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Why the Saudi takeover of Newcastle United is a dark day, not only for the football community, but also for the wider United Kingdom population. < Back Controversy as Saudi Arabia Gains Entry into Top-Flight Football By Hugo Lagergren December 30, 2021 The recent takeover of Newcastle United by the Public Investment Fund (P.I.F.), Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund, has sparked outrage across the football community due to its strong connections with the Saudi Arabian government and Mohammed bin Salman, the crown prince. Football fans and human rights activists have criticized the Premier League and Newcastle United for their apparent refusal to consider Saudi Arabia’s dismal human rights record during the takeover saga. Amnesty International's United Kingdom branch has also criticized the takeover and called for the English Premier League to reshape its owners and directors test to include a larger focus on human rights issues. Amnesty UK’s CEO, Sacha Deshmukh, stated that the takeover represented “a clear attempt by the Saudi authorities to sportswash their appalling human rights record with the glamour of top-flight football.” However, Amnesty was not the only group to criticize the takeover. Fans of Crystal Palace put up a banner denouncing the Premier League for allowing the transaction. The banner depicts a man in a thawb, a traditional Arab garment which Crystal Palace fans labeled the P.I.F., wielding a large blood-stained sword. Next to him, what appears to be a Premier League official is standing in a pool of blood with bags of money at his feet, and he is holding a rainbow armband in tatters. Recently, the Premier League has cracked down both on racism and the discrimination of the LGBTQ+ community through various initiatives, including taking a knee before each game and sporting rainbow shoelaces and armbands. The majority of players take a knee before each game, with only a few exceptions. The rainbow campaign remains less prominent among players yet is still supported by most. These campaigns extend beyond just the players. Within each broadcast, the Premier League includes graphics underneath the scorecard with slogans such as “No Room For Racism.” These initiatives have highlighted the English football community’s united stance, for the most part, on these issues. They have issued strong and clear messages repeatedly denouncing any form discrimination within the sport. Despite some continued instances of discrimination, notably after the final of the 2020 UEFA European Football Championship, there has been progress towards eliminating racism. Indeed, it is this progress that facilitated Australian football player Josh Cavallo to come out as gay on October 27th 2021, thus becoming the first and only openly gay player in top-flight football, and one of the only openly gay athletes in any major sports leagues across the world. Now that Saudi Arabia’s P.I.F. has been accepted into the football community, it will create the sense that the LGBTQ+ are less welcome. While it may not affect the English LGBTQ+ community directly, since Newcastle will probably continue to support the various LGBTQ+ campaigns, it makes it abundantly clear that, despite the warm words, football’s governing bodies value money over inclusivity and the protection of human rights. Football fans have rallied behind the LGBTQ+ community to criticize the Premier League for approving the deal, many citing Saudi Arabia’s continued criminalization of homosexual behavior. Indeed, Saudi Arabia continues to encourage violence and repression of the LGBTQ+, as it operates under an uncodified criminal code based on Sharia Law, which strongly prohibits any form of homosexual activity. Public floggings are a routine occurrence and many gay citizens have been imprisoned. However, Saudi Arabia’s human rights abuses extend far beyond the LGBTQ+ community. Intellectuals and activists across the country are imprisoned for speaking out against Mohammed bin Salman’s regime. This includes Raid Badawi who was imprisoned in 2012 on the charge of “insulting Islam through electronic channels.” Public demonstrations by groups of people are also a criminal act. Women remain heavily repressed in practice and in law, with many laws ensuring that they remain subordinate to men. Harassment and intimidation are common practices that women in Saudi Arabia face on a regular basis. Indeed, in 2015 alone, the Ministry of Labor and Social Development reported over 8,000 cases of violent and psychological abuse. Only very recently have small steps been taken to make Saudi society more inclusive towards women, such as the extension of the right to drive. However, Saudi Arabia remains extremely patriarchal. Saudi Arabia’s ardent censorship also caused the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018 for being critical of the regime, and his death sparked outrage around the world. Furthermore, Saudi Arabia remains one of the world’s top executioners, as dozens of people are put to death every year, often in the form of public beheadings. Other controversial issues include the civil war in Yemen that Saudi Arabia takes an active role in, the continued use of torture as a state-sanctioned punishment, religious discrimination against Shi’a minorities, and the banning of human rights organizations such as Amnesty International. The wife of murdered journalist Jamal Khashoggi expressed her shock that the Premier League approved the Newcastle deal. She also expressed her sadness in relation to the state of Newcastle United and English football in general, due to their acceptance of authoritarian regimes into the sport. Despite the controversy and widespread condemnation, Newcastle fans have celebrated the takeover, as many hope that increased investment from the P.I.F. will lift the club out of a cycle of misfortune and failure that has plagued it over the past 20 years. Alan Shearer, the Premier League’s all-time top scorer and a Newcastle legend, hailed the takeover as a “special day” for the club’s supporters. Shearer acknowledged the concerns regarding Saudi Arabia’s human rights abuses, yet cited “Russians” (Chelsea), “Chinese” (Wolverhampton Wanderers) and “Abu Dhabi” (Manchester City) as a justification for Saudi Arabia’s presence in the Premier League. When asked about human rights concerns, many Newcastle fans defended their joy by citing Saudi Arabia’s investments in Twitter, Facebook and Uber, arguing that we, as a society, have not stopped using these platforms as a result, and continue to enrich Saudi Arabia by using these platforms. So, they argue, why shouldn’t Newcastle fans rejoice if it means it will bring their club more success? Rona Evain, the executive director of the Football Supporters Europe Association, argues persuasively that the ethical considerations within football are more important due to the sport’s influence on society. He considers this to be why football must place more emphasis on ethics. “The example given is that the Saudi sovereign fund has also invested in Uber and so on, but people don’t have posters of Uber cars at home. They don’t have tattoos of the logo on their skin or take their children to Uber’s AGM [Annual General Meeting].” Evain joins the wider call for stricter ownership tests to prevent similar regimes from engaging in acts of sportswashing, a term used to describe the process of countries or states using sports teams or events to improve their political image, both domestically and abroad. The failure of the Premier League to block the deal highlights how football remains an industry driven by greedy bureaucrats who are willing to sacrifice ethical issues in favor of monetary gain. Authoritarian regimes are increasingly using sportswashing to distract attention from their oppressive behavior. This includes the Chinese Olympics in 2008, the Russian World Cup in 2018 and Winter Olympics in 2014, and attention is now turning to the 2022 Qatar World Cup. This is an issue that is not going away anytime soon, and therefore, must be addressed if the footballing community is to become as inclusive and egalitarian as it pretends to be on the surface.

When faced with a situation this severe, it is imperative to remain cognizant of our chosen course of study. Our specialization in the Middle East entails a collective duty — we must band together to support this region in which we are all so invested. < Back Prices Soar as the Egyptian Economy Enters a Recession By Catarina Vita February 28, 2023 Egypt, which has been in an economic recession since before its manifestations of political discontent in 2011, accumulates 85.6 percent of its economy in debt. As Egyptians demanded “bread, freedom and social equality” during the Arab Spring, their nation was plagued with precarious living standards and an unstable economy. Protests petitioning better administration of the economy brought global awareness to the Egyptian situation. Unemployment raged due to serious issues in infrastructure — such as the precarious maintenance of roads and unhelpful urban planning — besides the grave mismanagement of national economic investments. From 2013 to 2014, 6 percent of the Egyptian Gross Domestic Product was directed to fuel subsidies, which neglected the healthcare and infrastructure sectors. The towering unemployment rate of 13.4 percent in 2013 is largely due to infrastructure itself; the lack of road maintenance makes the working commute harder, similarly to the urban planning that could be better. As a result, Egypt enters a vicious cycle — or downward spiral — of dangerously low economic growth. The Egyptian Arab Spring activists in 2011 watched the economic recession rise from 9.8 percent to 13.5 percent in 2013 — and this percentage only grows. Besides the overinvestment in the fuel industry, the funding of long-term projects, such as building a new metropolis and the artificial “Green River,” a chain of lakes below the desert, also bog down the Egyptian economy. These two projects specifically exacerbate Egypt’s emergency climate crisis. When Nadeen Ebrahim from the CNN asked Professor Nabeel Elhady at Cairo University about his input on Egyptian artificial states, he responded that carrying water to an artificial metropolis is far from sustainable — environmentally and financially. Egypt continued to suffer economically in 2022. The impacts of the war in Ukraine reached the Middle East as fuel prices — the main source of investment in the Egyptian economy — climbed. Investors in Egypt swiftly retracted, causing the Egyptian pound to depreciate 14 percent against the U.S. dollar. Grain prices flew as Russian blockades made accessible trade impossible. Egypt, with Russia and Ukraine as two of its biggest importers of grain, no longer offered accessible bread prices, leading to widespread food insecurity. From 2021 to January 2023, the prices for chicken, a standard item for the Egyptian diet, went from 30 Egyptian pounds to 70. Chicken swiftly turned into a luxury item in Egyptian kitchens, and the National Institute of Nutrition responded to criticism with the suggestion of eating chicken feet, which is not commonly eaten in Egypt, according to CNN. Using a photoshopped picture of the world-famous soccer player Cristiano Ronaldo and the proposed meal idea, starving Egyptians resorted to this advice, and the price of chicken feet doubled. The National Institute of Nutrition swiftly deleted the post after Egyptian influencers and news organizations noticed the falsehood of the image. Home to over 100 million people, Egypt undergoes a downward spiral of economic insufficiency. The issues of food shortage and insecurity, lack of governmental credibility and raging unemployment simultaneously join hands during this crisis. For over ten years now, Egyptians have demanded “bread, freedom and social equality.” Hopefully, with global cooperation and more efficient economic investments, the Egyptian people will receive what they have for so long been asking for.

This sport recap is the first edition of a new project that the Menton Times has launched, in which it aims to recap all of the major sports news and events that have taken place during the weeks before each edition is published, in case you may have missed anything. < Back Sports Recap: February and March By Hugo Lagergren March 30, 2022 This sport recap is the first edition of a new project that the Menton Times has launched, in which it aims to recap all of the major sports news and events that have taken place during the weeks before each edition is published, in case you may have missed anything. The sport community stands united with Ukraine: Like much of the world, the sporting community has rallied together to show its solidarity with the people of Ukraine. In light of Russia’s violent invasion of the country, each sport has found different ways of expressing its solidarity with Ukraine, often at the expense of Russian athletes. From the disqualification of Russian athletes to the wearing of the Ukrainian flag, the sporting world's response has been strong, both on an institutional and individual level. The most significant show of support might be FIFA’s decision to disqualify the Russian national football team from participating in their World Cup qualifier versus Poland. The decision came after FIFA had initially declared that Russia would be allowed to compete under the name “Football Union of Russia.” After intense pressure from the Polish, Swedish, and Czech football associations (FA), its opponents in the World Cup qualifying knockout stages, and the International Olympic Committee (IOC), FIFA were forced to disqualify Russia from the tournament. The ban also prevents Russia’s women’s football team from competing in any tournaments or matches. In a joint-statement with FIFA, UEFA also banned Russian clubs from participating in any European club competitions. This includes the Champions League, the Europa League and the Europa Conference League. As a result of this ban, Spartak Moscow were eliminated from their Europa League Round of 16 tie against RB Leipzig. This was the only Russian club still competing in a European club competition, hence the only club affected by UEFA’s ban. Russia recently lost its appeal to have this ban lifted by the Court of Arbitration for Sport. UEFA has also terminated its sponsorship deal with Gazprom, a major Russian oil company. The termination of such a relationship will undoubtedly affect UEFA as the deal, in place since 2012, has been reported to be worth around 40 million euros per season. In addition to this, UEFA has decided to move the 2022 UEFA Champions League final, which was originally planned to be played in Saint Petersburg, to the Stade de France in Paris. Following a request from the Ukrainian FA, FIFA has also postponed their World Cup qualifying match versus Scotland due to the ongoing fighting raging within the country. Originally scheduled to be played on the 24th March, it has been postponed indefinitely, with discussions under way for a new date, with the international break in June being the most likely option. Possibly one of the biggest stories currently within the football world is concerning the ownership of Chelsea FC by Russian billionaire Roman Abramovich, whose self-proclaimed “father and son” relationship with Putin caused the UK government to freeze Abramovich’s assets on the 10 March. In the days after the invasion, sanctions were handed out to Russian officials. Yet, initially, Abramovich was not included in these sanctions. Abramovich made it clear that he wanted to shield the club from any political backlash, and hence, attempted to sell the club before the UK government managed to slap him with sanctions. He failed to do so in time, and the UK government took control of Chelsea. A special license has been issued by the government which allows Chelsea to continue playing, however, after 10 March, no extra tickets could be sold and the club’s shop would be forced to close. The sanctions on Abramovich interrupted the sale of the club, however, the UK government has shown itself to be “open in the future to considering a license that would permit the sale of Chelsea FC,” on the condition that Abramovich make no profit from the sale. As bids continue to come in, Abramovich estimates the club to be worth around 3 billion USD. Abramovich’s love of the club remains apparent. He has stated his willingness to forgo the 1.5 billion GBP in loans he has made to the club over the last two decades, as paying this would, no doubt, have a crippling effect on the club’s financial structure. Abramovich is expected to make a decision on the club’s sale in the coming days. The International Paralympics Committee also ruled that Russian and Belorussian athletes would not compete in the 2022 Beijing Winter Paralympics that day before the games started. In Formula 1, a few weeks before the beginning of the 2022 season, US-based team Haas terminated Russian driver Nikita Mazepin’s contract, as well as their main sponsorship deal with the Russian company, Uralkali. This decision came after the FIA ( Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile ), Formula 1’s governing body, gave Mazepin the go ahead to continue racing in Formula 1, on the condition that he race under a neutral flag. Mazepin has since been extremely vocal in criticizing Haas for their decision. The International Tennis Federation (ITF) is one of the only major sports governing bodies which is yet to impose bans on Russian athletes. With Russian tennis player Danil Medvedev making history, by taking the top spot of the ATP World Rankings off Novak Djokovic for the first time, the ITF came under intense pressure to ban Russian athletes from competing and revoke Medvedev’s position as World Number 1. They responded by stating the Russian and Belorussian athletes would be allowed to compete, as long as they agreed not to compete under the name or flag of their respective countries. However, the sport with the biggest Russian representation is undoubtedly ice hockey, and for this reason, people waited apprehensively for ice hockey’s governing body, the International Ice Hockey Federation (IIHF), to address to situation. Their response did not hold back. The IIHF banned any Russian or Belorussian players from competing in any IIHF tournaments “until further notice.” The Federation also withdrew Russia’s hosting rights for the 2023 World Juniors. On the other hand, the National Hockey League (NHL), the most popular club ice hockey competition in the world, took a more moderate approach. Whilst the NHL has not banned Russian players from participating in the competition, it has suspended relations with its Russian business partners and has paused its Russian language social and digital media sites. Russian-born Alexander Ovechkin, hailed as one of the greatest ice hockey players of all time, spoke out against the war and called for peace. However, he stopped short of criticizing Russia and Putin. Many Russian athletes, including Medvedev, have also taken this course of action. They call for peace, yet are unable to criticize the Russian president directly. This highlights the fear that Putin instills within his citizens, even within top Russian athletes who live abroad. As sport plays such a large role in our societies culture, it is important for the sports world to continue to take a strong stance on Russia's unprovoked act of aggression. The reason being that we idolize sportsmen and women. Economic sanctions successfully cripple Russia’s economy, however, it affects people less on an individual level. We don’t have posters of big oil companies on our wall, or take our children to said companies’ AGMs. On the other hand, sport acts as a temple for millions of people. Attending football games and following clubs and national teams religiously results in athletes being raised up and placed on a pedestal. This gives them a responsibility to behave appropriately, as their actions often resonate across wide swathes of society, due to the influence they possess. It is for this reason that it is so pleasing to see so many athletes supporting Ukraine on an individual level. Certain football players, including Polish striker Robert Lewandowski, have started wearing armbands with the Ukrainian flag. Premier League clubs continue to broadcast the Ukrainian flag on screens within the stadium before games begin and fans showcase homemade banners, flags and slogans which highlight their solidarity with the people of Ukraine. Football: Sadio Mané scored the winning penalty as Senegal defeated Mohamed Salah’s Egypt to qualify for the 2022 Qatar FIFA World Cup amid controversy. Opposition fans shone bright-green lasers in the faces of the Egyptian players throughout the match. After the match, the Egyptian FA claimed that their team had been subjected to racism and other intimidation tactics. Morocco, Tunisia, Ghana and Cameroon also qualified. In Europe, Portugal and Poland booked their place in Qatar at the expense of North Macedonia and Sweden. Following a shock early defeat to North Macedonia, European champions Italy will miss out on the World Cup for the second time running. Canada managed to qualify for the first time in 36 years. Uruguay and Ecuador joined Brazil and Argentina as the South American teams to have secured qualification for the World Cup. In other news, the Premier League title race is heating up as Liverpool moves within one point of Manchester City, following their poor run of form. With 9 games left in the season, and both teams still competing in the Champions League and FA Cup, the stage is set for an intense race to the finish line between Klopp’s Liverpool and Guardiola’s Man City. Liverpool, who recently beat Chelsea to win the League Cup are no doubt looking to build on this, by completing a historic quadruple. A feat never before achieved by an English side. The Champions League Round of 16 provided some serious shocks as well. PSG were eliminated by Real Madrid, after a 17-minute hattrick by Karim Benzema sent the Bernabeu into raptures. Another disappointing end to PSG desperate attempts to get their hands on the elusive Champions League trophy. The summer transfer window saw them bringing in the likes of Sergio Ramos, Gianluigi Donnarumma and Lionel Messi to strengthen their chances of Champions League glory. Their early exit from the competition can only be seen as a huge disappointment, and questions have intensified over manager, Mauricio Pochettino’s future at the club. Villarreal also stunned Juventus by thrashing the old lady 3-0 in Turin to send them through to the quarter-finals of the competition. The quarter-final draw in full: Chelsea vs Real Madrid Manchester City vs Atlético Madrid Villarreal vs Bayern Munich Benfica vs Liverpool In Ligue 1, Nice have continued their successful run of form as they jostle with Marseille for 2nd place in the French championship and qualification for the Champions League. This would be a first for the club, as Nice have never qualified for the Champions League. Their success has extended to the French cup, where Nice managed to defeat both PSG and Marseille, earning them a place in the Final where they will 7th place Nantes. Rugby: In Rugby, France beat England at the Stade de France to win the Six Nations, completing their first Grand Slam in 12 years. Tries from Antoine Dupont and Gaël Fickou saw France breeze past England in a dominant display, much to the delight of the 80,000 French fans within the stadium. With France set to host the next Rugby World Cup in 2023, they will undoubtedly be considered the favorites, as reigning Champions South Africa have lost 4 out of their last 7 games. The final week of the Six Nations also saw Italy end their 36-match losing streak, with a stunning late victory against Wales. After Paolo Garbisi’s late conversion put Italy one point ahead of Wales in the dying embers of the game, the scenes were jubilant in Rome, with tears of joy being shed by players and fans alike. Formula 1: The first Grand Prix of the Formula 1 season saw Ferrari reestablish themselves by completing a 1-2 finish, with Charles Leclerc taking his 3rd career victory in Bahrain. The Scuderia ’s dominant display sets up an exciting three-way battle for the Championship, with Red Bull and a struggling Mercedes. Despite looking strong in testing, both Red Bulls were forced to retire late on in the race with powertrain issues, in what can be described as a nightmare start for the English team. Swimming: On 17 March, Lia Thomas became the first trans swimmer to win the NCAA women’s championship. This has reignited the heated debate surrounding transgender athletes’ participation in sport, as many call for her title to be taken away from her. Lia Thomas, originally William Thomas, was ranked 456th within the men’s event and jumped to 1st in the women’s event, above Olympic silver medalist Emma Weyant. American sports: In American football, the Los Angeles Rams scored a late touchdown to win the 56th edition of the Superbowl, beating the Cincinnati Bengals 23-20. On 15 March, American basketball player, Steph Curry of the Golden State Warriors, made history by becoming the all-time leading 3 point scorer, with 2977 pts, overtaking Ray Allen (2973 pts).

