The right to education is enshrined in the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and even during wartime, under the Fourth Geneva Convention. Why, then, is the world turning a blind eye as schools in Gaza crumble, students are targeted and entire institutions collapse? The gradual normalization of educational violence is deeply troubling, highlighting a deeper decay of global values and human rights. < Back The War on Gaza’s Impact on Education: Scholasticide in Modern-Day Conflict Loowit Morrison for Amnesty Menton November 30, 2024 “[A] new way has been found to kill children.” Such was the remark on the Israeli Knesset’s October 28th decision to ban operations of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), from James Elder, UNRWA spokesperson. The parliamentary decision moved to ban the UNRWA’s operations within Israel, including occupied East Jerusalem, where the organization’s headquarters lie, as well as eliminating contact between Israeli authorities and the UNRWA. Justified by Israel on the grounds of terrorist involvement in the agency, this decision threatens the UNRWA’s humanitarian operations , which include healthcare and infrastructure development, social services, loans, and more, to Palestinian refugees. An especially crucial responsibility of the UNRWA is providing Palestinians with primary and vocational education. The agency offers free basic education to approximately 550,000 Palestinian refugee children, including almost 300,000 in Gaza and 46,000 in the West Bank. They also assist child refugees in Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. This education is key to providing children with hope and stability, nurturing a new generation of Palestinians. According to United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, the October 28th decision poses an acute threat to these efforts, potentially resulting in the breakdown not only of education systems for 650,000 Palestinian children but the peace process as a whole. The banning of UNRWA is only one example of the destruction of educational systems in Palestine, a process which has been conceptualized as “scholasticide”. Initially defined by Karma Nabulsi, Oxford University Professor of Political Science and International Relations, during the assault on Gaza in 2008-2009, scholasticide refers to the “willful demolition of educational infrastructure.” The term includes an array of aggressions, including the killing of teachers and students, mental harm to students, physical demolition of educational buildings and materials, obstruction of rebuilding efforts, prevention of scholarly exchange and more. It has also been extended to the destruction of archives, libraries, museums, and other sites of cultural heritage, assaulting efforts to maintain Palestinian culture, history or identity in an attempt at cultural erasure. The relationship between scholasticide and the war on Gaza could not be more evident. It fundamentally lies at the core of Israel’s destructive strategies against Palestinians. A report from Scholars Against the War on Palestine holds that during the war on Gaza, scholasticide has grown exponentially, expanding from physical attacks on schools to a “total annihilation of education.” Scholasticide has manifested itself in Gaza in a myriad of ways, through the physical damage of buildings, the deaths of students and teachers, the growth of learning poverty, and the destruction of constructive educational curricula. A September report from the UNRWA, Cambridge University, and the Centre for Lebanese Studies highlights the threat of the ongoing war on education and its potential to create a “lost generation” of traumatized children. The study projects that under current conditions, education could be set back by five years. According to a prior report from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in August, over 10,600 children and 400 teachers have been killed thus far in the war, and an additional 15,300 students and 2,400 teachers have been injured. This killing and maiming of children is a blatant violation of International Humanitarian Law. Furthermore, a UNRWA report has estimated that over ten children per day have lost one or both of their legs, underlining the rise of disabilities among Palestinian children. This concern, coupled with the destruction of medical care, counseling and support systems in schools, will cause children with disabilities to face even more barriers to education during and after the war. Damage to physical buildings cannot be ignored. As of early September, 92% of all school buildings in Gaza were demolished or damaged, and every university had been destroyed . Satellite images from the Occupied Palestinian Territory Education Cluster have verified the extent of damage, which continues to grow by the day. This development means that even when the combat ends, children will not have a school to return to . “ Learning poverty ”, or the inability to read a basic text by age ten, has skyrocketed in Gaza over the past 14 months, increasing by at least 20%. Already disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic, lost learning in Gaza poses an urgent threat. Not only is scholasticide in Gaza affecting concrete educational qualities for children, such as literacy, but it also carries dire psychological consequences. Traumatized and lacking adequate educational and emotional support, Gazan children are losing faith in concepts such as human rights, equality and tolerance. A humanitarian aid official remarked that “it will take a generation to overcome” this trauma, severely setting back educational efforts. The destruction of educational institutions in Gaza, coupled with the deprioritization of education and the lackluster efforts to rebuild schools, will have consequences that last for years to come. UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini has stated that the neglect of education will “sow the seeds for future hatred and extremism,” leading children to fall victim to exploitation and armed groups. Children in Gaza are not shown empathy, respect for human rights and hope, and without schools to convey these crucial values, children cannot learn them. This trend would not only threaten the rights of Palestinian children today but global stability and international humanitarian efforts as a whole. For years, Palestine has prided itself in its educational systems, investing in academic institutions with the hopes of sowing the seeds of progress. During the First Intifada, Palestine experienced an “educational revolution,” seeing mass efforts to promote popular education. Education, to Palestinians, was, and still is, a form of resistance to attacks on their identity. Israeli efforts to block education have been linked with attempts to suppress this Palestinian intellectual development, perpetuate dependency upon Israel and block the spread of a Palestinian narrative. By attacking schools and organizations such as the UNRWA, Israel aims to set Palestine’s educational efforts, which they prize so greatly, back to an underdeveloped stage. The right to education is enshrined in the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights , and even during wartime, under the Fourth Geneva Convention . Why, then, is the world turning a blind eye as schools in Gaza crumble, students are targeted and entire institutions collapse? The gradual normalization of educational violence is deeply troubling, highlighting a deeper decay of global values and human rights. Children’s rights are being increasingly ignored, pushed aside as less important than other issues. Education is simply not considered relevant enough in discussions of humanitarian needs, a neglect that ignores the glaring manifestations of educational violence used to further wartime means. In Gaza, Israel has purposefully targeted education to further displace and marginalize Palestinians. This conflict isn’t the only example of scholasticide; in fact, attacks on education represent a growing military tactic worldwide. A report from the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack found that in 2022 and 2023, incidents that targeted education and the military use of schools worldwide increased by nearly 20%, as compared with the previous two years. In sum, there were roughly 6,000 attacks on educators, schools and universities, averaging at eight attacks per day. Over 625,000 children still live in Gaza. Nonetheless, their rights, including those to education, are consistently pushed aside and ignored in discussions among experts and politicians. We are slowly “accepting the unacceptable,” says Sonia Ben Jaafar of Al Jazeera, referring to the troubling normalization of violence committed against children and their education. The international community has chosen to turn its backs on Palestinian children—their lives are targeted, their schools are destroyed and any humanitarian efforts to aid them are blocked. Scholasticide is bleeding into Gaza in a multitude of faucets, posing an immediate and dire threat to the livelihoods of Palestinian children today, tomorrow and for years to come.

Véritable expérience cinématographique, l’audace narrative unique, les personnages attachants et l’esthétique inimitable de Pulp Fiction en font un chef-d’œuvre intemporel. En défiant les conventions, Quentin Tarantino a encore prouvé que le cinéma pouvait être à la fois populaire et artistique. < Back Pulp Fiction, un chef-d'œuvre culte et intemporel Habiba Lala January 31, 2025 Réalisé par Quentin Tarantino, Pulp Fiction est bien plus qu’un simple film: c’est une révolution cinématographique qui défie les conventions narratives classiques tout en capturant l'essence brute et stylisée de la culture populaire américaine de son époque. Sorti en 1994, ce long-métrage est récompensé par la Palme d’or au Festival de Cannes et se dresse comme un chef-d’œuvre iconique du cinéma postmoderne. Loin de se contenter d’être un exercice de style, Pulp Fiction offre en réalité une exploration profondément humaine et ironique sur des thèmes plus lourds tels que la violence, le destin ou même la rédemption. Puzzle temporel et narration éclatée L’un des éléments qui m’a le plus marqué dans Pulp Fiction est sa structure narrative non linéaire. Contrairement à un récit classique, où les événements suivent un ordre chronologique, le film éclate sa temporalité en plusieurs fragments interconnectés qui partagent des motifs récurrents: la violence, le hasard, la morale, la rédemption. On y suit trois intrigues principales: l'histoire de Vincent Vega et de Jules Winnfield qui sont deux tueurs à gages chargés de récupérer une mallette sous les ordres de Marsellus Wallace; celle de Butch Coolidge, un boxeur en fuite; et enfin, une intrigue secondaire autour des mésaventures de Vincent et de Mia Wallace, épouse du gangster Marsellus. Cette construction, audacieuse pour l'époque, défie les conventions classiques et nous engage activement en tant que spectateurs dans le montage du puzzle narratif. Les scènes de début et de fin, centrées sur Pumpkin et Honey Bunny dans un restaurant, servent d'encadrement et de miroir, ce qui illustre l’obsession de Tarantino pour la circularité et l'interconnexion. Cette structure originale remet en question notre rapport au temps et au destin, un thème omniprésent dans le film. Par ailleurs, elle crée une tension particulière: même lorsque le spectateur connaît l’issue d’un événement, comme par exemple avec la survie de Vincent et Jules dans la scène du « nettoyage, » l’intérêt réside plus dans le « comment » que dans le « quoi. » Chaque chapitre est autonome tout en enrichissant l’ensemble, ce qui est d’autant plus impressionnant. Des dialogues ciselés et iconiques Je suis convaincue que si Pulp Fiction est si mémorable, c’est en grande partie grâce à l’écriture des dialogues. Tarantino possède un don rare pour mêler trivialité et profondeur, transformant une discussion sur les hamburgers (“Royale with Cheese”) ou les massages des pieds en moments captivants et révélateurs des personnages, de leur manière de penser. Les échanges entre Vincent et Jules, souvent empreints d'humour noir, alternent entre légèreté apparente et réflexions philosophiques sur la moralité et la violence. Le monologue biblique de Jules, issu d’une version modifiée d'Ézéchiel 25:17, est un autre exemple emblématique. Ce passage, où il prétend être un instrument de la volonté divine, transcende sa fonction initiale pour devenir une introspection sur la rédemption et le changement. De même, le décalage entre les situations et le vocabulaire s’inscrit dans cette continuité comme avec l’histoire du père de Butch, racontée par le capitaine de manière tragique, mais qui parfois adopte un ton décalé lorsqu’on sait où le père de Butch avait caché sa montre. Une galerie de personnages complexes Un des aspects qui m’a le plus fasciné réside dans l'écriture des personnages. Chaque personnage de Pulp Fiction est un monde en soi, oscillant entre caricature et profondeur. Vincent Vega, joué par John Travolta, est un tueur nonchalant mais qui masque une certaine vulnérabilité qu’on réussit à entrevoir dans ses mésaventures avec Mia. Jules Winnfield, interprété par Samuel L. Jackson, évolue tout au long du film, passant du cynisme à une quête de rédemption après avoir survécu à une fusillade, ce qu’il considère comme un signe divin l’invitant à une introspection. Mia Wallace, incarnée par Uma Thurman, est la quintessence du mystère et de la sensualité, particulièrement lors de la scène de danse devenue culte. Quant à Butch Coolidge, joué par Bruce Willis, il représente un homme pris entre son passé violent et son désir de s’en libérer et qui est aussi confronté à un dilemme dans lequel il choisira de sauver la vie de Marcellus Wallace, celui qu’il a trahit et tenté de tuer auparavant. Ces personnages, bien que plongés dans des situations absurdes ou violentes, conservent une humanité troublante, rendant leur destin captivant et leurs personnalités attachantes. Une esthétique rétro et pop Sur le plan visuel, on remarque facilement que Pulp Fiction est un hommage à la culture pulp, à ces magazines des années 30 à 50 qui regorgeaient d’histoires sensationnalistes. La mise en scène, riche en couleurs saturées et en compositions symétriques, est imprégnée de cette esthétique. C’est aussi un hommage au cinéma des années 70 avec des couleurs vives, des décors vintages et un montage stylisé présents tout au long du film. La dimension pop est également présente à travers ses nombreuses références à la musique, au cinéma et à la culture populaire. La bande-son est par exemple composée de morceaux préexistants de rock 'n' roll américain, de surf music, de pop et de soul. Elle comprend des références cultes telles que Misirlou de Dick Dale ou encore You Never Can Tell de Chuck Berry. Chaque choix de musique est utilisé pour renforcer l’ambiance d’une scène, comme avec la chanson Girl, You'll Be a Woman Soon d'Urge Overkill lors de la scène avec Mia Wallace ce qui permet d’illustrer sa vulnérabilité et sa complexité. Entre violence et ironie, susciter le choc chez le spectateur La violence, omniprésente dans le film, est souvent stylisée et teintée d’ironie. Tarantino ne se contente pas de choquer. Il transforme la brutalité en un langage esthétique. Une scène comme celle où Vincent tire accidentellement sur Marvin dans une voiture en mouvement est aussi tragique qu’absurde. Ce traitement décalé de la violence, souligne l’absurdité des situations tout en déstabilisant les attentes du spectateur puisque rien ne pourrait expliquer l’acte de Vincent. L’ironie dans les scènes tragiques est aussi présente lors de l'overdose de Mia Wallace, puisque l’on a un montage alterné où Mia est au bord de la mort/va presque mourir, pendant que Vincent reste dans les toilettes à se soucier de préoccupations qui semblent futiles en se demandant comment rentrer chez lui et refuser de rester avec Mia. Une œuvre intemporelle Si on me demandait de décrire Pulp Fiction en un mot, je dirais « iconique. » Si on me demandait de le raconter, je dirais « chaotique. » Véritable expérience cinématographique, l’audace narrative unique, les personnages attachants et l’esthétique inimitable de Pulp Fiction en font un chef-d’œuvre intemporel. En défiant les conventions, Quentin Tarantino a encore prouvé que le cinéma pouvait être à la fois populaire et artistique.

