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At the end of the day, the issue of migration should not be one of big theories and political instrumentalization, but one about the migrants themselves, and how and why there is immigration in Europe. We must recentralize the discourse of migration on the personal stories of migrants. < Back Ella Waja Bou Ntoute, Tey Deguelou Bou Barey By Elian Jorand “ Let us think about it: the Mediterranean has become Europe’s largest cemetery.” With these bleak few words, Pope Francis in Marseille succinctly summarized the current state of migration in the Mediterranean Sea. According to the United Nations, since the beginning of 2023, there have been 186,951 sea arrivals on the continent and 2,517 deaths. On average, in 2023, 11 children die per week attempting to reach the northern shore of the Mediterranean. This summer alone, nearly 1000 people died. Amidst such tragedy, European opinion has been sharply divided. The instrumentalization of migration to achieve political aims has created a national ‘macro-debate’, an obsession for the public about migration and the big consequences such a process carries. The far right and neo-fascist parties form a spurious front against an ‘invasion’, threatening the tradition and customs of old Europe. Opposing the far right,those who call for uncompromising humanity and solidarity with those in need, welcoming migrants and helping them on their trek across Europe. Both sides generate substantial public debate, with far-fetched theories such the “ Grand Remplacement ” popularized by Eric Zemmour, or the left parties pushing forward with humanitarian and anti-racist policies. Today, 75 percent of French people are in favor of a public referendum to decide on a national migration policy. However, with the current political atmosphere, we must be able to rise above the noise and tribulations and pay attention to what is important. At the end of the day, the issue of migration should not be one of big theories and political instrumentalization, but one about the migrants themselves, and how and why there is immigration in Europe. We must recentralize the discourse of migration on the personal stories of migrants. During my travels in West Africa, stories of migration came to be of regular occurrences — the youth trying to escape the lack of opportunity in Africa for Europe, in the hope of a ‘better life.’ I remember a distinct conversation with a friend and her family in an old West African style “ dibiterie ” in Saint-Louis. While eating a yassa, Leila talked about her hopes of leaving Senegal to pursue her education in a business school in Nancy, France. She spoke fondly about how this opportunity would allow her to get her dream job and lead the life she had always aspired to have. Yet, this was now only a dream, since her visa application to enter France had been rejected. Leila is only one among thousands of people immigrating out of Africa with the hope of a better life in Europe, whether their expectations are true or false. When they are denied the opportunity, people are often forced to go about it in an unofficial and dangerous way. The case of Senegal clearly demonstrates this. Hailed as a bastion of democracy and stability in a continent riddled with political insecurity, Senegal is nonetheless one of the countries which generates the most migrants from West Africa, with 25,000 people emigrating outside of the country, compared to only 12,000 people from neighboring war-torn Mali. Poverty, amongst other factors, is a primary driver for migration. Looking at the different factors and theories, whether important or completely absurd, helps us understand the process in relation to the different actors. However, such a political approach dehumanizes a very human process. Migration is a fundamental process for humanity. Our story, that of the human species, started precisely with a worldwide migration. We must bring back this humanity to the process of migration. Stories like Leila’s are true for many thousand other humans, each one with their own specifications, making their story of migration unique. If we are to find a solution to migration, one of balance between migrants and host-nations, we must change our current approach which has only led to hate and death for the many actors. We must move away from big characterization and systematic categorization, and instead take a more humane approach, however hard that may be. Only when we take the steps towards understanding the stories behind migration, the reasons, the causes and the motivations, will we be able to tackle the issue. Now that the talking has taken place, and in the hope of finding a solution, we must listen to these stories.