Although the human rights violations in Qatar and its threat to the environment are alarming, it is of the utmost importance that one approaches the situation holistically. Forced labor, environmental threats and the kafala system gained attention due to World Cup boycott conversations. While the tournament has already occurred, it is paramount to not discard these issues in future discourse. < Back Analyzing the Morality of the World Cup: Boycotts, Forced Labor and Human Rights By Catarina Vita December 31, 2022 Every four years, not only do football fans from all around the globe gather to watch the sport but so does most of the world’s population. FIFA, the International Federation of Football Association, is responsible for the World Cup and decided to host the 2022 games in Qatar. Appalled by the workers’ rights violations and the imminent climate crisis in Qatar, a portion of the World Cup audience considered boycotting the tournament. However, counterarguments arose: the consideration of a boycott only popularized when the World Cup was located in the Middle East, and Qatar’s longstanding history of poor labor rights makes the timing of the boycott hypocritical. With increased international knowledge of Qatar’s recently abolished kafala system, alongside continued worker maltreatment in the country, potential World Cup spectators considered not watching the tournament at all. The kafala system, by definition, is a labor system connecting foreign workers to a local employer with no relation to labor ministries. As a result, workers have no rights, and many complain about a lack of breaks and overwhelmingly long working hours. Despite the Qatari government’s 2016 termination of the system, Amnesty International reports that the reform was “inadequate” and still allowed foreign workers to be exploited by their bosses. Furthermore, it is also argued that Qatar did not have the proper infrastructure for the World Cup. The high mortality rate among immigrants was due to the fast-paced manual labor of building stadiums. The climate crisis in Qatar also made the choice of country subject to criticism. Due to the ever-rising temperature in the country, even during the fall season in November and December, the government installed air conditioners inside seven of eight football stadiums. The total Qatar World Cup carbon emissions predicted were upwards of 3.6 million tons, while the tournament in Brazil and Russia had an estimated two million tons emitted. Some perceive the boycott to be either ineffective or contradictory. Although FIFA was involved in an extensive corruption scandal throughout the 2010s, the other World Cups were still watched and appreciated. Moreover, human rights violations in other World Cup host countries, such as massive corruption and torture in Brazil and anti-LGBTQIA+ stances in Russia, did not incur such international resistance. Qatar was the first Middle Eastern nation to host a World Cup, and the fact that only then did boycott ideas surface raises questions about the general perceptions of Middle Eastern countries. Although the human rights violations in Qatar and threats to the environment are alarming, it is of the utmost importance that one approaches the situation holistically. Forced labor and the kafala system gained attention due to boycott conversations. While the World Cup has already occurred, it is paramount not to discard these issues in future discourse. The worsening climate crisis and human rights violations are not limited to one country in the Global South; as these conversations arose because of the World Cup, it is vital to research and raise awareness about them on a global scale.

In the West Bank and Gaza, where de facto democracy has long been out of the question and the destructive implications of war continue to devastate, a technocracy may be the only viable solution to address the needs of a population in ruins. < Back Constructing a Technocratic Government in Post-War Gaza By Lara Harmankaya March 31, 2024 Amidst debates on democracies and their discontents, technocracies often appear as a viable alternative model of governance. In the West Bank and Gaza, where de facto democracy has long been out of the question and the destructive implications of war continue to devastate, a technocracy may be the only viable solution to address the needs of a population in ruins. The Palestinian Authority (PA), which was inaugurated following the Oslo Peace Process between the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Israeli government, governs the West Bank under the banner of Fatah, a faction of the PLO. Born from the Gaza-Jericho Agreement, which promised the Palestinian populations residing in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip the future creation of an independent Palestinian state, the Palestinian Authority has lost any trace of domestic democratic legitimacy over the years. Following Hamas’ victory in the 2006 general elections and subsequent conflicts with Fatah, Gaza has been under the rule of the militant-terrorist group Hamas. This has led to the fragmented political system that is found today, where the two territories are under the control of two rival political groups. For many Palestinians, this fracture has been among the most harmful obstacles to the Palestinian cause, leading to disunity in the movement for nation-building. The potential for democratic rule in the PA, although promising at the start, has diminished tremendously over the years. The cancellation of the presidential and legislative elections in 2021 by the President of the PA, Mahmoud Abbas, is a recent example of the stymied space for political plurality. His four-year term was meant to have ended in 2009. Yet, with his rule by decree, strict control over the judicial system, dissolution of the legislative council and purging of rivals, he continues to dominate the PA and the PLO. To make matters worse, the opposition candidate for the 2021 elections, Nizar Banat, is said to have died in police custody, sparking popular outrage from within the Palestinian population. In general, the PA is viewed by many Palestinians with suspicion; according to a study by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PCPSR), more than half of the Palestinians surveyed in June 2023 were in favor of the dissolution of the PA. The proliferation of illegal Israeli settlements in Area C of the West Bank, alongside PA cooperation with the Israeli Defense Forces to repress internal Palestinian opposition, have been the final nail in the coffin for the PA’s popular legitimacy. With the Israeli government’s increasing control over the administration and civil affairs in Areas A and B as well, the PA has come to be perceived as complicit in Israel’s actions. In the eyes of many, it is no longer a real autonomous authority capable of governance. It is also dependent on international and Israeli funding, leading critics to wonder whether it can ever truly take a resolute stance against these foreign actors. Especially after the chaos that superseded Oct. 7, the PA has proven one thing: it is unable to effectively deal with Hamas and ease the plight of Palestinians. In the name of political survival, the PA has not remained as the one true representative of the Palestinian general public. The West Bank’s fragile democracy thus suffers from a double blow on legitimacy: it is ruled by an authority that is deemed ‘authoritarian’ by the Freedom House and is under Israeli occupation in certain territories. However, calls for a reform, emerging from both internal and external actors, seem to have resurfaced now with the resignation of the Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh and his cabinet. This arrives at a time of “international orientation supporting the establishment of a single Palestinian Authority over all of the Palestinian territories,” according to Minister of Social Affairs, Ahmed Majdalaini. The United States’ vocal approval of such efforts to “reform and revitalize” evinces this, having long been preceded by pressures for political unity and the restructuring of the PA. It is still unclear whether the resignation is a move to preserve the existing structures rather than revitalize the system itself, but if the proposal for technocracy is truly meaningful, then the necessary reconstruction of the Palestinian Authority may follow through. Amidst the uncertainty of the current state of the Hamas-Israel war, envisioning reconstruction in Gaza under a technocratic government offers a glimmer of hope to the disillusioned populations of the Palestinian territories. The technocratic government would not only end the political and territorial split of the PA but could also overcome the problems of ‘corruption, nepotism and inefficiency’, in the words of former PA official Ghaith al-Omari, that it has been associated with over the past few years. Although sources offer varying visions of what the technocratic government would look like, or how long it would last for, the basic consensus is that the negotiation process would represent different factions and different regional players, including Egypt. It would operate outside the realm of politics and would be governed by nonpartisan experts until the time is right for elections. A popular example of a technocratic government in recent years was found in Italy, where the Prime Minister post was taken up by economist Mario Monti. His 13-month government has been applauded for plunging Italy out of a crisis of credibility through its decisive structural reforms. Technocracies have been deemed in a positive light in parliamentary democracies, especially when appointed for a limited time horizon to respond to emergencies. Despite lacking the legitimacy that comes with a democratic vote, these governments have proven to be successful in getting things done. Particularly in a place as embedded in failed governance as Gaza, the chance of depoliticizing administration and establishing a government that is not inherently attached to the complex politics of the region must be grabbed. More importantly, the civil and social rights of the residents of Gaza, which have been persistently violated, can finally be protected. Foreign minister Al-Maliki articulates the goals and needs of the Palestinian people in the following words, “We want to be accepted and engaging fully with the international community. We want to get contribution[s] that help in order for us to be able to provide first of all the necessary services to our people, emergency services, then to talk about how we can reconstruct Gaza after such devastating destruction." The technocratic government can re-establish international ties to bring these to life. The endorsement of the United States, Saudi Arabia and other Arab states for this technocratic government, however, does raise questions about sovereignty and the role of these foreign powers in its establishment. Moreover, it is uncertain whether Israel will be equally willing to relinquish control over Gaza at the end of the war; the Knesset recently voted against “unilateral” recognition of a Palestinian state. The very survival of the PA appears to be precarious. But it is worth noting that the talk of the formation of this technocratic government can itself be construed as part of a larger strategy of reaching a ceasefire. Politically uniting the leadership of Palestinians also brings them closer to the prospect of a Palestinian state in the years to come. It is undeniable that the stakes are high for the future politics of Gaza. The viability of a technocratic state can also be questioned. Nevertheless, it is now evident that the international community is prepared to conceive of scenarios for a long-term resolution. A plethora of points for contemplation arise from this new proposal, starting with: to what extent will the international community be involved in post-resolution Gaza? Will a true democracy follow the technocratic government? Or will it follow the precedent of Mahmoud Abbas’s 19-year presidency? Could collaboration in reconstruction efforts mitigate tensions between Arab states and the United States? Can stability ever exist in Gaza? A statement by the Chinese premier Zhou en-Lai, made when responding to what he thinks of the French Revolution of 1789, is equally valid as an answer to these questions: “It is too early to tell.”