The French National Assembly passed the long-awaited, controversial French immigration bill on Dec. 20, 2023. < Back French Immigration Bill: Sciences Pistes’ Perspectives By Jad Toufic Toutinji January 24, 2024 The French National Assembly passed the long-awaited, controversial French immigration bill on Dec. 20, 2023. It seems that the only thing that everyone agreed on was that something had to be done, yet disagreed on what that (something) had to be. The bill in both its early and final version split the French public as much as the French Conseil d’état (i.e., Council of the State). While, regarding Sciences Pistes, even if the left is more outspoken, the right also has their strong opinion. In its final version, the bill focuses on strengthening data collection on immigrants’ acceptance, deportation and rejection. It constitutes longer waiting time to access welfare benefits and to call for family reunification. Furthermore, the controversial law pushes for easier access to residency permits for professionals working in labor areas undergoing shortage. It also postpones the “jus soli,” which allows citizenship at birth till the age of 16. Concurrently it validates citizenship withdrawal from dual nationals who commit severe crimes towards the police. Concerning foreign students, they will have to pay a deposit at the start of their education in France to be recuperated later on. The law leaves space for several criticisms from both the left and the right. The left among the Sciences Pistes have unequivocally expressed their dissatisfaction for the bill passed. Many believe it to be a National Rally’s ploy to enact a strict immigration policy that negates fundamental rights in the name of security. “It is totally unjust to see at what point a country which has the means to help others but which does not in the name of spreading security defended by the racist extreme right,” said one respondent identifying with La France Insoumise. Another respondent, affiliated with the Place Publique, remarked with regards to fundamental rights that “Everyone, including the interior minister, knew that it (the bill) contained unconstitutional content.” On the subject of foreign students, many showed their concerns over the new required deposit. “It is a racist law aiming at criminalizing immigration and will only serve to promote access for wealthier foreign students to universities,” angrily expressed one respondent. “This law targets students in a general manner,” said another respondent who also doubts the motives behind the bill, “it looks like it benefits no one except that it satisfies political interests.” With eyes on the future, several responses reflected fear for the growing migration crisis, “if we are incapable of integrating migrants in France right now, it will be impossible to integrate future ones, especially environmental migrants.” At the same time, others show doubt in the efficiency of the law, “I firmly believe that the law’s efficiency is debatable … We must not neglect the consequences of preventing vulnerable people from access to essential services.” On the other hand, the right, even if less expressed in Sciences Po, has strong opinions on the issue. Tackling the restrictions on the aides personnalisées au logement (APL), one of the housing assistance services offered, a respondent identifying with the right described it as “a measure of full common sense,” praising that “France is not an NGO that distributes funds. The measure would help reduce the assistance culture that has been developing, urging immigrants to add to the richness of the nation.” This is a common criticism by the right as to how much government aid goes to unemployed immigrants each year, thus creating a burden on government services without fiscal returns. The right claims that this undeserved aid incentivizes immigrants to avoid working in order to continue receiving it. Meanwhile, the same respondent was skeptical of the refundable deposit put in place on foreign students, seeing that “in face of the decline of France as an attractive education spot globally, it is necessary to preserve those students who are the future ambassadors of French values in their home countries.” Not to forget is the CVEC payment which, among others, students have to contribute annually to without ever feeling its value in developing student life. In addition, this new deposit comes after the controversial significant increase in tuition fees on foreign students from 2019 in public universities. On the European scene, a strong pro-European student strongly doubts the bill, “Overall, I think this law is absolutely inadequate to solve the problem of migration in France.” When asked about his opinion on the rise of anti-migration trends in Europe, the student tackled the French situation, while noting its exact replica in other European countries, “The approbation of the new (discriminatory) law on migration in France is the outcome of a society incapable of adapting to the rapid changes of modernity. To keep the electorate ‘happy’ they vote for laws against the very own principles of the EU.” Finally, with regards to the implication of the bill on neighboring European countries, the student pointed out that it will surely worsen the living conditions of migrants on neighboring borders, especially in Ventimiglia, and that it will affect equal distribution of migrants in the EU. In conclusion, as one respondent posits: “the question posed right now is: will France stay silent at this moment?”

“The streets were paved with jasmine flowers,” recalls Haya, a Syrian refugee, in a UNHCR interview. This poignant image, evoking the former beauty of Damascus, also symbolizes resilience amid Syria’s ruins. The jasmine, blooming despite devastation, reflects the Syrian opposition's endurance—fractured but persistent in its quest for freedom over two decades. As jasmine blossoms through cracks, so does opposition to Assad’s regime, embodying hope amid ongoing struggles. < Back Blooming in Fragments: The Syrian Opposition Camilla Maury for the Centre Étudiant pour la Recherche Stratégique (CERS) December 31, 2024 “The streets were paved with jasmine flowers,” recalls Haya, a Syrian refugee, in a UNHCR interview. This poignant image, evoking the former beauty of Damascus, also symbolizes resilience amid Syria’s ruins. The jasmine, blooming despite devastation, reflects the Syrian opposition's endurance—fractured but persistent in its quest for freedom over two decades. As jasmine blossoms through cracks, so does opposition to Assad’s regime, embodying hope amid ongoing struggles. Syria's geographic significance has long made it a stage for global powers. Regional and international actors like the U.S., Turkey, and Iran vie for influence, making Syria a geopolitical linchpin. This external involvement amplifies domestic turmoil rooted in authoritarian rule, initiated by Hafez Al-Assad in 1970 and perpetuated by his son, Bashar. Opposition movements have risen and fallen under oppressive tactics, yet fragments of resistance endure, striving to reclaim Syria’s future. This analysis explores the evolution of Syria's opposition across three key phases: early movements (1980s–2000s), the Civil War (2011–2016), and the fragmentation that characterized Syria before the recent opposition victory. Part One: Repression Waters The Flowers of War November marks a grim anniversary for Syrians: the start of Assad's hegemony in 1970. Hafez Al-Assad’s regime silenced dissent through mass arrests, torture and extrajudicial killings. By the late 1970s, the Muslim Brotherhood launched armed resistance , including assassinations and urban guerrilla warfare. However, the regime’s brutal responses, culminating in the 1982 Hama Massacre , crushed this movement, leaving tens of thousands dead. Fear and repression stifled significant opposition for decades. In 2000, Bashar Al-Assad’s succession inspired brief hope for reform. Intellectuals initiated the "Damascus Spring," holding forums and publishing manifestos like the “Manifesto of the 99.” Yet, the regime quickly suppressed this movement, arresting activists and silencing dissent. Opposition was pushed into exile , where figures like Radwan Ziadeh advocated internationally for human rights. Despite their efforts, fragmented leadership and limited reach hindered meaningful resistance. Economic hardship compounded repression in the 2010s, with rising unemployment and poverty fueled by drought and inflation. By 2011, inspired by the Arab Spring, Syrians demanded reform. The regime’s violent crackdown transformed peaceful protests into rebellion, plunging Syria into civil war and reshaping the opposition landscape. Part Two: The Blooming The Arab Spring of 2011 ignited new hope for the Syrian opposition. Protestors demanded freedom and reform, but Assad’s violent response escalated into civil war . The Free Syrian Army (FSA), formed by army deserters, became the opposition’s primary armed force, capturing territory and advocating for democracy. At its peak, the FSA controlled significant areas and achieved victories with Turkish support, like the 2016 Operation Euphrates Shield. However, the FSA suffered from fragmentation and inconsistent foreign backing. Divided by regional and international interests, its effectiveness waned. Russian military intervention in 2015, involving extensive airstrikes, decisively shifted power back to Assad, leading to the FSA's retreat and the fall of Aleppo in 2016. Diplomatic efforts also emerged, with the Syrian National Council (SNC) and its successor, the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces, striving to unify opposition factions and gain international recognition. Yet, these efforts faltered due to fragmented leadership and competing foreign agendas, while rivalries among backers like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey weakened coordination, undermining the opposition’s ability to present a united front against Assad. As the war intensified, extremist groups like ISIS and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) gained prominence. ISIS, with its brutal campaigns, drew global attention but eroded the broader opposition’s credibility. In contrast, the SDF, supported by the U.S., gained legitimacy by combating ISIS and advocating for Kurdish autonomy. However, Turkey deems the SDF a terrorist organization due to its ties to the YPG (People’s Protection Units), which forms the backbone of the SDF, and its affiliation with the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party), a group responsible for decades of insurgency within Turkey. This designation, combined with Turkish hostility and the power vacuum left by ISIS, limited the SDF’s ability to challenge Assad directly. Part Three: The Withering Russia’s 2015 intervention in Syria decisively shifted the conflict in Assad’s favor. Framed as counterterrorism, it primarily targeted opposition forces like the Free Syrian Army (FSA) rather than ISIS. Deploying advanced jets, artillery, and personnel, Russia’s focus on opposition strongholds like Idlib escalated violence and ensured Assad’s survival. This intervention deepened Assad’s alliances and sidelined opposition forces. Turkey emerged as a key supporter of the opposition, backing Idlib-based resistance to counter Assad’s forces and protect Turkish interests, including managing refugees and combating Kurdish groups. Operations like “Spring Shield” in 2020 demonstrated Turkish resolve but were undermined by clashes with Russian-backed forces, such as the February 2020 airstrikes that killed 34 Turkish soldiers. Fragmented Turkey-backed militias, operating with conflicting agendas, further complicated Ankara’s efforts. A lack of broader international support critically weakened the opposition. As global priorities shifted and NATO remained disengaged, Turkey and the opposition became increasingly isolated. Forced into uneasy cooperation with Russia, Turkey’s ability to counter Assad diminished. Supported by Russia and Iran, Assad reclaimed most of Syria, reducing the opposition to scattered factions confined to the North and Northeast. The Last Fading Petals: Assad’s Final Days In the war’s aftermath, Assad had consolidated power domestically and achieved key diplomatic victories. The Arab League reinstated Syria in 2023 , and nations like Saudi Arabia and the UAE reopened embassies, prioritizing regional stability over isolating Assad. These developments, spurred by crises like the February 2023 earthquake, bolstered Assad’s legitimacy. A unified force was needed to challenge the regime, but the opposition remained fragmented and weakened. The SDF controlled resource-rich Northern areas but faced internal divisions and Turkish aggression. Turkey’s operations, like “Claw Sword,” and Arab tribal dissent hindered the SDF’s effectiveness. Meanwhile, Idlib’s opposition was dominated by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) , a former al-Qaeda affiliate governing through the Syrian Salvation Government. Although Turkey has been financially supporting and training Syrian rebels since the Civil War and has never directly opposed HTS, the group remains isolated, relying on international aid while combating Assad’s forces, internal factionalism, and challenges to its authority. Both the SDF and HTS were thought to have lacked the resources, unity and international backing to meaningfully challenge Assad. Russian and Iranian alliances, coupled with normalization efforts by Arab states, had marginalized the opposition and entrenched Assad’s power. Conclusion: Hope Among the Ruins Damascus, December 12, 2024: After years of brutal conflict, Syrian rebels have succeeded in overthrowing Bashar al-Assad’s regime, marking a seismic shift in the nation’s modern history. The coalition behind this victory is a diverse mix of factions, from remnants of the Free Syrian Army to Islamist groups and newly formed militias. United only by their shared opposition to Assad’s decades-long rule, they overcame deep divisions to wage a relentless campaign, bolstered by support from regional powers. Despite their triumph, the future of Syria under their governance remains uncertain, since the coalition’s ideological diversity and competing priorities pose challenges to achieving a stable, unified leadership. Moving forward, the international community will likely focus on how these groups navigate governance, rebuild the nation and address pressing issues like reconciliation, security and economic recovery. The world will be watching closely as Syria begins the daunting task of rebuilding, reconciling and forging a new political future.