< Back Menton Hosts the 89th Edition of the Lemon Festival By Catarina Vita March 31, 2023 From Feb. 11 to 26, our once-deserted “lemon town” became packed with tourists from all over the world to attend Menton’s renowned Fête du Citron. Composed of parades (called corsos) from the train station to Place St. Roch, endless lemon-themed souvenirs and even 30-euro NFTs on sale , Menton’s Lemon Festival brought over 250,000 people to the small town . To Menton’s economy and tourism, this annualfestivity is crucial. The 89th edition of the Fête du Citron was themed rock and opera, with the mascot being John Lemon — a pun for John Lennon, the famous member of the Beatles and rock singer. The majestic lemon structures at Jardin Biovès all resemble rock and opera singers, and every Thursday during the festival, a parade stopped the city and displayed even more lemon-made structures and rock and opera music. According to Marinella Giardina, the tourism assistant to the mayor of Menton, in an interview with France Bleu , “a rock lemon is a lemon filled with vitamins and bananas and invites you to bite into life with certainty.” With this statement, Giardina means that the 89th Fête du Citron and its symbolic lemon will not be bitter but sweet and inviting to participate in. It is no exaggeration that the weekly corsos during the Lemon Festival paralyzed Menton. Mayor Yves Juhel, speaking to France3 Provence-Alpes-Côte-D’Azur , confirmed that over 100,000 people bought tickets to watch the festival. These presentations ended at 23:15, and since the trains back to other cities in the Côte D’Azur line end not long after 21:00, the Mayor encouraged bus networks to supplement train services. In 1896, the first edition of the Fête du Citron began. Hotel workers suggested a parade to draw visitors to Menton during the wintertime. This idea attracted not only high-profile visitors, such as Queen Victoria but the citizens of Menton as well. From 1896 to 1929, the parade continued, but without the famous citron as its main character. As 1929 approached, Menton led the production of lemons in the region, and hotel workers from Hotel Riviera organized a parade of citrus flowers and fruits throughout Menton. In 1934, the Fête du Citron became an annual tradition. It is undeniable that the festival is crucial for the Mentonese economy. According to BFM Côte D’Azur , a local Italian shop and restaurant, Pasta Piemonte, which sells ravioli with Menton lemon filling, reported selling eighty kilos of their delicacy. The shop owner also said that their orders are concentrated on corso days, especially because their location is close to Jardin Biovès, and hence close to the lemon-made statues. A local hotel was also reported to have a 100% occupancy rate during the Fête du Citron. Tutti Frutti, a Michelin-starred ice cream parlor, was closed in Menton since late October, and reopened due to the Lemon Festival, which has brought in massive queues. Frank Devergranne, interviewed by France3 Provence-Alpes-Côte-D’Azur as a member of the Menton’s hôteliers union, reported an approximate 50% growth in hotel performance. He also considered the economic concern for hotel workers in Menton during quarantine and winter time and how this year’s Fête du Citron was “a big gulp of oxygen” for their revenues. Small touristic train-like cars circulate Menton during the day times of the Lemon Festival, which gives temporary driving jobs to people in need. The promotion of dance, music and art for workers in the creative field is highlighted in the Lemon Festival, which makes the event a valuable opportunity for those working in the industry. Considering the passion the Mentonese government and the Côte D’Azur has for the annual Fête du Citron, the theme for its 90th edition is already established: the Olympics from ancient history to the present. The year 2024 will also be when Paris hosts the Olympic games, which will only further bolster French tourism. Nonetheless, the surface area of Menton is a humble 14.05 kilometers squared, and harboring more than 250,000 people is challenging, especially with its infinite staircases and narrow streets. For future events to come, the city is hopeful that the Mentonese government considers this factor and develops strategies to prevent the city from overcrowding. Obvious environmental factors come with the Fête du Citron, such as tourists polluting the streets and wasting food and material. As the Festival comes to an end, lemon peels and paper confetti are found scattered in the Basilica stairs and in the Mentonese narrow streets. To make this event even more prosperous for Menton itself and its citizens’ well-being, the government can deliberate strategies for the sustainability of the Lemon Festival.