< Back From Mist to Magic: Menton’s Unstoppable Spirit at WEIS Eleni Dimitropoulou I don’t know where to start or end in describing the experience I lived through in three days in November, from the 9th to the 11th, in a place so different from our sunny Menton. In Nancy, a city draped in a veil of cold mist, despite the frost, there’s a surprising warmth that flows through its streets—not from the weather, but from the people. It’s a place where the cold is constant, yet the atmosphere buzzes with life, energy and a sense of belonging that feels anything but icy. Source: Science Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024 In the north of France, our university’s delegation, made up of around 100 people, gathered to compete in more than ten different sports, including volleyball, basketball, soccer, handball, rugby and cheerleading. Despite their excitement, we faced a major challenge even before arriving at the facilities: a grueling 15-hour overnight journey to Nancy, with a mix of trains and buses that tested our patience. We started by train as the sun dipped below the horizon from Menton carrying us through the Cote d’Azur, with the destination of Marseille. A midnight bus transfer broke what little rhythm we had. The journey through the French countryside along dark, winding roads was restless, with stolen moments of sleep between jolts. At the final stop, hunger set in, and a vending machine raid became our makeshift breakfast. By the time we arrived in Nancy at dawn, we were exhausted but relieved, our journey through the night finally behind us. Upon arrival, we had to wait for the organizers and other participants in 6°C weather. Yet this did not dampen our spirits. On the contrary, Menton's team once again demonstrated the spirit of fair play, cooperation, teamwork and enthusiasm. With their well-known chants and songs, they not only raised the bar for everyone else but also sparked waves of excitement and joy. Their loud, energetic voices were so impressive that the teams arriving in buses stared at them, amazed at how such a small group with limited resources—just a few microphones and dysfunctional speakers—managed to create such a stir, even in the challenging weather. This wasn’t just noise; it was a statement. It was our way of setting the tone for the games while also braving the cold. Source: Maria Marangoni, November 2024. On the first day, although exhausted, the mentonnais didn’t stop singing for two or three hours straight. We engaged in friendly competitions, danced in the freezing cold and formed human chains. And when the time came for the first event—cheerleading—everyone was there, without exception. Even when technical difficulties caused the music to stop, the rhythmic clapping of the students not only encouraged our team but also proved that Menton wasn’t there just for victories; they were there for the experience, as a team and as a community. Source: Maria Marangoni, Sciences Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024. That’s what set us apart from other campuses. While they were supportive of their athletes, our group felt like a family—synchronized, unified and full of vibrant energy. You could feel the pulse of the team beating strongly. By the time Friday ended, despite minor setbacks, our team had once again cemented its reputation as the campus with the best atmosphere, renowned for organizing unforgettable parties where no one could resist dancing. During a short marathon of bar hopping in Nancy, I can objectively say that Menton’s students lived up to their title. Playing drinking games, dancing non-stop, dominating at pool, and even throwing a surprise party for a teammate; we created a magnetic atmosphere. Other campuses gravitated toward Menton’s gathering, staying for hours, captivated by the lively and enchanting energy. It felt almost surreal, like stepping into a dream. Sadly, we couldn’t keep the night going as long as we wished, knowing that an early morning awaited us, filled with sports events. But that night would remain unforgettable for everyone. Saturday was packed with games—three or four for each sport. We experienced both wins and mostly losses. Yet no one felt discouraged, angry or disappointed. Every team gave their best, and despite lacking coaches, sufficient practice sessions or proper training facilities, our effort was unmatched. This even inspired other teams to support us. Of course, I must mention our injured teammates, who gave everything on the field and sacrificed themselves for the victory. Even with injuries to their arms or legs, they showed up early, cheered endlessly and danced with the same spirit. Source: Maria Marangoni, Sciences Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024. We must also highlight the hospitality of Nancy’s students, who warmly welcomed us despite the chilly temperatures. They opened their homes to us, introduced us to their style of partying—with plenty of beer—and invited us to pre-drinks and after-parties. We are deeply grateful to them for putting up with us for three whole days! Some of them hosted more than 15 people in their homes, and while the situation was chaotic, it had its own unique charm. The party organized at a club, while modest compared to those we’re used to, had its own magic. Students and athletes from all over the world came together, blending cultures and traditions. It was indescribable. During the day, these athletes were serious and focused, but for the first time, they let loose—dancing on tables and singing as one big family. I believe these inter-campus games are like our own Olympics, giving us a chance not only to broaden our horizons but to interact with people of different mindsets and lifestyles. Source: Sciences Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024. Rumors circulated that Menton students stuck to themselves and sang their own chants in the club, but I know for certain that many new friendships—perhaps even more than friendships— were formed during this event. And as for the rest? Well, some were seen wearing KRO outfits, sporting purple paint and leaving everyone wondering...let's just say, the Menton crew might have a lot to explain. However, to the best of my knowledge, no student from the Menton campus participated in the well-known “chelem” bet, at least not yet. The final day, Monday, was arguably the most significant. Even though we didn’t win in most sports and didn’t place in the top three, we were waiting for two important events: the ping pong match featuring our standout players, Finn and Charlie, who made us all proud by securing third place, and the awards ceremony. Source: Maria Marangoni, Sciences Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024. One award, traditionally given to the most spirited campus, seemed destined for us. Our energy, liveliness and unparalleled effort should have made this award ours. This was confirmed not only by our team but also by the opinions of other participants and athletes. A survey conducted before the awards by MentonTV showed that 80% of respondents believed we deserved the prix d’ambiance. Yet, inexplicably, we were overlooked. The road home was long and somber, as all our hopes had been dashed. We had given everything but still didn’t understand the outcome. But, dear readers, don’t be disheartened. BDS, in collaboration with UMMAH, our ultras, will come back stronger than ever in the upcoming Minicrit—the Collegéades. This was merely a test during WEIS, an experiment. Remember, we have not yet revealed all our cards, which, for your information, are full of aces. We endured a grueling 15-hour trip, raced to Burger King like our lives depended on it (Hunger Games Menton Edition), and a three-hour wait in the most dangerous city in France. And if you think these challenges would leave us besieged or discouraged, you’re mistaken. We have countless tasks ahead, but despite the hardships, our goal remains unshaken. With determination, hard work, and unwavering willpower, everything is possible, even attending a 9 am class after a sleepless and challenging night!!! In this article, I would like to extend my gratitude to the incredible people who made this trip special not just for me, but for the entire team and even for other campuses: Faustine and Robin : Awarded the Best Organization Team. Alexia : The Best Face Painter. Elia and Katalina : The Best Replacement for Megaphones. Antoine : The supporter and player who, even with an injury, never stopped chanting. Nour, Salah, Jasmine, Chloe and Ines : For incorporating Loulou, even when she was broken. Bus 1 : For having the Best Ambiance. Matine : We owe you some green clothes after your incident with the “valise”! Istvan : Awarded the Best Drummer among all campuses. Next time be careful of your drum. Nancy stole it thrice!!! Madeleine and Marwan : Our birthday players and lucky stars. Maria and Landon : The Best Photographer and Videographer. BDS : For creating the best maillots, which other campuses even tried to steal from us. All Captains (Charlie, Florian, Syrine, Theophille, Ylies, Catalina, Aymen, Orlane and Nina) : For organizing and guiding us through every step. An honorable mention to all those who returned to Menton without a voice, especially some of the 1As: Camille, Juliette, Lou and Max. We are eagerly counting down to the next Minicrit, which will take place from May 19th to 21st in Reims. This time, we’re coming prepared to conquer and excel. Ashad urid el intissar! Stay tuned for updates and be ready to witness the spirit of unity, resilience, and triumph as we aim for the stars! Source: Sciences Po Menton's WEIS Photography Team, November 2024. Previous Next

From this quick study of a small sample of words imbued with cultural insights, one can see how preserving Judeo-Arabic, ensuring its longevity in scholarly study and lived experience, keeps alive a distinct Jewish experience and yet an additional, deeper understanding of its relation and similarities to surrounding cultures and peoples. < Back Judeo-Arabic: A Dying Dialect, A Culture that Must Not Be Forgotten By Maia Zasler March 30, 2024 א אבאנא אלדי פי אלסמואת, יתׄקדס אסמך, תׄאתׄי מלכותׄך This is not Hebrew. Although each letter, read from right to left, surely resembles those of the Hebrew alphabet, this particular excerpt from the Lord’s Prayer is an example of Judeo-Arabic. Judeo-Arabic is an ethnnolect, which has been defined as “a linguistic entity with its own history and used by a distinct language community.” Jews from Morocco, Yemen, Iraq, Syria, and Iran have spoken and shared its sonorous sentences, sayings, benedictions and curse words for thousands of years. In each regional case, Arabic serves as the substrate, or base, language and Hebrew and Aramaic maintain significant influence on all of Judeo-Arabic’s components, such as cultural-specific vocabulary, morphology, syntax, and phonology. As of 2024, less than 240,000 native speakers of Judeo-Arabic remain. The memory of the language, its intrinsic value, has seemingly faded into a linguistic background, an archive accessed only by a handful of scholars who take an interest. This phenomena has been driven by the simultaneous fading of the once vibrant Jewish communities in the Arab World. Jews in the mid-20th century who were forced to leave their lives behind under threat of persecution, and who went to the nascent State of Israel, then faced a different, unexpected sort of discrimination from the incumbent Eastern European Jewish population. Viewed as second class citizens, the Mizrahi Jewish immigrants were actively encouraged to drop their mother-tongue and to speak Hebrew. These Mizrahi refugees faced hardships in temporary displacement camps, far from their homes in Iraq, or Syria, or other Arab countries from where they had fled. They were quickly immersed in Ulpan programs, learning Hebrew upon arrival and adopting it for functional, daily use. In many cases, the Jews who settled in the United States, Great Britain, or France, etc. were quick to assimilate, also letting go of their ties to Judeo-Arabic. Judeo-Arabic is a colorful language, a means of connection between familiar faces, between friends and family. Its playful phrases, aggrandized negative references, associated ceremonies and customs must not be forgotten, lest a whole history be forgotten along with it. Foods Foods are at the center of most Jewish festivals. Each diasporic community has adapted to the range of ingredients available in a given region while still consistently integrating long-held religious customs. In the case of the Baghdadi Rosh Hashanah tradition—a celebration of the Jewish New Year where Iraqi Jews would pray in Hebrew for strength and G-d’s benevolence—foods eaten during the holiday are symbolic. They correspond with words from the Hebrew prayers that retain phonetic resemblance to the Arabic names for certain foods. For example, in looking towards a New Year, Jews pray to take heart against dark forces, whether an individual’s internal struggles or an external enemy. In Hebrew, the word for heart is lev . Sounding close to the Arabic word loubia (meaning long beans), loubia are always placed at the dinner table. The Hebrew for the verb “to end” ( yitamu ), as in “to end our enemies’ hateful conquests” is similar to the Arabic word for “dates” ( temmer ). Additionally, the Hebrew for “cut off” ( yikartu ), as in to “cut off our enemies”—whether they be external or internal, self-destructive tendencies—has a phonetic correspondence to the Arabic k’rath (“parsley”). The foods eaten by other Arab Jewish communities only differ slightly based on dialect. Ceremony B’frahak; “May you be the next to get married” This wish of goodwill to unmarried young ladies would be said at wedding festivities. B’milah Yet another wish whispered or shouted at wedding ceremonies… but, in this case, it is said directly to the bride, encouraging her to have a baby. Milah is drawn from Hebrew, or, more specifically, the Jewish ceremony of brit milah , a bris, which occurs eight days after a baby boy is born. The expression demonstrates the Jewish cultural emphasis on l’dor v’dor , from generation to generation. A wish to pass down tradition and love to one’s children offered at such an important life cycle event illustrates the strength of the Arab Jewish community and the importance of familial ties. Ash Deedak “Bless your hands,” or compliments to the chef - said in appreciation of a warm meal or a particularly delicious dish. Mash’Allah “May he/she walk with G-d” - said to protect against any evil when someone is complimented or when they are singled out for doing something well. Curse Words Judeo-Arabic is filled with clever (and occasionally not so clever, but ever cutting) curses. From this category of vernacular in any language, one may paradoxically catch a glimpse into what that culture values. If something or someone is important enough to be the subject of scorn, it must carry weight in a community. Sometimes, single words get a message across: zmal (meaning “donkey”) or booma (an “owl,” sarcastically referencing, anything but wise). Other times, a conglomeration of words must be employed. Den alabook laboo a book laboo jabbek ; “A shoe on your father, your father’s father, and your father’s mother” Family ties held a special place of honor in Arab Jewish communities. In the Arab world, it is traditionally considered a high insult to flash or hit another with the bottom of one’s shoe. Incorporating the value of family and the culturally-laden affront of the shoe, this sentence offers a comprehensive reference that delivers a profound sting. The words we use give us insight into the values of our community, of our cultures. To lose just one word from a language or dialect does a disservice to current and future generations. From this quick study of a small sample of words imbued with cultural insights, one can see how preserving Judeo-Arabic, ensuring its longevity in scholarly study and lived experience, keeps alive a distinct Jewish experience and yet an additional, deeper understanding of its relation and similarities to surrounding cultures and peoples. These elements are crucial to understanding the entire Middle East, for they are embedded in the region’s history and are key to comprehending its progression.

