, Gaddafi opened the Libyan borders to Tuareg refugees fleeing persecution and began recruiting them into his army. Libyan military camps flooded with young Tuareg men, fueling a number of insurrections and rebellions across the Sahara in the 1990s. However, another unexpected outcome emerged from these training camps, a different manifestation of the Tuareg desire for emancipation and autonomy: Desert Blues. It was a band by the name of Tinariwen that pioneered this genre. Front man Ibrahim Ag Alhabib met his bandmates in a guerrilla training camp in Libya. The young men began to write songs about their struggles, the horrors that had forced them to flee their homes, and the subjugation of Tuareg people. They formed a musical group, playing at weddings and parties, speaking to the longing and suffering of their fellow Tuareg exiles. Soon they came to be known as “Kel Tinariwen,” which translates to “The Desert Boys” in Tamasheq. And so began Tinariwen, the first Desert Blues group, which expertly combined traditional Tuareg sounds with bluesy guitar riffs and unfalteringly political lyrics. In 1985, Tinariwen set up a makeshift studio where they wrote and recorded songs. They offered these recordings for free to all who could provide a blank cassette tape. These tapes were exchanged and dispersed across the Sahara by rebel groups fighting for Tuareg independence throughout the 1990s. Tinariwen were the first of many bands from the Sahara-Sahel region to use music as a tool both in support of their own people’s spirit and to draw the eyes of the world to their suffering. Mdou Moctar in many ways is inspired by Tinariwen’s model. Especially with regards to their most recent album, “Afrique Victime,” Mdou Moctar’s lyrics are harshly anti-imperialist. Although distinctly Tuareg in musical style, “Afrique Victime” speaks for the continent of Africa as a whole, using music to condemn its exploitation and violation by Western powers. Mahamadou Souleymane is Tuareg, born in a small village in the mid-80s in Niger. Due to resistance from his parents, Souleymane took up guitar, first by fashioning bike wires to a piece of wood and teaching himself to play in secret on this makeshift instrument. Inspired by music emerging from the neighboring country of Nigeria, Solelymane fused traditional Tuareg sounds with drum machine tracks and autotune. His creations began to circulate, and somehow made their way to American music blogger Chris Kirkley. Awestruck by the musical innovations Souleymane was creating, Kirkley departed to Niger to attempt to find the mysterious musician behind these haunting tracks. After successfully locating Souleymane, Kirkley’s label, Sahel sounds, helped to produce a number of albums for Souleymane’s band– Mdou Moctar– which have garnered increasing international recognition. But music for Souleymane is merely an accessory to his central mission of bettering the lives of those within his community. Each time Mdou Moctar releases an album, he builds a well, a vital resource in Niger where access to water is a continual issue. Souleymane lives and works for the most part in Tahoua, as do the rest of the band. He knows the community, plays at local weddings, and rents out his car for a small fee – that is, when he’s not touring the world. In recent years, the fame achieved by Mdou Moctar has provided Souleymane with a platform to propagate his message to Western audiences. In an interview with Dazed magazine in 2021, Souleymane stated “[French] companies have extracted all the uranium and gold in Niger but help none of our problems. I’ve seen it since I was a small child. It’s modern slavery, racism, and colonialism combined.” He continued in this interview, proclaiming “I am calling the whole world to stand up and revolt against the conditions we face. We don’t have the technology here in Niger to manufacture weapons, so how are they entering the country? Why are other nations storing tools of war on our land? France, the US, NATO — they’re all complicit. Why are they here? Why?” Souleymane offered a damning final sentiment: “They’re playing with my people.” Mdou Moctar utilizes its music to dissolve the simplistic portrait of the marginalized as weak and miserable. It draws attention to the evils of imperialism through a medium which showcases the beauty of Tuareg culture. Souleymane is shockingly talented, a compelling speaker, and an internationally recognized artist, all the while remaining an integral part of his community. He advocates for his people from within. The music of Mdou Moctar is not only a stunning auditory experience, but also deeply powerful and moving. Such is the nature of political music, for it is from conflict and marginalization that the most compelling art arises. Desert blues have provided the Tuareg with a means to document their unique struggle, to draw the eyes of the world to their needs. And Mdou Moctar, in its embrace of this genre, has extended its political demands to represent all those that suffer beneath the burden of imperialism.

The war on drugs will, ultimately, be a war against civilians if Noboa's approach concentrates itself only in the streets of Guayaquil, instead of looking at where the militia has long stabilized itself — Ecuador's dearest political institutions.  < Back American White Lines: The History of Militia Violence in Ecuador By Pedro Meerbaum February 29, 2024 The afternoon of Jan. 9 was a common day in Guayaquil, Ecuador. Workers and students returned to their normal routine with the end of the holidays and the beginning of 2024. As the second Tuesday of the year came to an end, the people of Guayaquil tuned in for the afternoon news. The program on the national television channel TC was typical: an introduction from the presenters, daily news, a couple of interviews, and a section on international affairs. It would have been an ordinary day, but instead, the audience watched, for 15 minutes, as masked gunmen invaded the broadcast network, forced staff to the floor, and shot their guns as the hostages cried for help. In that afternoon, there was no news besides terror. The invasion of the broadcast followed the escape of notorious drug lord José Villamar, known as Fito, who had been detained since 2011 in the city of Guayaquil. His disappearance was reported on Jan. 7, and on Jan. 8 a wave of riots in six different Ecuadorian prisons took place , leading President Daniel Noboa to announce a state of internal armed conflict. The televised violence that befell right after was a response to Noboa's statement, easily seen as a confrontation between drug lords to the new Ecuadorian president — a stark reminder of the limits of his autonomy as a leader. As Noboa intensifies its military response to the militia groups, and as the coast of Ecuador transforms its landscape into a quasi-war zone, questions are raised about the nature of gang violence in the country. The militia group works, mostly, with cocaine, and yet Ecuador is famously not a producer of narcotics. Instead, it is a channel in which cocaine produced by its neighbors, Peru and Colombia, is transported into North America. The cocaine that reaches Ecuador in its borders is then transported to port cities, like Guayaquil or Esmeralda, and is then shipped through the Pacific Ocean. To avoid dealing with anti-narcotics policing forces from Colombia or the U.S., the boats pass through the Galapagos islands, where they refill before reaching their destination in Mexico, Costa Rica, or Guatemala . The illegal goods are then smuggled into their final destination, the United States. The easy access to ports or lack of inspection throughout the process of smuggling the cocaine is a result of a marking characteristic of the Pacific Ocean: it is a sea of corruption. Ecuador has been a transit country since the 1980s, but it was only in the last twenty years that it became one of the global cocaine traders. In the early 2000s, while the Colombian government tackled the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) cocaine fields, Ecuador suffered a strong economic crisis. On Jan. 9, 2000, exactly 24 years before the televised dispersion of terror, the central bank announced the dollarization of the Ecuadorian economy, replacing the Sucre with the American Dollar as the national legal tender. Ecuador, then, became an international target for money laundering. As writer James Bargent puts it , Ecuador is a "country bordering the world's biggest cocaine producer that uses the currency of the world's largest cocaine market." Its potential to become a major exporter of cocaine and a hotspot for narcotrafficking in South America was boosted with the 2006 election of Rafael Correa. The former president of Ecuador led the country for 10 years, from 2007 to 2017, implementing internal policies that cultivated the strengthening of militia in the country: Correa decided to remove a U.S. naval base in the city of Manta, which later revealed in a scandal to be a campaign promise to the FARC in exchange for funding. The former president also politicized the judiciary and shifted his internal security focus to reducing the power of his political adversaries rather than properly tackling organized crime. In the years of administration by Correa, a blindspot is left in Ecuadorian land. Militia groups now have proper access to ports and the country's sky, transforming it into a huge global transport for cocaine. It is within this pretext that, in 2023, Noboa gains popular support. A young and charismatic leader, the businessman builds his campaign around the extermination of gangs. And for the past month, Noboa has been successful in establishing a war on drugs. Military forces roam around Guayaquil with weapons, forcefully pulling people out of their cars and searching for any type of indication of gang involvement. While his military-based approach has received overwhelming popularity within Ecuador, similarities are raised with other cases of war on drugs throughout Latin America that have, in the long term, been unsuccessful. The use of extensive military force to combat gang violence left its traces in Colombia, in its combat against FARC caused mass incarceration, extrajudicial executions of civilians , and an increase in violence. Likewise, in Brazil, raids against drug lord s in favelas have been historically linked to the high-level loss of innocent civilian lives. Noboa's tackle-down approach does not bring hope. It is paving the way for a stronger proliferation of violence, incarceration, and calamity. The military, like in Colombia, is not properly trained to deal with gang violence without, in return, acting in violence towards civilians. The temporary relief and support being given to the military action is not sustainable, it is bound to develop into a cycle of violence and a massive reduction of well-being in what was once the safest country in South America. For Noboa, however, this approach gives him the legitimacy as a leader he sought, one that had been jeopardized by militia involvement since the beginning of the millennium. He has also received increasing support from the US, strengthening the diplomatic bonds between the two countries — without any direct intervention, internally nor externally, from the U.S. despite being the biggest receptor of Ecuadorian coke. The war on drugs will, ultimately, be a war against civilians if Noboa's approach concentrates itself only in the streets of Guayaquil, instead of looking at where the militia has long stabilized itself — Ecuador's dearest political institutions.

Was the G20 meeting once again superfluous? No. The alternative would be a policy of speechlessness and confrontation. < Back The G20 Summit in Rome: Timid and Vague, but Necessary. By Florian Heydecker November 29, 2021 On October 30 through 31, 2021, the 16th meeting of the Group of 20 was held in Rome, Italy. With an agreement on a global minimum tax, the G20 countries have found a common position. There was no consensus on climate protection, but determination in the fight against tax evasion. In their first in-person meeting since the outbreak of COVID-19, the heads of state and government of the leading industrialized and emerging countries voiced concerns and raised hopes at the G20 summit in Rome. Climate change and Environmental protection The G20 countries want to implement robust actions to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees. The new stipulation is that governments will target climate neutrality as early as the middle of the century. However, countries such as Russia, China, and Saudi Arabia were unwilling to accept 2050 as a confirmed target date for carbon neutrality. There was also no agreement on phasing out coal-fired power generation. However, they followed the announcement of China to withdraw from international financing of new coal-fired power plants. As for environmental protection, the G20 countries aim to halt biodiversity loss by 2030. At least 30 percent of the land area and no less than 30 percent of the oceans and seas worldwide will be "conserved or protected" by 2030. In addition, there are new measures to end overfishing of the oceans. There will also be an intensification of the fight against illegal deforestation and illicit mining. Coronavirus pandemic and Migration The joint fight against future pandemics will be strengthened and financially secured by establishing a working group of G20 finance and health ministers. At the same time, the G20 countries backed the World Health Organization's (WHO) goal of vaccinating 40 percent of the population worldwide by the end of this year and 70 percent by the middle of next year. There were calls for a general transfer of technology and vaccine production in developing countries. Furthermore, the heads of state and government want to prevent “irregular migration flows and the smuggling of migrants.” What is needed is a comprehensive concept “for safe, orderly and regular migration.” At the same time, they are willing to address the root causes of displacement and strengthen the integration of refugees. Taxes and Trade Leaders confirmed the agreement signed by 136 states in October for a global minimum tax on international corporations. It will come into force by 2023. The main aim of the reform is to prevent the shifting of corporate profits to tax havens. Large, internationally active companies will pay at least 15 percent tax, regardless of their headquarter. If a company pays less tax with its subsidiary abroad, the home state can claim the difference. The G20 countries also committed themselves to an “open, fair, equitable, sustainable, non-discriminatory and inclusive rules-based multilateral trading system.” This action, they said, is crucial for recovery. The World Trade Organization (WTO) will become the centerpiece of this trading system. On the fringes of the summit, the EU and the US also agreed on a provisional settlement of their years-long dispute over special US tariffs on steel and aluminum imports. Energy and Nuclear weapons The G20 countries pointed out the need for a secure energy supply concerning the current high energy prices. "We stress the importance of maintaining uninterrupted energy supplies from different sources, suppliers and through different routes, exploring pathways to improved energy security and market stability, while promoting open, competitive and free international energy markets," they said. They agreed that secure supply chains are also crucial to transforming energy systems. Finally, the US, France, the UK, and Germany called on Iran during the G20 summit to return to its commitments under the Vienna nuclear agreement. The different leaders said that, without a swift return to the agreement, “a dangerous escalation” could loom. At the same time, the US declared its willingness to return to and fully comply with the accord. Hence, discussions in such a round are laborious and complicated — in the end, they produce compromises that are often highly woolly. Yet, some of the agreements reached in Rome also show that the G20 can reach a common ground and deliver concrete actions against global issues. If some perceive the summit as outdated and ineffective, they should remind themselves that the alternative would be a policy of speechlessness and pure confrontation.