The critical state of Lebanon’s cultural sites calls for the international community to guarantee the preservation of cultural heritage as a crucial component of peace processes and post-conflict resilience. < Back Lebanon’s Cultural Heritage at Risk: How International Frameworks Attempt to Safeguard It Saimi Hartikainen for MEDMUN November 30, 2024 The escalating conflict between Israel and Hezbollah has had a destructive impact on the lives of millions. Since October 2023, Israeli attacks on Lebanon have killed over 3,000 and displaced an estimated 1.2 million people. Hezbollah’s attacks on Israel have led to the death of 72 people, with more than 60,000 displaced in Northern Israel. In addition to the tragedies inflicted upon human lives, international concerns have been raised over the state of Lebanon’s cultural sites. On October 23, Israel launched air strikes on Tyre, known as ‘Sour’ in Arabic, one of the cities with the oldest, continuous human habitation in the world. The strikes have continued in nearby areas in southern Lebanon. On October 30, Israel targeted the ancient city of Baalbek, known for its unique Roman citadel. The attacks on Baalbek have since damaged three historical buildings, including the Gouraud Barracks and the Palmyra Hotel, in the proximity of the Roman temples. The UN Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has classified both cities as World Heritage sites. Damages to these cultural sites fracture Lebanese history for the country’s identity, further disrupting cultural continuity and collective memory in times of crisis. These events and their consequences have thus raised alarm domestically and globally, positioning international protection frameworks of cultural heritage in the spotlight. UNESCO’s classification of World Heritage sites attributes ‘cultural heritage’ with “outstanding universal value from the historical, aesthetic, ethnological or anthropological point of view.” UNESCO has nominated both Tyre and Baalbek based on different criteria : Tyre , the antique Phoenician metropole that ruled the Mediterranean and founded the colonies of Cadiz and Carthage, is home to ruins from the Roman period. It fulfills UNESCO’s criterion III of being “a unique or at least exceptional testimony to a cultural tradition or to a civilization which is living or which has disappeared” and criterion VI of being “directly or tangibly associated with events or living traditions, with ideas, or with beliefs… of outstanding universal significance.” Baalbek , the Phoenician city that maintained its religious significance throughout the Hellenistic and Roman periods is considered to comply with criterion I of “represent(ing) a masterpiece of human creative genius” and criterion IV of being “an outstanding example of a type of building, architectural or technological ensemble or landscape which illustrates (a) significant stage(s) in human history.” UNESCO pays special attention to safeguarding World Heritage sites as it considers that they constitute a foundation that can be later used “to rebuild a broken community, re-establish its identity, and link its past with its present and future.” These considerations illustrate the potential of international frameworks for the protection of cultural heritage in Lebanon. The crucial need for protection of cultural sites was echoed by Lebanese lawmakers who noted that it “ goes beyond physical preservation; it is about safeguarding the traditions, stories and values these sites represent, legacies that connect our past to our future.” Indeed, cultural heritage sites act as a material reminder of the historical phases of a country and its civilization. They function as points of reference for understanding one’s position in the world and the historical advancements made as a people. These shared experiences and memories foster a clearer sense of community and identity, anchoring a people to a place. Cultural heritage can also attract tourism and bring about economic opportunities, thus serving as a platform for sharing cultural experiences and livelihoods. In addition to the cultural, social and economic value heritage sites generate for local societies, they also enrich humankind. Destruction or damage of cultural sites hence “ impoverishes humankind.” Since cultural heritage is an integral part of national identity, offenses on a nation’s sovereignty are often accompanied by attacks on culture. Israel has been accused of targeting Lebanon’s cultural heritage, a charge that Israel has denied, and instead claimed that its strikes have been aimed at Hezbollah targets in nearby areas. Experts have warned that strikes might hit off-target and unintentionally damage important cultural sites. Either way, the impact on Lebanon’s collective memories and identity is shattering in case of such strikes succeeding. UNESCO and other international actors thus aim to protect World Heritage sites through a variety of international frameworks. The Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict, known as the 1954 Hague Convention, commits states to preventive measures against damage to cultural heritage in conflict and to “refraining from any use of the property and its immediate surroundings… in the event of armed conflict” and “from any act of hostility, directed against such property.” The 1999 Second Protocol to the Convention established the notion of ‘ enhanced protection,’ under which World Heritage sites shall be granted “high level immunity from military attacks as well as threats of making it a military target.” Lebanon has appealed to UNESCO for a swift process of inscribing the country’s Heritage sites under enhanced protection in light of the recent near-misses of Israeli strikes. UNESCO will discuss this in an extraordinary meeting in Paris on November 18. The agency is assisting local authorities in the transportation of World Heritage site artifacts to safety and has conducted remote assessments of the damage caused to the cultural sites. Lebanese lawmakers have noted the urgency of “the protection of these historic sites by mobilizing UNESCO’s authority, securing international attention and advocating for protective measures.” Ideally, UNESCO’s efforts will guarantee physical protection of the sites and raise international awareness that puts global pressure on the initiation of a peace process. However, the effectiveness of UNESCO’s work has previously been questioned . In 2019, Israel withdrew from the organization along with the United States, accusing the organization of anti-Israel bias. UNESCO had previously criticized Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem and, in 2011, made Palestine a member of the agency. Following this, Israel and the US stopped paying the required fees to UNESCO, signaling reluctance towards contributing to UNESCO’s mission of preserving culturally significant property. Due to such handicaps of UNESCO, some experts put their faith in other international bodies, such as the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The Court set a global precedent in a 2021 Armenia v. Azerbaijan landmark case that attributed destruction of cultural heritage with racial discrimination under the Convention for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD). Hence, the international community is working slowly but steadily towards better protection of cultural heritage and accountability of actors. The Israel-Hezbollah conflict has, without doubt, put Lebanon’s cultural heritage at risk, with World Heritage sites such as Tyre and Baalbek suffering damages that have raised grave concern over their significance for national identity as well as humankind’s collective memory and heritage. International frameworks aim to provide protection of these sites, highlighting their importance and the responsibilities of states. For example, UNESCO is considering placing Lebanon’s sites under enhanced protection. However, the effectiveness of these frameworks has come under question amid geopolitical tensions, as demonstrated by Israel’s retreat from UNESCO. The critical state of Lebanon’s cultural sites calls for the international community to guarantee the preservation of cultural heritage as a crucial component of peace processes and post-conflict resilience.

Sciences Pistes Model United Nations (SPMUN) has come and gone — but that won’t stop us from reflecting upon the amazing experiences that were had by those 170 Sciences Pistes who partook in the first intercampus event of the 2022-23 academic year. < Back Reflecting on the 2022-2023 Sciences Pisted Model United Nations Conference By Georgia McKerracher December 31, 2022 Sciences Pistes Model United Nations (SPMUN) has come and gone — but that won’t stop us from reflecting upon the unique experiences that were had by those 170 Sciences Pistes who partook in the first intercampus event of the 2022-23 academic year. The conference focus on “Reconstruction and Redirection” proved to be a popular one — with three language committees, highlighting the true diversity of Menton as a site sandwiched between a variety of Mediterranean states and bringing together aspiring policymakers, diplomats, leaders and journalists from across the world. The opening ceremony kicked off with an address from the Permanent Observer of the International Chamber of Commerce in Geneva and former Australian Ambassador to Nepal and Chile, Mr. Crispin Conroy. Not only did he manage to diplomatically ingratiate himself to the community through remarks about the beauty of our campus, but he also spoke about his experiences as a gender parity champion and reflected on the roots of the ICC, League of Nations and the Paris Climate Agreement. According to Conroy, the multilateralism of our increasingly globalized world is today threatened by the politics of fear we are witnessing engulf the world’s democracies; therefore, he positioned his audience to reflect on their duty to rethink the multilateral approaches they can employ to further the global common good. Secondly, Sciences Po Refugee Help’s representatives Cameron Sterling and Ferida Altun delivered a moving speech to the audience, condemning the militarization of the Italian-Franco border and the human rights abuses which occur right next to our campus daily. They informed the community of the systemic police brutality and migrant mistreatment that occurs daily, with Sterling extending this theme to her SPMUN position as Chair of the UNHCR English-speaking committee alongside second-year Sienna Bertamini. Crisis also had many intriguing happenings — from day one, when we saw a peasant revolt, followed by a bout of dancing to Cotton-Eyed Joe, to Melania Trump assassinating Marjorie Taylor Greene in the Bahamas. As usual, Crisis directors Riwa Hassan and David Ederberg did a marvelous job ensuring the committee’s activities were punctuated by random but stimulating ebbs and flows of chaos. At the ceremony’s closing, MEDMUN organizers, chairs and delegates all came together to reminisce on all that had taken place throughout the weekend. Second-years Sami Omaish and Vinciane Rosenzweig gave an opening address to the fatigued yet good-spirited crowds, followed by Pauline Da Cunha and Lucie Taïeb from the Paris MUN as well as Madeline Crepin Calarnou from the Poitiers MUN. Paraphrasing the resonant words of Menton Campus Director Yasmina Touaibia’s opening ceremony speech, for this weekend, we didn’t only see the well-known “Ummah Mentoniyya’ – but we had the good fortune to see the collectivity and unity of the wider ‘Ummah Sciences Po.”