Dans son discours d’investiture du 20 janvier 2025, Trump, acteur autoproclamé du renouveau civilisationnel, appelle les Américains à agir « avec le courage, la vigueur et la vitalité de la plus grande civilisation de l’histoire. » Et, comme tout bon pays prétendument civilisé, il faudrait évidemment montrer l’exemple à ceux qui seraient restés dans la barbarie, ceux qui n’auraient pas encore « évolué. » < Back De l’autre côté du mur : voix arabes face à la mission civilisatrice Selma Boufaroua Dans son discours d’investiture du 20 janvier 2025, Trump, acteur autoproclamé du renouveau civilisationnel, appelle les Américains à agir « avec le courage, la vigueur et la vitalité de la plus grande civilisation de l’histoire. » Et, comme tout bon pays prétendument civilisé, il faudrait évidemment montrer l’exemple à ceux qui seraient restés dans la barbarie, ceux qui n’auraient pas encore « évolué. » C’est exactement ce qu’avaient fait au XIXᵉ siècle la France en Algérie, les États-Unis aux Philippines, ou encore la Belgique, le Portugal et le Royaume-Uni en Afrique. De la « mission civilisatrice » au « fardeau de l’Homme blanc, » de la « Destinée manifeste » au « lusotropicalisme, » chacun a trouvé la formule parfaite pour emballer son projet colonial selon l’époque. Un projet censé lisser des populations jugées trop bruyantes, remettre dans le droit chemin des destinées qui, sans cela, dévieraient naturellement. Le racisme, la haine de l’autre et le désir de « civiliser » ceux qui ne le seraient pas n’ont pas disparu : ces mêmes idées ressurgissent dans les discours de bien des chefs d’État qui se prétendent pourtant modernes. Un schéma colonial qui persiste : l'exemple sioniste Ainsi, l’État d’Israël, proclamé en 1948 et contesté jusqu’à aujourd’hui, s’inscrit lui aussi dans le sillon de cette mission civilisatrice européenne : « nous formerions là-bas un élément d’un mur contre l’Asie, ainsi que l’avant-poste de la civilisation contre la barbarie. » Cette phrase ne vient ni d’un extrémiste marginal, ni d’un provocateur isolé : elle est tirée du Der Judenstaat , rédigé par Theodor Herzl lui-même, fondateur du sionisme moderne. Le projet même d’État se verrait alors légitimé, en partie, parce qu’il constituerait un rempart face à un monde arabe présenté comme sauvage et dangereux. Mais que se passe-t-il de l’autre côté du mur ? Dans ce monde qualifié de barbare, colonisé durant des siècles et surreprésenté dans les médias ? Comment réagit-il à cette mission censée le « civiliser, » lui qui ne souffrirait, selon cette logique, que d’une différence perçue comme une malédiction le vouant à une éternelle décrépitude ? La réponse n’est pas uniforme : le monde arabe n’est pas une entité homogène suivant une pensée unique et ordonnée. Ce qui est sûr, c’est que se rassembler et se battre pour affirmer un héritage commun ont été des idées mobilisatrices dès les débuts de la ‘mission civilisatrice’ imposée à ces populations. Les nationalistes arabes défendent alors l’idée d’une seule nation, de l’Atlantique au Golfe, affranchie de toute dépendance. En Occident, ce nationalisme est perçu comme une réaction « contre un état de fait colonial, » surgissant dans les années 1930. Il prône ainsi un État fort, soutenu par un sentiment patriotique fondé sur une langue (l’arabe) et une religion (l’islam). Zyad Hafez, dans La Résurgence du nationalisme arabe , explique que le sentiment nationaliste est profondément ancré : interrogées sur leur identité, de nombreuses personnes dans différents pays arabes affirment que leur identité arabe prime sur toutes les autres (pays, communauté voire religion). C’est un sentiment d’unité avant tout, qui précède les régimes, les institutions ou les confessions. Sati’ al-Husari (1880-1968) voyait d’ailleurs dans la nation arabe une entité vieille de plusieurs millénaires : « la langue est son âme et l’histoire sa mémoire. » Un nationalisme inclusif et démocratique ? Contrairement à certains nationalismes du XIXᵉ siècle, les fondateurs du nationalisme arabe soulignent que leur projet repose sur le « refus de l’exclusion et l’ouverture à tous les courants. » La CNA, Conférence Nationaliste Arabe, fonctionne comme un véritable parlement du nationalisme arabe moderne, où se côtoient anciens baassistes, nassériens, marxistes, chrétiens et musulmans, tous invités à débattre. Le Centre d'études de l'Unité arabe (CEUA), qui lui est rattaché, organise des colloques et propose des solutions concrètes à des questions telles que : « Comment faire la démocratie dans le monde arabe ? » L’objectif est d’adapter la démocratie aux réalités diverses du monde arabe, un défi devant lequel les États-Unis par exemple ont largement échoué. On pourrait presque s’attendre à ce que les Occidentaux applaudissent cette prouesse intellectuelle, digne de ces élans romantiques exaltant l’âme unique de chaque peuple. Ne laisserait-on pas volontiers les Arabes clamer « !أمتي » (“ Ma Ummah ”) comme les Italiens s’écriaient « Patria Mia » ou les Argentins « ¡Viva la Patria ! » ? Mais le littératurisme, cette sacralisation de la forme littéraire au détriment de toute autre préoccupation, est bien souvent dépassé par les intérêts. Les menaces sont nombreuses : selon Zyad Hafez, par exemple, l’intérêt même d’Israël résiderait dans « la désintégration de la région arabe pour mieux asseoir ses propres ambitions hégémoniques. » Une région, rappelons-le, délimitée non par des cartographes neutres, mais par des diplomates guidés par les intérêts européens, impériaux et stratégiques. Michel ‘Aflaq souligne d’ailleurs que le colonialisme européen est directement responsable de cette division « artificielle et provisoire » du monde arabe ; il ajoute qu’une volonté claire existait : « détruire l’espoir d’unité des Arabes. » Le nationalisme arabe devient donc dangereux car il remettrait en cause la légitimité même de ce découpage et l’influence qui en découle. Les raisons d’inquiétude ne manquent pas. Qui imaginerait une seule seconde un nouvel épisode de l’embargo pétrolier de 1973, où une coordination pleine et entière des pays arabes ferait de cette menace une réalité ? Répétée, la situation de 1973 deviendrait un état de fait, un cauchemar pour quiconque tient à préserver son hégémonie économique. Le nationalisme arabe n’est donc pas exactement le mouvement le plus accommodant pour l’hégémonie occidentale : il s’est bâti en grande partie sur sa critique. « La souffrance en commun unit plus que la joie », écrivait Ernest Renan, écrivain français du XIXème siècle. Cet ennemi est mobilisé à travers le temps pour forger un sentiment d’appartenance et de lutte commune. Dans les cas extrêmes, l’exemple du nazisme illustre cette dynamique : Hitler érigeait le ‘Juif’ en source absolue de tous les maux, tout comme l’immigré italien avait été désigné bouc émissaire dans la France du début du XXᵉ siècle. Cependant, Zyad Hafez précise un point essentiel : l’ennemi du nationalisme arabe est l’impérialisme, pas l’Occident en tant que civilisation. L’opposition vise d’abord les anciennes puissances coloniales (France, Grande-Bretagne), puis plus récemment les intérêts des États-Unis, ainsi que la menace que représente l’État d’Israël. » Autrement dit, la confrontation repose sur une relation de domination, d’occupation et d’agression, jamais sur une haine de ‘l’Occidental’ ou du ‘Juif’ en soi. Cette conscience arabe, en plus d’être un projet politique visant à protéger la région contre les rapports de force occidentaux, se veut aussi une réponse existentielle. En 1939, Constantin Zureik publie La Mission arabe , où il affirme que chaque Nation contribue à la civilisation mondiale en apportant un message particulier. Dans cette perspective, l’unité arabe redonnerait aux peuples une fierté brisée par la colonisation et leur permettrait de retrouver le rôle qu’ils occupaient autrefois dans l’histoire (transmission des savoirs antiques, avancées scientifiques majeures…). Le sentiment d’union deviendrait ainsi un antidote à un mal-être profondément ancré : celui de l’humiliation née de l’agression, de la spoliation, du mépris. Les limites internes du projet nationaliste Cependant, certains aspects du nationalisme arabe porté par Gamal Abdel Nasser et Sati’ al-Husri présentent des limites, des contradictions, parfois des visions trop simplistes. Elias Murqus, intellectuel et écrivain syrien, souligne par exemple que lorsqu’ils dénoncent la ‘parcellisation’ imposée par le colonialisme européen, ils placent sur le même plan l’Égypte (dotée d’une histoire plurimillénaire) et la Transjordanie, création politique récente. Deuxième erreur : nier purement et simplement l’existence politique des nations issues de Sykes-Picot, accords secrets signés entre la France et le Royaume-Uni en 1916 pour décider du découpage du Proche-Orient à la fin de la guerre. En procédant ainsi, les nationalistes arabes de l’époque se sont coupés de la réalité concrète : ils ont ignoré l’émergence de nouvelles institutions, le développement d’intérêts propres à ces États, et surtout les nouveaux sentiments d’appartenance nationale qui s’y formaient. Quoi qu’il en soit, les points de vue sur le nationalisme arabe, ou plus largement sur les différents mouvements arabes, qu’ils reposent sur la religion, la nation, la lutte contre la dictature ou l’impérialisme, continuent d’alimenter des débats houleux et complexes dans le monde occidental. Si les questions liées au panarabisme semblent s’être effacées derrière le nouvel enjeu majeur du XXIᵉ siècle qu’est l’islamisme, la volonté de « civiliser » cette partie du monde, elle, n’a pas disparu. Et le monde arabe n’est pas le seul concerné : l’Afrique devient elle aussi le terrain d’un débat semblable. Qui sait, peut-être que Donald Trump, à la manière d’un Saint-Simon moderne, aurait croisé en songe John O’Sullivan, le père de la « Destinée manifeste ». Ce dernier l’aurait investi d’une nouvelle mission civilisatrice indispensable au XXIᵉ siècle : celle de devenir le missionnaire attitré des chrétiens d’Afrique, présentés comme ayant désormais besoin de la protection de ‘ l’Élu de Dieu’. Source : Hossam el-Hamalawy, flickr , Leave You Agent of the Americans!

In the end, maybe we are all a bit Jean-Claude Romand with all our fragility. < Back Emmanuel Carrère, L’adversaire (2000) By Francesca Di Muro December 31, 2023 ‘’In those days I didn't lie, but I never shared my true emotions, except to my dog... I was always smiling and I believe that my parents never suspected that I was sad... I had nothing else to hide then, but I was hiding this: my anguish, my sadness... Maybe they would have been ready to listen to me, like Florence after all, and yet I have never managed to speak... And when you get stuck in this mechanism, so as not to disappoint, the first lie leads to the second, and then you carry on your whole life.’’ – L’Adversaire (2002) Jean-Claude Romand: a serious man, esteemed, worthy of absolute trust. Believed to be a good husband, a warm father, and a highly prestigious doctor. In short, a calm, apparently normal man. Yet it appears that normality sometimes overwhelms, sucking in everything around it, being capable of submerging the very things on which it had been nourished shortly before, every single part from which it was composed. On January 9, 1993, Jean-Claude murdered his wife and two children, then went to his parents and shot them with a rifle. He also killed their dog. Nothing remains of the Romand family; everything was destroyed that January evening; not even Jean-Claude was saved from his fury, or at least the Jean-Claude that had gradually formed with one lie after another—a carefully cultivated persona that emerged after eighteen years of lies. On the whole, he never graduated, worked, and lived on the money that relatives and friends had entrusted to him to invest profitably in a solid French bank, which never took place. When the money ran out and the deception was about to be discovered, rather than revealing the truth to his loved ones, he preferred to kill them. As a Member of the Faculty of Medicine, he had not shown up for the admission exam for the third year — an easily remediable mistake. But to his father and his mother, companions, and Florence, who he would later marry, he lied, saying that he had passed it, that everything had gone well. Like a snowball rolling downhill, turning into an avalanche and overwhelming everything in its path, Romand started from a simple, repairable secret that became imposing, and grandiose, and ended up even overwhelming himself 18 years later in an apartment in the French countryside, submerging him and his family. Submerging him and everything he had become over time. Yet, his secret hid nothing. Under the false Doctor Romand, there was no real Jean-Claude Romand. There was nothingness, a nothingness built year after year, fed by anguish and sadness, a nothingness nourished by the perennial desire not to disappoint, by the ambition to be someone else, someone who didn't need to hide behind a white coat and a pair of sunglasses, one like many and at the same time like no one. In the end, maybe we are all a bit Jean-Claude Romand with all our fragility. If it were such a simple thing to live, if it were so simple to be in the world, to start a family, to find a job, to wake up every morning and smile at the faint light that makes its way through the tiny cracks in the roller shutter, we would certainly be men without any secrets. Or rather, we could not enjoy the privilege of having any. That very subtle balance created by what we hide would be missing, that precarious stability that most reveals who we are. It is not easy to define ourselves: who we are, what we pursue, who we would like to be, who we will be. Among the many masks we wear, among the many secrets we inhabit, so similar to our way of being, it becomes a very difficult task to discern what is a mask from what is not. I have the feeling that without the masks, there would be absolutely nothing left of us. Because we are all behind the masks together, at the same time, and behind the masks, we hide the black hole of nothingness. The same nothingness of Romand made of ambition and fear motivated by the feelings of dizziness and emptiness in our stomach. Ultimately nothingness is what tells us best because it translates in the same way what is not yet life, and what has ceased to be. If this is the case, what distinguishes us is the ability to know or recognize ourselves.

Despite the danger the diversity of factions poses to Brazilian states in different degrees, the PCC is still the most feared. This is not due to the large member count and aforementioned history of domination— it is due to their ability to have a presence all across South America and even in parts of Europe. < Back From Misdemeanors to World Domination: How Brazilian Faction PCC Threatens Global Security By Catarina Vita for Sciences Défense November 30, 2023 One of the most predominant artistic expressions in Brazil is street art. From the outskirts of Bahia to São Paulo’s most metropolitan areas, sentences ranging from “Maria, I love you!” to “Free Lula!” are printed on all town surfaces. What was more noticed throughout the years, however, was the surging popularity of initials and enigmatic sentences. “Everything 3,” “CV,” and “PCC,” took over the sentimental and political declarations as street art. What these three terms have in common are their connections to Brazilian factions, which terrorize civilians inside and outside favelas and quickly wage wars in prisons, both defying police officers and provoking divisions within prisoners. The Primeiro Comando da Capital (translated to First Command of the Capital), or the PCC, is often considered Brazil’s most notable criminal faction, especially when considering its 29,400 member count and its overarching presence in 22 out of 29 Brazilian states. In the Brazilian context, a faction consists of a group of criminals with a set ideology and aims, driving their crimes and modus operandi , and they are usually formed inside prisons. Before the emergence of the PCC, factions were already rampant in the Brazilian carceral system. The first faction created was the Red Command (or CV, Comando Vermelho ), which aimed to forge a union between different classifications of prisoners, such as ones convicted for political and federal crimes. CV, through their crimes, aims to promote prisoner’s rights and banish police officers and people in power. Factions in Brazil, for the most part, specialize in drug trafficking and crimes such as kidnapping and murder. The PCC, created after the CV, has similar ideologies and operational methods, but functions on a much greater scale. PCC: Its Emergence and Crimes The PCC was formed during a soccer match in São Paulo, Brazil at what is considered to be the safest detention center in the state: The Custody House of Taubaté. Eight members of the center expressed their anger at the Carandiru Massacre in another prison in São Paulo. The massacre began as an attempt to resolve an ongoing animosity between two groups of prisoners, and resulted in the killings of 111 prisoners at the hands of police officers with 87 more injured. No officers were hurt. Using the Chinese yin-yang symbol to represent their ideology, the PCC established that “good and evil will be balanced wisely,” according to the Brazilian International Police Association . Ever since the PCC’s emergence, the faction was responsible for the rebellion of over 20 detention centers in 2001 due to the transferring of various faction leaders and members. The collective of rebellions inside these centers are called the Levantes , and PCC leaders got access to cell phones and organized simultaneous insurrections at detention centers, resulting in 16 dead and 77 injured, among those prisoners and police officers. In 2006, the PCC was responsible for another widespread insurrection, arguably due to the transferring of various faction members to other detention centers and the kidnapping of the PCC leader’s stepson. Over 500 people were executed only from May 12 to 21, 2006 across various detention centers in Sao Paulo. The organization of the PCC distinguishes it from other factions in Brazil since it divides itself into political and economic branches. With their initial purpose of avenging a massacre committed against prisoners, the PCC establishes that crime is within their ideology as long as it defies the oppressive state. The faction’s economic branch acts by engaging in drug trafficking and other actions in the criminal market and, in return, provides the faction with everything from funding for armed robberies to food granted from the outside for the incarcerated. PCC soon migrated from paulista detention centers to being omnipresent in southeastern Brazilian favelas . Ever since their strengthened economic branch and the presence of narcotics in Brazil, the PCC soon transitioned into land domination. Rio de Janeiro’s favela Rocinha, which the Red Command previously controlled, was taken over by the PCC, motivated by the large drug trafficking market and the prospect of new alliances with smaller criminal groups to ensure even further expansion. The PCC formed alliances with factions in Rio de Janeiro, which ensured them complete control of the inflow and outflow of drugs in the Rocinha favela, which has 70,000 inhabitants, according to a Brazilian census conducted in 2010. In the present day, the PCC is still rampant in Brazilian detention centers and favelas . They still largely engage in drug trade and trafficking, making close relationships of alliance or animosity with various factions in all of Brazil. Furthermore, the PCC today has an infamous blacklist that includes political officials that the faction aims to exterminate. One of the members of the blacklist is Sergio Moro, a federal judge that was responsible for impeaching Dilma Rousseff , the first Brazilian female president. Despite the danger the diversity of factions poses to Brazilian states in different degrees, the PCC is still the most feared. This is not due to the large member count and aforementioned history of domination— it is due to their ability to have a presence all across South America and even in parts of Europe. PCC and the International Sphere Paraguay, which shares borders with some of the strongest South American economies, including Brazil, swiftly noticed a rising presence of the PCC in their drug and weapons trade markets. The Santos Port in Brazil, located in Sao Paulo and crucial for trade, became largely used by the PCC for drug transportation since their May 2006 insurrection. European mafias and organized crime factions consider the port as a hub for drugs and arms, which increased the PCC’s notoriety globally. According to Carolina Sampo for BBC , a researcher at the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research, “baptisms” — rituals of entrance to the PCC followed by an admissions process — were increasingly noticed in Paraguayan prisons, enhancing the faction’s presence in a second country. Organized crime promoted by the PCC did not stop in Paraguay. Another South American nation with a notable PCC presence is Bolivia, in which there were also insurrections in detention centers similar to the ones during PCC’s genesis. According to Bolivian authorities also for BBC , an explosion in a Bolivian prison resulting in three prisoner deaths was attributed to a PCC member, but the authorities admittedly requested more investigation and information on the case before releasing an official statement. According to the Portuguese Intelligence Service for CNN , there are 1,000 PCC members in the country, more specifically in the Lisbon region. Portugal is considered to be a relevant drug passageway to Europe, considering the river Tejo’s accessibility. There are 20 PCC members imprisoned in Portugal, the majority of them due to drug trafficking. More than 100 members of Italian mafias are also connected to the PCC and have been imprisoned for trafficking cocaine to South America. The Future of PCC’s Influence and Actions PCC’s expansionary character, spreading from detention centers to favelas with greater populations than some big cities, will only let it become a bigger threat to global security. Its current monopoly on drug trade in Rio’s largest favelas, alongside its undeniable impact in South American countries and prisons, reveals that PCC’s most prominent aim today is ascending their economic presence to continue to perpetuate their crime and fund greater criminal actions. Considering that the PCC functions as an organized group with political and economic branches, in addition to having clear rules, punishments, and ideologies, the faction is, unfortunately, likely to worsen drug trafficking and widespread violence in South America. Brazilian intelligence forces, namely police officers, often engage in operations in favelas and detention centers, disregarding that the PCCs profit largely comes from drug trade from the Santos Port and their overarching global presence. The PCC has undeniable hegemony in the south and southeast Brazil, but their presence in the north is not as noticeable as some of their other rival factions. Therefore, the faction aims to attempt domination in the Amazonian region, especially due to their possible easy access to other neighboring South American countries, such as Venezuela and Peru. To properly counter this security threat, Brazilian and international intelligence forces should recognize the economic presence of the PCC and its impact on security – not only their constant threats of insurrections in prisons and favelas . Due to the multimillion-dollar business of the drug trade, it is likely that the majority of PCC’s funding comes from drug trade. If intelligence forces worldwide recognized PCC and other worldwide factions, then Brazilian street art would illustrate more love declarations and less enigmatic initials that indicate faction domination and violence.