< Back Central Mediterranean Sea Rescue Sparks Heated Debate in European Union By Sophia Rottman January 31, 2023 Although various member countries tried to strengthen their borders, the number of migrants to the European Union increased by 68 percent in 2022 — the largest yearly increase since 2016. The major migration paths to Europe are through the Eastern Land Border, the Western Balkans, the Eastern Mediterranean, the Central Mediterranean, the Western Mediterranean and the Western African route. While the Western Balkans route records the highest number of entries to the European Union, the Central Mediterranean passage continues to take the most lives. The journey was fatal for 2,000 people in 2022, not including any unrecorded deaths. At the beginning of November 2022, France and Italy were at odds over an NGO-operated rescue ship, the Ocean Viking. Closest to the Italian shoreline, the Ocean Viking originally asked for a safe port in Italy. The Italian government would not relent, and the vessel, NGO staff and 234 migrants spent weeks at sea in the Mediterranean. The French government argued that Italy was responsible for offering a safe port according to international maritime law. Realizing Italy was unlikely to help, France allowed the boat to dock in Toulon. French Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin called Italy’s behavior “incomprehensible” and that it “lacked humanity.” For Italy, the Ocean Viking was just one part of what the government sees as a much larger problem: increasing migration at a rate disproportionate to other Central Mediterranean countries. From January to mid-December 2022, Italy received 102,000 migrants through the Central Mediterranean, a drastic increase from 67,000 in 2021. Italy’s Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani said the country wants “an agreement to establish on the basis of population, how migrants with a right to asylum are relocated to various countries.” However, Italy is not the only European Mediterranean country turning away migrants rescued at sea. In September 2022, Malta’s Rescue Coordination Centre (RCC) sent a merchant vessel that had rescued 23 migrants in the country’s search and rescue zone to Egypt. The Shimanami Queen was 159 nautical miles from Malta and 146 from Italy. Egypt was 760 nautical miles away. The RCC of Malta ordered merchant vessels near the endangered migrants at sea to stick to their planned route or await further instruction — a practice that Sea-Watch, Alarm Phone, Mediterranea Saving Humans and Doctors Without Borders argue the country frequently uses to prevent migrant arrivals. On June 22, 2022, eighteen European Union countries and three others announced their agreement upon the Voluntary Solidarity Mechanism, a provisional response to migration in the Mediterranean member states. Based on GDP and population, the mechanism would reallocate asylum seekers to a new member state after registration in the country of initial arrival. Countries that would not accept reallocation would provide financial or border control support. France and Italy signed while non-signatories include Poland, Denmark and Sweden. Within five months, the new agreement would be threatened. Following the diplomatic stand-off over the Ocean Viking, in mid-November, France increased its border control with Italy. The country announced it would send 500 more officers to ten Franco-Italian border crossing points and was withdrawing from the solidarity mechanism, reneging on its offer to take in 3,000 migrants from Italy. Around the same time, a joint statement from Greece, Malta, Cyprus and Italy called for the solidarity mechanism to transition from voluntary to mandatory status. On Nov. 21, 2022, the European Commission published an Action Plan on the Central Mediterranean, proposing 20 reforms to mediate the troublesome Central Mediterranean migration route. Various NGOs have criticized the plan for merely repeating past mistakes. Catherine Woollard, the director of the European Council on Refugees and Exiles, said that the plan “focus[es] on the responsibilities of the non-European states on the other side of the Med[iterranean]” and that the “first priority for Europe should be agreements within Europe.” At the end of 2022, the Italian government issued a new decree addressing civil sea rescue. Under the decree, if rescue ships do not immediately leave the search and rescue zone after their first rescue and move to their assigned safe port without delay, they will suffer harsh consequences, including fines of up to 50,000 Euros and vessel confiscation. Additionally, the Italian government had already begun assigning farther locations as safe ports to decrease rescue ships’ time in the rescue zone. Sea-Watch argues that if a captain does not try to rescue other people in danger, they are violating their duty to rescue in international law. The Union border agency Frontex informs Libya’s coast guard of migrant boats using GPS data, enabling their return of 23,000 migrants to Libya in 2022. Human Rights Watch warns that Europe is “complicit in the abuse” of people in Libyan camps and Doctors Without Borders asserts that Libya does not meet the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ guidelines of a safe port. Doctors Without Borders has publicly requested a European state Mediterranean search and rescue system and a better migrant distribution mechanism in the European Union. Largescale migration to Europe through the Central Mediterranean is unlikely to stop anytime soon. Without reform to Mediterranean rescue systems and a united stance in the European Union on how to alleviate member states unequally pressured by increasing migrant arrivals, prolonged and unnecessary suffering at sea is likely to continue.