As we conclude our conversation with Director Youssef Halaoua, his journey highlights an important reminder. We should cherish our time in Menton, appreciating its unique charm, and seizing each fleeting moment with zeal. < Back Unveiling Horizons: A Candid Conversation with Our Director By Maria Eirini Liodi October 31, 2023 What better way to bridge the gap between administration and students than getting to know our new Director Youssef Halaoua a little better? Sitting with Mr Halaoua, the conversation opens with a glimpse into his formative years. “Growing up my favourite hobbies were cooking, reading, and sports.” Whilst it was easy to see how the sports honed his confident tone and leadership skills, how does cooking influence one’s path toward a political sciences degree? “I discovered that working in that industry is really difficult work.” In wanting to pursue his passion for cooking Mr Halaoua was faced with the raw realities hidden behind the youthful idealization of professions, something significant in urging him to consider other interests that he could follow professionally to maintain equilibrium with his passions. As a young boy, Mr. Halaoua was also an avid reader, gaining a critical understanding of world politics through the transformative tales of the Mafalda comics by cartoonist Quino, “I loved Spanish when I was younger due to these comics (…) I think my political sense came from Mafalda.” Another notable read that kindled our Director’s interest in politics was Alexander Dumas, ‘Le Comte de Monte Cristo,’ a tale underscoring the enduring struggle for justice and the moral complexities inherent in seeking retribution within a deeply flawed socio-political framework. Finding himself as a student in Menton in 2006, just a year after the opening of the campus, he grounded himself in a new reality. Coming from the suburbs of Paris with little international exposure prior to university, the melting pot of cultures defining our small campus of Menton was unrivalled for Mr Halaoua, as I know is the case for many of us arriving here this year. Merely from the exposure to students from all over the world and world-class professors like Marc Lazar, he described his experience simply as: “In Menton the world came to me.” “I remember thinking, what would be a dream first job for me? What would I remember for my whole life?” Turning to a story of dauntlessness, after six years in Sciences Po, three years dedicated to becoming a civil servant, and failure after failure to do so, Mr. Halaoua found himself at a personal and professional slough. However, this proved to be a pivotal moment. Despite the disheartening experience of multiple setbacks, he built resilience and took on his future with hard work and determination. So, at 7 p.m. on a Friday, out of a cloud of confusion, arose the opportunity to apply to the Parisian Olympic Candidacy committee. This was also accompanied by a unique set of challenges – tireless research, emails, letters and attempts for meetings, only to be faced with silence. With a mindset of ‘nothing to lose’ and strong-will, Mr. Halaoua posted a video on YouTube boldly delineating the reasons he should be considered to join the committee. After months of no response, this unprecedented move beckoned a call the next day. Subsequently, Mr. Halaoua found himself in Lima as one of the seven speakers at the official conference for the commencement of the planning for the Olympic 2024 games. An awe-inspiring story of ambition – check out the videos to see for yourselves! Coming to the present, how does our Director contextualize his own prior experiences in Menton to bolster his abilities in his current post? Going beyond that, does he believe Menton is a good location for a campus at all? “Firstly and most importantly I understand that students’ time in Menton is short.” As a transient ‘in-between’ given our maximum of two-years on this campus, amidst Mr Halaoua’s priorities is the happiness of the people of Menton — the staff and the students, but also the broader Menton community, through integration events, celebration of the arts and promotion of sports. Here I mentioned the common-held complaint amidst Menton students of the restrictive nature of our small town, and to that Mr. Halaoua agreed – “yes, Menton is small, far from Paris, but it is only the beginning. Enjoy what this town has to give you, not what it doesn’t.” Menton is incomparable to any other place due to the small delights it gives us — a multicultural experience, beautiful scenery, ease of movement to incredibly scenic places near us. “Maximize what can get here and not in Paris, because before you know it you’ll be in Paris and dealing with the very different but very real problems existing there, like three hours of commuting daily, as opposed to 20 minutes!” So, the bottom-line is let’s appreciate the smallness of Menton, the 5-10 minute walks to campus, the night-swims, the bumping-into-one-another-wherever-we-go because before we know it we’ll all be somewhere else! Us Sciences Pistes are fuelled by our passions for politics, society, economics, all as tools to understand and navigate the world better. Amidst the cornucopia of knowledge and experiences we garner in our two years here, Mr. Halaoua advises that we maintain our humility when going into our internships/years abroad and later when transitioning into the workforce. “Working in an embassy in my year abroad and then later in my work with the Olympic Committee, I was met with the saying ‘the more you know, the more you realize you don’t know’. Essentially a reminder of the fact that humility must be at the basis of our actions.” Concurrently, in transitioning into the workplace one should remain curious and perseverant — “stay open to new experiences, meeting people and be prepared to face bad news.” As for the challenges of navigating one’s orientation during and following their studies, our Director outlined the idea of opportunity cost – “the things you are missing out on today are not necessarily excluding you from anything in the future.” Finally, to get a more personal insight into who our Director is, what is his greatest strength/weakness and his favorite pastime activity? As hinted through Mr Halaoua’s reading interests growing up, curiosity is at the basis of his being, prompting him to seek knowledge at every cross-road he finds himself in. However, there is a flip-side that often comes with a great openness and passion for learning, “I get too personally invested in matters sometimes and get easily disappointed — as when your student leaders came to me with lists of complaints, I was happy to listen yet couldn’t help but be disappointed with how many things need be improved. As for a favorite hobby, travelling ranks highest in Mr Halaoua’s interests. “I love travelling. If I were to die tomorrow, Istanbul would be the place to go.” Bridging his love of food, culture and history, Istanbul holds a precious place in Mr Halaoua’s heart. As for his upcoming adventure, Torino is on the horizon! As we conclude our conversation with Director Youssef Halaoua, his journey highlights an important reminder. We should cherish our time in Menton, appreciating its unique charm, and seizing each fleeting moment with zeal. Simultaneously, his story inspires the balance of humility on our ambitious journeys, remembering to be receptive to life’s boundless lessons in our enduring pursuit of knowledge.

The vote of each EU citizen is key to shaping a consensus for the Union; now, let's see which path they determine we take. < Back EU 2024 Elections : Why the Whole World is Looking at the Results By Sina Hosna for European Society May 1, 2024 When many countries are looking to the United States’ elections amid all the others happening in 2024, the European Union (EU) legislative elections will take place on June 9. On that day, citizens of all 27 member states of the EU will be able to vote for the candidates of their national parties to represent them in the European Parliament. In a period of major conflicts, the EU plays one of the biggest roles on the international scene. Both outside and within its borders, the Union is being sorely tested in the face of its challenges. Even on its borders, the crisis exists and has to be treated. Let’s look at what is exactly at stake on June 9, the day 448 million people will head to the polls. Before entering the subject, let’s make a little reminder for our readers: The EU is a political and economic union of 27 member states in Europe. The project traces its roots back to the aftermath of World War II to foster peace, stability, and prosperity on the old continent. The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) precursor to the EU, was established in 1951 by six founding members (Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and West Germany) to integrate key industries and prevent future conflicts between European countries. Over the decades, the project evolved, expanding its scope to include economic integration, the establishment of a single market, and the adoption of a common currency, the Euro (€). Today, the EU encompasses a wide range of policies and institutions aimed at promoting cooperation, solidarity, and shared values among its member states. First, let’s look at the organization of the election. The EU Parliament election is organized every five years and for the tenth time this year. It is the only time citizens of the European Union can vote directly for their representatives. One fundamental aspect of the EU legislative elections is the proportional representation system. Unlike many national electoral systems, where winner-takes-all dynamics prevail, EU elections employ proportional representation, ensuring that the composition of the European Parliament reflects the diverse political spectrum across member states. 720 Members of Parliament will be elected this year, with 46 seats deleted post-Brexit and 15 seats added since the last elections due to the growing population of member states. The seats of each member state are calculated by population size: Germany, the most populated country in the UE (84 million inhabitants) has the largest number of seats (96), and France follows with 81 seats - 2 were added since 2019 - and the least populated country of the EU, Malta, has the minimum number of seats a state can have: six (as do Cyprus and Luxembourg). Each citizen will have the opportunity to vote for one of his local political parties which is represented in one of the 10 European political parties. These 10 parties are united in eight groups that make up the European parliament, covering approximately the entire political landscape like the S&D (Socialists and Democrats) for the left, EPP (European People’s Party) for the center-right, Renew Europe for the right/liberals, … This parliament, the only directly elected legislative branch of the EU, holds significant powers. It shares the legislative power with the Council of the European Union (meeting of the ministers of each subject) and it has the authority to amend, approve, or reject proposed legislation, all in collaboration with the Council. This co-legislative role ensures that laws reflect the interests and concerns of EU citizens as represented by their MEPs. The European Parliament can also serve as an initiator of legislation. While the European Commission has the sole right of legislative initiative, the Parliament can request the Commission to propose new laws or amendments to existing ones in the EU law. Moreover, the Parliament can propose its resolutions and reports (of its MEP’s), which may influence the legislative agenda and shape EU policies. The Parliament plays a role of scrutiny and oversight over EU institutions. Through hearings, inquiries, and the power to adopt resolutions and recommendations, it holds these institutions accountable (in the name of the citizens of the EU) for their actions and decisions, ensuring transparency and democratic accountability. The European Parliament is also responsible for the EU budget, still with the Council and the nomination of the president of the Commission and its Commissioners with hearings. The last election in 2019 had a turnout of 50.66%, and the election saw the first surge in voter participation since the first election in 1979, reflecting heightened interest and engagement in EU affairs among citizens. What has been highlighted the most was the rise of populist and eurosceptic parties across Europe. Parties like Matteo Salvini's Lega in Italy and Marine Le Pen's Rassemblement National in France made significant gains, reflecting growing disillusionment with mainstream politics and EU institutions. There is an additional challenge with transferring powers to the local — such as municipal — to the supranational EU level. The process is too slow for some Europhiles or giving up too much national sovereignty for Eurosceptics. This is where the EU institutions have to find a balance: how to convince the people in the EU’s capital cities as well as the inhabitants of the countryside in the depths of Bulgaria? The challenge of the EU institutions is to convince all its citizens of its project and the impact it can have on the world. We can see it, particularly in the war in Ukrain e, where the EU provides military resources, welcomes Ukrainians fleeing war, and has fast-tracked the candidacy of Ukraine to the Union. Also, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the EU plays an important role in diplomacy and humanitarian aid. All the reforms of the EU have been voted on by the former composition of the European parliament and the direction the Union will take will be decided on June 9. The future of the EU and the world is at stake. The vote of each EU citizen is key to shaping a consensus for the Union; now, let's see which path they determine we take.

The value of intangible cultural heritage lies not only in the cultural event itself but also in the richness of the skills and knowledge it conveys from generation to generation. < Back For Posterity’s Sake: A Reflection on a UNESCO Parcours Civique By Samy Bennouna September 28, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? I interned at the permanent delegation of Morocco to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). My internship allowed me to understand the functioning of this UN body from an internal perspective, and I was pleasantly surprised to see how active the organization was. I had the opportunity to participate in many conferences within the headquarters of UNESCO — Fontenoy — aiming not only at protecting heritage but also at promoting cultural, scientific, and educational cooperation. I was able to participate in drafting several reports on conferences such as “Strengthening the Fight against Illicit Trafficking of Cultural Property,” the “Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission,” the “Man and Biosphere Program,” and the “Transforming Education Pre-Summit.” I also had the pleasure of meeting three other interns — including a doctoral student at Sciences Po Paris — and we learned how to divide the tasks more efficiently while collaborating in the report-writing process. We also had the opportunity to meet and exchange ideas with various other people with backgrounds and influence on the fight for humanitarian and social causes, such as Corrado Catesi, Coordinator of the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) Works of Art Unit, and Ernesto Ottone, Assistant Director General for Culture at UNESCO. Through this internship, I approached this organization from multiple perspectives, all of which have been equally enriching. It turns out that the Moroccan delegation was elected to the presidency of the Intangible Heritage Committee of UNESCO for the year 2022, a coincidence that allowed me to participate in the organization of an international symposium on the universal scope of the prehistoric heritage of Morocco in the presence of the Minister of Culture, Youth and Communication of the Kingdom, Mr. Mehdi Bensaid, as well as the Moroccan Ambassador to France, Mr. Mohamed Benchaaboun. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? The value of intangible cultural heritage lies not only in the cultural event itself but also in the richness of the skills and knowledge it conveys from generation to generation. This knowledge transfer has a certain economic and social value for all actors within a country and is equally indispensable regardless of the territory’s economic development level. To this end, I wanted to join the Permanent delegation of Morocco to UNESCO for a month-long internship headed by His Excellency Ambassador Samir Addahre. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? It took me approximately one month to find it, and I contacted the Moroccan delegation by mail to apply and send my motivation letter. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? My civic course was a month-long, and I was not paid as UNESCO is an international organization. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? Despite the short duration of the internship, I had the impression that I had been handy to the delegation because of my involvement in all sectors. Perhaps my utility was derived from the particularly hectic June schedule for the delegation this year. My only regret is not having been able to organize a training workshop on the importance of intangible heritage in schools in Morocco since it was not logistically possible to arrange. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? If I could offer one piece of advice to the 1As, it would be to optimize the small amount of time you have to do internships. Get involved in activities you are interested in while ensuring that these pastimes add value to your academic and professional projects.