April 12, 2026 Eulogy to Joy In March 2025, the Atlantic’s editor-in-chief, Jeffrey Goldberg, revealed to the world that American national-security officers discussed highly classified information in a group chat in which he was accidentally included. While American media focused on whether the leak risked American lives, European leaders got the chance to see how America’s most powerful talked about Europe behind closed doors. Read More December 10, 2025 Iraq at the Ballots On Nov. 11 Iraqis went to the parliamentary election ballots to determine who gets the 329 seats on Iraq’s Council of Representatives. Read More October 31, 2025 What Happened to Freedom of Speech? Kirk’s murder came as a shock to many across the United States, sparking a wide range of reactions. Fellow right-wing activists and conservative politicians publicly grieved the loss of their friend and colleague, while left-wing politicians openly condemned the act of political violence, reiterating the need for gun reform in America. Online, however, the general reaction was much less mournful. People flocked online to criticize politicians for “martyring” Kirk, who spouted many racist, sexist and discriminatory views throughout his career. Many questioned whether this was a man who deserved to be honored. Read More October 23, 2025 General Debate in the UN Assembly Annalena Baerbock of Germany, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs until 2025, served as the President of the General Assembly and declared the theme of this year's debate as “Better together: 80 years and more for peace, development and human rights.” Baerbock began her remarks by highlighting the plight of children in Gaza, the war in Ukraine, and gang violence in Haiti. Moving on, she stated that cynics of the United Nations needed to realize that the “the [United Nations] Charter, our Charter, is only as strong as Member States’ willingness to uphold it,” encouraging the rest of the delegates to “act when action is needed.” Read More October 21, 2025 Le néolibéralisme à la française «La France est un enfer fiscal.» Cette expression fréquemment reprise dans certains médias appuie la critique d’un État où les charges et impôts étoufferaient l’initiative privée. Derrière cette formule se devine le cœur du discours néolibéral : réduire les fonctions sociales de l'État pour laisser libre cours au fonctionnement ‘naturel’ du marché. Read More October 21, 2025 ‘Will this recognition bring back my family?’ The recognition of the State of Palestine by France is not a sudden decision, influenced by other nations; rather, it is one that the state has been working towards since July. Read More September 30, 2025 3 Ans Après le Meurtre de Mahsa Amini, un Bilan sur la Situation des Femmes en Iran Le 16 septembre 2025 marque le troisième anniversaire du décès de Mahsa Amini aux mains du régime iranien. La politique répressive envers les femmes perdure. Cependant, l’Iran a connu d'importants bouleversements à la suite de cet outrage, notamment portés par le mouvement international Femme, vie, liberté. Ces mobilisations ont-elles réellement amélioré la condition des femmes ? Trois ans après, faisons le point sur la société iranienne depuis le soulèvement Femme, vie, liberté. Read More September 30, 2025 L'OCS ou la Peur a L'Occident Le 1er septembre 2025, lors du sommet annuel de l’Organisation de Coopération de Shanghai (OCS), Xi Jinping dénonçait une « mentalité de guerre froide » et des « actes d’intimidation » visant implicitement l’administration américaine. Ces propos, repris dans de nombreux médias occidentaux, renforcent une certaine inquiétude quant à la montée en puissance de la Chine. Read More April 30, 2025 Protests in Türkiye: The Fight for “Hak, Hukuk, Adalet!” The question emerged: if a regime could erase a diploma, why wouldn't it also erase an election? After İmamoğlu was detained, hundreds of protesters took to the streets. The first act came from Istanbul University, where students gathered in front of the main gates with banners that read “Diplomamı değil, geleceğimi çaldınız!” (“You didn’t just steal my diploma, you stole my future!”). Read More April 30, 2025 Change in the Republic of Moldova Whether the new governance delivered all they had promised is of secondary importance; what matters most is that in the last four years, the country has been more open to the West than ever before.; Let us hope it will continue like this and one day, they will be a part of the greater European family. Read More March 31, 2025 Recentering the Fight Against Climate Change from Innovation to Tradition Developed across millennia and passed down through generations, Indigenous knowledge carries “ancient and intergenerational wisdom that is flexible, fluid, and adaptive.” Read More March 31, 2025 The 51st State? Trump, Absorbing Canada, Sovereignty and American Foreign Policy Trump carried strict economic goals into his second term, imposing trade tariffs on Canada, China and Mexico to help stunt immigration into the U.S. While his economic nationalism persists, Trump’s threats of annexation peel back a new layer of his foreign policy plan. Read More February 28, 2025 Tug-of-War: Chinese and American Shared Interest in Greenland Greenland has become a focal point of strategic competition between the U.S. and China, with a mutual struggle risking triggering a new arena for great power rivalry. As China grapples with economic challenges and the U.S. seeks to reinforce its Arctic presence, it has become clear that Greenland could play a crucial role in shaping the future of international dynamics. Read More February 28, 2025 “Mom I arrived”: Two Years Since the Tragedy of Tempi I cannot help but be haunted by the thought that this could have been us—the idea that my family, my friends and even myself could have been the ones inside this train. Ever since then, every train that leaves the station bears with it a weight of terror, darkness, and silence… Read More February 28, 2025 The Implications of the Piraeus Port As Part Of The Belt and Road Initiative Although we cannot predict the outcomes of the significant Chinese ownership of Piraeus, the fact that Greece’s biggest port is owned by a foreign power will have an important impact on its future policies, as well as its relations with other countries. Whether Greece will be able to successfully balance in between, without completely becoming dependent on either power, is to be determined. Read More February 28, 2025 Introduction to the Cyprus Problem: History and Attempts at Solution President Christodoulides of the Republic of Cyprus and President Tatar of the TRNC agreed to meet in May of this year under the aegis of the UN to kickstart another round of talks for the reunification of the island. What has created what the leaders in both communities, despite their sizeable ideological gaps, see as an opportunity for reconciliation? Read More January 31, 2025 Can We Cope with COP? The first COP was held in Berlin, Germany in 1995; under a framework of international cooperation, with various required reduction targets for “developed country Parties,” COP stands as the singular format for climate negotiations in the global space. But it’s not enough anymore—if it ever was in the first place. Read More January 31, 2025 Is South Korean Democracy Threatened? Polarization of society and the rise of far-right rhetoric can very well be found in many other democracies, but South Korea is an example of two things in particular: an extreme attempt at suppressing the opposition and functioning democratic institutions. Read More January 31, 2025 The Syrian Question We all heard that the Assad regime toppled after 50 years of dictatorship. However, recent history taught us that such overthrows and their subsequent reforms are illusory in the end, seductive at first and inevitably and ultimately evanescent. Will this be the case for Syria? Will it repeat the history of its neighbors? And if not, will it become an Islamic republic, as the actual leaders seem to desire? Read More January 31, 2025 Embedding Sustainability Constitutionally What is a government saying to its people by enshrining the right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment? It marks this right as one that it will prioritize, as “the protection of the natural environment is an obligation of the state.” The difference this amendment brings, alongside pioneering cases in Europe, is that citizens can hold their governments accountable with regard to their actions or inaction. Read More

Le cas Carl Schmitt est troublant car lire ses livres et en discuter, c’est faire entrer un nazi enthousiaste dans le panthéon des grands auteurs. Carl Schmitt questionne nos croyances par ses écrits mais aussi par sa vie; sa vie montre la porosité de la philosophie et du droit avec le pire et l’inanité de séparer les Hommes en deux. Le génie et la monstruosité sont souvent une seule et même chose. < Back Carl Schmitt: le nazi avec de bonnes idées? Lubin Parisien February 28, 2025 « Sachons être suspect » clamait Julien Freund en 1971 dans sa préface de la réédition française de La notion de politique de Carl Schmitt. Suspect, Carl Schmitt l’est assurément pour son engagement public en faveur d’Hitler et pour la caution juridique qu’il apporte à l’antisémitisme d’Etat du IIIème Reich. Suspect, Carl Schmitt l’est aussi au vu de ses ardents défenseurs: Alain de Benoist, tête de pont du mouvement intellectuel ‘ethnopluraliste’ de la « Nouvelle droite, » fait la part belle à sa vision de la pensée schmittienne dans les travaux du GRECE (Groupement de recherches et d’études pour la civilisation européenne). Le GRECE fut d’ailleurs un des grands pourvoyeurs idéologiques de l’extrême-droite raciste française aujourd’hui incarnée principalement par le Rassemblement national (RN). Julien Freund, qui célébrait ceux qui savent être « suspects, » a participé à des colloques du GRECE et s’inscrit donc bien dans la mouvance intellectualisante de l’extrême-droite française. Etre nazi et être soutenu par des ethnonationalistes ou autres ‘ethnopluralistes’ est un mauvais départ; Carl Schmitt pourrait sembler voué aux égoûts de la pensée européenne. Néanmoins, son œuvre est toujours discutée et débattue, des personnalités plutôt marquées à gauche comme Agamben fondent leurs discours sur les outils intellectuels schmittiens. L’influence de la pensée de Carl Schmitt est un défi lancé à des sociétés européennes libérales et reconstruites apparemment en opposition aux crimes nazis. C’est un pied-de-nez au confort intellectuel que procureraient les figures rassurantes de grands hommes. Une brillante carrière dans le droit et dans le nazisme Carl Schmitt est né en 1888 à Plettenberg , dans le jeune Empire allemand. Il participe comme beaucoup de sa génération à la Grande Guerre, mais pas aux combats, il est affecté à un poste administratif dans l’arrière. Il est issu d’une famille catholique et sa formation universitaire est celle d’un juriste: il obtient son doctorat en 1915 à Strasbourg. Carl Schmitt montre son talent comme juriste et philosophe du droit et du politique. Les années 1920 sont un grand moment de production intellectuelle pour Carl Schmitt; citons pêle-mêle La dictature en 1921 sur la question de l'État d’exception, La notion de politique et Légalité et légitimité en 1932. Dans ce dernier ouvrage, analysant la Constitution de Weimar et ses faiblesses, il estime que l’interdiction du parti nazi est une nécéssité pour proteger un Etat démocratique comme celui de Weimar, le NSDAP étant, au sens fort et existentiel du terme, un ennemi de l’Etat. Les interprétations divergent sur ce point: certains décrivent un Carl Schmitt fossoyeur de Weimar, les autres le dépeignent comme un opportuniste qui n’était pas fondamentalement nazi, position qui a de quoi nous laisser perplexe. Il n’empêche que la suite de l’histoire est troublante: Carl Schmitt rejoint le parti nazi dès juin 1933. Olivier Beaud estime que les termes du débat sont faussés: Schmitt méprisait Weimar mais louait l’Etat allemand: « Ainsi, loin d’être une doctrine républicaine, la thèse de l’interdiction des partis politiques révèle une croyance bien peu républicaine en la toute-puissance d’un chef charismatique. » En outre, en voulant interdire des partis, Schmitt veut surtout interdire le KPD, le parti communiste allemand, suppression dont se chargera Hitler dès les premiers mois de son accession au pouvoir. Carl Schmitt, grâce à ses amitiés et ses réseaux nazis, réussit à devenir conseiller d’Etat de la Prusse. Le grand juriste du nazisme Hans Frank—qui fut à la tête du Gouvernement général en Pologne après l’invasion du pays—a restructuré les associations corporatives; ainsi, « le 1er novembre [1933], était officiellement installé le Groupe spécialisé des enseignants des établissements du supérieur ( Fachgruppe Hochschullehrer ) ainsi que son Fachgruppenleiter [son président], le professeur Carl Schmitt ». Le juriste allemand participe à plein régime à la justification du programme nazi. 1936 constitue une grande année pour Carl Schmitt: il participe à un colloque sur « la judéité dans les sciences du droit », un grand raout antisémite dans lequel Carl Schmitt propose de mettre tous les livres écrits par des juifs dans une catégorie d’oeuvres soi-disantes juives. Certains prétendent que Carl Schmitt cessa ses activités nazies en 1936: il n’en est rien, ses amitiés avec Hans Frank et Goering lui ont permis de maintenir sa position jusqu’à la fin de la guerre bien qu’il ne soit plus le grand juriste officiel. Carl Schmitt n’est que très peu inquiété par la dénazification, il continue sa vie d’intellectuel en publiant en 1950 Le Nomos de la Terre , un ouvrage sur le droit international qui a construit l’aura du juriste. Pendant ce temps, dans le Glossarium , Carl Schmitt n’a rien abandonné de son antisémitisme viscérale, il déclare que « les Juifs restent toujours des Juifs. Tandis que le Communiste peut s’améliorer et changer. Cela n’a rien à voir avec la race nordique, etc. Le Juif assimilé est précisément le vrai ennemi. » Carl Schmitt meurt en 1985, laissant derrière lui des héritiers encombrants, le premier desquels Alain de Benoist en France. Des trésors de mauvaise foi sont déployés par l’idéologue de la Nouvelle Droite: « ces petits esprits ne réalisent pas qu’en dénonçant le “nazi Carl Schmitt” ils emploient eux-mêmes des méthodes diffamatoires typiquement nazies. » L’influence de Schmitt dépasse néanmoins ce caniveau, Arendt discute de l'œuvre de Schmitt bien que ce soit pour la confronter, notamment sur la question de la Révolution française. Carl Schmitt a donc une étonnante postérité à gauche, il est cité par Agamben sur la question de l'État d’exception, par Etienne Baliba r et bien d’autres. Ce plot twist inattendu pour un nazi est dû à la capacité de son oeuvre à questionner les fondamentaux de notre conception de la politique et de l’ordre international. n ne peut pas comprendre l’enjeu de la figure de Carl Schmitt sans entrevoir brièvement la richesse de son oeuvre. L’ennemi au politique Pour Carl Schmitt, la politique est fondamentalement agonistique, c’est-à-dire qu’elle est fondée sur la lutte face à l’ennemi; la politique consiste en la distinction des amis et des ennemis. Dans La notion de politique , en 1932, le juriste explique son mépris pour le libéralisme en démontrant que celui-ci essaie de se soustraire à la dialectique agonistique en masquant la lutte par l’idée de concurrence, en ne proposant pas de politique « sui generis . » La formule courante consiste à dire que « l’ennemi est la figure de notre propre question. » L’ennemi est l’altérité radicale, une altérité construite par le jeu des intérêts notamment territoriaux. Carl Schmitt n’appelle pas à anéantir l’ennemi car sa présence est une nécessité quasi-existentielle pour Schmitt—c’est lui qui nous donne du relief et nous défie. Sur la politique internationale, avec La théorie du partisan en 1963 et quelques écrits antérieurs, Carl Schmitt dénonce ‘l’ordre de Genève’ et de Versailles. En effet, la condamnation morale de l’Allemagne et de l’ennemi géopolitique, en général, permet à chacun des camps de se targuer de représenter l’Humanité face à l’inhumanité; face à l’immoral et à l’inhumain, la totalisation de la guerre et la volonté d’exterminer est la suite logique. De plus, Carl Schmitt critique le biais induit par les définitions classiques de guerre et de paix, l’une étant toujours définie par l’absence de l’autre. Avec la moralisation indue du concept de politique et l’exclusion théorique de la possibilité d'alternatives à cette binarité, Carl Schmitt pointe du doigt des contradictions en faveur toujours du vainqueur, comme l’occupation de la Ruhr en 1923 décrite comme nécessaire à la paix, alors que c’est l’acte hostile par excellence. On pourrait également penser, anachroniquement, que les guerres contre le terrorisme ou celle du Golfe relèvent du même type de contradictions. La moralisation du politique et son hypocrisie n’apparaissent pas ainsi comme un progrès. C’est au contraire un danger pour la paix effective et pas seulement théorique. La pensée de Schmitt est un pied-de-nez à notre acception classique du politique, vu comme l’espace de régulation des conflits et du compromis. Carl Schmitt est certes radioactif par ses engagements nazis, mais il l’est plus encore par sa pensée critique qui pose des questions pertinentes; c’est la dissonance avec son parcours nazi qui met à l’aise. En outre, les convictions idéologiques de Carl Schmitt se retrouvent dans sa pensée. Ainsi, si sa critique du libéralisme porte également dans des milieux de gauche—et a sans doute de l’intérêt—il ne faut pas occulter que dans certains textes et articles, il dénonce le libéralisme comme tête de pont d’un « formalisme » juif. Son admiration pour Hitler, opportune ou non, n’est pas sans rappeler la fascination de Carl Schmitt pour la figure du chef comme celle du président du Reich sous Weimar. Cela s’inscrit dans ce qu’on a appelé le décisionnisme . Selon Jean-Louis Schlegel, cela consiste à affirmer que « c'est la décision individuelle qui redonne sens au droit, ou qui le réinvente, dans des situations sans issue. » Dans une situation d’exception et face à la constante inimitié, l’acte même de trancher—de distinguer l’ami de l’ennemi notamment—est l’acte premier du politique, plus que le fond de la décision. A la lumière de son engagement nazi, on ne saurait ne pas tirer le fil liant les deux facettes de Carl Schmitt. Le nazi crasseux et le juriste brillant sont manifestement une seule et même personne, le dédoublement est une réponse trop facile au problème que pose Carl Schmitt au débat intellectuel. Des vraies œuvres ou des documents du nazisme? La production de Carl Schmitt est donc porteuse de critiques pertinentes, mais aussi d’un dangereux poison antisémite. L’opportunité de lire et d’éditer Carl Schmitt est très débattue. Le professeur de philosophie Charles Yves Zarka, dans un article du Monde en 2002 réagissant à la réédition d’un livre de Schmitt et à sa préface, propose de distinguer une oeuvre à part entière et un document à prendre comme le témoignage de certaines idées: « On doit éditer Schmitt, mais comme on édite les textes d'autres nazis, c'est-à-dire comme des documents, non comme des œuvres, et encore moins des œuvres philosophiques qu'on discute comme telles. » Le philosophe rappelle bien tous les mensonges qui ont été diffusés pour dédouaner Schmitt de ses responsabilités—notamment sur sa soi-disant disgrâce en 1936. Charles Yves Zarka prévient aussi que l’ensemble de la production intellectuel schmittien et ses engagements concrets durant tout le régime nazi sont les deux faces de la même pièce. La question du rapport de Carl Schmitt au nazisme fait néanmoins encore débat. Alain de Benoist remplit son rôle d’intellectuel raciste, certains comme Etienne Balibar dépeignent ‘l’expérience’ nazie de Schmitt comme une mésaventure regrettable dans la vie d’un brillant juriste. Une approche plus fine existe; l’historien du nazisme Johann Chapoutot décrit un Carl Schmitt qui voulait sincèrement être le grand juriste du IIIème Reich mais qui a échoué. Dans un colloque à l’Académie royale de Belgique en 2019, il démontre bien la participation enthousiaste de Schmitt à la dictature nazie, tout en nuançant le portrait qui est parfois fait de Schmitt comme le juriste nazi par excellence. Antisémite catholique virulent, Carl Schmitt n’est pas à la pointe de la ‘pensée’ nazie. Pour Chapoutot, Carl Schmitt ne fut pas la grand juriste nazi car il n’est pas allé jusqu’à une biologisation du politique, d’autres l’ont fait: Schmitt a été doublé à sa droite. En parlant de Grossraum (un territoire plus grand), Carl Schmitt n’est pas dans une ‘avant-garde’ qui parle de Lebensraum , qui contient une idée d’un supposé biotope pour la race aryenne. Schmitt reste fondamentalement classique, ce qui explique pourquoi il est lisible aujourd’hui par d’autres que des nazis. Le grand lecteur de Carl Schmitt en France aujourd’hui est Jean-François Kervégan, dont les travaux ont irrigué cet article. En 2011, il a publié un livre précisément sur la question de l’utilisation de Carl Schmitt, Que faire de Carl Schmitt . Sa formule pour résumer sa thèse est la suivante: il faut « partir de Carl Schmitt . » D’une part, il reconnaît la grande pertinence des outils théoriques schmittiens pour comprendre et le monde et ses évolutions. Il faut puiser dans sa pensée des outils, mais pas son idéologie. D’autre part, cette formule résume bien aussi la nécessité de s’éloigner de Schmitt et de lire ses œuvres en sourcillant. Il ne faut pas prendre pour argent comptant tout ce qu’il dit car il s’en sert à certains moments pour justifier le nazisme. C’est donc une position d’équilibrisme que Jean-François Kervégan assume pour pouvoir puiser intelligemment et avec prudence dans le trésor schmittien. Le cas Carl Schmitt est troublant car lire ses livres et en discuter, c’est faire entrer un nazi enthousiaste dans le panthéon des grands auteurs. Carl Schmitt questionne nos croyances par ses écrits mais aussi par sa vie; sa vie montre la porosité de la philosophie et du droit avec le pire et l’inanité de séparer les Hommes en deux. Le génie et la monstruosité sont souvent une seule et même chose. Photo credits: Ludwig Hohlwein on Wikimedia Commons