On November 8, 2022, over 100 million Americans will head to the polls to vote for congressional, gubernatorial, state, and local candidates in what could be one of the most consequential elections in recent history. < Back United States Midterms 2022: Races to Watch By Peyton Dashiell October 31, 2022 On November 8, 2022, over 100 million Americans will head to the polls to vote for congressional, gubernatorial, state, and local candidates in what could be one of the most consequential elections in recent history. Democrats hold a delicate congressional majority — 48 Senate seats are occupied by Democrats, with Independents Bernie Sanders (I-Vermont) and Angus King (I-Maine) typically voting with Democrats and Vice President Kamala Harris serving as the tiebreaker in contentious party line votes. The House of Representatives has a slightly larger majority with 221 Democrats and 209 Republicans, but it could still be easily upset as every seat faces re-election. Voters have a wide range of issues to consider as they fill out their ballots. Republicans may see a boost in the polls as the Biden administration deals with economic troubles — the annual inflation rate hit a 40-year high of 9.1 percent in June, and corresponding interest rate hikes will soon make it more expensive for Americans to purchase homes and take out loans. However, the aggressive social agenda of the Republican party could push centrist and moderate Republican voters to the left or third-party candidates. In June, the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade , ruling that abortion is not a constitutionally protected right and sparking a frenzy of abortion bans and restrictions in conservative states. In Texas and West Virginia, recent “trigger laws” have rendered abortion completely illegal — exceptions for rape, incest, and medical emergencies are only accepted in West Virginia and only until the eighth week of pregnancy. Additionally, immigration issues have risen to prominence in national dialogue — the governors of Texas and Arizona have sent large groups of migrants by bus to New York, Washington, D.C., and Martha’s Vineyard despite limited resources for migrant intake. As election day approaches, here are some races that could spark partisan turmoil, recalibrate foreign policy relationships or lead to a generational shift in Congress. Congress FL-10 In Florida’s 10th congressional district, covering most of the Orlando metropolitan area, Maxwell Frost gained the Democratic primary nomination in early August. Frost, a 25-year-old progressive activist and former national director of March for Our Lives, will become the first Gen Z member of Congress if he wins the general election. FL-10 is a heavily Democratic district, with 203,000 registered Democrats and 100,000 registered Republicans, and Frost can expect a victory over opponent Calvin Wimbush barring an unprecedented upset. Frost garnered national attention this summer for confronting Florida governor Ron DeSantis with an emotional plea on gun violence during a DeSantis event in Orlando. Frost’s ambitious policy platform includes support for the Green New Deal, a single-payer healthcare system, extensive gun control, decriminalized drug use, and a “future without prison.” MI-11 In August, Representative Haley Stevens narrowly defeated incumbent Representative Andy Levin in a controversial primary that could impact the relationship between the United States and Israel. Representative Stevens received over $4 million in campaign funding from the United Democracy Project, a super political action committee run by the political action wing of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Despite Levin identifying a “lifelong Zionist,” former AIPAC president David Victor labeled him as “arguably the most corrosive member of Congress to the US-Israel relationship” due to Levin’s past legislative efforts regarding Israel. In 2021, Levin introduced the “Two-State Solution Act,” which outlined concrete steps the US should take in pursuit of a two-state solution, including recognizing the West Bank and Gaza as occupied territories and ensuring that US defense funding to Israel is not used to establish settlements in the West Bank. While foreign policy is not at the center of Stevens’ platform, her support for the US-Israel relationship will likely be less conditional than Levin’s. NM-2 In New Mexico’s 2nd district, incumbent Representative Yvette Herrell faces Democrat Gabe Vasquez in a race that could redefine energy policy in the United States’ largest oilfield, the Permian Basin. Since taking office in 2020, Herrell has been a staunch supporter of the fossil fuel industry and voted to restrict government regulation of fossil fuel extraction. Additionally, she has overseen New Mexico’s “Safer and Stronger” public relations campaign, which reminds the public that $700 million in funding for the state’s public school system comes from the oil and gas industry — around 20 percent of total education spending. On the other hand, Vasquez supports a “pragmatic” approach to the fossil fuel industry, balancing government regulation and alternative clean energy sources to mitigate adverse environmental impacts. The Permian Basin produces five million barrels of oil per day, around half of the total US supply, and has deep underground reserves that remain undeveloped. FL Senate Three weeks before the election, incumbent Senator Marco Rubio leads Democrat Val Demings by just two points. Demings, former Orlando police chief and Congresswoman in Florida’s 10th district, has consistently out-fundraised Rubio, more than doubling his donations in the second quarter of 2022. While in the