At first glance, desalination is the ideal solution to a rapidly developing world. There is certainly no shortage of ocean water — “desalination is simply taking a resource we have an abundance of and turning it into the thing that’s scarce.”; but its environmental impacts are devastating. < Back A Paradigm of Character: The Effect of US Expansion on Desalination Tanks By Marly Fisher American history is defined by movement. The land of the New World was all but promised to its conquerors; Manifest Destiny pandered in whispers to those who settled ever-westward. However, the frontier was more than a paradigm of character — it was the source of American democracy. The border was endless. At the ends of the United States, the frontier acted as a “gate of escape from the bondage of the past.” We, the people, have bent lands and people to our will all in service of growth. Modern-day America has continued this trend of expansion, with one marked difference: instead of conquering new land, they have begun to dominate the water supply. A New York Times investigation has revealed that in much of the United States, “communities and farms are pumping out groundwater at alarming rates. Aquifers are shrinking nationwide, threatening supplies of drinking water and the country’s status as a food superpower.” This issue is especially pronounced in Arizona, where state officials say there is not enough groundwater for housing construction that has already been approved. In search of a way to expand its water supply, Arizona stumbled upon IDE Technologies, an Israeli desalination company. Exactly what it sounds like, desalination is the process of removing salt and other minerals from ocean water. IDE proposed locating the desalination plant at Puerto Peñasco, in Sonora, Mexico. Picture an infinite and uninvited reverse Colorado — a 200 mile pipeline flowing uphill to money. Desalination is becoming common practice in the Middle East as well; according to Études de L’IFRI, "The majority of Gulf countries now largely depend on desalinated water for their inhabitants’ consumption: in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), 42% of drinking water comes from desalination plants producing more than 7 million cubic meters (m3) per day, in Kuwait it is 90%, in Oman 86%, and in Saudi Arabia 70%. In 2022, there were more than 21,000 seawater desalination plants in operation worldwide, almost twice as many as a decade ago." At first glance, desalination is the ideal solution to a rapidly developing world. There is certainly no shortage of ocean water — “desalination is simply taking a resource we have an abundance of and turning it into the thing that’s scarce.”; but its environmental impacts are devastating. For every liter of potable water produced, about 1.5 liters of liquid polluted with chlorine and copper are created. When pumped back into the ocean, the toxic brine depletes oxygen and impacts organisms along the food chain. Furthermore, desalination plants in the Middle East have largely benefited from an energy mix based on fossil fuels that permit cheap desalination. When presenting the idea for a tank in Mexico, the IDE promised there would be no negative impact from the ocean brine. They were lying. Arizona’s appeal is the bounty of its desert. Barren wildscape is contrasted with colors of opulence, of hordes of golf courses, pools and suburbia. Before even considering desalination, it is important to maximize alternatives like water conservation, stormwater capture, and recycled water expansion. If the world is trending towards the widespread usage of desalination, two solutions will be required: powering these plants with low-carbon energy sources, such as solar power, wind power,improving water sector governance and encouraging sustainable water use policies in the industrial, agricultural and the residential sectors. Perhaps, nonetheless, we should first attempt to understand why so many countries have found themselves in this dire position in the first place. Why has excessive growth underpinned our economies? Why have we exploited fossil fuel resources? Is this kind of growth inevitable? Is it necessary? The same historical theory that had justified American expansion domestically would guide American imperialism abroad. Cuba, Guam, Puerto Rico… even the backing of Ukrainian forces now is guided by the same principle of movement, of ownership. Arizona’s identity of artifice may not be going anywhere, nor will the Middle East’s future of ocean water usage — not if we do not stop to examine the United States’ history of domination.

< Back Azerbaijan Corridor Dispute Leads to Fears of Invasion By Yasmin Abbasoy November 30, 2023 Although Azerbaijan has achieved everything it could have hoped for in the long-disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, there are concerns that it may consider expanding westward into Armenian territory. With the international community in turmoil, Azerbaijan's rhetoric is becoming increasingly extreme. Key figures have warned of a possible ground invasion that could benefit Azerbaijan and its allies, especially Russia, and isolate Armenia from its only friendly neighbor. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict dates back to 1923, when the Nagorno-Karabakh autonomous region (oblast) was separated from socialist Azerbaijan. Despite the fact that the region has always had a majority Armenian population, attempts at reunification with Soviet Armenia during the long collapse of the USSR were met with indifference by Azerbaijani and the Soviet central institutions led to widespread violence against Armenians, as illustrated by the pogroms that took place in Azerbaijani cities such as Baku and Sumqayit. In 1991, following Azerbaijan's declaration of sovereignty and efforts to strip Nagorno-Karabakh of its autonomy, an independence referendum was held in which 99 percent of the Armenian population voted to become an independent entity, the Republic of Artsakh. The referendum was boycotted by the region's Azerbaijanis, who made up 20 percent of the total population. The declaration of independence of the Republic of Artsakh led to the two-year-long First Nagorno-Karabakh War, which resulted in the Republic of Artsakh gaining de facto independence and control of the seven surrounding "buffer" districts in Azerbaijan. A diplomatic deadlock persisted for a quarter-century until 2020, when Azerbaijan, aided by Turkey and armed with Israeli drones, seized control, upsetting the geopolitical equilibrium and causing human tragedy on a massive scale. This new status-quo upset the delicate geopolitical balance in the Caucasus, providing an opportunity for Russia to further integrate itself with the fate of the region. The general perception among observers was that the war was happening solely on Russian terms. An uncharacteristic reticence to intervene diplomatically or otherwise on behalf of Armenia was seen as a reprimand to a nation which had seen increasing rapprochement with the West under the leadership of democratically elected Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. Azerbaijan was permitted to take advantage of the situation, but only up to a certain point. Indeed, it was Russia that brokered both the ceasefire and preliminary peace deal, sidelining the OSCE Minsk Group's remaining members, the United States and France, initially tasked with finding a negotiated resolution to the conflict. Sources close to the situation reported that Azerbaijan had been presented with an ultimatum by Putin after having captured key strategic positions. Left with a choice between partial victory and Russian intervention, President Ilham Aliyev chose to stand down. Tensions persisted, however: Azerbaijan was not pleased with Artsakh Armenians retaining control over some key areas. The presence of Russian peacekeepers caused further tension, serving as a Russian foothold in the region. The following years saw escalating rhetoric and ceasefire violations, primarily by Azerbaijan. This fueled a two-day war in September which saw Azerbaijani forces gain control of strategic locations deep within Armenia, leading to the displacement of over 7,000 civilians. On the heels of this offensive, Azerbaijan orchestrated a shutdown of the Lachin corridor, the only link connecting mainland Armenia to Artsakh and thus playing the role of a lifeline for the population of Artsakh. The corridor was blocked first by state-backed environmentalist groups under the guise of protesting against potential ecocide. Later, members of state-supported Non-governmental Organizations, disguised servicemen, and civil servants would also join the blockade. The Azerbaijani authorities also tampered with civilian infrastructure in order to restrict the access of civilians in Artsakh to water and electricity. The blockade quickly precipitated a humanitarian disaster, being referred to as a ‘siege’ by media sources. All traffic was restricted, including the normal flow of products, aid convoys and vehicles of international organizations such as the Red Cross. September 2023, the ninth month of the blockade, saw Azerbaijan launch an offensive framed as an anti-terror operation, seizing additional territory. A swift ceasefire mediated by Russian peacekeeping forces was followed by a negotiated peace deal, which saw the capitulation of the vanquished Artsakh armed forces and the dissolution of the Republic of Artsakh, to be effective on Jan. 1, 2024. This new status-quo led to the flight of the region’s 120,000 Armenian civilians, thus succeeding in a total ethnic cleansing of the enclave. Although the status of Nagorno-Karabakh appeared to have been resolved on Azerbaijan’s terms, one territorial issue lingered, and it had the potential to be the most crucial of all. Aliyev had, since the 2020 war, proposed a transport corridor that would cut through a strip of Armenian land, known as the province of Syunik, which separated Azerbaijan from its autonomous republic, Nakhchivan, which shares a border with Turkey. The proposal theoretically aimed to provide unimpeded transportation from Azerbaijan to Turkey, with the added benefit of pan-Turkic innuendo, suggesting that a land connection between the two Turkic countries would be established. The corridor would end a mutual blockade imposed by Armenia and Azerbaijan in 1989. While the opening of all Soviet-era transport links, including a railway that took the same path as the proposed corridor, was indeed a part of the peace agreement, Aliyev’s corridor was deemed by Armenia to be something completely different, and not within the scope of the agreement which foresaw no transfer of land whatsoever. However, President Aliyev's continued insistence on implementing the Zangezur Corridor, coupled with an escalating rhetoric of irredentist claims on the Republic of Armenia through the notion of “Western Azerbaijan,” which referred to all of Armenia proper, amplified concerns. Ongoing construction in newly occupied areas linked to the corridor, along with a new cycle of joint exercises with the Turkish military in commemoration of the hundredth year of the Turkish Republic, added another layer of complexity to the already tense geopolitical situation. In the aftermath of the Azerbaijani offensive, Armenia had responded by ratifying the Rome Treaty and joining the International Criminal Court, where Putin is wanted for war crimes. Although Armenia officially stated that these measures were undertaken for additional guarantees in response to the recent bout of aggression, they were popularly interpreted as a reaction to Russia's sluggish response to the offensive. The lack of a robust reaction by Russian peacekeeping forces and a noticeable strain in relations with Russia further pushed Armenia into strategic realignment. Armenia has exhibited signs of drifting further Westwards, marked by a reconfiguration of relations with Russia and Iran and a more significant military alignment with the EU (evidenced by a new weapons deal with France). Russia, seeking to maintain regional influence, would support the Zangezur Corridor it could potentially control. The corridor would hold strategic importance as Russia would most probably play the role of a guarantor, a situation allowing the deployment of Russian troops in a crucial location close to Iran. This move would further solidify Russia's influence in non-NATO territory, permanently cementing its geopolitical footprint in the Caucasus. Meanwhile, Tehran has vehemently opposed the Zangezur Corridor concept, warning against any alterations to regional borders or the establishment of what it perceives as a "pan-Turkic" or "NATO" corridor along its northern frontier. The U.S. position, however, is more ambiguous. Politico reported that Secretary of State Antony Blinken had privately warned policymakers of an impending invasion of Armenia, though these claims were quickly denied in a statement by the Department of State, which also affirmed U.S. support for Armenia’s territorial integrity. Was this delicate maneuver an attempt to conceal a sincere estimation of a potential threat with a denial, aiming for a more subdued policy? Or was it rather a reflection of the ambiguous policy relating to the Caucasus at a time when the international community was preoccupied with other crises? As tensions persist with no established plan forward, the prospects of the Zangezur corridor remain uncertain. While the intricate power struggles that dominate the Caucasus could see Aliyev swing either way as he balances the costs and benefits of an invasion, there is no doubt that this corridor amounts to more than just a physical route. As Azerbaijan persistently pushes its irredentist agenda and constructs a narrative around the corridor, it has become a flashpoint that could radically alter the regional balance of power and cause violent geopolitical alterations in the region. The Zangezur Corridor and the inevitable invasion required to establish it remain as important factors shaping the immediate future of the South Caucasus and the powers that are intertwined within it.