But what do I consider anomie in city life? A lack of disruption from daily routines and rigid adherence to rules almost renders life austere and unbendable, this strict regulation leaves any rule breaker into a lawless reality. < Back Anomie in Urban Life (A Rant from Amsterdam to Athens) By Rosie Betrosian January 31, 2024 I recently had the opportunity to explore Amsterdam, and when asked about my impressions, I found myself wrestling with the urge to rant about the inescapable canals, marijuana-smelling corners, or the labyrinth layout of the city. I tried to find the closest square for a view of the city, perhaps catch a glimpse of a mountaintop, but that was impossible. I knew the city's structure lacks open spaces; instead, streets are simply connected to each other with no square or notable monument in sight. I suddenly felt like Fran Leibowitz – a major cynic about urban culture. "One day I heard that the subway had been closed due to a sewage smell. Seriously? Can the subway smell worse than usual?..." “If I complain about the things I complain about, will they change? Not so far” – Fran Leibowitz That only proved to me that I am not alone in nagging about urbanism; a whole field is dedicated to the analysis of city structure and its relative effects on social and cultural life. Stereotypically, I marvel at the fast-paced environments where everyone seems to be fully immersed and appears to run on efficiency. People in fast paced cities remind me of “The Wolf of Wall Street,” which left me wondering about the effects of urban structure on daily life and people’s mental health; can people truly keep up with a fast paced environment without becoming outsiders? Often, such cities entail “neighborhood elements” such as social cohesion, pleasantness, and safety, which are associated with lower levels of depression. Specifically green spaces, active spaces, social spaces (e.g., benches), and safe spaces (i.e., with reduced crime rates). According to a study by Rebecca Johnson in “Main Street: How a City’s Heart Connects Us All,” these public places ameliorate mental health and communal living. This is validated and repeatedly corroborated through science. Exercise is essential for producing serotonin, boosting self-esteem and stress resilience. However, I have found that even perfect cities following Johnson's list stimulate a feeling of anxiety and loneliness. One may wonder what prevents anomie-inducing feelings. Living in a city entails the elements of anonymity and community. Anonymity permits movement in public settings without scrutiny from a tight-knit community; this independence might be liberating, or the absence of a close-knit community might be isolating. Anonymity is preserved in public places through the right to be forgotten, etc. Cities are primarily hubs of social relations and social cohesion where communities form this expectation and, together with the danger of loneliness, render cities susceptible to anomie. But what do I consider anomie in city life? A lack of disruption from daily routines and rigid adherence to rules almost renders life austere and unbendable, this strict regulation leaves any rule breaker into a lawless reality. I find that cities, planned with town squares and cultural centers, help combat feelings of anomie, a sense of normlessness, or disconnection that arises in urban environments. Town squares and cultural centers serve as vital components in mitigating anomie by fostering social cohesion, community engagement, and a sense of identity. It would be the height of hubris to disregard Athens from my analysis of cities. I have heard people claim “there is no place like Greece.'' This is arguably biased coming from Greek people. This statement, however, does not refer to the Greek mountains, sea or architecture. It refers to a very specific way that Greeks lead their 9 to 5 lives… Commonly ruled by messiness and instability, these elements themselves make Greek urban life less anomic. Disruptions in the metro, traffic, and buses full of people, as well as inaccurate public transport schedules, all create a lively day to day– which some may call chaos. This chaos adds some excitement to each day and allows for more interaction between people in public. This liveliness is also reflected in the city structure, organized around churches and public spaces indicating the prioritization of a community avoiding anomie. Overall, urban life is influenced by factors beyond the visible cityscape, it includes complexities of city life such latent socialization, commuting, work schedule and all details that account for daily working life that can often lead one to feel anomic.

The question, “Why are we so susceptible to populism and lies?” is inevitable. Is it the charisma of these figures? Does the symbolism of a powerful leader appeal to our insecurities and the sense of instability we were thrown into with economic stagnation, wars and globalisation? Does their promise to return to a place of power, prosperity, and stability appeal to the hurt, humiliated patriots in us? < Back The New Wave Anonymous February 28, 2025 For the last couple of years, a sharp rise in the support for the far-right, especially for far-right populism, has been obvious all over the globe. Although it is impossible to mark a specific date for the beginning of this shocking political phenomenon, people all over the world were spectators to clear evidence of this global political shift on January 20th, 2025 - Donald J. Trump was named as the 47th President of the United States, pulling the whole world in the direction of far-right extremism and sending the international community into a spiral of uncertainty and fear. Musk’s speech at Trump’s inauguration all but diminished the extremist atmosphere that carried on through that day. The three and a half minutes he spent on the podium were dedicated to thanking the people of America for making this happen: “This was a fork in the road of human civilization. OK? There are elections that come and go, some elections are important, some are not, but this one. This one really matters.” His speech was strongly nationalistic, which was not shocking. However, he did manage to sneak in a gesture that truly was not expected by the global audience—the Nazi Salute. Musk’s far-right inclinations were unheard of before his speech at Trump’s inauguration. Critics have said that what Musk has performed was undoubtedly a Nazi salute. Does that make him a Nazi? Some experts, such as Jean-Yves Camus, the co-director of the Observatory of Political Radicalism at the Jean Jaures Foundation in Paris, said that Musk is “not a Nazi …. they [Musk and Trump are both] are self-serving rather than ideological.” On the other hand, Nazis seem to think so. Christian nationalists, white supremacists and avowed neo-Nazis in the US all hailed Musk’s salute as a historic comeback for their cause. Furthermore, Musk has recently become one of the most influential endorsers of the German far-right party Alternative for Germany (AfD), which has clear links to Nazis. During one of their rallies held maybe not-so-accidentally, two days after the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, Musk appeared on screen stating that it is time for Germany to “move on” from “past guilt”. In 2023, he also endorsed an anti-semitic post on X, replying, “You have said the actual truth” to a tweet stating “, Jewish communities (sic) have been pushing the exact kind of dialectical hatred against whites that they claim to want people to stop using against them” How is it possible that such extremism, which was even called Nazism by many, can not only be tolerated but does not even come as a surprise to anyone anymore? Only in the last half a year, New York Times articles about right-wing extremism concern countries from all over the world - from Germany to the United States, but also France, Venezuela, Australia and Austria. When researching “far-right extremism”, the largest number of articles is from the years 2022, 2023 and 2024, rising throughout this period. There is a possibility of a correlation with the beginning of the Russian war in Ukraine, as well as Trump’s announcement to run for president in 2024, and the sudden surge of research on far-right extremism in 2022, but there has not been any research done in this phenomenon yet. According to the research of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), the rise of the new far-right is not an unexpected phenomenon. They claim that the tendency to shift towards the political right has been going on since early 2007, when the Great Recession happened, beginning the continued culmination of economic, social and political unrest that can be grouped as the “triggers” of one of the greatest insurgencies of far-right politics since the end of the Cold War. Furthermore, researchers Georgiadou, Rori and Roumania, focusing on economic factors and their correlation with the rise of the far-right, find a significant correlation between economic insecurity - including high unemployment and negative GDP growth - and the support for what they call the “extreme right”. They further claim that blame is often placed on perceived “globalism” and “immigrants”, which allows far-right social ideology endorsed by nationalists. Political instability can also contribute to the rise of extremism. The lack of strong opposition from the left, which has been evident in countries with multi-party systems where opposition vote is distributed amongst several anti-capitalist, socialist and communist parties, allowed for fragmentation, which allowed far-right parties to concentrate more support due to their small number. In a research carried out by the Blog Team of the LSE, the surprising statistic is that, except for brief periods in Germany and Greece, left-wing parties have not formed a stable government after 2010, and this is internationally blamed for the current state of the economy. In the specific case of the European Union, the adoption of neoliberal economics as the status quo for the modern EU policies and its continuous failure to prevent the economic crisis of 2008 and 2020 led to a general lowering of support for left-wing socialism, which allowed right-wing parties to gain traction as the “alternative” route for citizens who seek stability and an end to the never-ending cycle of economic crises. Although the structural causes of the rise of extremist populism are relatively understandable, the unwavering support it receives is staggering. In the United States, the number of far-right extremist attacks has surpassed other acts of terrorism. Furthermore, in a public opinion study by Piazza (2022), supporters of Donald Trump were found to be more likely to express support for the use of political violence. The Israeli population was mostly not alarmed by the “wave” that he made during Trump’s inauguration. And why? President Netanyahu quickly came to his rescue, claiming that Musk was “falsely smeared,” despite the fact that the claim that the gesture he did was a “Roman Salute” was refuted by historians. In the face of these facts and statistics, the question, “Why are we so susceptible to populism and lies?” is inevitable. Is it the charisma of these figures? Does the symbolism of a powerful leader appeal to our insecurities and the sense of instability we were thrown into with economic stagnation, wars and globalisation? Does their promise to return to a place of power, prosperity, and stability appeal to the hurt, humiliated patriots in us? There is not a single, all-encompassing response to this question, and, besides, it is presumably a combination of all of the above-mentioned, possibly mixed with a desire for revenge and violence. Life can seem grim and pointless in the face of the powerlessness that arises with seeing how easily people accept propaganda and lies without any critical thinking. But all is not lost. Populism can be fought with facts and extremism with compassion. If we do not let ourselves be manipulated and consoled into a false sense of security by our politicians, we can fight back and bring the truth back into the light. Photo credits: Gage Sidmore on Flickr

Although it has been several decades since the publishing of this book and despite the groundbreaking effects it has had on decolonial movements, many of Said’s observations are still the reality in the society of the twenty-first century. Even today, people still judge the Middle East and North Africa without ever having studied it and not knowing anything about it. So, how has the relationship between the Occident and the Orient evolved since the publication of Edward Said’s Orientalism? < Back Edward Said in the Twenty-First Century Viktorie Voriskova March 31, 2025 In 1978, Edward Said published Orientalism , a groundbreaking analysis exploring the relationship between the Western world (the Occident) and the Middle East and North Africa (the Orient) . In this work, Said argues that the West constructed an exotic, stereotypical, and often demeaning image of the East to justify its colonization and political domination over the region in terms of a “civilizing mission.” Said’s work challenged racist assumptions, strongly influenced postcolonial studies and started numerous political and sociological debates that continue to this day . Although it has been several decades since the publishing of this book and despite the groundbreaking effects it has had on decolonial movements, many of Said’s observations are still the reality in the society of the twenty-first century. Even today, people still judge the Middle East and North Africa without ever having studied it and not knowing anything about it. So, how has the relationship between the Occident and the Orient evolved since the publication of Edward Said’s Orientalism ? One of the most enduring forms of Orientalism is Western fascination with travel to the MENA region. From colonial-era explorers to modern Instagram influencers, there is a long history of Western visitors seeking an "authentic" Eastern experience. However, these experiences are often superficial and shaped by preconceived notions rather than reality. For example, many Western tourists buy traditional local clothing to “blend in” during their travels, despite not understanding its cultural significance. Additionally, travellers often draw conclusions about an entire country based on its tourist attractions, ignoring the complexities of daily life and local perspectives. Furthermore, travel to Middle Eastern countries remains relatively affordable for Western tourists, particularly in former French colonies like Morocco, which broke tourism records in 2024. These destinations are especially attractive to people who want to “explore,” but within a budget and close to their homes. Access to most countries of North Africa is very easy for most European citizens—there is no visa requirement for them. Additionally, shared language, especially for French travellers, makes their vacation even more comfortable, allowing them to avoid having to step outside of their comfort zone, be it financially, linguistically or culturally, while still being able to claim that they went on an “exploratory” holiday, since they travelled to Africa. Despite the popularity of some of these places and them very much not being off the beaten path, these places are still perceived as “niche” and “exotic.” This is further reinforced by the fact that many tourists stick to highly curated experiences in Marrakech, Cairo or Dubai, rarely going beyond the controlled environments of resorts and marketplaces during their “explorations.” This whole experience of a spectacle mirrors 19th-century Orientalist travel narratives in which European explorers chose to go to the Middle East since they saw it as something both alluring and dangerous, romanticizing its beauty while emphasizing its supposed inferiority, as people still do today. Another form of modern Orientalism is the global fashion trends and social media. The fascination with “ethnic” fashion has become widespread. Wearing so-called "Oriental" clothing is considered stylish, although it is cultural appropriation rather than appreciation. Instagram and other social media platforms support and popularize these trends even further, playing a major role in the popularization of these trends. For instance, influencers often wear flowing kaftans, harem pants, or Indian bindis as part of festival fashion, detaching these items from their historical and cultural contexts. Interestingly, we can observe a similar trend with Slavic fashion—it has gained popularity not only on social media but even in globally popular chain stores, with traditional embroidered blouses becoming mainstream fashion items, despite having deep cultural and historical roots, which go unacknowledged within this appropriation. As with travel and “explorations,” this trend reflects a broader historical pattern. Just as 19th-century Orientalist painters like Jean-Léon Gérôme and Eugène Delacroix depicted Eastern women in luxurious yet decontextualized settings, today’s fashion industry does the same with Eastern aesthetics for Western consumers. Lastly, Orientalism remains in modern society to this day, even in the realm of politics, although it has a slightly shifted role. The traditional Orientalist stereotypes made the “East” seem exotic and backward; modern political discourse shows the region as unstable and full of religious extremism and oppression. Western media often focuses on negative aspects of Middle Eastern politics, ignoring local perspectives and any developments that have taken place. For example, Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 initiative, which is an ambitious plan to modernize the country’s economy and social policies, has been widely criticized by Western analysts. While many of the critiques are valid, pointing out the large amount of underpaid labour which has to labour on the construction of many of these ambitious projects, others stem from long-standing Orientalist views that assume the region is incapable of progress, therefore describing the project as completely impossible or going as far as stating that it is a lie. Similarly, the UAE's labor policies, though controversial and still oppressive, have improved over the years, yet the country is often judged more harshly than Western nations with similar labor issues. All this goes hand in hand with the persistent preconception of Islam. Many Western observers critique Islamic traditions without any real understanding of the religion. This extends to debates on women’s rights, where Muslim women are often portrayed as oppressed, ignoring the diversity of experiences and agency within Islamic societies. While Orientalism has shifted in form, it remains deeply embedded in Western perceptions of the MENA region. Today, Orientalist attitudes are often linked to Islamophobia and fears of terrorism and migration, rather than simply seeing the region as exotic and backward. Although Said described a discourse that framed the East as exotic and primitive, today’s Orientalism rather links the Middle Eastern and North African identities with terrorism, migration and religious extremism. The underlying assumption remains the same: the East is still seen as "other" and needs Western intervention or critique. Photo source: Ema Nevrelova