House of Representatives, Demings helped manage Donald Trump’s impeachment trial, served on the Judiciary and Homeland Security committees, and recently passed the VICTIM Act — a bipartisan bill to increase local police force funding to solve homicides and gun crime. Florida, often referred to as a swing state, has seen an increase in conservative voters over the past few years. Donald Trump won the state during his 2016 and 2020 presidential campaigns, and endorsed governor Ron DeSantis during his 2018 gubernatorial campaign. Additionally, both Florida senators are Republicans. This race will signify the Democratic party’s potential in Florida — are these expensive campaigns still worth the fight, or should they dedicate their attention to other states and districts? Gubernatorial Texas In Texas, the largest Republican-led state in the country, incumbent governor Greg Abbott will face off against Democratic challenger Beto O’Rourke in the general election. Due to his 2018 attempt to unseat Senator Ted Cruz and his short-lived 2020 presidential campaign, O’Rourke is a familiar name to many voters on the national stage. But despite this national notoriety, Abbott currently leads by seven points, with 31 percent of likely voters naming immigration as their top voting priority. Potential deciding issues in Texas include Greg Abbott’s restrictive stance on abortion, immigration policies, and infrastructure developments — a 2021 winter storm in Texas forced a large portion of the state to live without power, running water, or heat for a week, killing an estimated 246 people. Texas is the only state with an independent power grid, and O’Rourke heavily criticized the Electric Reliability Council of Texas for corruption and lack of oversight — he has called for Texas to connect to the national power grid to prevent future tragedies. Kansas In Kansas, Governor Laura Kelly is up for reelection against Republican Attorney General Derek Schmidt in a close race with one key issue missing: abortion. Kansas is a pro-choice state — in July, Kansas residents overwhelmingly voted against the “Value Them Both” amendment, which would have removed the state constitution's enshrined right to abortion . However, the state voted for Donald Trump in 2020, and Kelly is the only Democratic governor of a Trump-voting state to run for reelection this year. Kelly has avoided almost all mention of abortion in her campaign, focusing on education and economic issues. Sources close to Kelly have said this is an intentional decision to retain her moderate, bipartisan public image in a purple state. She currently polls only two points ahead of Schmidt — will her avoidance of the abortion controversy lead her to victory in November? Ballot Measures Colorado - Initiative 58 In Colorado, the Natural Medicine Health Act would allow citizens 21 or older to use psychedelic mushrooms privately or in regulated “health centers” with trained facilitators. Proponents of the initiative argue that psilocybin offers healing potential to those suffering from mental health issues — Colorado has been ranked as the worst state for adult mental health, and numerous studies show benefits from psilocybin for symptoms of depression, anxiety, and PTSD. However, some critics, including the founder of the Denver-based Society for Psychedelic Outreach Reform and Education, argue that the initiative’s “healing center” framework is purely a way for large corporations to take control of the psilocybin market and put profits over health. California - Proposition 30 This proposition would increase the income tax by 1.75 percent and use the additional money to support zero-emission vehicle initiatives and wildfire suppression, allowing California to increase firefighter staffing by ⅓ as wildfires grow more intense every year. However, Governor Gavin Newsom has gone against his party to oppose the measure — although he supports a full state transition to electric vehicles by 2035, he has called the bill a “trojan horse” at the hands of rideshare giant Lyft. Te State of California ordered Lyft to transition entirely to electric vehicles by 2030, and Newsom says this bill is an effort to make taxpayers fund these new cars. Nevada - Equal Rights Amendment In Nevada, voters will have the option to amend Nevada’s constitution to adopt a modified version of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), which guarantees equal rights regardless of sex. Effectively, this would end distinctions between men and women in matters of divorce, unemployment, property, and more. The ERA was passed by Congress in 1972 and required 38 state legislatures to ratify the amendment by 1979 to be adopted. Only 35 states ratified the amendment by the deadline, but Virginia, Illinois, and Nevada symbolically approved it in the 2010s as the pro-ERA movement began to regain traction. Takeaways Although the next presidential election will not occur until 2024, the midterms will serve as a telling referendum on the presidency of Joe Biden after a tumultuous two years in office. His approval rate reached a yearly high of 46 percent this month — his predecessor Donald Trump ranged from 34 to 49 percent throughout his presidency. Midterms tend to experience vastly lower voter turnout than general elections, with 113 million Americans voting in 2018 compared to 157 million in 2022. Most of this gap comes from young voters and Democrats. Young, progressive voters must learn that midterms are crucial and the ambitious policy proposals of their presidential picks cannot be accomplished without the legislative work of Congress. American Sciences Pistes, apply for your absentee ballot online before the election.