“Excuse me mate, were you there?” retorted the venerable director Ridley Scott after fielding a barrage of questions relating to the historical accuracy of Napoleon, a uniquely average film in an industry where only the extremely brilliant and the extremely harrowing are etched into history. < Back Why Napoleon isn’t Gladiator – On Judging Historical Fiction Films By Jawad Asaria for Cinementongraphe February 29, 2024 “Excuse me mate, were you there?” retorted the venerable director Ridley Scott after fielding a barrage of questions relating to the historical accuracy of Napoleon , a uniquely average film in an industry where only the extremely brilliant and the extremely harrowing are etched into history. Yet, Ridley Scott, though childishly defensive, was correct in drawing the line between the history of Napoleon, the figure, and the events of Napoleon , the film. Ridley Scott is not a historian, but an artist. Ridley Scott’s 2000 film Gladiator, then, is the well from which I have decided to draw contrasting comparisons, rather than Napoleon: A Life, the nine-hundred-and-seventy-six tome by Cambridge PhD historian Lord Roberts, often seen as the most authoritative source on Napoleon’s journey on these temporal lands. However, I’m sure the French will be happy to know, even by analyzing Napoleon not as a historical piece, but a historical fiction, it is still far from unshriven. The most essential aspect of historical fiction is credibility, not accuracy. Otherwise said, historical fiction can be enjoyed and lauded if the story exists far from realms of commonly accepted objectivity as long as it is also representative of what could plausibly have happened. Gladiator may have completely falsified the existence of Maximus, the titular gladiator that falls from general to slave, the presence of Christianity in the given time period, the weapons of war, the character of Lucila, and the very core of Roman democracy. If each historical inaccuracy rewarded the director with a dollar, dear old Ridley Scott may have had enough money to recoup his multi-million loss at Napoleon’s box office. But, knowing all of these errors, some as egregious as including Xulu war chants, why is Gladiator enjoyed? It is the credibility of Gladiator. Yes, Maximus was a figment of Scott’s imagination, but he is driven by honor and duty in a fight of man against state. It is something an average audience member will typically associate with Ancient Rome. Yes, the moral damnation cinematically prescribed to Commodus was harsh, but dictatorship, demagoguery, and the fight for political and personal representation are recurring themes in the history books related to Ancient Rome. For every British accent in Gladiator, there existed – verifiable, though morphed, representations of life in Ancient Rome, such as the character of Marcus Aurelius, and the Germanic Wars. Napoleon is similarly historically inaccurate. Napoleon did not shoot the nose of the sphinx. Napoleon was never at the frontlines. Napoleon never met Wellington. Napoleon never witnessed the execution of Marie Antoinette. Napoleon never forced his opponents through a frozen lake in the Battle of Austerlitz, nor was there even a frozen lake. Napoleon never came from nothing, nor did he conquer everything. So, why does the average viewer get the impression that Maximus, an entirely fictitious character, is more real than Napoleon, one of the most important people in history? I assert it is because, whilst both Gladiator and Napoleon are not historically accurate, the latter is not credible. In Napoleon, the eponymous figure’s main conflict is that of a man cuckolded and restrained by Josephine. Napoleon is a gloomy and petulant manchild who continuously makes errors in the battlefield, possesses a Simian repertoire of emotional responses, and seems to have done nothing good for France except for finally being exiled. He is, for all intents and purposes, presented as a buffoon. He sulks and Ridley Scott defiantly claims, through this film, the purported downfall of the ‘Great Man’ archetype , an idea popularized by historian Thomas Carlyle, that history is a carefully sculpted narrative shaped by a few extraordinary men and women. The problem with using Napoleon to dispute this is that he undeniably did shape history, perhaps more than any other single person in Europe. It is most closely equivalent to using Dante Aligheri, the brilliant poet who pined after Beatrice his whole life and featured her in his seminal book the Divine Comedy , to disprove the ‘Unrequited Love Last Forever’ trope. The audience will forgive historical inaccuracies, as we saw with the Gladiator, but they will not forgive historical incredibility. They will not forgive what is not credible. Historical films are not blank slates with which we can put our own characters, narratives, and storylines, only with fancier costumes and a sepia lens. Simply said, Napoleon’s film is dominated by modern social and cinematic themes and, if the audience wanted to see films that disprove the ‘Great Man’ narrative, featuring men as buffoons trapped by strong and independent women, and commit ineffectual acts to no beneficial end for their own social environment, they are hardly starved for choice. In conclusion, Napoleon should not be judged as a bad piece of history; that would be doing a disservice both to Napoleon and every history-adjacent film that came before and will come after. Rather the reason for its failure exists in its inability to be a good historical fiction. It is simply not credible. Perhaps, the next time Ridley Scott tries to take aim at the ‘Great Man’ narrative, he should turn the gun’s crosshairs on himself, for no single man can reprogram an audience's sensibility to discerning historical credibility in works of fiction with a one-hundred-and-fifty-eight minutes of drivel.

Is the Poland-EU dispute just a bump along the road, a crisis that every marriage must endure? Or is it truly the end of a great love story, one that ends with heartbreak? Only time will tell. < Back Poland and the EU: A Whirlwind Romance That May End In Divorce By Barbara Kuza December 30, 2021 Years of yearning to join the European Union seem to have been long forgotten with the recent developments in Polish-EU relations, as well as judicial reforms in the country. When the United Kingdom left the European Union (EU), setting a dangerous precedent, no one thought that any country would realistically follow suit. Brexit was supposed to be the exception, an anomaly, not the beginning of some new rule. But recently the question of a “Polexit” has surfaced. While Poland has played the role of the EU’s black sheep for a few years now, most dismissed it simply as bickering — like every married couple does. However, Polexit entered Polish and European public discourse over the summer, when the European Court of Justice (ECJ) ruled that Poland’s Disciplinary Chamber (transl. Izba Dyscyplinarna) — a judicial organ that reprimands judges when they break the rule of professional ethics — should be liquidated. While the idea behind the disciplinary chamber is not necessarily a bad one in theory, it has been abused by the ruling party to open investigations into, and eventually suspend, judges who are vocal critics of the government. The promising meet-cute Like every tale of romance, this one starts years back. Poland entered the EU on May 1, 2004, after 77.45% of those voting in the referendum answered yes to the question “Do you allow the accession of the Republic of Poland to the European Union?” Television reports from the day of the referendum shows Poles cheering, whooping, jumping up and down with smiles on their faces. Joining the EU was a dream come true for the Polish nation after living under communist rule and Soviet influence for 44 years. A united Europe symbolized to many Poles a guarantee of no more wars — the Second World War and the Cold War still haunted collective memory. Opening up the market and having access to goods which used to be rarities brought by lucky cousins from abroad was another dream come true. Furthermore, free movement between countries meant some could see places that they had only heard about in stories or saw in newspapers and movies. Puppy love, the honeymoon phase, call it what you will — it seemed like life as a European nation could not get any better than becoming a part of the Union. However, things started rapidly changing when the Law and Justice party (PiS) came to power in 2015. The outgoing Sejm (lower chamber of the legislative body), led by the Civic Platform, appointed three judges for the Constitutional Tribunal before the end of its term. It was up to newly elected President Andrzej Duda to swear them in, which he ultimately decided against. When the new PiS government was formed, they unlawfully appointed three new judges who conveniently corresponded to PiS’ placement on the political spectrum. This provided the groundwork for the Sejm to pass several unconstitutional laws and, with a complicit President and Constitutional Tribunal, it was more than easy. In 2017, the Disciplinary Chamber was created and in April of 2020, the so-called “muzzle” act was passed, which envisioned disciplining judges for applying EU law in court cases, and sending inquiries to the EU Court of Justice. The issue of restricted abortion, which was precisely made possible by the judiciary reforms, further developed in March of this year. The Constitutional Tribunal ruled then, that abortion in case of fetal defects was unconstitutional after an inquiry to the Tribunal was made by far-right parliament members. A love turned sour? This summer, when the ECJ ruled that the Chamber must be liquidated, Law and Justice politicians rushed to send an inquiry to the Constitutional Tribunal about whether or not Poland should comply with the ruling. And unsurprisingly, the Tribunal ruled that Polish law is superior to EU law. At this point Poland asked itself whether it was in a toxic relationship with the EU. Am I losing my independence and sense of self? But it really was not. It was just realizing that it was not in love with its partner as it used to be. The ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal sparked a series of protests in support of the EU. Nevertheless, the state-controlled media, TVP Info, made a special effort to further polarize the conflict, headlining the dissent as “protests against the Polish constitution,” indirectly suggesting that those who do support the EU are not in fact patriots. On the 19 of October, a hearing was held in the European Parliament on the topic of violations of rule of law in Poland. Patryk Jaki, a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) from the Law and Justice party, pompously quoted Jean Jacques Rousseau and whined about how the EU was against the Polish government. The Prime Minister Morawiecki, on the other hand, could not resist mentioning the name that always stirs up a myriad of controversies: Donald Tusk. Donald Tusk, in the case of the Polish-European marriage, is like that shared friend whose expected position after the divorce is unclear. Or at least that is how the government views it. He served as the Polish Prime Minister in the years 2007 to 2014 from the Civic Platform (the largest opposition party), after which he became the President of the European Council. PiS partly built its election campaigns on demonizing him — at one point the national news portrayed him having a reddish tint. So is Donald a friend? A foe? Depends who you ask. Therefore, instead of addressing the issue at hand, the rule of law (or in Poland’s case, a lack thereof), Morawiecki decided to redirect the attention onto Tusk. He pushed back against the accusations of judicial ruling being politically motivated by saying “Please show me one ruling like that. One.” Indeed, ladies and gentlemen, Poland was officially gaslighting the EU. Moreover, he pointed out that during Tusk’s rule — contrary to now — politically motivated court rulings were made. But the only reaction he was met with for this statement was scarce applause and a Polish MEP shouting “don’t lie” in the background. “But will they really get divorced?” As in most dysfunctional marriages, when things go south, one of the partners has to say “I can’t live without you, please stay” to put past quarrels aside and make amends. In this case, it seems it is the EU that wants to hold onto Poland, whereas the Polish government unfortunately does not reciprocate the feeling. But interestingly enough, the dynamic is reversed — it is more so Poland that needs the EU than the other way around. The country is heavily dependent on EU funds and is now also dealing with the Belarusian migrant crisis on the border, which it cannot face alone. “On the eastern border we are dealing not only with violence, but with a staged spectacle aimed at violating borders, bringing chaos to the European Union” Prime Minister Morawiecki said on the situation at the border in November. Maybe Poland still loves the EU after all? Or perhaps it is just scared of getting lonely… Another worrying indication is how reckless the Law and Justice politicians have become when talking about a potential Polexit. A member of parliament, Janusz Kowalski, even mentioned 2027 as the year for a Polexit referendum. Nevertheless, as of October, 88% of an Ipsos poll’s respondents (made for Gazeta Wyborcza and OKO. Press) supported Poland’s continued membership in the EU.On the other hand, the Polish nation is becoming increasingly polarized, and the government-controlled media outlets are becoming progressively more ruthless by the day. As if that was not enough, on the 18 of December 2021, the Sejm passed a law commonly dubbed Lex TVN. The law is targeted against Poland’s largest independent news broadcaster, TVN, which is owned by American company Discovery. The new bill prohibits companies from outside the European Economic Zone to have complete ownership of a Polish radio or TV station. Is the Poland-EU dispute just a bump along the road, a crisis that every marriage must endure? Or is it truly the end of a great love story, one that ends with heartbreak? Only time will tell.

Despite their multiculturalism and being accustomed to living far from home, several third-culture kids expressed that moving to Menton provoked a closer connection to their culture of origin. < Back Third-Culture Kids Navigate Identity in Menton By Sarina Soleymani “In Sciences Po, your nationality becomes your entire personality.” This is a phrase I have heard ceaselessly throughout my first year in Menton; it is one I relate to as I started to embody the title “Iranian girl.” I became e ager to share our culture, whether by constantly discussing Iranian cinema or by sharing our food on rare occasions where I have the energy to spend four hours in the kitchen making our khoresht stews but, more realistically, just bringing Shirazi salad to potlucks. Holding onto my heritage began to have the utmost importance, manifesting in small ways. For instance, I noticed myself listening to Persian music alone for the first time as I performed mundane tasks. The specific moment I realized the growth of my ties to Iranian culture was during Nowruz, or Persian new year. All my life, Nowruz was just another holiday that I would celebrate with my parents and the Persian community of the country we lived in. Despite moving to different places, we were grounded by tradition; we would still set up the haft sîn (the seven objects starting with an “s,” each with their own signification) and call our extended family for hours. Yet, I never put much thought into the holiday. This year, however , I began counting the days, nervous about how I would spend it and carefully discussing how to make it special. As time passed in Menton, I began speaking up more about my hometown, our double lives, the small resistance, the restrictions, the role of religion and more. I would try to share insights on my country's political situation or its history while depicting my experiences or observations within my homeland. I started informing myself more and more about our history and politics, and, ironically, as I frequented more sources, the reality that I had lived abroad for most of my life began to unnerve me. I questioned this strong link that I adapted towards my Iranian heritage and whether or not my insights — based on the summers and winters spent in Tehran and the stories ingrained in our family — were enough to realistically embody the “Iranian girl” I felt I had to be. In reality, my upbringing was not strictly Persian but had influences from the Chinese and French cultures that were present in my youth. This shift in my perception of my cultural identity led me to ponder the experiences of other students on campus — whether those living in the diaspora for the first time or other third-culture kids. To better understand the factors leading to my cultural identity crisis, I started having various entrancing conversations and interviews with the student body, which I would love to share. It is no secret that Menton is a multicultural hub, with students coming from across the globe. This makes each of us stand out; we each have our specificities which we are excited to share. Simultaneously, we are curious about the various lifestyles, art, language, food and traditions across the differing seas. In such an atmosphere where everyone has something to offer, we bow to the fate of distinguishing ourselves as the Iranians, the French, the Lebanese, the Moroccans, the Italians… Indeed, despite the amazing opportunities created through the diversity of this campus, one can also recognize that — as expressed by an anonymous 2A, “It's a lot of weight to represent a whole country, especially if you're the only one or one of the only ones from there.” As pointed out by an English track 1A, our field of studies — such as political science or sociology — brings a hyper-awareness regarding national and cultural identity questions. This sense of awareness extends the boundaries of the classroom, as she brilliantly pointed out, and lingers within the student body, whether through discussions, parties and cultural events. As she expressed, “You’ll always see a flag somewhere in Menton.” The authentic experiences of the student body give a glimpse into the effects of our Mentonnais culture on an individual level. For many, moving to France was the first time they lived abroad, leaving the place from which they were part of the predominant culture and entering Menton, where they hold a unique identity within this mix. As beautifully expressed by a Moroccan student, “As many international students, I’ve felt more connected with my culture than ever since I came to Menton. I think it’s partly due to the fact that in your home country, you’re just a regular kid (...), and this homogeneity kind of makes your culture’s presence or effect imperceptible.” Moving away makes the particularities of your culture stand out, leading many students to feel an increased attachment to their culture of origin. Several students expressed that they missed aspects that reminded them of their home: noise, hospitality, food, music, language, etc. This nostalgia inspires efforts to reconnect with our origins, whether by cooking or listening to music — two of the most cited activities by students. Indeed, sometimes it is also reflected in participating in traditions of your culture which you may have only done during childhood. This idea was highlighted by a Spanish student who expressed that he re-started participating in the practice of Lent — a Catholic tradition where, within the 40 days between Ash Wednesday and Easter, you do not eat meat on Fridays — since moving here. Others talked about culture shocks; one instance was an Egyptian student speaking about how she was surprised to see the difference in attitudes surrounding Ramadan in Egypt compared to here. She explained how in Egypt, Ramadan is a central tradition that transforms the entire city, how every night for iftar the entire family gathers around and how she feels nostalgic once the month ends. This made her eager to share her Egyptian culture with others celebrating Ramadan, whether by cooking complicated meals (which she claims have been a success according to everyone who had the chance to try them) using ingredients she brought from home or bringing a fanoos and khayameya from Egypt to ensure that she stays connected with her culture. The latter two objects are a chandelier and a traditional fabric with long histories associated with Ramadan. An American student, expressed, “I enjoy the slow life in Europe, but sometimes I miss the fastness of the US.” This dichotomy of the yearning to maintain your culture while living elsewhere leads to the growth of the attachment that international students feel to their motherland. What about the students who always witnessed their culture through an outsider’s perspective and seldom lived on their own soil — the third culture kids? These students lived abroad for extensive periods, yet moving to this lemon town has still affected their relationship with the culture they most identify with. In terms of prior experiences, several third-culture students I had spoken with agreed on a homogenous culture specific to international schools abroad. They observed the emergence of a new culture confined to the walls of these international schools, often involving a vast majority of third-culture kids. This creates an atmosphere where many are less attached to their culture of origin but rather adapt it to their domain. Others expressed that their school was centered around a culture different from their own or even the country they lived in; as one Turkish student told me, “I attended a French school in Bosnia which made it so that I knew more about, for instance, the geography of France as opposed to either Bosnia or Turkey.” All those interviewed expressed how they grew up in a melange of cultures, whether by having parents from different countries or due to their experiences abroad and efforts to integrate into those cultures and/or schooling. One student stated, “I learned so much about other cultures that I don’t feel fixed to one,” “Being a third culture kid, or being from four different places, you’re always a part of them, but you never blend into any country. People can exclude you: I’m not Chinese enough for my Chinese heritage or American enough for my American heritage….” Another student also expressed that he feels like a tourist when visiting his home after moving abroad, creating a situation where nowhere is really “home” He explained that he feels a larger connection to students who grew up in the Arab diaspora due to their mutual understanding of each other's experiences. In another interview, we discussed whether one could even qualify another person as Turkish, Iranian, or Chinese enough. In this sense, does the fact that I lived abroad for most of my life diminish my Iranian identity and devalue my memories of my country, thoughts and contributions? Despite their multiculturalism and being accustomed to living far from home, several third-culture kids expressed that moving to Menton provoked a closer connection to their culture of origin. One student shared that she felt more Spanish since coming here, whereas in Thailand, where she used to live, “(she) didn’t feel Spanish at all.” She explained that she had never met other students who were Spanish before moving here, and creating these new bonds with other Spanish students allowed her to reconnect with this side of her identity. The importance of a community in allowing third-culture students to reconnect with their origins was also highlighted by another student who emphasized the influence of the large Turkish community on campus in enabling her to discover more about her culture. She reminisced about their coffees, where they discussed Turkish politics, their references that only Turkish people understand and the food they shared, which increased her fondness for her culture. The regional focus of the campus is another factor for students of the MENA region, highlighted by a student who believes this atmosphere incited her to explore her Tunisian identity and another Jordanian student who underlined the role of learning Arabic in strengthening his ties with his culture. The Jordanian student also spoke of Babel — an association aiming to understand the diverse cultures of the MENA region through conducting first-hand research in a selected country every year, this year being Jordan. “I was very scared for the Babel trip. It felt like if people didn’t like it, it was a reflection of me,” he explained. Yet, fortunately, the trip was a complete success! All of these students expressed that despite the difficulties of being far from home or not feeling as though they belong entirely to any particular culture, globally, the experience of third-culture kids is a special and positive one. As an encouraging note, they told fellow third-culture kids to remember the privilege of having these eye-opening experiences immersed in various cultures. We are given the chance to choose aspects that we especially appreciate in differing cultures to bring together in a way mirroring the best of various worlds. In this kaleidoscope of backgrounds, with some moving away for the first time and others re-discovering their origin, one finds superfluous similarities. In these exchanges, most students conveyed that connecting or preserving your culture is highly accessible in Menton, allowing it to play an integral role in our identities. They revealed that they listen significantly more to their ethnic music and devote heightened effort to cherish their exquisite cuisine. Language was deemed crucial, referred to as a code created over centuries to reflect their culture. The appreciation for our campus’ diversity in allowing us to learn about other cultures was noted by each of these individuals. Within this domain, a takeaway message is to find a balance between maintaining the link to our own culture and integrating into the one that we have the chance to live in.