Facing the familiar blue light of my computer screen—SkyScanner displayed in my Chrome browser and the threat of several four hour final exams looming over my head—I booked a flight to Paris. < Back Another American in Paris By Maia Zasler December 31, 2023 Facing the familiar blue light of my computer screen—SkyScanner displayed in my Chrome browser and the threat of several four hour final exams looming over my head—I booked a flight to Paris. Apart from the excitement of anticipating a change of scenery in this beautiful, historic destination, I embraced the vision of feeling like a native as I would wrap my wool scarf around me and sip coffee in a Parisian cafe far from the tourist sites. Alas, that dream has long since vanished. As much as I have immersed myself in the French language and culture since arriving in Menton last August, my experience in Paris remained internally a French Sciences Po Menton student, yet externally… sigh …just a girl almost always put in her place as yet another “American in Paris.” This trip in December 2023 marks my third visit to the Île de la Cité . At this point, I feel fairly proficient in the “Parisian way.” I am not deterred when, following a brief exchange of “bonjour(s),” I am answered in English (and met with the occasional pitying, pedantic smile). I persist; I insist on responding in French. I know that athleisure is an absolute no-go (I apologize for even including the word in this article), and that a sturdy umbrella is a must (if it's black, you get bonus points). I will not attempt to go to any museum past 3pm (15h, if you will) lest I have some sort of odd proclivity towards waiting in an infinitely long line that particular day. I could deliver a dissertation on the distinction between a “pain-au-chocolat” and a “chocolatine,” and I know to never order an iced coffee. Yet, my knowledge might as well be utterly useless. To an extent, I understand. American tourists don’t exactly have a great reputation, and perhaps that is rightfully so. France, being the world’s most visited country, definitely has some real, negative experiences to draw from. I will not contest any evidence put forth… but I will say, when I was walking in the 8eme arrondissement—in a long black coat, dark jeans, boots, and a maroon sweater, mind you—and a French man bumped into me and said “excuse me,” I was absolutely demoralized. How did he know?? How do they know??? I don’t get it. Does my American-ness radiate from the back of my head? “Pardon” is so much more fun to say, anyways. It rolls off the tongue much quicker than the clunky “excuse me.” This extra effort and somehow psychic knowledge leaves me gobsmacked. Even the Paris weather seems to go above and beyond to make it clear that I am not completely welcome. The crisp cold and incessant rain are the least of it; strong winds that render my feeble umbrella pointless by ultimately inverting it and snapping the little metal legs leave me susceptible to further frigid unpleasantness. With external elements like this, I can comprehend the desire to make Mondays slightly more bearable by shutting down ostensibly every store. I can also better wrap my head around the Parisian tendency to speak in the negative—when your jeans are wet and stick to the crevices in your legs with an anxious attachment style, one becomes much less optimistic or loquacious. On the rare occasion that I am able to blend in—and I’m not violently shaking my umbrella to get it to right itself—I truly enjoy observing the interactions between the French / Parisians and the many tourists. But, more often, I am—or am adjacent to—the source of fascination in such interactions. For example, during our first dinner together in the lovely Marais district, my roommate, Marly Fisher, got her finger stuck in the loop of her hot chocolate mug handle. How she managed to squeeze her finger through the loop in the first place, I do not know. The issue was, she could not get it back out. As tears gathered in the corners of her eyes—fueled by intense laughter and mixed with profound panic—I could not help but burst out laughing, too, at her repeatedly failed retractions. I attempted to pull the mug off her finger (which was gradually swelling), but to no avail. This, one can imagine, was quite the scene. Our little tug-of-war attracted quite a few looks and chilling, disapproving glares from the servers. I have no adequate defense. Side note: It may be a good thing, then, that water in restaurants is so difficult to come by. We, as Americans, would most likely topple the glass over. The smells of Paris tend to bring out the American in me as well. Now, I would not dare to claim this phenomenon endemic to Paris, but seriously…every time I walk past a metal sidewalk grate I am greeted with a whiff of a warm, pungent odor. I find myself dodging dog feces scattered on the sidewalks or praying I don’t spot a rat scurrying across the metro tunnels. Despite it all, I do truly enjoy Paris, and I love France. I would not have committed myself to studying here for at least two years if I did not. I feel fortified, and I will continue to brave the cobblestone and concrete streets, gradually improving my French thanks to the generous corrections natives kindly provide (without my asking!). While in Paris, I will own up to my identity as an “American tourist,” but, I’d prefer to publicly propagate “je suis étudiante à Sciences Po.”

My Palestinian neighbors cannot, should not, and will not accept nor live with their indigenous food being increasingly appropriated by their occupiers. And nor should we — all of us reading this article today, studying on this campus and aware of the occupation of Palestine. < Back My Home is Not Your Property: Enough with Culinary Appropriation By Angela Saab Saade September 27, 2023 If I were to show my grandmother this TikTok video explaining how to make hummus from beans, she would probably yell at me for being disrespectful and idiotic. She would be just as nauseated if I suggested she try chocolate hummus . I will therefore spare myself from such criticism and protect my grandmother from this ridiculousness. Instead, through this article, I hope to shed light on a terrifying phenomenon — the appropriation of indigenous Levantine cuisine. Hummus, My Heart Hummus is authentically prepared by blending chickpeas, lemon juice, olive oil, tahini, garlic and salt. So the only major difference in the TikTok video criticized is the replacement of chickpeas with beans. From the outside, this may be positively viewed as the evolution and adaptation of recipes. But this is not about open-mindedness and the widening of culinary horizons — it is about the abuse of indigenous cuisine. In Arabic, Hummus means chickpeas (حمّص). In other words, when you make "hummus" with beans, you are quite literally not making hummus. Rather, you are spreading a recipe inspired by my traditional cuisine, incorrectly under its name, with zero respect for its origins. But I can survive in spite of the horrendous appropriation of scrumptious food cooked and enjoyed alongside family and friends in Lebanon. I can live — though in disgust and frustration — with the fact that my cuisine is ignorantly and insensitively being insulted. On the other hand, my Palestinian brothers and sisters cannot. Their food — like many of their other indigenous cultural practices — is constantly used for colonial domination. My Palestinian neighbors cannot, should not, and will not accept nor live with their indigenous food being increasingly appropriated by their occupiers. And nor should we — all of us reading this article today, studying on this campus and aware of the occupation of Palestine. The Occupation of Palestinian Cuisine Chef Kattan recalls in a L'Orient Le Jour article that Hummus "was the very first dish appropriated by the Israelis as early as 1948." Originally, he says, "the Zionist project was marked by European-style colonialism that denied the Arabness of Palestine and its land. But when they went to eat at the homes of Palestinians who survived the Nakba — during which 580 Palestinian villages were razed to the ground — they said to themselves, 'This chickpea puree is not bad!'" Today, multiple other dishes have fallen victims of appropriation. If you walk on the streets of occupied Palestine, unlawfully recognized as the state of Israel, you will find non-Arab Jewish Israeli street vendors claiming that Levantine Arabic cuisines like falafel, baba ganoush, and Arabic salad (سلطة عربيّة), also known as rural fallahi (farmer) salad, to be their own. Kunafa Nabulsia (كنافة نابلسيّة) — quite literally in the name showcasing that the cheese is from Nablus, West Bank — is also sold disrespectfully by Pizza Hut Israel as Israeli. While it is true that recipes develop and cross temporal and spatial boundaries, there is a strict difference between the deliberate theft from another culture for the purpose of a political agenda, as opposed to the inevitable integration of populations and their cultural influences. For instance, kafta is a common dish today that has become traditional to Lebanese, Syrian and other previous subjects of the Ottoman Empire. These countries did not steal Ottoman cuisine, but rather have inevitably integrated the customs adopted under the Empire into their own. Moreover, though it is true that Middle Eastern Jews used to eat Levantine indigenous cuisines before the creation of the apartheid Israeli state, so did the Christians and Muslims of the region. Hence, all three groups have every right to claim this food as their own on a national or regional basis, but neither one has the right to appropriate it and market it as their own at the expense of the others. Unfortunately, this is precisely what Israel does today — it appropriates and brands indigenous Palestinian Levantine cuisine as Jewish/Israeli. Denied Their Own Heritage Even more worrying is the denial of Palestinians' claim to their own food. As " hummus and other dishes that Palestinians share with their Levantine neighbors [are] gradually relabeled as Israeli," Palestinians are subject to harassment when they rightfully share their own food and heritage in the West — as is evident by the experience of this Palestinian restaurant in New York . Yet, restaurants claiming to be Israeli seem to have no objections, as can be seen with the thriving Israeli restaurant in Nice , which does a great job at stealing my cuisine and advertising it as "Israeli/ Mediterranean." Not only is food being branded to deny its Arab origins, but Palestinians also face heavy impediments with regards to exporting their agricultural products. In 2021, after a roughly 40-day suspension of all exports out of Gaza, " new restrictions were then imposed , including the demand that the green stem, the sprig, be removed from every single tomato before exiting Gaza," reducing the product's "quality and shelf life." The primary purpose of this mockery was to make Palestinian exports less desirable and profitable, further damaging their economy. In August of that year, 9,000 Palestinian olive trees were illegally bulldozed , contributing to the over 800,000 that have fallen victim to Israeli occupation since the second major ethnic cleansing moment of 1967. The production of olive oil from Palestinian trees is another cultural tradition that Israel is not happy about. In 2022, Amnesty International published a 277-page report explaining the Israeli system of apartheid against Palestinian Arabs — Muslims and Christians alike, living in or outside of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), with or without an Israeli passport. Here are just some of the atrocities with regards to agriculture and farming highlighted in the report: " According to OCHA , between 1 January and 19 October 2020, many of the 42 Israeli military incursions into the Gaza Strip included bulldozing agricultural land and destroying crops." (p.182) " Since 2014, the Israeli military has aerial-sprayed herbicides over Palestinian crops alongside the fence between Gaza and Israel." (p.184) "Palestinian farmers are forced to neglect their farmland or switch to less water-intensive crops because of Israel's discriminatory policies on Palestinians' access to water in the Jordan valley." (p.190) Therefore, Israel's occupation of Palestinians includes not only the appropriation of their land, property and cuisine, but equally their fundamental right to plant, cultivate and harvest their own crops to be self-sufficient and preserve their cultural practices. And it does not end there; Israel attempts to erase all and any aspects of Palestinian identity. Tatreez — Palestinian embroidery , traditionally taught by grandmothers to their granddaughters and daughters — is the art of "an exceptional amount of patience, dedication and precision" in the creation of artisanal goods, such as the traditional Palestinian apparel, the thobe , bags, shoes, and accessories. Disdainfully, organizers of Miss Universe Israel 2021 distributed this integral aspect of Palestinian heritage across the beauty pageant contestants, who wore Palestinian thobes that they claimed as Israeli and prepared wara' aanab (ورق عنب) stuffed grape leaves, a dish of Levantine Ottoman origin. They essentially all had a party of identity theft and heritage slander at the expense of Palestinians, negatively impacted in their day-to-day life by Israeli forces. A tweet by Palestinian-American rights activist Zeina Ashrawi Hutchison expresses, "it's horrible to participate and ignore the ethnic cleansing being committed by the host of the pageant, but it's another kind of ugly to promote the apartheid regime while wearing the traditional clothes of those being ethnically cleansed. Disgraceful, shameless and honestly painful." Reclaiming Identity Palestinian journalist Alhelou asserts that "Palestinian culture and life revolve around food in every aspect, whether it is an ordinary day or a special occasion. Food and national identity are tied together." Unfortunately, the theft of Palestinian cuisine by Israel continues and amplifies by the day. Palestinian culinary appropriation is just one manifestation, product and tool of the Israeli colonial project and apartheid against Palestinians. It is also an insult to my cuisine and my people, as we have Levantine dishes in common with our regional neighbors. In Salma Serry's online library committed to historical knowledge of indigenous cuisines to modern Southwest Asia and North Africa, she emphasizes the necessity of "remembering and re-patching traditions when they are in danger of erasure," to "decolonize Palestinian food." Haya's Kitchen — defining herself as "a tribute to Palestine, Tetas, and Traditions" — does precisely that. It is our duty to support the decolonization of Palestinians from Israel-imposed and Western-backed injustice by taking the steps we can. This starts by supporting such initiatives, denouncing "Israeli salad", differentiating between "hummus" and beans, donating to our campus' SciencesPalestine, writing about the Palestinian identity, and hearing the voices of Palestinians who must be given the space to express themselves, especially here, in Europe, where they are majorly silenced. As Alhelou rightfully states, "cultural appropriation is a denial to the existence and heritage of the owners of the land — the Palestinians in their millions inside the occupied Palestinian territories, in refugee camps in some Arab countries or in the diaspora worldwide." For justice to be served, we must normalize the reclamation of Palestinian identity and defeat those who want to see it wiped off the face of the Earth.