“Excuse me mate, were you there?” retorted the venerable director Ridley Scott after fielding a barrage of questions relating to the historical accuracy of Napoleon, a uniquely average film in an industry where only the extremely brilliant and the extremely harrowing are etched into history. < Back Why Napoleon isn’t Gladiator – On Judging Historical Fiction Films By Jawad Asaria for Cinementongraphe February 29, 2024 “Excuse me mate, were you there?” retorted the venerable director Ridley Scott after fielding a barrage of questions relating to the historical accuracy of Napoleon , a uniquely average film in an industry where only the extremely brilliant and the extremely harrowing are etched into history. Yet, Ridley Scott, though childishly defensive, was correct in drawing the line between the history of Napoleon, the figure, and the events of Napoleon , the film. Ridley Scott is not a historian, but an artist. Ridley Scott’s 2000 film Gladiator, then, is the well from which I have decided to draw contrasting comparisons, rather than Napoleon: A Life, the nine-hundred-and-seventy-six tome by Cambridge PhD historian Lord Roberts, often seen as the most authoritative source on Napoleon’s journey on these temporal lands. However, I’m sure the French will be happy to know, even by analyzing Napoleon not as a historical piece, but a historical fiction, it is still far from unshriven. The most essential aspect of historical fiction is credibility, not accuracy. Otherwise said, historical fiction can be enjoyed and lauded if the story exists far from realms of commonly accepted objectivity as long as it is also representative of what could plausibly have happened. Gladiator may have completely falsified the existence of Maximus, the titular gladiator that falls from general to slave, the presence of Christianity in the given time period, the weapons of war, the character of Lucila, and the very core of Roman democracy. If each historical inaccuracy rewarded the director with a dollar, dear old Ridley Scott may have had enough money to recoup his multi-million loss at Napoleon’s box office. But, knowing all of these errors, some as egregious as including Xulu war chants, why is Gladiator enjoyed? It is the credibility of Gladiator. Yes, Maximus was a figment of Scott’s imagination, but he is driven by honor and duty in a fight of man against state. It is something an average audience member will typically associate with Ancient Rome. Yes, the moral damnation cinematically prescribed to Commodus was harsh, but dictatorship, demagoguery, and the fight for political and personal representation are recurring themes in the history books related to Ancient Rome. For every British accent in Gladiator, there existed – verifiable, though morphed, representations of life in Ancient Rome, such as the character of Marcus Aurelius, and the Germanic Wars. Napoleon is similarly historically inaccurate. Napoleon did not shoot the nose of the sphinx. Napoleon was never at the frontlines. Napoleon never met Wellington. Napoleon never witnessed the execution of Marie Antoinette. Napoleon never forced his opponents through a frozen lake in the Battle of Austerlitz, nor was there even a frozen lake. Napoleon never came from nothing, nor did he conquer everything. So, why does the average viewer get the impression that Maximus, an entirely fictitious character, is more real than Napoleon, one of the most important people in history? I assert it is because, whilst both Gladiator and Napoleon are not historically accurate, the latter is not credible. In Napoleon, the eponymous figure’s main conflict is that of a man cuckolded and restrained by Josephine. Napoleon is a gloomy and petulant manchild who continuously makes errors in the battlefield, possesses a Simian repertoire of emotional responses, and seems to have done nothing good for France except for finally being exiled. He is, for all intents and purposes, presented as a buffoon. He sulks and Ridley Scott defiantly claims, through this film, the purported downfall of the ‘Great Man’ archetype , an idea popularized by historian Thomas Carlyle, that history is a carefully sculpted narrative shaped by a few extraordinary men and women. The problem with using Napoleon to dispute this is that he undeniably did shape history, perhaps more than any other single person in Europe. It is most closely equivalent to using Dante Aligheri, the brilliant poet who pined after Beatrice his whole life and featured her in his seminal book the Divine Comedy , to disprove the ‘Unrequited Love Last Forever’ trope. The audience will forgive historical inaccuracies, as we saw with the Gladiator, but they will not forgive historical incredibility. They will not forgive what is not credible. Historical films are not blank slates with which we can put our own characters, narratives, and storylines, only with fancier costumes and a sepia lens. Simply said, Napoleon’s film is dominated by modern social and cinematic themes and, if the audience wanted to see films that disprove the ‘Great Man’ narrative, featuring men as buffoons trapped by strong and independent women, and commit ineffectual acts to no beneficial end for their own social environment, they are hardly starved for choice. In conclusion, Napoleon should not be judged as a bad piece of history; that would be doing a disservice both to Napoleon and every history-adjacent film that came before and will come after. Rather the reason for its failure exists in its inability to be a good historical fiction. It is simply not credible. Perhaps, the next time Ridley Scott tries to take aim at the ‘Great Man’ narrative, he should turn the gun’s crosshairs on himself, for no single man can reprogram an audience's sensibility to discerning historical credibility in works of fiction with a one-hundred-and-fifty-eight minutes of drivel.

Had I not gone, I would never have realized up to what point my country’s hands are covered in blood and shame. < Back 7shuma Fronteras: A Reflection on a Ceuta Parcours Civique By Bianca Carrera Espriu September 29, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? I did my Parcours Civique in Ceuta, a Spanish enclave in Northern Morocco. There, I served as a border violence reporter for the NGO “No Name Kitchen” (NNK), which operates in different hotspots of the European border system, but mainly in the Balkans. As a border violence reporter, I worked hand in hand with my colleagues at the legal pole, getting to know and leaving a written record of the violations of human rights that people on the move — essentially unaccompanied minors of Moroccan nationality — reported to us. This entailed not only physical abuse but, what is more present in Ceuta, institutional and psychological abuse. Reporting and leaving a written record of these events allowed other poles of the NGO to build their legal cases against the incompetent authorities and raise awareness through social media and the press. Outside of my reporter work, I was just another NNK volunteer. As such, I had to help with general tasks like assisting unaccompanied minors living on the streets. Currently, there might be around 50 unaccompanied minors — all of whom are of Moroccan nationality — living without shelter. Although the local authorities deny it, these children are ignored, stigmatized and neglected. The NNK tries to provide necessary relief to these minors with emotional support and with material supplies like blankets, food, clothes and hygiene products. As part of my work as a border violence reporter, I also had the chance to write about this concrete situation for the international news platform ‘Al Jazeera,’ which can be found here . Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? I chose this Parcours Civique for two main reasons: the location and the role. I chose the location because of a series of words that stuck with me during my first Parcours Civique orientation. The 2A facilitator’s words, “sometimes, you do not have to go too far to have an impact and to help people in need. Often, in your country, city or neighborhood, there might be places where you can help, and you might be more useful there than in Greece, for example,” made me think. I wondered if there were places in Spain where people find themselves in a situation of desperate need where I can be useful?” It turned out that there were, and the situation was worse than I could have ever imagined. There are different border points in Spain, but the ones where human rights abuses occur without impunity and with the complicity of the governmental authorities are Ceuta, Melilla and Canarias. I headed to Ceuta because No Name Kitchen was operating there. I also went there because, in May 2021, n early 12,000 people crossed into Ceuta. This was a direct response to Moroccan authorities turning a blind eye to illegal crossings as relations between Morocco and Spain deteriorated. About 1,500 of them were minors. While some were pushed back illegally, others remained stuck in the Spanish enclave without any assistance from local authorities. This leads to explaining why I also chose the role. No Name Kitchen is one of the few NGOs with an extensive and well-established reporting pole, which helps make this information available to the general public. For me, this task is fundamental because what is not told is not known and hence, not remembered. As a freelance writer, I thought this was the best way I could contribute, which is what I did. Bonus track reason: Something important that No Name Kitchen does that not many NGOs provide is accommodation. Unfortunately, many of these organizations have turned solidarity into a business and volunteering into voluntourism. No Name Kitchen is an NGO, not a business, and thus provides volunteers with accommodation — a flat for all volunteers — and a little stipend for standard food supplies. Without NNK’s support, I would not have had the resources to afford it — given the little to no aid from Sciences Po. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? I heard about the NGO from a friend who had previously volunteered with them. She recommended it to me, and from there I directly contacted No Name Kitchen via their website. Once you do, they start the application process, which is easy and straight-forward. I remember starting it during December, and it took a maximum of a couple of weeks until I had my place confirmed. Sciences Po’s admin did not help in the process, but I also did not ask for it. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? Unpaid — it was a volunteering job. Even so, I was lucky to be assisted by the NGO regarding accommodation and a small food stipend. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? It has been one of the most enriching experiences I have had in my life and a turning point in my professional career. Had I not gone, I would never have realized up to what point my country’s hands are covered in blood and shame. Sadly enough, as a Spaniard, you never hear anything in the news about these border cities, and even less if it comes to the local administration’s abuses. This has made me realize how important it is to expose what is happening in my country. As someone already starting a professional path in journalism and as a Middle East politics student, I thought my professional future would turn to the Eastern part of the region. I still would like to experience that. However, being in Ceuta and looking at the direct results of Spanish diplomatic performance with Morocco and Algeria, I have realized that it might be more beneficial to cover this reality first, as it hits close to home and where coverage is sorely needed. Professional topics aside, this experience has filled me both emotionally and personally. It has made me more aware of realities that we often ignore. It has taught me to be even more critical of authority. It has made me go through uncomfortable situations that have strengthened me and, most importantly, given me the chance to meet some of the strongest, bravest, most determined, honorable, fun and beautiful people. I left Ceuta with many more friends. I can only wish the best in their endeavors and remain at their full disposal for anything I can help with virtually. Daiman maakum drari! If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? I would advise them to look at their local surroundings and contexts and find out how they can be more helpful. Of course, it is not harmful to choose to volunteer abroad --- however, sometimes doing it in your country makes you far more connected with the cause, closer to the situation that you are dealing with, and feeling better because you know the impact that you have had. At least, this has been my case.

In just ten months, Alwanat evolved from a group of friends bonding over similar experiences to a widely-known campus association engaging students in much-needed discourse surrounding race and racism on our campus. < Back Association Feature: Alwanat By Ismaeel Yaqoub January 31, 2022 In just ten months, Alwanat has evolved from a group of friends bonding over similar experiences to a widely-known campus association engaging students in much-needed discourse surrounding race and racism on our campus. This year, 2A Sania Mahyou and I had a tough act to follow after Moira Shoush and the rest of our now-3A founders left Menton for their third year adventures. We spent a long time thinking about the direction in which we wanted to take the association: an activism body? a safe-space? a networking opportunity? an educational tool? Our conclusion, unsurprisingly, was to combine all of these aims within the mission of our association. One thing that we wanted to stress from the beginning was a horizontal approach to leadership. We opted against a board with poles as is typically done in SciencesPo associations. This horizontal format creates an environment where there are no hierarchies – either actual or implicit – which enables everyone in the association to contribute as much or as little as they want. This has, of course, created logistical and organisational obstacles, but it is worth it. This framework allows for members of the association to feel able to act on their own prerogative 100 percent of the time. This is important because we all have different ways of processing and navigating our experiences and there cannot be a one-size-fits-all approach. Participating in anti-racism activities requires effort, but should not be treated as an obligation. The work we are doing necessitates an internal motivation. Furthermore, our recruitment campaign was informal and involved a simple chat to ensure the aims of the association were understood and that there was a shared interest with the applicants. Alwanat is a bilingual association, and we have one president from each track in hopes of creating an environment where there is no francophone or anglophone hegemony over our actions or mindset. These were all intentional steps taken to ensure that our new members were open and motivated enough to take over when the current leadership is no longer here. Alwanat’s meetings are apolitical, typically consisting of dinners and conferences. This is a deliberate choice — we do not want to politicize anti-racism. We do not participate in debates or polemics– there is more than enough opportunity for that within Sciences Po and its existing associations! We finished last year with an ambitious cycle of conferences, and the first guest was renowned author of “Le Triangle et L’Hexagone,” Maboula Soumahoro. In the conference, she exposed the reality of a being a Black Muslim woman in France and provided a rich reflection of the articistic, political, and literary tradition of the Black disapora in France. This was followed by a conference by Rim-Sarah Alouane which grappled with the rise of Islamophobia in France and the weaponization of laïcité in the political arena. We finished the year on a high with a celebration of people of color (POC) talent in the arts. We invited a panel of diverse artists, musicians, writers, and photographers to discuss their work, inspiration, and experience navigating their fields as POCs. This year, we began with several organizational meetings to improve our structure before we embarked on the challenge of creating a campus-wide anti-racism training session which was to be held in October. Unfortunately, due to administrational incompetency, it was cancelled at the last minute and our hard work sadly did not yield the sessions we had envisioned. We had hoped to give general talks on anti-racism, as well as present the testimonies and data from our campus wide survey (all available on our Instagram page!). Understandably, there was low morale within the team after the administration blocked our efforts, as we had spent weeks preparing and organizing ourselves for the anglophone and francophone training sessions . We took a little hiatus but came back with one of our best events yet – our Alwanat safe space dinners. These are an opportunity for students to come and talk over good food and company. But, it also affords members the chance to share their experiences of racism in a safe space where what they say will not be trivialised or debated. We can all empathize with each other given our shared experiences. We also welcome allies to come and learn more about the lived experiences of POCs and talk about how they can help the movement. We also worked with different associations, co-organising the Arab Student Organization x Alwanat x Sciences 360 HAFLA party which was a celebration of Middle Eastern food and music with henna, shisha, and good vibes all round. The semester ended with our first ever in-person conference with the author of “Illegitimes,” Nesrine Slaoui, a former Sciences Po student herself. She talked about her book and navigating environments such as our university as a Brown, Muslim woman from a low socioeconomic background. This semester, Alwanat is hoping to build on the momentum we have already created and have more dinners, parties and, of course, conferences so that we can share fun, exciting, and informative spaces with the entire campus community. We want to continue engaging the campus in important conversations about everyday racism on and off campus-as well as topical issues for us as students of the MENA region. We are always open to anyone interested in our activities, so if you want to join us please feel free to approach any member of the board to chat!