We’ll find ourselves scrolling through 2.7 million posts ranging from references to the album, people talking about and embracing themselves using the brat aesthetic and lyrics from the album, photos of vice-president Kamala Haris, and tutorials on brat green hair and makeup. Nevertheless, there remains the question: How did being ‘brat’ come into the mainstream in an era dominated by the highest grossing tour in history, Taylor Swift’s Eras tour? < Back BECOMING BRAT Ema Nevrelova September 30, 2024 Contrary to many trends circulating on social media, the “brat summer” trend emerged from an album title. In the era of short videos and short extracts for songs, it sometimes seems impossible to appreciate more 'time-consuming' forms of art and music, but Charli XCX proved us wrong. Songwriter and artist Charli XCX released her sixth studio album, Brat, on June 7, 2024. It is worth mentioning that Charli has maintained her relevance for over 15 years, and has accomplished exactly what she had imagined for herself back in 2009 when she stated in an interview for the magazine Dazed Digital: “I want to prove to people that you don’t have to become this big, commercial pop writing machine to be successful, you can just do whatever you want, and it will be fine.” However, the recent resurgence of her popularity led some people to believe that she made an overhyped album with sloppy covers. Yet, her true fans know that coloured background and blurry title has been the aesthetics of her past four albums (including Brat). Fittingly, “you can just do whatever you want, and it will be fine” could also be a good basis to establish the definition of term brat, even though the commonly cited description of “brat essentials” by Charli XCX as having a “pack of cigs, a Bic lighter and a strappy white top with no bra.” There definitely has been room for interpretation illustrated by the #brat on Instagram. We’ll find ourselves scrolling through 2.7 million posts ranging from references to the album, people talking about and embracing themselves using the brat aesthetic and lyrics from the album, photos of vice-president Kamala Haris, and tutorials on brat green hair and makeup. Nevertheless, there remains the question: How did being ‘brat’ come into the mainstream in an era dominated by the highest grossing tour in history, Taylor Swift’s Eras tour? As Charli XCX alluded to in her interview for podcast Sidetrack, there is a cultural shift and “ the niche is being rewarded.’’ Her statement might be confusing to most people as they probably connect Charli with her second and arguably most mainstream studio album Sucker (which included hits like Break The Rules or Boom Clap ) released in 2014. What is perhaps lesser known is that she has been active in the Underground scene since her teenage years—attending raves or DJing in clubs. Charli has also collaborated with a producer named SOPHIE who, I would argue, helped shape her work towards hyperpop , a microgenre of electronic and pop music originating in the UK (mostly spread through SoundCloud). There are other reasons apart from a higher appreciation for the niche that made this album relevant this summer. An important factor for the promotion of the album was that Charli is the embodiment of brat—from the way she dresses to her confident yet vulnerable presence. Eye-catching colour, her strong personality and Tik Tok opened the door for her album into the mainstream. Another good marketing strategy and demonstration of various meanings of brat was the reconciliation of Lorde and Charli over the song “ The girl, so confusing” – even though they never really had a falling out. The 3.9 million views on YouTube prove that communication, female solidarity and friendship are brat. When discussing friendship that should have happened sooner, let’s look at the song “ Guess” featuring Billie Eilish. The song “ Guess” doesn’t appear on the original album Brat, but on its extended version called “Brat and it’s the same but there’s three more songs so it’s not” released on June 10. This queer hit pushed the brat obsession even further, with some of us longing for “lower back tattoo”. Possibly, the biggest ‘brat move’ surrounding the song was Charli and Billie donating around 10 000 of undergarments, from the Guess videoclip, to the I Support The Girls nonprofit organization providing ‘‘distribution of undergarments and menstrual products to folx experiencing homelessness and to victims of domestic violence.’’ Charli doesn’t just address important topics in real life but also in her songs. “ I think about it all the time” touches on the thought process and expectations around having children. Lines that resonate are “Should I stop my birth control? ‘Cause my career feels so small in the existential scheme of it all.’’ A second song with heartbreaking potential (not in a romantic way) is Apple . Unveiling Charli’s complicated relationship with parents allows for a reflection on our own childhood traumas and for a realisation that “the apple doesn't fall far from the tree.’ ’ Notably, the most emotional and vulnerable song is “ So I” – tribute to Charli’s long time music mentor, DJ and producer SOPHIE, who passed away in 2021. Slower tempo and reference to SOPHIE’ song It’s okay to cry should make us all cry. Clearly, brat isn’t solely about being a shallow bad girl, rather, it deals with the intricacy of womanhood from a messy feminine perspective. That is not to say that there is not a party element to the album, as Charli XCX revealed in the Therapuss podcast: “It [the album] is very personal but there are songs about just like getting f*cked up.’’ The party songs include 360 , 365 , Rewind or Club classics and that is where Charli utilized her skills from DJing. The tempo is fast, almost to a point where you feel dizzy but in a soothing tipsy way, at the same time the lyrics serve as reassurance that we don’t have a perfect routine, body or personality. We can “just rewind’’ and “say something stupid.’’ The popularity of this trend got so widespread that it even found its way into U.S. politics. After vice-president of the U.S. Kamala Harris announced running for presidency; Charli XCX endorsed her by writing on X: “kamala IS brat.’’ Harris’s campaign adopted the brat aesthetic and produced memes, making many people quickly forget about the attempted assassination of Donald Trump—a success, from a marketing point of view. Despite Harris’s quick rise to internet fame, it wasn't coincidental. As many politicians before her she likely aimed at younger voters in hopes of securing their votes. It remains to be seen if this tactic will prove to be successful, as Democrat voters among Generation Z and Millennials tend to sympathize with Palestine and criticize President Joe Biden’s policy in the current Israeli-Palestinian war. Harris will likely follow in his footsteps if she becomes president. Regardless of the outcome of the U.S. presidential elections, it is safe to say that “kamala IS brat’’ will not be forgotten. To conclude, this summer we witnessed a cultural shift during which, paradoxically, niche became part of mainstream culture and politics. But has the Brat album made a societal impact? As with any trend or album we will probably forget brat summer ever happened. Nevertheless, it will be one more summer which 2.7 million of us spent being less self-conscious and less bothered by other people’s expectations. Charli XCX reminded us, in her blunt and unhinged way, that we can be confident and vulnerable and there is in fact nothing wrong with our imperfect, complicated personalities. After all, if the potential U.S. president can be brat, can’t we all?

Just months ago, famed campus dweller, Ollie, was your average street dog in Greece. No longer. Ollie is better traveled than most of his human counterparts. From Greece, he made his way to the sunny Côte d’Azur. He spends his days lazing about the illustrious Sciences Po Menton campus — a university that, with a less than 20% acceptance rate, many of us struggled to get into. But Sciences Po is just a temporary stop on Ollie’s journey to New York City, where he will ultimately reside. < Back From the Streets of Greece to the Côte d’Azur: A Canine Success Story By Celeste Abourjeili and Ata Tezel April 30, 2022 Just months ago, famed campus dweller, Ollie, was your average street dog in Greece. No longer. Ollie is better traveled than most of his human counterparts. From Greece, he made his way to the sunny Côte d’Azur. He spends his days lazing about the illustrious Sciences Po Menton campus — a university that, with a less than 20% acceptance rate, many of us struggled to get into. But Sciences Po is just a temporary stop on Ollie’s journey to New York City, where he will ultimately reside. Ollie is many things: he is a chronic gnawer, a frequent park-goer, a champion hide-and-seeker, and a people person — though he’s still shy around other dogs. But these skills are not just any canine hobbies, according to his owner, professor Daniel Traficonte. These tendencies stem from the survival skills Ollie developed living on the streets and were essential to his escape. “He used his cuteness to survive in the streets and get fed by locals,” said Traficonte. One part of the strategy is that Ollie never barks and is tame around people. Anyone kind enough to pet him may even bear witness to his go-to two-legged dance move. Though Ollie refused to comment on this, Traficonte asserts that a main cause of Ollie’s success had to do with his breed and size. “He’s small enough to fit easily on a plane but also looks big enough to give a big dog vibe,” said Traficonte, describing the compromise he had to make with his wife to meet their differing desires in a dog. In fact, the couple had to do an intensive internet search to find a dog fitting this vision. The Kokoni, a native Greek breed, was the solution they found on an obscure Facebook group. They journeyed to Greece. The rest is history. “I want to breed these in New York,” said Traficonte, arguing that if Americans knew about these perfect house dogs, everyone would own one. Though Traficonte’s career as a future dog breeder is up in the air with his wife opposing the career choice, one thing is certain: Ollie is going to love New York, and New York is going to love him back. “We haven’t told [Ollie] yet,” Traficonte said regarding the family’s eventual move to the Big Apple. There, Traficonte will commute upstate to work as a tenured professor at Syracuse University one season per year.. Nevertheless, we asked Ollie whether he was excited for New York. He answered with an inquisitive stare, eyes wide open and tail rapidly wagging — a fitting response for the Odysseus of dogs. With a brand new chapter on the horizon for Ollie, the Mentonese are bittersweet about his upcoming departure. “It’s tough to see him leaving just as we became so close,” said one emotional Sciences Piste. “Nonetheless, it will be incredible to watch him live the American Dream!” Only time will tell what Ollie will achieve in New York, but for now, he wishes for nothing but friends and trips.