Face au défi climatique, les Jeux d'hiver italiens transforment les sommets alpins en un territoire où le prestige sportif tente de s'affranchir des limites biologiques du massif.  < Back JO d’hiver de Milan-Cortina : le prestige olympique face à la crise écologique Noémie Tropée-Arbos Face au défi climatique, les Jeux d'hiver italiens transforment les sommets alpins en un territoire où le prestige sportif tente de s'affranchir des limites biologiques du massif. Alors que les projecteurs s’éteignent sur les Dolomites, le bilan de Milan-Cortina 2026 laisse une empreinte contrastée dans le paysage alpin. Si l'Italie a tenté d'imposer le laboratoire d'un olympisme « nouvelle génération » plus sobre, les semaines de compétition ont mis à nu une tension irréconciliable entre la sanctuarisation des sommets et les exigences industrielles du sport de haut niveau. Entre la réussite de l'héritage urbain milanais et le traumatisme d’une « montagne éventrée » pour des infrastructures éphémères, cet événement restera le révélateur des contradictions d'une époque où le prestige international se heurte violemment aux limites planétaires. Vers Une Sobriété Structurelle : Le Pari De La Réutilisation Le premier pari de Milan-Cortina a été celui de la « flexibilité » opérationnelle, une réponse directe aux critiques sur le gigantisme des éditions passées. Selon le Comité International Olympique (CIO), cette stratégie marque une rupture nette avec le modèle du « tout-neuf » de Sotchi en 2014, où près de 51 milliards de dollars avaient été investis dans des infrastructures sorties de terre ex nihilo, ou de Pékin en 2022, qui avait nécessité la création d'un pôle de sports d'hiver entier en zone aride. Cette approche ne se limite pas aux infrastructures sportives ; elle s'inscrit dans une logique de régénération urbaine profonde. Le village olympique de Porta Romana, construit sur une ancienne friche ferroviaire milanaise délaissée depuis des décennies, a été conçu dès sa genèse pour combler un déficit social chronique. À l'issue des compétitions, les quartiers des athlètes seront convertis en une résidence universitaire de 1 700 lits , la plus importante du pays. L'objectif est de transformer l'investissement olympique en une solution pérenne contre la précarité immobilière qui frappe la jeunesse italienne. Cette approche de « seconde vie » est soutenue par une stratégie de décarbonation des opérations. En s'appuyant sur des partenaires énergétiques, l'organisation garantit une alimentation 100 % renouvelable pour l'ensemble des sites de compétition. Ce recours aux énergies propres, couplé à une logistique favorisant l'économie circulaire, où le mobilier et les structures temporaires sont loués ou réutilisés, fait de Milan-Cortina un laboratoire du nouvel Agenda Olympique 2020+5, visant des Jeux à impact positif . L’enneigement Artificiel Et Le Défi De La Gestion De L’eau Pourtant, la géographie alpine ne suffit plus à garantir la viabilité des épreuves. En effet, les Alpes ont enregistré une hausse de température de 2,5°C depuis l'ère préindustrielle , contre une moyenne mondiale de 1,1°C à 1,2°C. Cette accélération thermique réduit drastiquement la durée d'enneigement naturel, qui a perdu en moyenne un mois de présence au sol en cinquante ans. Ainsi, malgré des sommets dépassant les 3000 mètres, l'organisation de Milan-Cortina 2026 a dû recourir à une production massive de neige de culture pour couvrir près de 90 % de ses surfaces de compétition . Si Pékin 2022 avait marqué les esprits par l'usage d'une neige 100 % artificielle en zone aride, l'Italie fait face à un défi climatique tout aussi complexe : la gestion d'une ressource en eau de plus en plus rare dans un massif sous tension thermique. Pour maintenir l'épaisseur réglementaire des pistes face à des hivers de plus en plus erratiques, les organisateurs ont déployé une infrastructure industrielle lourde. La production d'un mètre cube de neige nécessite environ 500 litres d'eau, ponctionnés directement dans les réserves collinaires et les nappes phréatiques locales. Selon des experts en hydrologie, ces prélèvements massifs entrent en concurrence directe avec les besoins de l'agriculture de la plaine du Pô, déjà fragilisée par des sécheresses hivernales chroniques. Au-delà de la consommation d'eau, c'est la morphologie même de la montagne qui est altérée de façon irréversible. Pour optimiser l'efficacité des canons à neige, les pistes subissent un terrassement intensif où les reliefs naturels sont rabotés pour permettre une accroche maximale de la neige artificielle. Cette « neige technique », plus dense et abrasive que la neige naturelle, agit comme un isolant thermique inversé, maintenant le sol gelé plus longtemps et perturbant la biodiversité souterraine. Cette transformation change les massifs des Dolomites en une véritable infrastructure technique sous perfusion, où le sport ne dépend plus du climat, mais de la puissance de pompage. Les Infrastructures Olympiques Face Au Droit Environnemental Un des aspects les plus critiques de ces Jeux réside dans l'aménagement physique lourd d'un territoire pourtant classé au patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO. La montagne a été littéralement "éventrée" pour permettre l'élargissement des axes routiers et la construction de parkings géants, nécessaires pour relier des sites de compétition éclatés sur plus de 22 000 km². Cette fragmentation géographique, si elle permet de réutiliser des stades existants, impose paradoxalement une « mise en infrastructure » agressive des vallées alpines. Le cas de la piste de bobsleigh Eugenio Monti à Cortina est devenu le symbole de ce que les militants appellent un « déni d'histoire ». En investissant 81,6 millions d'euros dans la reconstruction d'une infrastructure dont le CIO lui-même avait initialement jugé le coût excessif, l'Italie reproduit les erreurs de Turin 2006. La piste de Cesana Pariol, construite au prix de 110 millions d'euros, gît aujourd'hui à l'état de friche industrielle abandonnée , son coût d'entretien ayant été jugé insupportable. À Cortina, ce choix a nécessité l’abattage de 500 mélèzes centenaires en février 2024. Pour les experts juridiques, ce dossier illustre la fragilité de la protection des écosystèmes : en s'appuyant sur des décrets gouvernementaux d'exception, les chantiers ont pu contourner les études d'impact environnemental classiques. Cette pression sur le territoire a cristallisé une fracture profonde. En février 2026, des milliers d’Italiens ont manifesté à Milan contre ce qu’ils qualifient de « scandale écologique » et social. Entre dénonciation de la vie chère et gentrification du village olympique, la tension est devenue politique : alors que les manifestants fustigeaient un événement déconnecté des réalités, le gouvernement a durci le ton, qualifiant les opposants « d’ennemis de l'Italie ». Ce bras de fer montre comment l'urgence de l'événement a fini par s'affranchir des cadres démocratiques de préservation de la nature et du dialogue citoyen. Des Sponsors À L’encontre Des Enjeux Écologiques Enfin, l'intégrité écologique de l'événement se heurte à la réalité de son modèle économique. Un rapport récent dénonce une contradiction profonde : alors que le CIO prône la durabilité, Milan-Cortina reste largement financé par des géants des énergies fossiles . Si Paris 2024 avait tenté d'écarter certains sponsors polluants, l'édition italienne marque un retour à une dépendance assumée envers les industries carbonées. Ce phénomène, qualifié de « sport washing », permet à des entreprises pétrolières d'associer leur image à la pureté de la montagne, tandis que l'empreinte carbone réelle reste massive. L’exemple du géant énergétique Eni est particulièrement révélateur. Tout en finançant la fourniture d'énergies renouvelables pour les sites de compétition, le groupe continue de développer des projets gaziers et pétroliers à travers le monde. L'essentiel de l'impact climatique, environ 80 % des émissions totales , provient des vols longue distance des spectateurs et d'une logistique complexe. En multipliant les déplacements en hélicoptère pour relier des vallées isolées, l'organisation génère un bilan carbone que les mesures de « compensation » ne parviennent pas à neutraliser. Ce modèle de sponsoring invite à se demander s'il est réellement possible de se revendiquer défenseur de l'environnement tout en acceptant le soutien financier de ceux qui contribuent à sa dégradation. Pour de nombreux observateurs, cette « durabilité de façade » masque l'incapacité du CIO à se réformer réellement, préférant des ajustements techniques marginaux à une remise en question globale du format des Jeux. Milan-Cortina 2026 laisse un héritage assez ambigu. En effet, si la réutilisation intelligente des sites milanais prouve qu’une forme de raison urbaine gagne du terrain, l’industrialisation forcée de la haute altitude et le poids des sponsors fossiles rappellent la puissance des anciens schémas. Alors que le climat impose ses règles avec une brutalité croissante, la survie des Jeux d'hiver ne dépendra peut-être plus de la prouesse technologique, mais de notre capacité à accepter des formats plus sobres, voire décentralisés. La flamme olympique peut-elle encore briller sans consumer la montagne qui l’accueille ? L'expérience italienne suggère que la réponse se trouve dans un changement de regard sur notre rapport au sauvage. Si le format olympique refuse de s’adapter au monde qu’il prétend célébrer, il se condamne à n’être plus qu’une fête dont le prix écologique est devenu supérieur à la valeur du rêve qu’elle propose. Photo Source: Dispe, Wikicommons

It was arguably the recent administrative scandal, which sparked mass intercampus outrage on social media, that first put Le Havre on the radar of most Sciences Po students. However, upon transferring to Menton, I can only posit that the situation here is not as dissimilar as one would think. < Back ‘Isn’t That the Campus Where…?’ The Student Experience in Le Havre By Magdelena Offenbeck March 30, 2022 It was arguably the recent administrative scandal, which sparked mass intercampus outrage on social media, that first put Le Havre on the radar of most Sciences Po students. Upon transferring to Menton merely a month after the incident, I most frequently was asked “what happened with your admin?” when I told students that I came from Le Havre. It seems that the Normandy campus is now associated with two things: bad weather, and an even worse admin. However, my experience as a 1A for the first semester cannot be simplified to these two terms. The port city of about 274,000 inhabitants that inspired Jean-Paul Sartre’s “Nausea” creates a student experience of its own. Whether it be housing in shipping containers, nightly electric scooter races, or stargazing on bunkers from World War II, Le Havre has about as many similarities with Menton as it has differences. Here is my experience with the two campuses on opposite sides of France. The Weather Questions about the failure of the Le Havre (LH) administration are quickly followed by jokes about the Normandy weather. These are not unfounded, as it does rain constantly. Not only do the rain and the freezing cold of northern European winter make walks to class painful, but the wind will, at times, make it feel as though you are walking on a treadmill on maximum incline. Summer starts early and winter ends late, but when the sun does shine, the city transforms. The ocean promenade fills with skateboarders, ice cream shops, and brave swimmers who dip their toes into the 16-degree Atlantic Ocean. The cafés and parks come alive, and there is a sense of common appreciation for the rare days of sunshine. While it may be unfortunate that LH students are forced to leave their summer clothes in their suitcases, the weather does have two advantages. Firstly, complaining about the rain and wind with fellow Sciences Pistes is as much of a conversation starter as it is a bonding experience. Secondly, even though the wind makes every day a bad hair day, there is no risk of sweating on your way to class. The Student Life What Le Havre lacks in scenery, it makes up with vibrant student life. As there is no Côte d’Azur that provides a student experience for itself nearby, students have created a range of associations and clubs that entertain when the Le Havre city environment does not. Throughout the week, the hallways of the half-a-building campus Sciences Po shares with INSA become alive when student initiatives hold their meetings. In addition to the usual student activities, there are five different dance clubs ranging from Bollywood to Contemporary, three campus bands, as well as a sailing and a Mixed Martial Arts club to name just some. Furthermore, where the curriculum fails to holistically engage with most parts of Asia, student clubs, such as the Southeast Asia Society, fill the gap and create opportunities for cultural exchange. The party life also does the Sciences Po reputation justice, even though the Menton warmth favors more frequent and larger events. As home to 13,600 students, Le Havre boasts a wide selection of bars — open year-round — which can be used as an alternative to house parties. The Region Menton and Le Havre may both be port towns on paper, but they could not be more different. LH stands as a relatively isolated industrial city that has yet to be connected to a high-speed train network. Hence, there is nothing comparable to the ten-minute trip to Italy or short stopover in Monaco that Menton students use. Despite the lack of speedy public transport, LH is approximately two hours away from Paris by train, which allows for frequent day trips to the capital. Within Normandy, the regional capital Rouen and Caen are readily accessible. But, the most scenic nature can be seen at Étretat, which offers white cliffs with a view of the Atlantic Ocean. Le Havre itself is a UNESCO World Heritage Site for its post World War II concrete architecture designed by Auguste Perret. The city’s unique historical look creates an interplay of Parisian architecture and Soviet-style cement in the centre. Additionally, the hills above the city, notably the commune Sainte Adresse, still have countless French Norman style villas overlooking the ocean. While the statues and artistic constructions across the city only marginally counteract its dreary gray, stargazing on deserted bunkers while overlooking the ocean does provide for an inimitable experience. The Typical Day After checking the weather app to find out whether rain, wind, or clouds will be the challenge of the day, a LH student typically puts on a rainproof jacket and takes a Lime to campus. Limes are electric scooters that owe their name to their green-white color and can be found everywhere in the city. They are as much death traps as they are practical and constitute the main mode of transportation for those who do not like to cycle. As most teachers can take a direct train from Paris, Zoom classes are a rarity. However, one may need to make use of Zoom links when the bridge connecting most student residences and campus is closed, forcing students to walk around the entire basin. Between classes, students use the spacious library which is equipped with computers and study rooms. After class, student life usually takes place in 2A apartments or the many student residences. Most 1As live in CROUS residences, government-sponsored housing that usually offers rooms with en-suite bathrooms and kitchens for around 300€ a month. The most famous residence is arguably the repurposed “A Docks,” where students live in repurposed shipping containers. Even though Le Havre is a larger town, most students live close together, and it is almost as challenging to avoid SciencesPistes on the streets as it is in Menton. The Admin It is only appropriate to finish this portrait with a note on the controversial Le Havre administration. In general, the issues one faces with the admin in LH are similar to those in Menton. Both campuses share unresponsiveness, ignorance towards student needs, and a lack of organization. While the recent scandal concerning the LH campus director was a particularly shocking incident, it arguably only highlighted one institutional issue. Sciences Po fails on several ends to provide adequate support to its students, especially outside of the academic framework. In the course of the LH administrative scandal, many of the problems that were identified and passed on to Paris were entirely out of the hands of the regional campus administration. While they were no less pertinent and urgent, this created the image of an administration that fails on more levels than that of other campuses. Upon coming to Menton, I can only posit that the situation here is not as dissimilar as one would think.