As first years assimilated through Integration Week at Sciences Po, 113 responded to a Menton Times survey about their backgrounds, beliefs, lifestyles and career goals. The data can be found here. < Back Frosh Survey: Meet The Newest Generation of Sciences Pistes By Colette Yamashita Holcomb September 30, 2022 Amidst heatwaves, lost luggage crises and seas of tourists, the Class of 2025 has arrived in Menton. Each student brings unique personal stories and aspirations. Despite being composed of over 34 different nationalities, the incoming class shares the challenging experience of navigating high school and college admissions during a pandemic — and, of course, the trauma of the French banking system. As first years assimilated through Integration Week at Sciences Po, 113 responded to a Menton Times survey about their backgrounds, beliefs, lifestyles and career goals. The survey explored topics ranging from nationality to political ideology to alcohol consumption. (Due to rounding, reported statistics may not total 100 percent exactly). Demographics The Class of 2025 is the largest in Sciences Po Menton’s history, yet it is still predominantly female. Among respondents to the survey, roughly 71.7% identify as female, 27.4% as male and 0.9% as nonbinary. With nearly 25% of students from more than one nationality and the majority speaking more than three languages, the demographics of this year’s new class serve as further confirmation of the Menton campus’ diversity. As in years past, over 60% of students come from outside France; 33.6% are of Middle Eastern and North African heritage. However, the class is not as diverse in its socioeconomic background as in its nationalities. When asked to describe their socioeconomic level, 67.3% reported theirs as middle, 16.8% reported theirs as high, 9.7% as low and 6.2% did not respond. Religion & Politics Survey results show that the incoming class is primarily secular; 47.8% reported that religion has no role in their life. However, 25.7% consider themselves somewhat religious, 13.3% very religious and 9.7% moderately religious. Politically, students tend to lean left — 58.9% declared their political persuasion as left compared to 17.9% reporting center, 7.1% extreme left and 5.1% right. The Path to Sciences Po For nearly 95% of respondents, Sciences Po was their first choice. Only 8.8% of students have family members who are alumni of Sciences Po. 21% of students are in one of the seven offered dual degree programs — programs where students attend Sciences Po and a partner university and graduate with two Bachelor’s degrees. 76% of dual degree students will attend Columbia University in the City of New York after their first two years, making it the most popular program. Programs with the University of California Berkeley and the University of British Columbia tied for second, involving 8% of dual degree students each. The program with University College London makes up roughly 4% of dual degree students. Beyond Menton The incoming class appears to be primarily in agreement regarding life beyond Menton. The majority of students, 75.2%, plan to complete their master’s program through Sciences Po, likely thanks to the guaranteed admission. Unsurprisingly, many students, roughly 43%, plan to work in government after graduation. Other popular choices included non-governmental organizations (23%), law (9.7%), business (8.8%), academia (4.4%) and journalism (3.5%). The remainder stated they were still undecided.

Drunk on camaraderie and laughter, we mill about the shops we’ve been to hundreds of times before; we argue about the state of the world and how much more heavy cream should be added to our pasta dishes; we soak in the time winter break has allowed us, because for now, that’s all we have. < Back Beautiful Brooklyn Brownstones: Why We Should Live Near Our Friends By Marly Fisher January 31, 2024 Drunk on camaraderie and laughter, we mill about the shops we’ve been to hundreds of times before; we argue about the state of the world and how much more heavy cream should be added to our pasta dishes; we soak in the time winter break has allowed us, because for now, that’s all we have. My friends are my home. So why did we all leave it? In the age of the modern family, we are quick to move. For school, for careers, for our partners… my own mother (albeit reluctantly) traded her community of friends and familiarity in the suburbs of New York for the empty tumbleweeds of New Mexico and my father’s career. The Land of Enchantment is its motto. The Land of Entrapment is what she (perhaps not so) affectionately calls it. It seems that in a world of constant motion, our friends are the first to be left behind. Not truly, of course — technology makes for an easy way to stay in touch — but the physical location of the people closest to us is no longer as important. Living with companions — roommates in college, apartment-mates during internships and first big jobs — are a cherished stage of life. But it is seen as nothing more than a liminal space between childhood and the real world. There is a kind of time limit on these types of living spaces, at least until the purported love of our lives comes around to sweep us off our feet and we can create our true homes together. Our lives and purpose are structured around the love we build. So why don’t we live with our friends? At the very least, why don’t we make an active effort to be near them? One of the purest parts of the university experience, as profoundly demonstrated by the construction of the living spaces in Sciences Po, is its community. We cook together, we swim together, we laugh and talk until the sun is up. There is a unique sense of togetherness here, a promise that your favorite conversationalist is right next door. It is when college ends that separation begins. We leave the bonds we’ve created in search of the vague and inevitable next step. It is — was — what I’ve been preparing for my whole life. But I don’t want to. My best friend and I have a pact that we call the Brooklyn Brownstone, a promise that if we are unmarried by age 40 we will buy the most lavish brownstone in the city and live out the rest of our lives in companionship. But it rests on the assumption that our future would require a separation in the first place. I want to live near my best friend always. I want to live near all of my close friend always. It would make me happy. And statistically, happiness spreads, according to Atlantic writer Adrienne Matei: When one person becomes happier, their next-door neighbors' chances of also growing happier rise by 34 percent; friends living within a mile of each other are 25 percent more likely to feel happy, and their friends have a 10 percent chance of feeling happier too. Moving away from our chosen families does not just affect our personal wellbeing, however; we have lost kinship in the workplace, as well. Modernization and industrialization have taken away time as an entity that belongs to us. Where leisure and labor were once intermingled, where the workday ended on the family farm with the sunset, now an employer's time is acutely different from that of those who are employed. those. In the words of historian EP Thompson, the “employer must use the time of his labor, and see it is not wasted: not the task but the value of time when reduced to money is dominant. Time is now currency: it is not passed but spent. ” Existing with my friends need not not be temporary. When, or if, I do begin to raise a family of my own, I want to be surrounded by a community I have built myself. I want my children to know and love my companions the way I do. Especially after having lived with a roommate for the past few months, I have little desire to live alone. Ever. What good is independence if we are lonely? If we miss those we love the most? At the time that this article is being written, I’m sitting in the airport returning home after visiting my best friend at her college. Mark my words: in fifty years, a cluster of beautiful Brooklyn brownstones will be deemed the happiest square mile in America. We will change the world together.

Ventimiglia, with its stunning natural beauty, becomes an ominous backdrop to a crisis that demands profound reflection on our collective priorities and values. The postcard landscape starkly contrasts with tired faces and stories of vulnerability that struggle each day to emerge from the dust and contempt. It is insufficient to justify the denial of hospitality with political rhetoric; it reflects a system that ignores the suffering of many in the name of false security. < Back Demolishing Dignity: The Eviction of Migrants in Ventimiglia Violetta Pepe for SPRH Menton November 30, 2024 A humanitarian crisis is currently unfolding in Ventimiglia, a town in the province of Imperia nestled between the blue Mediterranean and the Ligurian Alps. Known as the Western Gateway of Italy, Ventimiglia is the last Italian city before the French border. It has become a central hub in Europe for migrants heading towards France, Switzerland, Germany, the United Kingdom, Belgium, the Netherlands and Scandinavian countries.The migration trend was initially spurred by the Balkan crises in the 1990s, followed by a significant influx of Kurdish and Albanian migrants in 1996. This pattern intensified with the Tunisian wave during the Arab Spring in 2011, and subsequent years brought increased migration from Eritrea and Syria, especially during the European migrant crisis of 2015. The situation worsened with the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, which exacerbated vulnerabilities and led to a surge in homelessness among migrants. In 2015, the humanitarian situation escalated with the closure of the French border, the start of evictions and the use of force to disperse migrant camps. Combined with a widespread campaign of defamation and criminalization of solidarity, the space for civic action was stifled . The latest eviction on October 10, 2024, carried out by the provincial committee for public order and security of Imperia, targeted the tent city set up on the banks of the Roya River through a joint operation by police and carabinieri. This eviction affected migrants traveling along the Balkan and Mediterranean routes, coming from Africa and from the Greater Middle East. The events of October 10th unfolded through a series of coordinated actions by authorities that, within just a few critical hours, completely upended the already fragile living conditions of the migrants sheltering under the bridge. At 7:30 a.m., the first excavator arrived at a parking lot on Via Tenda, accompanied by two municipal workers who announced that the eviction was set to begin at 8:00 a.m. Thanks to advance rumors, the team from No Name Kitchen (NNK), a grassroots organization providing support to migrants, along with local activists, managed to notify those sheltering under the bridge without causing panic. Ten minutes before the operation began, four activists entered the camp to wake residents, giving them a brief chance to collect their belongings. Many were still asleep or engaged in their morning prayers as dawn broke. At 8:00 a.m., authorities arrived in force, including heavily armed police units such as the Carabinieri and Digos, as well as local police, the mayor, the prefect and various journalists. One Digos officer filmed the operation as police forces entered “The Bridge” from both sides, effectively enclosing the residents. The event was marked by shattered hopes and the systematic destruction of the migrants' few possessions. Throughout the day, law enforcement dismantled a camp that, although precarious, served as a haven for hundreds of migrants. Heart-wrenching images show tents torn and destroyed, personal belongings scattered like leaves in the wind and piles of goods reduced to rubble; each abandoned item tells a story of hope, escape and despair. In total, around 40 to 50 individuals were evicted on the 10th of October, all of which had been asking for asylum. Some were sent to Caritas in Ventimiglia, despite it being well-known that the shelter only serves women and children. "Despite an initial attempt to provide the individuals under the bridge with a dignified housing alternative, the situation remains unresolved and the eviction will leave dozens of people without even a fragile shelter, with no choice but to sleep on the streets," stated Dr. Maria Cristina Daniele of Doctors of the World in Ventimiglia. "All of this fails to take into account the individual situations and the physical and mental vulnerabilities they suffer from. We at Doctors of the World strongly demand that these individuals be properly cared for in equipped centers, as the centers adhering to the SAI network for vulnerable individuals should be, in accordance with the Guidelines on Vulnerabilities created and disseminated by the Ministry of the Interior in April 2024." A video of the eviction has been proudly shared by the local newspaper in the name of the mayor of Ventimiglia ,Flavio Di Muro, who justified the eviction by stating that "many migrants refused to be accommodated in specific centers." His words echo a distorted reality, as he mentioned: "We have offered various migrants who applied for international protection access to the network of extraordinary reception centers (CAS) in the province. There are available beds in other cities, but many of them shun any form of integration, hospitality and placement." However, the truth is quite different. The absence of effective integration and reception policies makes the migrants' choice an act of self-defense rather than mere reluctance. Last year, Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi visited Ventimiglia , promising to create a Distributed Reception Point to host close to 300 people, providing a humanitarian response to those in transit. Officials identified a site at the former Ferrotel, the railway workers' hotel located in the station square, to serve this purpose. Yet, a year later, no progress has been made. The reduced flow of migrants in recent months has been used as an excuse to question the necessity of this reception point, with some considering the expense unjustified. Migrants have thus not been offered a real and dignified alternative, and the lack of adequate and ready centers makes their refusal a response to a failing system that has denied basic rights for years. While the mayor speaks of security for residents, migrants continue to live in a limbo of vulnerability. Ventimiglia, with its stunning natural beauty, becomes an ominous backdrop to a crisis that demands profound reflection on our collective priorities and values. The postcard landscape starkly contrasts with tired faces and stories of vulnerability that struggle each day to emerge from the dust and contempt. It is insufficient to justify the denial of hospitality with political rhetoric; it reflects a system that ignores the suffering of many in the name of false security. The words of Di Dato, coordinator of Doctors Without Borders, resonate strongly : "The situation in Ventimiglia reflects the direction of European migration policies, focused on containment rather than protection." Yet, Italian and European institutions continue to turn a blind eye, trapped in a web of bureaucracy and indecision. What is needed is a radical paradigm shift, putting humanity and people's needs at the forefront instead of an obsession with border control. The brutality of migration management is a warning sign we cannot ignore. The images of migrants huddled around makeshift fires in the cold embrace of the winter season can no longer simply be watched and forgotten. In the script of an unending crisis, a collective response becomes essential , demanding an informed and active public opinion seeking justice. The call to dignity is an urgent anthem that must remain alive.