The Beirut attack has reproduced immensely this social division on the political stage as Lebanese dreadfully await to see if Hezbollah’s ‘silent strategy of response’ unravels into an unwanted war. < Back Beirut Bombing: A Social Take By Jad Toufic Toutinji Photo of the bombed apartment where Saleh Al Arouri and six other members were assassinated. It was captured on Dec. 3, 2024 by Al Jazeera cameraman Jawad Shukr. On Dec. 2, 2024, the population of Beirut was shaken by an Israeli attack on a supposedly residential building in the Hezbollah controlled southern suburbs, killing Saleh Al Arouri, a prominent Hamas political leader, and six other members during a secret Hamas meeting. It is the first Israeli attack on Beirut since the July War of 2006. The Situation Since Oct. 8, Hezbollah and Israel have been incessantly attacking each other within a ‘limited conflict’ under ‘rules of engagement.’ On the Lebanese side, this ‘conflict’ has taken the lives of more than 160 people (at the moment of writing), some of whom were innocent citizens, children and journalists like Reuter’s Issam Abdallah. It has also caused great infrastructural damages across the southern and central western regions of Lebanon, displacing approximately 80,000 people . On the Israeli side, the death toll is 15 with minor infrastructural damages, but with thousands evacuated under the government’s organization and request. A Brief Political Analysis The attack on Beirut came as a shock to many, even to those who may have anticipated it. It marks the first potential spark of an official all out war between both parties, being that it is Israel’s biggest breach of the ‘rules of engagement.’ This latter phrase in the conflict’s context refers to an equivalent right of response by both sides, which is what all Lebanese are dreading. If Hezbollah were to respond equally to the attack, then Lebanon will be pulled into a dreadful war. Many concerned believe Israel is testing the waters and ploying to drag Hezbollah to war. Israel’s unofficial defence for the attack is to get rid of all those involved in the Oct. 7 operation as clearly expressed by the Israeli Mossad Chief’s vow to “settle the score” a day after the Beirut bombing. Yet, there is more to see on the wider scope: Washington has recently refused the inclusion of Lebanon in the regional conflict, which Israel appears to disagree with. As a result, Israel took this discrete, precise attack instead of its usual bombardments like in the southern regions of Lebanon. Even though Israeli government officials are claiming that the attack was on Hamas, not Hezbollah and Lebanon, the violation of Lebanon’s sovereignty is undeniable. Furthermore, on Dec. 3 Israel bombed the Lebanese village of Naqoura, killing a prominent Hezbollah leader Hussein Yazbeck. Clearly, the attacks are not limited to Hamas. Thus,we could argue that Israel was testing Hezbollah’s waters by attacking its central neighbourhood, but also verifying the US’ commitment to de-escalation in Lebanon. The latter’s officials denied any prior knowledge of the planned drone bombing. Moreover, it is also Netanyahu trying to postpone his inevitable electoral defeat by prolonging the war and expanding into Lebanon. In response, Hezbollah’s leader Hassan Nasrullah warned during his speech on Dec. 3 that Arouri’s death will not go “without response and punishment,” claiming that it will be “very, very, very costly.” Consequently, observers are anticipating potential attacks; however, some interpret it as Hezbollah maintaining a ‘dormant’ right of response, so no immediate reciprocation. In fact, since Oct. 8, Hezbollah has been relatively showing a tactful response in an attempt to balance between supporting Hamas and controlling the internal Lebanese turmoil. Immediate Social Responses Instances after the bombing, there was a moment of panic that spread all over Lebanon. People in my neighbourhood, which is ten minutes away from the site of bombing, said that they had heard “three consecutive loud explosion sounds.” Two friends of mine, who live within metres from the site said that “they did not hear an explosion” – often a normal situation when the person is within close proximity to the bombing – and that “they heard a drone movement but lower than the usual Israeli warplanes viciously hovering over Lebanon.” One of them, living on the same street, said out of fear, “whatever it was they bombed us with, I felt it pass just above my house.” No one really knew who was assassinated, yet because of Lebanon’s consistent experiences with assassinations since 2005, it was almost immediately and unequivocally accepted that an assassination had taken place. The fear spread through all telecommunication ways possible. I was driving with my friends when it all happened and, within a matter of seconds, all the phones in the car were ringing. It was the typical Lebanese response to check on everyone after an attack, especially considering almost everyone in Lebanon would know someone who lives near the site of the bombing. My brother, who was in a shopping center when the explosion happened, saw many “immediately hold their kids and rush blindly to their homes.” Indeed, soon after it was made known that Israel bombed Beirut, its streets were emptied up as everyone took shelter in their homes in fear of further bombing. Even if, by far, this surely was not the biggest, most traumatic bombing to occur nor was it the most dangerous Israeli attack within the past five years, the consistent post-Beirut 2020 explosion trauma and the current Gaza and southern Lebanon massacres were enough to trigger a wave of fear all over the country. Within an hour, most Beirut boulangeries had run out of Lebanese pita bread as people bought essentials preparing for a potential war. Unlike prior to the 2006 July War, consciousness and fear of the repercussions of war is strongly present among the Lebanese. In comparison, in 2006, when Hezbollah announced the success of its kidnapping mission in the south, most Lebanese celebrated the success as many hoped to see the Lebanese hostages being exchanged for the kidnapped soldiers. Few were the ones that rushed out of fear to markets and boulangeries. However, it is evident that the trauma scarred in most Lebanese from that disastrous war created an unseen dreadfulness. As a result, most Lebanese, including to some extent Hezbollah, do not wish to go to war with Israel at the moment of writing. The Reproduction of Social Divisions The Dec. 2 Israeli attack on Beirut reproduced the never-ending Lebanese social divisions, some of which were essential factors to the 1975-1990 Civil War: the Palestinian refugees and the war against Israel. For a long time, Palestinian resistance groups, like Hamas, and also Lebanese ones, like Hezbollah, have existed out of the Lebanese military control. It has sparked on multiple occasions disputes with Lebanese civilians who feel endangered by the existence of armed groups. Today, many, if not a majority, stand against these armed groups. Most Lebanese stand with the Palestinian cause, whether on a humanitarian or identity basis. However, the division, which nowadays is not across religious sects as during the pre-civil war, stands on thin lines: ways of resistance and national priorities. Some Lebanese do not believe it is their duty to liberate Palestine militarily, seeing that the Lebanese cause – reclaiming Lebanese Israeli-occupied territories only – is of priority and that it should take place diplomatically or via the Lebanese military. This faction of the population perceives Hezbollah as an Iranian terrorist group endangering Lebanese sovereignty as much as Israel. On the other hand, another faction of the population perceives Hezbollah as their guardian angel against Israel because of a weakened Lebanese state. Interestingly, the latter faction is recently divided on the ‘Hezbollah’s balanced Palestinian-Lebanese strategy.’ A part of this latter faction sees the military support to Palestine from the Lebanese southern borders as morally necessary, yet should be kept limited to avoid an unwanted all-out war. Meanwhile, the opposing group, of which many are impoverished business owners and employees, still support Hezbollah yet believe that Lebanon is already in an economic crisis and that it is not the right time for liberation. As is the case that very few want a full war, even fewer from the anti-Hezbollah faction do not morally support the Palestinian cause and identify as Zionists. The political identification is never binary as extremists claim it to be. The Beirut attack has reproduced immensely this social division on the political stage as Lebanese dreadfully await to see if Hezbollah’s ‘silent strategy of response’ unravels into an unwanted war.

L’algorithme de Parcoursup, en faisant varier la valeur des élèves selon leurs résultats scolaires mais aussi en faisant respecter de critères spécifiques pour certaines filières, incarne parfaitement le paradigme compétitif qui structure le système éducatif français. Ce système éducatif repose sur une survalorisation de la compétition entre les élèves : les évaluations et classements sont constants, l’apprentissage coopératif absent. < Back Les périls de la culture compétitive dans l’éducation Eloïse Franzmann December 19, 2025 L’algorithme de Parcoursup, en faisant varier la valeur des élèves selon leurs résultats scolaires mais aussi en faisant respecter de critères spécifiques pour certaines filières, incarne parfaitement le paradigme compétitif qui structure le système éducatif français. Ce système éducatif repose sur une survalorisation de la compétition entre les élèves : les évaluations et classements sont constants, l’apprentissage coopératif absent. Dès le plus jeune âge, l’enfant apprend non seulement à maîtriser des connaissances mais surtout à se situer par rapport aux autres, à rivaliser pour obtenir une place valorisée. C’est une scène du quotidien révélatrice : alors que l’enseignant distribue les copies, les questions “Alors t’as eu combien?” fusent immédiatement. Une interrogation curieuse, qui traduit ce besoin constant de se situer par rapport à ces camarades, dans la conquête de la meilleure note, symbole de victoire. On invoque souvent, et à juste titre, que la compétition favoriserait — dans une certaine mesure — la performance et la motivation des élèves. De fait, elle peut conduire à une mobilisation accrue, un investissement plus prononcé, voire une élévation des exigences personnelles. Selon une vision rationnelle, l’humain, considéré comme un être calculateur, aurait besoin d’enjeux exogènes — récompenses, classement — pour se motiver, sans quoi il se désengagerait. Pourtant, cette vision masque une réalité bien moins attirante. Derrière ces idées fantasmées, l’école peut faire l’objet d’une source d’angoisse majeure : le burn-out scolaire concernerait environ 15% des lycéens, de même qu’ un adolescent sur quatre se déclare anxieux à l’idée des interrogations ou de la remise des notes et 62% des élèves se déclarent être fréquemment stressés à cause des évaluations. Ces chiffres font état d’une dégradation alarmante de la santé mentale des élèves, liée à un cadre anxiogène généré par la pression permanente à la réussite. Puisque qu’être seulement bon n’est pas suffisant, l’adoption d’attitudes compétitives contraint les individus à une éternelle insatisfaction d’eux-mêmes, ou au mieux, à une satisfaction temporaire. Un enfant qui baigne dans ce cadre éducatif risque alors de conditionner son estime de soi à cette satisfaction. L’estime de soi, si elle dépend des résultats scolaires, devient une véritable montagne russe émotionnelle. Si la compétition a des répercussions psychologiques, elle est également source d’une fragilisation des relations sociales. La coopération, la confiance et l’aide mutuelle s’effacent devant le besoin impérieux de se démarquer, de rivaliser. Un étudiant en étude supérieure confie « Je n’aime pas les travaux de groupes, c’est toujours plus compliqué et moins efficace que de travailler seul. » Bien souvent, travailler en groupe constitue une épreuve en soi pour les élèves. Cette difficulté à coopérer vient du fait que la compétition et notamment l’évaluation sont permanentes. Même lors de travaux de groupes, une majorité de professeurs évaluent les élèves individuellement. Que l’on travaille seul, ou en groupe, il faut sans cesse performer, se démarquer, exceller. Faire bien n’est jamais assez, il faut faire mieux que les autres. Un tel état d’esprit amène à penser ses camarades non plus comme des semblables, qui traversent les mêmes défis que nous mais davantage comme des adversaires à dépasser. Les relations de camaraderie sont alors régies par de la méfiance plutôt que par de la confiance. Lors de travaux de groupes, déléguer des tâches peut se révéler difficile, et la majorité du temps peut être consacrée à débattre des travaux de chacun plutôt qu’à une simple répartition claire de ceux-ci. L’obsession pour l’évaluation, la victoire et être le meilleur favorise le développement de mentalités qui veulent “la gagne quoi qu’il en coûte”. L’équité et l'honnêteté sont alors rapidement abandonnées au profit de méthodes de tricherie. De même l’utilisation croissante d’outils numériques comme l’intelligence artificielle pour réaliser des devoirs ou rédiger des travaux illustre bien ce phénomène : tous les moyens possibles pour accroître ses chances sont bons, même ceux considérés immoraux. L’injonction à la compétition, surtout lorsqu’elle repose principalement sur des récompenses externes, serait donc coupable d’une baisse de la motivation intrinsèque, d’un assèchement de la curiosité naturelle. Alors que le processus d’apprentissage devrait être valorisé en soi, c’est son seul résultat comptabilisé, la victoire, la note, qui importe réellement. L’éducation compétitive, en ne valorisant que les têtes de file, est également caractéristique d’un refus de l’échec. L’erreur faisant partie du chemin de la maîtrise, l’apprentissage est largement limité. Puisque l’apprentissage d’une nouvelle discipline est susceptible de mettre l’individu en position d’échec, celui-ci a tendance à tout bonnement éviter cette prise de risque. Naît ainsi une peur de la nouveauté qui peut pousser les élèves à éviter ou abandonner des activités qu’ils auraient pu apprécier dans d’autres circonstances. La condition de cette implication dans de nouvelles activités n’est pas de pouvoir si l’on veut mais davantage celle de vouloir si l’on peut. La motivation étant conditionnée à aux chances supposées de réussite, les bénéfices de l’éducation se voient largement limités. Le principal pouvoir d’un modèle éducatif centré sur la compétition est sa capacité à générer une dynamique puissante de défi et de dépassement. Cependant, d’autres modèles, comme celui de la Finlande, ont démontré que la coopération peut également conduire à d’excellents résultats, la formation d’une élite intellectuelle et à un bien-être accru. Et pourtant imaginer un système éducatif sans compétition, où tous les élèves seraient placés à pied d’égalité et où personne ne serait meilleur qu’un autre risquerait de brider les talents et contraindre des trajectoires plus spectaculaires. En fin de compte, un équilibre est à rechercher, entre la reconnaissance des divergences de compétences et l’encouragement à des apprentissages collectifs. Un système éducatif qui s’intéresse à un individu dans un cadre collectif. Photo source: Erin Lodes, flickr

Amid Egypt’s recent moves to assert itself as an eco-friendly regional power, it is fitting to explore key examples of green development initiatives spearheaded by the country in the last years. < Back Is Egypt a Model for Green Development? By Katie-Anne Harris November 30, 2022 Egypt’s national objectives for 2030, known as Vision 2030, have been implemented to meet the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals. One of this strategy’s major aims is to ensure that 15% of government investment goes into green development projects, and this figure is set to increase to 50% by 2025. This is not the first time Egypt has made its aspiration to be the voice of Africa clear. The country just hosted the United Nations Climate Change Conference — popularly referred to as COP27. In September, Egypt organized the meeting of African ministers of finance, economy, development and environment to formulate a unified vision for funding a transition to a greener economy. Amid Egypt’s recent moves to assert itself as an eco-friendly regional power, it seems fitting to explore key examples of green development initiatives spearheaded by the country in the last years. Renewable Energy in Egypt Egypt has invested in a multitude of renewable energy sources. The International Trade Administration reported that the government’s strategy is to make renewable energy generate 42% of energy by 2035, with wind energy making up 14%, hydroelectricity accounting for 2% and solar energy accounting for 25% of electricity generated by renewable resources. An example of a development project putting Egypt on track to meet these goals is the Benban Solar Park, which was completed in 2019. It has 32 solar plants with four substations, holding up to 1.65-gigawatt capacity, making the Benban plant one of the largest solar power sites in the world. This development project illustrates the Egyptian government’s capability and commitment to meet its sustainable development goals. Another example of successful green energy projects in Egypt is its biogas units which convert waste into electricity. Through this Fayoum-based project, biogas is obtained from the fermentation of organic waste. These units will provide a renewable energy source for household cooking and will also be used to produce organic fertilizer to improve soil properties in the region. Cairo’s Monorail Egypt is experiencing a rapid rate of urbanization, thus, augmenting the importance of transportation. To help prevent congestion and alleviate pollution, Egypt’s National Authority for Tunnels awarded a 4.5 billion dollar contract to UK Export Finance to build, operate, and maintain a monorail system for 30 years. It is set to become the world’s longest monorail while producing zero emissions and almost no noise. This project helps reduce emissions, lessen sound pollution and provide important public infrastructure for the population of Cairo. Green Cities Kharga has been declared the first green city in Egypt. There is no industrial pollution in the city due to the absence of industrial factories. Moreover, the city depends on renewable energy sources to generate government agencies, streetlights and places of worship and to extract water from irrigation wells and homes. There are monitoring stations for air quality, water quality, and noise pollution to ensure the city complies with environmental laws and legislation. Finally, the city holds many bike lanes to encourage zero-emission transportation. There has been a plan to build 45 new cities in Egypt to accommodate its growing population. These cities will be developed in line with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development’s Green Cities Program. There is no doubt that Egypt can build new green cities when looking at the successful green transformation of Kharga. Green Bonds Egypt is the first country in the Middle East and North Africa region to issue green bonds. Green bonds are financial instruments that are used to fund new environmental projects while returning fixed income to investors. These bonds offer investors the opportunity to mitigate the climate emergency while receiving returns like those expected from traditional investments. A report by Crédit Agricole claims that there is 1.9 billion dollars in green bonds that can be used to fund green projects. 16% of these bonds are for renewable energy projects, 19% for clean transportation, 26% for water and wastewater management and 39% for pollution prevention and control. Takeaways These examples of green development projects indicate that Egypt is on track to reach its sustainable development goals in line with the goals set out by the United Nations. These projects not only contribute to ensuring environmental integrity but also help meet goals to improve the quality of life of Egyptian citizens. The economic and sustainable benefits of these development projects generate jobs, improve public infrastructure and help combat pollution, all of which contribute to the well-being of Egyptian citizens. It is essential to look back on successful development projects in Egypt to understand why the country is eligible to be the voice for other African nations during COP27.