The groundbreaking discovery of CRISPR has the potential to cure and even prevent at least 8,000 genetic diseases, but what ethical concerns does this technology raise? < Back The Ethics of Gene Editing By Isabella Aouad March 30, 2022 The genome is the blueprint of our being. Each person's genome comprises 20,000 to 25,000 genes, which define our physical traits, immunity, and even some of our abilities. Genes are made up of strands of DNA, and much like words, a change in just one letter can change the whole meaning of a gene. In fact, such a microscopic mutation in one gene can sometimes translate into a serious genetic illness. Gene therapy is the introduction, removal, or change of DNA strands to repair or alter a gene and thus cure a genetic illness. This kind of treatment has been accelerated by the discovery of CRISPR (an acronym for Clustered Regularly Interspaced Short Palindromic Repeats), a protein that cuts targeted strands of DNA with unprecedented precision, faster, cheaper, and more efficiently than ever before. The groundbreaking discovery of CRISPR has the potential to cure and even prevent at least 8,000 genetic diseases that afflict people with cancer, hemophilia, diabetes, and cystic fibrosis, among many other lifetime diseases. We have the knowledge to cure thousands of people severely suffering from genetic diseases, yet many oppose this cure, which they dismiss as "unethical." Are we "playing God" by attempting to alter our genetic code? Is changing the very nature of our being justified by the fact of sparing a person from a psychologically and physically painful disease? CRISPR's potential in genetic engineering gives us immense power to make people's lives better, but comes with significant risks if it were to get out of line. Adopting CRISPR gene therapy threatens to open a Pandora's box with chilling consequences. For one thing, biohackers could use CRISPR gene editing methods to enhance their abilities or alter their traits. Biohackers believe that we do not need to accept our bodies' shortcomings if we can engineer our way past them and boost our physical and cognitive performance. However, this philosophy could cause significant harm in the hands of inexperienced and reckless ordinary people. One such example is biohacker Josiah Zayner, who injected himself with DNA from CRISPR gene-editing technology at a biotech conference while live-streaming his experiment. Zayner has now become a biohacking celebrity with thousands of followers. Strongly advocating for the "democratization" of such a powerful technology, Zayner founded The Odin. This garage-run company sells biohacking supplies ranging from 20 dollar DNA to an 1849 dollar DIY genetic engineering kit. Although he is currently under investigation for practicing medicine without a license, his company is still running. Biohackers are still conducting experiments with insufficient knowledge of the technology, which could seriously harm their health. This example illustrates the dangers of making CRISPR technology widely accessible due to its potential to be used for self-enhancing purposes. Moreover, another essential risk accompanying the widespread adoption of CRISPR technology would be its application for germline gene editing. Germline gene editing is the process by which an individual's genome is edited so that the change is heritable. This is achieved through genetic alterations within the germ cells or the reproductive cells, such as the egg and sperm. This kind of treatment would affect the adult receiving it and their future offspring. By altering the genetic makeup of entire generations, this application of CRISPR technology threatens to exacerbate existing inequalities between families who could afford germline gene therapy and those who could not. Despite these frightening potential threats, I believe that CRISPR gene therapy could be a game-changer in treating genetic diseases more efficiently and painlessly than other medications, chemotherapy, and other existing treatments currently do. Nevertheless, the applications of CRISPR gene editing should be strictly regulated and limited to modifying somatic cells (all cells apart from reproductive cells). Somatic gene editing is not inheritable and would thus act as a promising analogous treatment for the adult undergoing the therapy. As long as caution and regulation are applied to control such a powerful technology, its effect could be a great relief for suffering patients worldwide.

In March 2025, the Atlantic’s editor-in-chief, Jeffrey Goldberg, revealed to the world that American national-security officers discussed highly classified information in a group chat in which he was accidentally included. While American media focused on whether the leak risked American lives, European leaders got the chance to see how America’s most powerful talked about Europe behind closed doors. < Back Eulogy to Joy Kerem Demir Karahan April 12, 2026 In March 2025, the Atlantic’s editor-in-chief, Jeffrey Goldberg, revealed to the world that American national-security officers discussed highly classified information in a group chat in which he was accidentally included. While American media focused on whether the leak risked American lives, European leaders got the chance to see how America’s most powerful talked about Europe behind closed doors. Vice-president JD Vance, texted on the group chat “I just hate bailing Europe out again.” when discussing the potential strike on Houthi forces. Pete Hegseth, the secretary of defense, for his part called “European free-loading” “PATHETIC”. Across the Atlantic, it was not news that Trump held Europe in low regard. It was however news how gleefully the Administration talked about the continent behind closed doors. In an interview with Politico in September 2025, Trump called the European countries a “decaying” group of nations with “weak” leaders. He bluntly declared that Europe is clueless in the face of global turmoil, saying that “Europe doesn’t know what to do.” The White House’s new National Security Strategy (NSS), published in November 2025, went further, saying that Europe is in a “civilizational erasure” because of uncontrolled migration, limits on free speech and its regulations undermining creativity. Luuk van Middelaar, writing for Le Monde, said that America has started “ideological assault” against Europe with the NSS. For their part, European leaders refuted this characterization of a dormant Europe. Emmanuel Macron wrapped himself in Gaullism, championing French independence from American influence. On March 2nd the French président jupitérien declared at Ile Longue, home of the French naval nuclear arsenal, that he wants “Europeans to regain control of their own destiny,” acknowledging the fact that Europe has grown too dependent on the United States. Earlier in 2025, Macron had said that Trump was the “electroshock” Europe needed to awake from its 30-year-long self-induced sleep of “strategic dependence.” While Macron took Trump’s comments as a wake-up call, other leaders across Europe went on to deny Trump’s claims. Kaja Kallas, the European High Representative for Foreign Affairs, said that “ ‘Woke Europe’ [is] not facing civilisational erasure”; Ursula von der Leyen and Friedrich Merz joined her in highlighting Europe’s importance for the United States. Donald Trump’s view on Europe is not completely wrong. Europe perhaps is not facing “civilizational decline” or is “PATHETIC,” but its role in the global order is fading and its economies are facing an incredible test in the coming years. Europe, accustomed to its long dinners paired with specialty wine, is too focused on the plate to see what lies ahead. The European economic system for too long relied on three simple postulates: cheap exports to China, cheap energy from Russia and cheap security from the United States. First, China became competitive both internally and internationally with European companies. German automakers, the engine that turned Germany into Europe’s largest economy, benefitted from exports to countries such as China, Japan and Russia. However, China’s rapid rise in the automobile industry starting from the early 2010s put German automakers who could not compete with the low prices in a hard position. Companies like BMW, symbols of German economic success, began to scale back local production, contributing to higher rates of unemployment in the country. Germany’s trade surplus began to erode and the German automobile industry began to rely on high tariffs on Chinese imports to stay competitive within the European market. Across Europe, the fate of the German automobile is too common; the European trade deficit with China, between 2015 and 2024, quadrupled in volume. Second, the Russian pipelines that carried the cheap energy fueling European growth closed with the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Angela Merkel, the German chancellor between 2005 and 2021, spent the better part of her career ensuring the flow of cheap Russian gas into Germany and Europe. She championed the building of the Nord Stream pipeline even during the invasion of Crimea while critics warned that she would make Germany, and Europe, dependent on Russian gas. In the end, Merkel was successful, she schafft das and cheap Russian gas resulted in more than ten years of consecutive growth for Europe’s largest economy. However, since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, her decision to pursue closer ties with Russia has proven that Europe indeed grew too reliant on Russian gas. Now that the cheap gas that supplied Europe’s manufacturing sector is gone, Europe finds it even harder to develop and harder still to compete. The final blow to the European model came from Donald Trump, who, in his second term, decided to hold Europe more accountable for its own security. After his repeated demands for European NATO members to meet the alliance target of 2 percent GDP spent on defense, not only did European countries finally meet it, they also increased the alliance target to 5 percent by 2035. Previously European countries enjoyed spending less on defense to fund their extensive social nets, but now their social welfare systems are under more pressure than ever. However, America’s decoupling with Europe does not end with economic ramifications. Arguments over Greenland, Trump’s dealing with Putin without consulting the EU and support for Eurosceptics across the continent all signal that the relationship Europe enjoyed with the United States is coming to an end. JD Vance declared at the Munich Security Conference in 2025, as far as America is concerned: Europe’s largest threat is the “threat from within.” The European dependency on these three pillars is the most visible symptom of a far deeper problem with the continent’s model of growth: There never was a Plan B. The AI boom made this apparent. China and the United States innovated as Europe grew complacent. Companies like America’s Anthropic and China’s DeepSeek promise to transform work and increase worker productivity to levels previously thought impossible. European leaders, too, recognize the strength of the AI boom in inspiring economic growth. Macron, in the Paris AI Summit, declared that now is the “time for innovation” to avoid getting left behind. However, despite speeches and promises of innovation, Europe still is woefully behind not only the United States, but also China in the AI race. American start-ups and Chinese tech giants are racing to innovate, whereas the European economy is still carried largely by legacy brands such as LVMH and Novo Nordisk. Isabel Schnabel, who is on the executive board of the European Central Bank (ECB), noted that the problem is not that Europe is incapable of innovation, but that there simply are too many regulatory measures limiting productivity growth within the bloc. Mario Draghi, in his well-known Draghi Report, highlighted this exact problem. There is a patchwork of regulatory systems, sometimes contradictory , within the EU, limiting the ability of businesses to compete with American or Chinese companies. As the EU hesitated to act on the Draghi Report, ECB President Christine Lagarde went on to state that Europe is in an “existential crisis” where “internal barriers are stifling innovation, productivity, and investment across the bloc”. Europe’s lack of advancement in productivity put it on a path of economic stagnation at levels hardly seen in any other part of the developed world. Between 2008 and 2023, notes the Wall Street Journal, Europeans saw their real wages drop or stagnate, whereas Americans saw theirs increase. A common European refutation, one to which Paul Krugman too subscribes , is that Europeans simply live better lives than their counterparts across the Atlantic. Indeed, Europeans live for longer and are happier on average than Americans. Furthermore, they have more free time and social security. In this view, American higher wages and GDP mean little, because they hardly translate to economic welfare for American citizens. Krugman is not wrong. The European system did not have a fatal flaw. It simply was for a different world with a different economic order. The collapse of the European system is further accelerated by demographic crisis. Europe's social welfare and early retirement rest on the existence of many young people who can pay taxes and participate in economic life. Concurrently, the European Union’s old-age dependency ratio hit 37 percent in 2024, a record high, meaning that there are fewer than three working-age adults for each retired person. Meanwhile, the EU's low birth-rates mean that it has to rely on immigration in order to keep its economies working. However, increased immigration has led the far-right to take hold in various European states, limiting immigration when the continent is in dire need of a working population. The OECD’s Tax Policy Reforms 2025 report found that some countries in Europe are instead resorting to increasing taxes on young professionals. Increased tax burden, combined with Europe’s already complicated regulatory scheme, is driving young entrepreneurs away from Europe to places like the United States where business-friendly economic policies encourage innovation. The Trump Administration’s rhetoric on Europe may be crude, and the European way of life may be more sophisticated. Still, the fact remains that the old European economic system which helped the continent create its welfare states is no longer there. To those of us who enjoy real bread and good wine: We need to ask whether those are valuable enough to sacrifice the security of Europe. Photo source: Onno P., Flickr