From November 15 to 17, the Ummah hosted the 2024 edition of the Sciences Pistes Model United Nations on our sunny Mediterranean campus. Participants from all corners of France that Sciences Po spans across—Paris, Reims, Le Havre, Poitiers, Nancy and Dijon—arrived in Menton for a dynamic engagement with the theme of “Defending Democracy: Institutions at Work.” < Back SPMUN 2024 takes over Menton Saimi Hartikainen December 31, 2024 From November 15 to 17, the Ummah hosted the 2024 edition of the Sciences Pistes Model United Nations on our sunny Mediterranean campus. Participants from all corners of France that Sciences Po spans across—Paris, Reims, Le Havre, Poitiers, Nancy and Dijon—arrived in Menton for a dynamic engagement with the theme of “Defending Democracy: Institutions at Work.” The several months of hard work and dedication of the MUN teams were rewarded when over 200 participants enjoyed a weekend of insightful encounters and fruitful debates, all with a splash of limoncello and the fresh breeze of the sea. Source: MEDMUN Press Team On Friday, November 15, the weekend was kicked off with an impeccable atmosphere at the welcome cocktail and opening ceremony. Attendees were immediately immersed in the vibrant Menton experience, with touching musical performances, refreshing drinks and Mediterranean delicacies. The cheery crowd then settled to listen to the anticipated opening speech by Monsieur Jean d’Haussonville, Ambassador of France to Monaco. The ambassador highlighted the importance of cultural diplomacy, a field in which he has an impressive record, through his work relating to the Louvre in Abu Dhabi and the national domain of Chambord. The MEDMUN team welcomed all participants to our little lemon town, without forgetting to remind them to enjoy the Mediterranean sun, a rare opportunity for our envious northern colleagues. Friday ended with a bar night at the iconic Menton beach spot, Les Incompris, where Sciences Pistes mingled before getting some well-deserved rest before an early Saturday morning. After spending the nights at benevolent hosts’ houses around Menton, the delegates were guaranteed an energized start to both Saturday and Sunday. Sciences Pistes enjoyed a delicious breakfast in the sunny Mediterranean weather, where the scarcity of pain au chocolats was the only worry in sight. The beloved Boulangerie Jean Luc Pelé treated hungry participants to fresh and mouth-watering meals throughout the entire weekend, offering a large variety of choices, including pizza, pichade, quiche and sandwiches. The vegetarian dishes even received an honorary mention from attendees. The meals and breaks were definitely a highlight of the Menton spirit, allowing dedicated delegates to relax and enjoy each other’s company. There was something for everyone as music was heard in English, French, Spanish, Italian and Arabic— sparking excitement for dancing and singing! After a nutritious meal and an energizing dance, delegates returned to committee sessions to discuss themes such as the Catalonian Independence Crisis at the European Council, and the Siege of Baghdad, 1258 and Digital Democracy in Tiktok in Crisis committees. Weddings, trivias, brat interventions, coups d’état, protests, dance battles, arrests and fraud were some key crisis moments that we are sure delegates will forever remember. Other committees, such as the historical committees, were highlighted as well because of their topics; even if they were set on events of the past, bringing them back for discussion highlighted their modern echoes in current political debates. Saturday, November 16, provided participants with the perfect intermission to the intense committee sessions. At night, Sciences Pistes were packed at Inky Bar, one of the Menton spots that guarantees an overload of fun! Cultured Menton students were definitely aware of this, as the intense fight for extra tickets had them sold in less than a minute. Dressed in the SPMUN colors of red and white, Sciences Pistes instantly created a party-appropriate atmosphere where music and dance brought together people from all over France and the world. The efficient MEDMUN team took care that everyone had a good time, and some Menton students even introduced other Sciences Pistes to the privilege of being able to walk to the Italian border in the early hours of the morning after a wild beach party…Surely well-rested and relaxed, delegates kicked off Sunday with a morning of committee sessions before ending the conference at the closing ceremony. The Sunday, November 17, closing ceremony brought the SPMUN 2024 conference together one last time. The occasion was honored by an insightful speaker, Madame Isabelle Rosabrunetto, Director General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of the Principality of Monaco. She enlightened the attendees with a presentation on diplomacy and democracy, giving an inspiring demonstration of the more abstract political challenges of the modern day and of the profession of the diplomat. This was a spot-on conclusion for the conference of aspiring diplomats and this year’s theme, “defending democracy.” The ceremony lightened the mood for the delegate awards distributed by committee chairs. Finally, MEDMUN Secretary General, Éléonore Blanchet, pronounced the final words, and participants were ready to head on their long journey back home. The tireless effort of the MUN teams yielded enthusiastic and rapturous feedback from delegates who acquired great memories for the whole weekend’s worth from our little lemon town.

What was supposed to be a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to travel across the globe and encounter a culture and civilization parallel to their own quickly became 38 days in prison, thousands of kilometers away from their home country. < Back The Illegitimate Detention of Two Brazilians in Germany and the Current Approach to Security in Airports By Catarina Vita for Sciences Defense January 31, 2024 What was supposed to be a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to travel across the globe and encounter a culture and civilization parallel to their own quickly became 38 days in prison, thousands of kilometers away from their home country. Jeanne Paolini and Katyna Baia, both in their forties and married for twelve years, were flying from Goiania, Brazil to Frankfurt, Germany, to celebrate Paolini’s veterinary residency in one of the best universities in Brazil, the University of Brasilia. Upon arriving in Frankfurt, the two women were detained in the airport’s prison, accused of carrying forty kilos of cocaine in their baggage. The cocaine, however, was proven not to be theirs. One day later, they found themselves outside the airport, but in the city’s prison for women. It was found that the name tags in their baggage were displaced to luggage filled with drugs, by the Brazilian airport staff. Their case was a gateway to a massive scheme of drug trafficking from Brazil’s biggest airports to European metropoles. The Case The couple flew from the capital of their Brazilian state, Goiania, to Frankfurt, for a connecting flight to Berlin, but their bags were intercepted in one of Brazil’s biggest airports, the Guarulhos Airport in São Paulo. The couple would only revindicate their luggage in Berlin, their final destination. Upon disembarking from their flight to Frankfurt, they were detained and imprisoned on March 5, 2023. They stayed in custody for 38 days. The couple alleged mistreatment by the German police, and were denied access to the winter garments in their hand luggage despite -3 degree temperatures in Frankfurt. Preceding the interception of Paolini and Baia’s luggage, two employees at the Guarulhos Airport were caught on security footage examining each of the women’s suitcases and removing them from the rest of the luggage reaching Frankfurt. In sequence, two women with cocaine-filled luggage encountered the employees and helped with placing the couple’s name tags in the new drug-filled suitcases. Paolini and Baia’s luggage was still sent to Berlin, but without their name tags. It is important to note that airlines, not airports, are responsible for employees handling baggage. As the Brazilian Federal Police (PF) became aware of the case, allied to the Brazilian Public Ministry (MP), they compiled a total of 200 hours of security footage which enabled these bodies to identify the ones responsible for displacing the name tags. The couple’s lawyer highlighted that the trip was booked months before their departure date, and both women had health insurance, showing that they did not have a profile of a drug mule. These people, who have the role of smuggling drugs often through high security scenarios (especially in between international borders), are often not provided with health insurance or plane tickets bought in advance, since they will only be in the country of destination for a short amount of time and only to deliver drugs. On April 5, 2023, the women were heard in German court in face of the evidence provided by Brazilian authorities. They were found to be innocent, but the German authorities requested evidence incriminating the airport staff for having exchanged Paolini and Baia’s suitcases, as the Brazilian government alleged. When this was presented around eight days later, Paolini and Baia were released. The Operation Collateral Effect Paolini and Baia’s case introduced the Operation Collateral Effect by the Brazilian police. As stated previously, Paolini and Baia’s luggage were apprehended by employees at the Guarulhos Airport. The Brazilian Police Force noticed that similar cases occurred in 2022 and 2023 in the same airport to Portugal and France, respectively. The Operation culminated in “14 mandates of temporary prison, two mandates of preventive detention and 27 mandates for search and apprehension,” according to G1 Brazil . The Brazilian police commenced their operation by questioning the airport employees involved in Paolini and Baia’s case. Out of the six questioned, five of them denied their involvement in the crime and one of them confessed. All six of them were arrested with supporting evidence. The Brazilian Police Force was able to trace the cases of drugs being smuggled to Portugal and France to the same group of employees, but also identified other cases of cocaine smuggling also from the airport of Guarulhos with the same modus operandi as the smuggling to Germany, nonetheless without evidence that the group had responsibility. Upon increased investigation on how the group thought and acted to smuggle drugs from Brazil to Europe, the police authorities discovered that they divided themselves into working at the airport, to observe in whose name they would send drugs to. Another subgroup simulated a check-in, but in the domestic flight part of the airport, with the actual drug-filled suitcase, but the other members of the group that worked at the airport made sure the luggage did not pass the metal detector. Continuing, the drug luggage was smuggled into the international section and then the name tag displacement process initiated. What This Means for International Security Katyna Baia and Jeanne Paolini’s illegitimate detention showed Brazilian and international defense authorities the extent to which the drug trafficking business has adopted in the present, and how this can come at the expense of innocent tourists’ rights. It also showcased how the drug business is everywhere, even hidden inside airport staff. What was perceived to be one of the most secure places in Brazil, the country’s biggest airport in the largest city in Latin America, was responsible for at least three massive 20 kilogram smuggling operations of illicit drugs. Airport authorities are shown to be keen on security checks on passengers and even in migration control, but this case shows that there is corruption from within the system as well. While being interviewed by G1 Brazil , Brazilian PM Officer Felié Faé Lavareda said (contextualized translation from Portuguese): “The link in the Guarulhos Airport to Europe (in drug trafficking) was dismantled today.” In fact, the Guarulhos Airport implemented a few measures to attempt to keep the security in the restricted areas of the airport, in which the criminal group displaced name tags and smuggled drugs, such as prohibiting cell phone usage. Nonetheless, nothing indicates strict background checks on airport employees, or a further investigation on the drug smuggling cases the PF could not trace back to the criminal group. The Guarulhos Airport communicated to CNN Brazil that the airlines, not the airports, are responsible for luggage-dealing employees and are thus supposed to be held accountable for anything relating to luggage. However, especially when it concerns tourists from your own country leaving for Europe, a shared effort between airport authorities, airlines, and even government authorities is fitting — particularly because the criminal group acted under surveillance cameras and nothing was noticed. In light of this illegitimate detention and according to CNN Brazil, Brazilian authorities aim to implement a new regulation: photographing the dispatched bags with the passenger’s respective names. The efforts from the Brazilian authorities and police to investigate Katyna Baia and Jeanne Paolini’s case is a result of disciplined work ethic and intricate scrutiny in the gathered evidence. However, taking pictures of suitcases and the passenger it belongs to barely scratches the surface of the problem. Baia and Paolini’s case surrounds the lack of surveillance in airports and the omnipresence of drug smuggling in Brazil – their experience exemplifies that further scrutiny and security measures in airports must be implemented in conjunction with airlines and national authorities.