In the past few years, an increasing number of intrepid content creators are documenting their journeys to places of conflict. They acquire rare visas, hire local tour guides, and point iPhone cameras through the streets as they seek to capture the ‘real’ version of these countries—places whose very essence is often reduced to fearful headlines and apocalyptic imagery. This phenomenon, known as conflict tourism, ranges from visiting historically troubled areas to entering zones of active conflict, and has taken on an entirely new significance in the age of vlogging. < Back Vlogging Live From Kabul: The Insights and Absurdities of YouTube Conflict Tourism Bronwen Sutcliffe November 2, 2025 Afghanistan is certainly not a typical travel destination for a social media influencer, let alone your average tourist. Travel advisories, scarce flight routes, and fearsome news coverage (to name just a few) make conflict zones feel decidedly off-limits to outsiders. In the past few years, an increasing number of intrepid content creators are documenting their journeys to places of conflict. They acquire rare visas, hire local tour guides, and point iPhone cameras through the streets as they seek to capture the ‘real’ version of these countries—places whose very essence is often reduced to fearful headlines and apocalyptic imagery. This phenomenon, known as conflict tourism, ranges from visiting historically troubled areas to entering zones of active conflict, and has taken on an entirely new significance in the age of vlogging. Having watched a number of these videos myself, I’ve begun to wonder: who are these travelers, and how do they manage to break the red tape that seals off highly sanctioned regimes from the West? What motivates them—and, perhaps most importantly, what should we make of their videos? Travels Amidst Conflict For those determined enough, travel advisories are merely a suggestion; influencers like Canadian Nolan Saumure, British Miles Routledge, and French Tibi Jones have ventured into a number of highly volatile countries, such as Afghanistan, where they wish to witness life under Taliban rule firsthand. Visas can be acquired from neighbouring countries to their destination of choice. Travelers are very frequently accompanied by reputed tour guides, essentially wingmen for navigating the city, translating, and assisting them with administrative tasks. They also often hire a driver for the trip. Their travels may even be facilitated by tour companies who, aware of the market, arrange activities catering to foreigners’ dark curiosities. Though travelers are often accompanied by locals, conflict tourism is inherently dangerous. The UK government, for example, implements a strict ‘avoid all travel’ advisory for Afghanistan on the basis of extreme danger, high risk for detention or imprisonment, as well as kidnapping and terrorism. This situation is intensified by the government’s inability to intervene on Afghan soil, with no embassy and therefore no direct aid for tourists. The situation for conflict tourists has escalated on numerous occasions. In a story that sounds almost unbelievable, Miles Routledge– known online as “Lord Miles”– traveled to Afghanistan in 2021, just days before the fall of Kabul, despite warnings from the UK government. He wanted to witness life under the Taliban and share it with his followers. Ultimately, when the Taliban took over, he found himself stranded and had to seek refuge in a UN safe house. He was eventually evacuated by the British army, disguised as a woman in a burqa. Undeterred, Routledge returned to Afghanistan multiple times, and in 2023 he was detained again for several months. Motives of Conflict Vloggers If it’s so dangerous, why do they do it? Professor Dorina-Maria Buda, a leading scholar on the role of emotion and psychology in tourism to conflict zones, offers part of the answer. Drawing on her fieldwork in the Palestinian West Bank, she found that tourists visiting areas of turmoil are not driven solely by morbid curiosity; they also seek to challenge their emotions and assumptions. According to Buda, such travelers want to feel “emotionally connected to the situation… and… like they are bringing about a small positive change by experiencing the realities of life on the ground.” She also observes that, unlike traditional tourist hotspots where locals often feel burdened by over-tourism, communities in contested regions may “welcome tourists as… an opportunity for them to tell their own story about living in a conflict zone and to have their voices heard.” Perhaps this idea does not resonate with the case of Miles Routledge. But for some other creators, it seems an apt characterization of their motives. A genuine emotional connection is reflected in the travels of YouTube creators Matt and Julia, whose shared channel documents, as their bio puts it, “adventures somewhere we probably shouldn’t be.” In their videos, they visit countries such as Afghanistan and North Korea, where they are often welcomed by locals or taken under their wing. In their Afghanistan travel series, for instance, Matt and Julia are met with curiosity and warmth in the streets, and later welcomed into a family’s home, where they cook together, share a meal, play with the children, and explore the family garden—offering a warm, personal glimpse into everyday life rarely captured in traditional media. Another video I found insightful is YouTube creator Eli from Russia’s visit to Iran: her documentary is beautifully filmed and interspersed with candid, authentic exchanges with locals. She shares many facets of life in Iran that rarely appear in news reports or mainstream media– for instance, the underground nightlife, Armenian neighborhoods that enjoy a degree of autonomy from state laws, and bustling street markets showcasing handmade crafts. One remark she makes on the impact of her travels stood out to me: Before you get to a country, it’s just a point on the map for you… But once you explore the place, the point on the map gets colors. It transforms into landscapes, sounds, tastes, faces, feelings, and many memories. When you’re back home… you will want to scream, ‘Of course, I’ve left. I’ve lived a whole life during that trip, and I’ve changed so much. The authenticity of these conflict tourists comes from the thoughtfulness of their storytelling —their willingness to listen, to engage, and to show people as more than just symbols of suffering. As naive and idealistic as it may be, this is why I often find myself engrossed in conflict tourism videos from creators like Eli, Matt, and Julia. They feel like a way to understand, however imperfectly, the human experience within regions of instability, and to appreciate the place’s culture, cuisine, and quiet resilience amidst disorder and uncertainty. Encounters like these also feel mutually beneficial: the creators gain an authentic experience of culture and hospitality and have their worldview challenged, while locals have the chance to share their story, to be seen not as victims or as statistics, but as hosts, parents, and individuals living full lives despite tense circumstances. Ethics However, not all creators are motivated by empathy or a genuine desire to educate; some— perhaps most— prioritize shock value, spectacle, or personal clout. Canadian content creator Nolan Saumure exemplifies the darker side of the genre. His provocative commentary and self-important antics are difficult to view as anything other than objectionable. In one video, “Afghanistan Has Too Much Testosterone,” he visits an arms market where he poses with rifles, laughs alongside traders, and treats the situation more like a game than a glimpse into daily life under the Taliban. He casually remarks: “This probably doesn’t come as a shock to you, but this is the only series I’ve ever filmed where I didn’t speak to, or have any form of interaction with, a single woman. It’s a complete sausage fest—all dudes, 24/7”. With hundreds of thousands of subscribers, this careless and insensitive representation has a wide and likely harmful influence. Humorous social media renditions have an influence on people’s perceptions. After the Taliban seized control in 2021, viral internet memes contributed to softening their image, showing fighters struggling to understand how gym equipment works or riding carousel horses. Like traditional media, conflict tourist content creators bear a responsibility to consider how their work influences popular understanding of reality in their destination countries. In an interview, Saumure insists he doesn’t want to impose his outsider perspective: “Even if the west is maybe selling a very sensational narrative, I still saw the oppression firsthand as far as women not being allowed in certain parks and modesty laws,” he said. “It's a delicate subject. I just wanted to be like, “This is how it is here,” instead of driving into my beliefs.” Yet, his content style is far from neutral, making light of a grave reality to fuel his channel. As young audiences increasingly rely on influencers rather than traditional media, conflict tourism vlogs that approach troubled areas with humor or irreverence risk instilling outsiders with false or apathetic perceptions of both daily life under conflict and the oppression itself. Another creator, Tibi Jones, traveled to Afghanistan in 2021 with the goal of countering Western bias. He filmed in a dental office where veiled women were working, presenting it as evidence that some Afghan women can still participate in the workforce. On Instagram, he stated: “the western narrative has nothing to do with this land.” While some viewers praised him for countering western narratives, his portrayal overlooks the systemic oppression faced by Afghan women under the Taliban. Creators like Saumure and Jones seem to view themselves as movie characters or adventurers. By treating, say, Afghanistan, as a stage for personal adventure, they reduce the social and political reality to props for entertainment, blurring the line between reporting and spectacle. In Ukraine, where conflict tourism has grown into a small industry, locals have mixed feelings about outsiders peering in on their daily lives amid war. Around ten Ukrainian agencies now offer specialized “war tours,” such as guided visits to war-damaged areas in Kyiv and Kharkiv, with a part of proceeds supporting soldiers. While some locals see these tours as a way to raise awareness internationally, others view them as deeply disrespectful. As one Ukrainian man told ARTE in a report on war tours, “It’s not entertainment. It’s our life.” If conflict tourism can provide a platform for local perspectives, it can simultaneously put those same individuals at risk. Those who appear on camera may be endangered if their participation is interpreted as opposition to the regime—especially in authoritarian contexts such as Afghanistan or North Korea. Even seemingly innocuous footage could potentially be used as evidence of collaboration or dissent, leading to harassment, arrest, or worse. YouTube conflict tourism is a paradox. On one hand, it offers a window into the culture, resilience, and everyday life in regions often reduced to statistics, headlines, or fear-driven narratives. Many videos do not lean on risk or spectacle, instead taking a humanized, intimate storytelling approach that comes across more like thoughtful travel documentaries than sensationalized vlogs. That said, I am inclined to view the vast majority of conflict tourism content poorly. Too many creators prioritize shock value, and with the immense monetization potential of this content, this has eclipsed much of the content base. Anyone can bring a phone to a war-torn country, but not everyone can bring empathy, respect, or nuance. Titles like “The Real Afghanistan” threaten to turn lived experiences into commodities, reducing people’s lives to sources of entertainment that people in more privileged positions can consume casually, just as one can turn on and off the TV news. Photo Source: @mbj, Flickr

In the end, maybe we are all a bit Jean-Claude Romand with all our fragility. < Back Emmanuel Carrère, L’adversaire (2000) By Francesca Di Muro December 31, 2023 ‘’In those days I didn't lie, but I never shared my true emotions, except to my dog... I was always smiling and I believe that my parents never suspected that I was sad... I had nothing else to hide then, but I was hiding this: my anguish, my sadness... Maybe they would have been ready to listen to me, like Florence after all, and yet I have never managed to speak... And when you get stuck in this mechanism, so as not to disappoint, the first lie leads to the second, and then you carry on your whole life.’’ – L’Adversaire (2002) Jean-Claude Romand: a serious man, esteemed, worthy of absolute trust. Believed to be a good husband, a warm father, and a highly prestigious doctor. In short, a calm, apparently normal man. Yet it appears that normality sometimes overwhelms, sucking in everything around it, being capable of submerging the very things on which it had been nourished shortly before, every single part from which it was composed. On January 9, 1993, Jean-Claude murdered his wife and two children, then went to his parents and shot them with a rifle. He also killed their dog. Nothing remains of the Romand family; everything was destroyed that January evening; not even Jean-Claude was saved from his fury, or at least the Jean-Claude that had gradually formed with one lie after another—a carefully cultivated persona that emerged after eighteen years of lies. On the whole, he never graduated, worked, and lived on the money that relatives and friends had entrusted to him to invest profitably in a solid French bank, which never took place. When the money ran out and the deception was about to be discovered, rather than revealing the truth to his loved ones, he preferred to kill them. As a Member of the Faculty of Medicine, he had not shown up for the admission exam for the third year — an easily remediable mistake. But to his father and his mother, companions, and Florence, who he would later marry, he lied, saying that he had passed it, that everything had gone well. Like a snowball rolling downhill, turning into an avalanche and overwhelming everything in its path, Romand started from a simple, repairable secret that became imposing, and grandiose, and ended up even overwhelming himself 18 years later in an apartment in the French countryside, submerging him and his family. Submerging him and everything he had become over time. Yet, his secret hid nothing. Under the false Doctor Romand, there was no real Jean-Claude Romand. There was nothingness, a nothingness built year after year, fed by anguish and sadness, a nothingness nourished by the perennial desire not to disappoint, by the ambition to be someone else, someone who didn't need to hide behind a white coat and a pair of sunglasses, one like many and at the same time like no one. In the end, maybe we are all a bit Jean-Claude Romand with all our fragility. If it were such a simple thing to live, if it were so simple to be in the world, to start a family, to find a job, to wake up every morning and smile at the faint light that makes its way through the tiny cracks in the roller shutter, we would certainly be men without any secrets. Or rather, we could not enjoy the privilege of having any. That very subtle balance created by what we hide would be missing, that precarious stability that most reveals who we are. It is not easy to define ourselves: who we are, what we pursue, who we would like to be, who we will be. Among the many masks we wear, among the many secrets we inhabit, so similar to our way of being, it becomes a very difficult task to discern what is a mask from what is not. I have the feeling that without the masks, there would be absolutely nothing left of us. Because we are all behind the masks together, at the same time, and behind the masks, we hide the black hole of nothingness. The same nothingness of Romand made of ambition and fear motivated by the feelings of dizziness and emptiness in our stomach. Ultimately nothingness is what tells us best because it translates in the same way what is not yet life, and what has ceased to be. If this is the case, what distinguishes us is the ability to know or recognize ourselves.

With personal testimonies, voice recordings, interviews, personal letters, and diaries, oral history detaches historical events from purely governmental accounts. < Back The Concept of Oral History is Changing the Way We Study the Past and Shaping the Future of Humanities By Angeliki Vytogianni January 30, 2022 I have always been very interested in history. As soon as I realized how easily history could be used as a means of propaganda, I recognized the importance of oral history. This movement requires historians to alter the way they study the past. The value of oral history lies in personal testimonies from people that have witnessed or been involved in historical events. Studying these events in this grassroots way and paying more attention to the individual instead of government records ensures that history is shaped by the people, not by political, economic, military ideologies, or by the interests of those with power. This allows for a more humane way of looking at history, to get an accurate reflection on some of humanity’s greatest question marks and historiographical debates. One example of this could be the post-World War I power struggle in the Ottoman Empire territories. Turks, Greeks, Armenians, and ethnic minorities all tried to claim their heritage in Asia Minor, in, more or less, hostile ways, after centuries of peaceful co-existence of this mix of nationalities up until the beginning of the 20th century. Moreover, in the Balkans, the Serbs, Bulgarians, Macedonians, Greeks, and Turks also tried to claim grounds. Historians that have studied this part of European-Middle Eastern history have mostly relied on reports, numbers and statistics provided by the governments and national organizations in the region. Novels written by Penelope Delta and other distinguished authors, intellectuals, and politicians of the time proved to be strong sources of information. However, one can easily understand that due to the complexity of this geopolitical issue, a variety of conflicting interests arose, with drastically different historiographical approaches. Thus, none of these sources can be guaranteed to accurately reflect the essence of the struggles of the time, which is when oral history comes in. With personal testimonies, voice recordings, interviews, personal letters, and diaries, oral history detaches historical events from purely governmental accounts. According to the Oral History Association, the term oral history refers to "a method of recording and preserving oral testimony" which results in a verbal document that is “made available in different forms to other users, researchers, and the public.” This organization also stresses the complexities of oral history in regard to legal concerns. Testimonies, interviews, and personal stories need delicate policies to protect privacy and copyrights, all analyzed in A Guide to Oral History and the Law . The author examines the most relevant court cases and cites examples of policies and procedures that oral history programs have used to avoid legal difficulties. But oral history is not limited to researchers in history associations. Here in Menton, we have so many interesting stories and personal testimonies from important events in history to share. I was really intrigued by the prospect of being able to learn from this diverse student body, but I encourage Sciences Po to include more testimonies, and oral history into the curriculum itself. This would add to our social sciences and anthropological studies, by giving a first-hand picture of historical events and situations. Studying social and political sciences in such a prestigious university, we use history a lot, thus oral history could very well fit in our curriculum. It would be an improved way of looking at things, considering different points of view, getting different experiences, which is actually crucial to the work of a thorough historian. Instead of basing the bulk of research on governmental state archives, we can study and create different archives by interviewing people from different backgrounds to get their experiences of a particular historical period. Oral history is a very powerful tool that can make all diverse voices heard loud and clear. It gives power and space to historically oppressed and marginalized groups, and we get the option to understand the same event in greater depth, and under different lenses, depending on each person’s experiences. Indigenous populations, for example, are often not included in reports by authorities, however, by using oral history and interviewing them, we get a better sense of their reality. In the refugee crisis, for example, listening provides more context than numbers, and head counts in the camps of Lesvos, we need to listen. Let the people talk and we listen. Lilinaz Hakimi, 2A at Sciences Po, volunteered in one of the camps in Lesvos this past summer. She stressed the importance of this human-to-human connection in building empathy that cannot be replaced by statistics. In her own words, having heard the stories from the people themselves, “it is really important to hear someone’s story and connect, visualize, to understand what they are going through, understand how any historical event has so many different layers underneath.” In the end, what it really comes down to is making history more a part of humanities like it was always intended to be. Let us not get carried away by the tendencies of our times to measure and file everything, which can be demeaning to the actual events. Let us keep being humans, keep connecting to other people and listening to them. Experiences are more valuable than any other means of sourcing, and we have so much of that.

So what do the Golden Globes teach us about the film industry? Apart from the obvious elitism and unreasonable standards it sets in most aspects of our lives, it highlights the necessity of appreciating one's work. In some cases, it emphasizes the importance of sharing happy moments with those who understand and support you. Perhaps from a more career-focused point of view, the awards also present a wonderful opportunity for filmmakers, actresses, and actors to get widespread recognition. < Back All Roads Lead To Hollywood: What Do Golden Globes Teach Us About The Film Industry? Ema Nevřelová February 28, 2025 February might be the shortest month in the Gregorian calendar. Still, in the Hollywood one, it is surely the longest one. It is, after all, a lengthy road from January’s Golden Globes to the Academy Awards—popularly known as the Oscars, taking place in March. It may be the most dreaded month for the film industry but is also a perfect moment to yet again glance at the common people of Hollywood. Even as the film awards seasons are changing, one thing remains constant: the controversies. If, until today, the Golden Globes were known to you only through outfit ratings, this article will get you back on track. This year marked the 82nd annual ceremony of the Golden Globes. The first soirée was held in early 1944 by the Hollywood Foreign Correspondents Association (later renamed the Hollywood Foreign Press Association). A year later, marking the year of true Golden Globes, the president of the HFPA, Marina Cisternas, announced the idea of awarding a statue of “shiny globe on a pedestal”—mirroring the internationality of the Golden Globes. If you are a newbie to the glistening world of movie awards, you might wonder what films and in which categories can receive the Golden Globe. For this year, there were 27 categories in total; the two most prominent distinctions and a difference from the Oscars is that there are 14 categories for motion pictures and 13 categories for television. Both motion pictures and television are then further divided into drama and comedy or musical categories. On the other hand, the Oscars have only one category: the award for Best Motion Picture. Enough with technicalities, let’s move to the drama. In August 2020 Kjersti Flaa, a Norwegian entertainment journalist, filed a lawsuit against the Hollywood Foreign Press Association claiming that HFPA “institutionalized culture of corruption.” The association’s members were often said to accept gifts from movie producers and not select new journalists based on merit but personal and other connections. Flaa’s lawsuit and subsequent amendments were dismissed. So what does this “no name” Norwegian journalist have to do with anything? Flaa has recently gained attention for sharing interviews with celebrities that she found offensive. One of her most watched videos is called “The Blake Lively interview that made me want to quit my job” and it fueled the rumors around Blake Lively’s questionable promotion of the movie “ It Ends With Us.” Flaa joined the wave of Lively’s old interviews in which the actress often answered arrogantly or made inappropriate jokes, and this led the public to call her out as ignorant or a bully. It further escalated when Lively submitted a legal complaint against Baldoni for sexual harassment and retaliation. Justin Baldoni also filed a lawsuit citing defamation, invasion of privacy and civil extortion. Nothing seems to stop Flaa’s desire to cancel Lively; she still regularly posts videos commenting on Lively’s actions while also shaming other, mostly female, celebrities. Following Flaa’s unsuccessful lawsuit, in February 2021, the LA Times published several articles based on their investigation into the HFPA. It not only turned out that the members were accepting gifts—such as a vacation to Europe paid by the production team behind the series Emily in Paris— but that there was also not a single black person among the members eligible to vote. Not everything can be old but gold. These allegations almost ended the golden era as some actors started boycotting the awards. In a giant leap for Hollywood, Tom Cruise returned three of his Golden Globes, shining a light on graver claims that have previously not gained as much media attention. Brendan Fraser, for example, recalled that he had been groped by a member of HFPA. Subsequently, in May 2021, the National Broadcasting Company (NBC), a long-term partner of the Golden Globes, announced that it would not televise the Golden Globes ceremony in January 2022 following the controversy. However, to sprinkle it with a bit of hypocrisy, NBC did air the Golden Globes again in 2023. The ceremony ended up not being televised at all in 2022, and while the organizers blamed it on the COVID-19 pandemic, the real reason was much more likely the boycott of the awards by actors and producers from the film industry. As HFPA was trying to recover from what seemed like an end of Golden Globes, they came up with the golden mean. In June 2023, the Golden Globes were purchased by Eldridge Industries, which vowed to make fundamental changes to the awards. Firstly, they transitioned from a non-profit organization, which was exempt from paying taxes, to a for-profit organization, therefore, dismantling the HFPA. However, the members of the former association could stay as voters for the Golden Globes with the sole difference that they were now being paid. The internet media Vulture claimed that the actor’s “pay is $75,000 per year, and they get insurance — medical and dental.” It makes one wonder what gold made the voters want to stay. Furthermore, the Chairman of Eldridge Industries, Todd Boehly, to diversify the voting body hired more non-member voters. However, there is no information as to whether they are being paid or not. Gradually, these changes started to be visible and the Golden Globes is slowly repairing its reputation. According to the Golden Globes website, 47 percent of the voters are female from more than 85 countries and 60 percent are racially and ethnically diverse. This vague statement in itself is not persuasive enough, but this year's Golden Globes in the opinions of some, proved that they are worthy of more attention. Now, let’s recapitulate some of the most striking events from the 2025 Golden Globes award ceremony. Golden Globes are usually hosted by actors and/or comedians. This year marked a major first in the history of the awards as the hostess, Nikki Glaser, was the first solo female to host the event. While some of her jokes left the audience a little cold, overall, her performance was a success as she did not forget to jokingly reminisce about recent events: Donald Trump’s inauguration , a series of lawsuits against P Diddy and so on. Perhaps one of the most poignant moments was a speech made by Zoe Saldaña for winning the Best Female Supporting Actress for the Netflix musical Emilia Pérez . She started her speech by saying: “I have dyslexia, so I kind of forget when I am really anxious,” not only giving visibility to people with learning disabilities but also to mental health struggles. This is all the more important because films like Emilia Pérez would likely not have received an award or even a nomination under the previous Golden Globes. In 2023, there was not “ a single film with strong Black themes, actors or behind-the-camera talent was among the Best Picture nominees in either Drama or Comedy/Musical categories.” Despite there being many adept productions such as The Woman King, Black Panther: Wakanda Forever, and Till . Another speech that is even speculated to be worthy of the Oscar committee's attention is one made by Demi Moore after she received the award for Best Actress in a Horror for her performance in Substance . She went viral for her touching speech in which she acknowledged that: “Thirty years ago I had a producer tell me that I was ‘popcorn actress’ and at that time I made that mean that this wasn’t something that I was allowed to have.” Moore reminded us of the importance of self-confidence and how rewarding it can be to prove people wrong—especially those who made us doubt ourselves. Although a little forgotten in the past few years, Adrien Brody made a memorable speech for the Best Actor for the drama The Brutalist . It is a movie about a Jewish Holocaust survivor who immigrated to the United States. Brody alluded that the plot is in some ways similar to his mother’s side of the family's journey to the United States and he expressed hope that the movie would give visibility to those immigrating and suffering with the process. After reading through the whirlwind that Golden Globes are, you might be asking the important question: who will win this year’s Oscars? There is no direct tie between the awards, nevertheless, the Golden Globes are often seen as a predictor of the potential Oscar winners. One of the influential factors of Oscar’s committee are reportedly the speeches made by the actresses and actors at the Golden Globes. The nominations for Best Picture include the already discussed The Substance, Emilia Peréz and The Brutalist. Apart from those mentioned, this year was strong for musicals and/ or music-related dramas, with Wicked leaving us wanting to hold space for one another through nails-holding or Timothée Chalamet reminding us that Bob Dylan is still alive in Bob Dylan: A Complete Unknown . In my opinion, this year’s winner should be the political and biographical drama I’m Still Here , portraying the story of an incredibly resilient Brazilian woman, Eunice Paiva. This is just a fraction of Oscar nominations, yet they are names that we will likely keep hearing even as the year progresses. So what do the Golden Globes teach us about the film industry? Apart from the obvious elitism and unreasonable standards it sets in most aspects of our lives, it highlights the necessity of appreciating one's work. In some cases, it emphasizes the importance of sharing happy moments with those who understand and support you. Perhaps from a more career-focused point of view, the awards also present a wonderful opportunity for filmmakers, actresses, and actors to get widespread recognition. This is where we are getting to the uglier side of Hollywood, which sadly is not prominent only in the film industry. It is the gender pay gap, the fact that actresses and actors sometimes had to endure sexual violence, racism, and other forms of discrimination without being listened to when they spoke out. Yet, the change in the Golden Globes voting body sends a positive message about the kind of environment and type of work the film industry and those tied to it appreciate. While Hollywood has never been gold and shiny, there might still be a chance for reform, if the pressure is strong enough. Photo source: Peter Dutton, Wikimedia commons

Upon arrival in Menton, I enjoyed the scorchingly hot summer weather and the sunshine that the Côte d’Azur is renowned for. As the seasons changed, though, I found myself disappointed by the lack of “gold and saffron and red” leaves, pumpkins and the other autumnal accouterments that I become accustomed to back home. < Back Once Again, the Palestinian Story at Risk of Being Silenced: Netflix’s Farha By Ghazal Khalife December 31, 2022 Rarely is there a movie about Palestine that does not receive political backlash. The Israeli state has been trying to dominate the country’s narrative since the Nakba, especially in the Western world. The Israeli perspective on the Palestinian conflict has often been singled out as the true one. While many question the state’s ongoing aggression (nowhere near as loudly), they rarely question its legitimacy and origins. This is where the movie Farha comes in, using the perspective of a 14-year-old girl to describe the horrors of the Nakba and the atrocities committed by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). Farha is a movie based on actual events set in a small Palestinian village before the Nakba. Nakba in Arabic translates to “catastrophe,” and no film has been able to exude such a strong connotation of the word disaster. The movie shocks us through its raw illustration of the trauma faced by Palestinians as their villages were destroyed, their families killed, and their lives upturned completely. The film is written and directed by Darin J. Sallam, a Jordanian award-winning director and writer who chose to spotlight Palestinian suffering through the perspective of a young girl seeing her dreams crushed and witnessing the destruction of her people. In this film, we witness the upheaval created by the battles for Israel’s creation; the director transports us from an ambiance of hope with a looming danger to that of absolute tragedy, and since we know how history plays out, we already dismiss the prospect of a happy ending. Sallam enriches the film with the symbolism of a fig tree, gold earrings, and, most importantly, a school registration paper. It makes us ache for what could have been: what Farha’s future could have been and, on a grander scale, what Palestine could have been. It overcomes any filters and showcases the sheer violence, and utter dehumanization of the other as the IDF soldiers raid villages, burning all that stands in their way. Hence, it was predictable that when a film like this was streamed on Netflix, it was received with strong condemnation from the Israeli state. For Israel, this film threatens its legitimacy and version of history and dismantles the power of having a single story. As a result, the film has been subject to immense criticism, manifested as calls to ban it and boycott its streaming network. “The dangers of A single story” To explain why Farha has been met with such hostility and why some have called on Netflix users to cancel their subscriptions, I will use a quote by the novelist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie: “Stories matter. Many stories matter. Stories have been used to dispossess and to malign, but stories can also be used to empower and to humanize. Stories can break the dignity of a people, but stories can also repair that broken dignity… When we reject the single story, when we realize that there is never a single story about any place, we regain a kind of paradise.” To establish one’s story in stone, it is sometimes necessary to neglect or silence alternative ones. Farha being streamed on a global platform risks deconstructing the story propped up by the Israeli state for so long. For the first time, a marginalized narrative reaches: the trauma of a people often misunderstood and misrepresented. The film’s subject matter can be compared to other stories of oppression — many have compared Farha to Anne Frank, with both little girls witnessing extreme and life-altering aggression. A popular Israeli influencer rushed to denounce the movie, calling it “blatantly anti-semitic” and a distortion of history. These claims have no ground in reality, but all they do is serve the Israeli narrative, preventing people, most importantly Israelis themselves, from breaking the barriers of the single story and approaching the other side. Boycotting the movie is boycotting the other, limiting them to a box of prejudice and stereotyping. One might disagree with the film’s brutalist portrayal of IDF soldiers, but it remains crucial to allow it a chance to remain willing to hear another perspective, one of pain. It is impossible to deny that the 1948 Nakba was a time when massive breaches of human rights were committed, where people refused to listen to one another, where one nation was annihilated for the other to survive .

What is it that we are really buying when we adventure ourselves through the lysergic supermarket aisles which symmetrically display layers of colorful plastic and polished tropical fruits? Are we just undertaking a routine task, unworthy of our attention, or are we entering a space of identity-creation and manipulation? < Back Supermaketmania: Shiny Plastic and Constructed Personalities By Margherita Cordellini January 31, 2023 The day is about to end and you do not feel like going home yet. You just got off from work or from a study session in the library and you need a mediator to soften the shift from an uncomfortable wooden chair to bed. It ought to be something that rewards you for having pulled through a seemingly endless day but also something that does not spoil you because you did nothing special, only your job. As you mechanically pass masses of other tired workers and students, your peripheral vision catches sight of a flower-shaped neon sign that rises above a promising banner: “20% sale on selected products.” You know what you will encounter if you walk through the door: a maze of shining, perfectly ordered and rigorously partitioned aisles, which, albeit rarely changing, always disclose new mysteries. You immediately find yourself in the food department, contemplating a myriad of colors, shapes and textures which are supposed to be only accessories, only the casings of what you really want, but that inexplicably signify something more. Filling up your shopping cart with bright yellow, noisy crisps packages and promising images printed on orange juice cartons is not only a temporary solution to a harsh monotonous day but a repetitive choice through which you, and many others, find meaning and reinvent yourself. The contemporary modalities of purchasing fully embrace capitalistic values. The most evident among them is, perhaps, individualism. The heterogeneity of products and brands combined with targeted advertising suggests that there is space for everyone’s identity and invites each person to select products according to a certain congruence. You can choose to be a sporty person — and even become one — if you buy protein bars instead of biscuits. You can appear emancipated from your European background and emanate international vibes if, according to your shopping basket and your kitchen shelves, you are passionate about oatmeal and peanut butter. What this means is that supermarkets are purchasing spaces in which people seek not only to nourish but also to define themselves. In his book “Simulations and Simulacra,” the postmodernist philosopher Jean Baudrillard understands commodities sold in supermarkets as hypercommodities; to our eyes they do not exist as objects but as an intricate net of symbols delivered by advertisements, media and consumerist culture. Baudrillard would thus affirm that we are so bombarded by images of what, for example, an apple signifies (synonym of a healthy lifestyle, dietary restrictions and self-discipline) that apples cannot be said to exist anymore, having been replaced by an ensemble of culturally and socially manufactured images tied to them. It might appear as an abstruse theory, but it shapes the way we process information more often than we think. Consider this passage from Sally Rooney’s novel “Beautiful World Where Are You”: “On his way out of the shop, in front of the fresh fruit display, he paused. Alice was standing there looking at apples, lifting the apples one after another and examining them for defects.” An English-speaking extra-terrestrial deprived of any cultural or social background to whom somebody just explained what supermarkets are and what purpose they serve, would probably infer from this excerpt that Alice is so fond of apples that she wants to make sure to savor them fully or that she seeks the best bang for her buck. This is the most logical conclusion to draw knowing that supermarkets are places where people buy products according to their desires, needs and budgetary constraints. Yet, I highly doubt that this would be the first intuition of a person whose socialization took place in a 21st-century capitalist country and who has been sufficiently exposed to consumerist culture and digital spaces. These last two elements promote a fixation with certain gendered images of the body that privilege slim silhouettes for girls and toned ones for boys. Therefore, it would be impossible not to contemplate the possibility that Alice might be affected by this schizophrenia around somatic features, “healthy” lifestyles and normative Instagram posts studding selfcare pages. In our eyes, Alice, culturally and socially influenced, is examining apples to become a certain kind of person. Hence, in Baudrillard’s words, hypercommodities are made to test ourselves. The self-service dimension characterizing supermarkets gives us the illusory impression of agency and control, whereas, in reality, a supermarket is a space of manipulation of man by products. This conversion from real to hyperreal does not only apply to alimentary products but to the totality of advertised items. However, the food compartment of supermarkets is a particularly interesting case study. Unlike other essential products, e.g. clothes, food is, when sold, often invisible to our eyes, being wrapped by layers of packaging. The blue plastic of Oreos and the thick milk cartons sprinkled with representations of smiling cows are supposed to be mere containers whose relevance is insignificant compared to the contents. Yet, research has shown the incredible influence that these have on consumers purchasing choices. As Schifferstein and others pointed out in their work “Influence of package design on the dynamics of multisensory and emotional food experience,” today the products’ encasement is intended to be a decisive factor. Nowadays, they explain, countless brands offer strikingly similar products: targeting the tastes of the consumers is not enough for companies. It is necessary to make the item stand out from the analogous others; the features of the wrapping material are, together with other elements such as competitive price setting, essential to this. Their research was built on the premise that, while choosing which packed food to purchase, consumers’ sensory experience is vital. Through empirical experiments, they unsurprisingly found that, if people are put in front of a supermarket shelf full of identical products of different brands the most important sense is sight. Betina Piqueras-Fiszman and Charles Spence specify that among all the visible elements characterizing a packed product (size and shape of the container, the size of opening, etc...), color is one of the most decisive factors. This was proved while conducting an experiment on potato chips. Participants were asked to taste and identify the flavor of crisps served from a package whose color corresponds to another variety of potato chips — salt and vinegar chips were served from a blue package (commonly corresponding to cheese and onion crisps) and not a green one. According to the results, the majority of participants were fooled by the wrong color association and failed to recognize the right flavor profile, despite having uncompromised taste buds and being familiar with the crisp brand’s various flavors. The power of colors is so strong that it made it impossible for a significant part of the test group to identify the taste that they knew well. Therefore, what is it that we are really buying? The food product or the shiny plastic packages that unconsciously attract us? The answer probably lies somewhere at the intersection between these two elements. Due to psychological biases, cultural and social influences, we are never buying only food when we go grocery shopping. Attracted by the aesthetics of a supposedly irrelevant casing and eager to build a desired version of ourselves, our experiences in supermarkets are far more complex than we deem and deserve to be further inquired into.