This bill represents the latest step in Uganda’s hostile agenda towards the LGBTQ community, a sentiment strongly linked to the nation's colonial history. < Back Ugandan Parliamentary Bill Continues LGBTQ Crackdown By Peyton Dashiell September 27, 2023 After a nearly unanimous vote on March 21, the Parliament of Uganda passed a set of sweeping anti-LGBTQ legislation, continuing a brazen crackdown on homosexuality in the East African nation. While homosexuality is already illegal in Uganda, the new legislation is harsh and vaguely defined — members of the LGBTQ community and others accused of promoting homosexuality may receive life in prison or the death penalty under the law. As international outcry mounts, the bill awaits a signature or veto from Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, a longtime opponent of LGBTQ rights and recognition. This bill represents the latest step in Uganda’s hostile agenda towards the LGBTQ community. In 2013, the Ugandan Parliament passed the Anti-Homosexuality Act, which broadened legal penalties for homosexuality in Uganda, and permitted the extradition of Ugandans abroad accused of violating the law. The act was based on the 2009 Anti-Homosexuality Bill, which Member of Parliament David Bahati introduced. Before the act, individuals convicted of homosexual acts could face prison sentences of up to 14 years. While the act faced an intense outcry from the international community and was annulled on procedural grounds a year after its passage, anti-LGBTQ sentiments and legislation attempts have continued within the Ugandan Parliament. This anti-LGBTQ sentiment is strongly linked to Uganda’s colonial history. Before British colonialism, homosexuality was socially acceptable among the Baganda, Uganda’s largest ethnic group. Additionally, the Lango people recognized a third gender, mudoko dako. Laws prohibiting homosexuality were first enacted by British colonial authorities in 1902, later enshrined in the Penal Code Act of 1950, and remained even after Uganda gained independence in 1962. In the late 19th century, Christian missionaries began to proselytize in Uganda under British colonial authority. While this arrival was relatively late compared to other African nations, Christianity rapidly took root, countering the existing spread of Islam among the Ugandan population. Today, around 85 percent of Ugandans practice Christianity — Roman Catholicism represents the largest denomination, but there are also significant populations of Anglicans, Pentecostals, Jehovah’s Witnesses and Baptists. If the new legislation is signed into law, Uganda will become the only Christian-majority nation to punish homosexuality with the death penalty. In recent decades, Evangelical Christian organizations from the United States have played a key role in shaping Ugandan attitudes toward homosexuality. Their campaigns have linked homosexuality to pedophilia, accused LGBTQ organizations of “recruiting” children and vulnerable populations for sexual exploitation, and characterized homosexuality as a Western import aiming to destroy the traditional Ugandan family. Evangelical missionary Scott Lively has spearheaded these efforts. Lively has advocated for the criminalization of homosexuality globally, pushing for harsh anti-LGBTQ legislation in Russia, Latvia, and Uganda. Additionally, he authored the conspiratorial 2007 book “The Pink Swastika,” which asserts that gay people held prominent roles in the Nazi Party and exacerbated Nazi Germany’s militarism – a grave historical denial, especially considering that gay people were among those sent to concentration camps in the Holocaust. In 2009, Lively traveled to Kampala, Uganda, along with Don Schmeirer and Caleb Lee Brundige to host a conference on the dangers of the purported “LGBTQ agenda.” Thousands of Ugandan government officials, police officers, and teachers attended, and the meeting heavily influenced the 2009 draft of the Anti-Homosexuality Act. But despite the imperialist origins of this legislation, anti-LGBTQ sentiment has become incredibly widespread among Ugandans today. A 2013 poll from the Pew Research Center found that 96 percent of surveyed Ugandans believed that homosexuality should not be accepted by society. In a notable reversal of Western trends, older people displayed higher rates of LGBTQ acceptance than younger generations — seven percent of people over 50 believed that homosexuality should be accepted compared to a mere three percent of those 18 to 29. Efforts to advocate for the LGBTQ community have faced intense government opposition in Uganda. In 2004, activist Victor Mukasa founded Sexual Minorities Uganda, quickly becoming Uganda’s top LGBTQ human rights organization. However, Mukasa’s home was raided by police, prompting him to flee to South Africa, and Sexual Minorities Uganda was ordered to halt all operations in August 2022. Other independent events have been interrupted and brutalized by police, and Pride Uganda was canceled in 2017 after threats from the government. International human rights organizations and intergovernmental bodies immediately condemned this new legislation. According to the United Nations, including the death penalty in this bill constitutes an arbitrary killing. It is, therefore, a violation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. UN Human Rights Council appointed experts urged President Museveni to “tread a new path towards respect of human rights and acceptance of difference, and reject the proposed law,” while the United States has threatened broad economic sanctions if the law is enacted. Additionally, a group of large multinational companies, including Google and Microsoft, rallied against the bill, citing potential damage to the Ugandan economy. According to the coalition, Uganda’s neighbor Kenya loses 1.7 percent of its GDP annually due to business withdrawal based on anti-LGBTQ discrimination. While President Museveni is known for his socially conservative leadership, he has expressed concern for the effects of social policy on the Ugandan economy in the past. The international condemnation of this bill may succeed in halting the legislation. The outcome of a singular bill will not reduce the pervasive anti-LGBTQ ideology in Ugandan society nor repair the widespread effects of Western imperialism that caused these ideas to fester. However, stopping the discriminatory legislation could be a step in the right direction for activists. Additionally, attitudes within the country may shift if local actors — rather than just international, especially Western, actors — can reestablish operations.

Sanctions do more than empty out grocery aisles and indirectly kill the innocent recipients. While the proposed intention is to combat autocratic regimes through economic means, rather than traditional uses of violence, the effect is often counterintuitive, propping up the very regimes they aim to weaken. < Back Sanctions: The Key to a Longstanding, Powerful, Authoritarian Regime Isabella Suels for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton April 30, 2025 We have entered a new era of warfare. Rather than tanks, bombs and guns, sanctions have become the weapon of choice. Unlike the aforementioned tools of destruction, sanctions do not cause direct harm. Rather, their harmful nature is disseminated through food shortages and inflation, which are de trimental and, in some cases, deadly. Nevertheless, sanctions do more than empty out grocery aisles and indirectly kill the innocent recipients. While the proposed intention is to combat autocratic regimes through economic means, rather than traditional uses of violence, the effect is often counterintuitive, propping up the very regimes they aim to weaken. Autocrats feed off sanc tions. Financial penalties are often the glue that holds a nation together. They create the perfect launching-point for the creation of the rally ‘round the flag : a period of increased short-run popular support of a country's government or political leaders during periods of international crisis or war. This phenomenon compels us to look at the imposition of sanctions as an indirect attack on a country; leaders use the implementation of these sanctions to forge a strong sense of national identity, often placing themselves as a figure of unity and strength for their people. For instance, in Iraq, during the reign of Saddam Hussein, the U.S. imposed heavy sanctions on Iraq. The side effects of these sanctions included the usual suspects: food insecurity and malnutrition, which continued through the thirteen years of sanctions. However, the effects of U.S. sanctions spanned far beyond that period. The effect of ongoing malnutrition, specifically among children, resulted in long-term health problems and cognitive deficits. The suffering experienced by children and vulnerable communities in Iraq during this period changed Iraqis’ perception of the West. As the spread of disease throughout the population came as a consequence of the sanctions imposed by the West, it became clear that Western powers were to blame for the humanitarian crisis. With sanctions as the main perpetrators, pressure was taken off Saddam Hussein and his track record of enforced disappearances, killing, torture, execution, and more during his tenure. Although the sanctions were framed as “denying Saddam access to funds,” their reach went far beyond that, denying ordinary Iraqis access to basic rights. Therefore, resulting in an onset of hyperinflation, the government could not provide people with livable wages, and critical government institutions crumbled. Hence, the detrimental effects of Western sanctions strengthened Saddam Hussein’s argument that the West was the enemy of the Iraqi people. The primary goal of Western sanctions was to create enough pressure to oust Saddam Hussein from power. However, his reign would persist until April 2003, following the United States’ invasion of Iraq. Years after his demise, the legacy of Saddam Hussein is complex and the negative memory of the sanctions remains unchanged. This is why countries must be cautious of the power their economic sanctions hold. There is a fine balance between political pressure and human rights violations that gets buried under the sanctions. Once that line is crossed, it is hard to jump back to the other side, and it leaves a vacuum that gets filled by newfound alliances. Sanctions breed isolation as countries are discouraged from trading with sanctioned countries in fear that Western countries will cut ties, thereby motivating countries under heavy sanctions to forge alliances with each other. Alliances built on the common trait of isolation are not uncommon and hinder the original goals of sanctions. If the point of this economic weapon is to ostracize, it completely falls short when countries join forces to keep themselves above water in the midst of economic turmoil. As was best highlighted between the relationship of the U.S.S.R. and Cuba during the Cold War, the heavy U.S. sanctions placed on both these countries allowed them to craft a strategic alliance that kept Cuba afloat during the reign of Fidel Castro. Even today, decades after their initial relationship blossomed, Cuba and Russia benefit from one another. For instance, since late 2023, Cubans have even been lured to fight in the Russian army with the prospect of high pay and a Russian passport as a reward for their services. This renaissance of Cuban and Russian relations further demonstrates how the consequences of sanctions outlive presidents, governments and, in this case, even countries. With the ongoing trade war between the United States and countries around the globe, it remains to be seen how these current events will influence our world today. As the United States unloads its economic arsenal, it is only a matter of time until it resorts to sanctions. The only thing that remains for certain is that sanctions are an extremely powerful tool, and if used without caution, they could aggravate rather than tame. Photo source: Unsplash

MEDMUN’s President and Vice-President, Inès Jabri and Maria Azadian, respectively, have been unequivocally toiling away to put together a schedule and a plan so that you, dear Sciences Pistes, can get excited about the newest SPMUN and MEDMUN conferences of 2022 and 2023. < Back New Year and New Plans for the Mediterranean Model United Nations: What Should We Expect? By Georgia McKerracher September 30, 2022 Well, it’s becoming more than clear that the summer break is officially over. Despite the straggling remains of tourist crowds traipsing through the streets of Menton, ice creams in hand, Menton’s Sciences Pistes are starting to smell the beginnings of a new academic year. Readings are already stacking up, various looming assessment deadlines are being discernibly placed in calendars, and the once-toasty temperature feels as though it may be beginning to drop at Sablettes. However, with the onset of this fresh new year, Menton’s student organizations are beginning to get their acts together. The Mediterranean Model United Nations is no exception — not only have interviews been conducted, but the board is coordinating two major events to be hosted in Menton this year. MEDMUN’s President and Vice-President, Inès Jabri and Maria Azadian, respectively, have been unequivocally toiling away to put together a schedule and a plan so that you, dear Sciences Pistes, can get excited about the newest SPMUN and MEDMUN conferences of 2022 and 2023. Now, ‘what is the difference between these two conferences?’ you may well be asking yourself. Fortunately, Jabri and Azadian took the time to let us all in on this information. SPMUN is a conference that “caters to people with interests in all regions of the world,” Azadian states. It offers an opportunity for all Sciences Pistes with passions “from the Americas to East Asia” to come together and get to know one another. A pivotal part of this conference will be drawing inspiration from our fellow students’ passion, learning from one another’s experiences, and considering what it means to be a globally-engaged citizen in an ever-changing socio-political environment. The theme for this year’s SPMUN on the Menton campus is “Reconstruction and Redirection: Imagining a Post-Crisis World.” Intrigued by the decisions behind the choice of such a compelling theme, I quizzed Azadian about some of the thought processes that underpinned the MEDMUN board’s final choice. “We had many discussions about the theme for this year’s conference,” she said, “[and] we noticed that the discussion often centers around the ‘why’ and the ‘how’ of conflicts today.” While deliberation about the current crises — the crippling consequences of climate change and the ongoing public health crises, to name a couple — were all taken into consideration, Jabri and Azadian considered how these everyday topics and questions “miss a part of the bigger picture.” “With the geopolitical, economic, environmental, political, social and judicial thematics,” Jabri says, “participants will get a multifaceted perspective of today’s global issues.” Instead, people need to think more openly of the disturbingly daunting question that humanity should be asking itself now: “how can we rebuild (our) world?” Under the umbrella of such a moving theme, SPMUN will bring together Sciences Pistes from all six of the Menton Campus’ neighbors — a unique opportunity for the Mentonese to get to know some of their otherwise distanced peers (and in some cases, rekindle a few close connections to other students from across campuses originally made in Reims last year). Moreover, for the first time in its history, the SPMUN conference will be trilingual — with committees discussing global issues in English and French and now in Spanish. MEDMUN also focuses on the Middle Eastern and Northern African regions, allowing for dialogue with delegates who either come specifically for the conference’s unique regional focus or who simply enjoy the opportunity to meet a few new faces and enhance their understanding of diverse worldviews and opinions. Jabri eagerly states that MEDMUN expects over 400 students from all over the globe to arrive in Menton, allowing for the “accomplishment of a year of teamwork,” which she reflects will “make our little city shine.” Regardless of some key differences in the content explored by the conferences, both will undoubtedly offer their participants a diverse number of unique and exhilarating opportunities. As Azadian puts it, “each conference, at the end of the day, creates its community of people passionate about debate and diplomacy.” Jabri further elaborates, saying that “having two MUN conferences on the Menton campus is an incredible opportunity” for all students to benefit from “not only… the intellectual aspect of these experiences, debating topical subjects in different committees,” but also to “share their culture, knowledge and advice.” Despite its poeticism, Jabri’s firm belief that “diversity and multiculturalism become the backbone of these events” rings true for all participants. Heads of Crisis, David Ederberg and Riwa Hassan, are also cooking up a storm. Ederberg emphasized his excitement at seeing “students from all campuses… use their different backgrounds and perspectives” to come to meaningful and insightful conclusions in their respective “captivating crisis” committees. Both conferences will offer Sciences Pistes some of the most fantastic opportunities to meet new and exciting people from France and the world. Menton’s upcoming MUNs create incredible opportunities to “learn about international relations,” and “expand network[s] and lifelong friendships,” according to Azadian However, aside from the cerebral rewards of conference participation, “debating with a stunning view of the Mediterranean right outside your window is not such a bad thing either!” Jabri correctly puts it when she states, “Get ready for the first intercampus event of the year, located on the beautiful Riviera, where you will have the opportunity to debate, create memories [and] share your experience!” SPMUN will be held in Menton from the 11th to 13th of November, 2022, and MEDMUN will be held from the 31st of March to 2nd of April, 2023.