With 2As increasingly melancholic about their imminent departures, a spirit of contemplation takes hold of the students of the Menton campus. < Back Klimt’s Death and Life: a Perspective on Beginnings and Endings By Lara Harmankaya April 30, 2024 Another academic year nears its end. The approach of the end is marked by the longer hours of daytime and the re-emergence of a softness in the air. With 2As increasingly melancholic about their imminent departures, a spirit of contemplation takes hold of the students of the Menton campus. The fleeting nature of our time here suddenly becomes conspicuous to us; we arrive, build friendships and connections, and leave after two very short years. We leave our mark but ultimately get swept up in the thousands of mosaics that mold the rich history of this institution. The eagerly-anticipated arrival of spring thus becomes a bittersweet reminder of the need to move on and undergo a process of detachment yet again. Quite literally, as this reveals to us, the trajectory of the students of Sciences Po follows a seasonal progression of time – each season symbolic of a beginning and a conclusion. In such a time of reflection, the pertinence of Gustav Klimt’s artwork and the unique outlook it has on ephemerality becomes evident yet again. In his 1911 oil on canvas painting, Death and Life , Klimt reminds us that life continues, even in the face of ‘death.’ In the Sciences Po context I described above, Death can be interpreted as endings in general. It expresses transience and the constraints imposed on us by the cruelty of time. Displayed in the Leopold Museum in Vienna, the almost six-foot-tall Death and Life is a melange of meaning, stages and colors. It appears fluid to the eye, quite like the transitional phases of life it represents through its curvaceous nude figures. The baby, the surrounding young and old women, and the pair of lovers beneath symbolize the many age groups of the human race and are all cocooned in a blanket composed of bright colors. Patchwork designs, floral patterns, circles and geometric shapes all blend together and create images that melt into one another. This contrasts vividly with the solitary, navy figure of Death. He is reminiscent of the night; his robe is embellished with bright crosses erected on a graveyard and star-like speckles of white that illuminate the cool darkness of what appears to allude to the night sky. On the other hand, the embracing figures he is eagerly observing discernibly illustrate the warmness of day, summer and spring. This is a painting with a title as uncomplicated and clear as its metaphors. Its sharp juxtapositions – between soft and hard, nature and abstraction, dark and light, and somber and vibrant – connote an idea that is easily understood by all those who have grasped the concept of mortality. However, looking at it yet again, it evokes an additional element internal to the human condition that no simple life-death distinction can convey with true accuracy. To understand this, we must dive deeper into the historical era in which it was produced. In the early 20th century, a growing fascination with the subconscious permeated the Viennese intellectual sphere following the rising popularity of Freud’s ‘The Interpretation of Dreams.’ The figures, with the exception of one, all strikingly have their eyes closed. The way they clutch one another, therefore, evokes not only intimacy but also a dream-like state that denotes the subconscious. Against the backdrop of World War I and the increasingly prominent academic interest in looking inward, this painting can be analyzed as a reflection of a collective unconscious that wished to escape material reality. Moreover, it was also part and parcel of the broader Secession Movement in Vienna, which marked a radical shift in producing and appreciating art. With an uncertain sociopolitical environment and under the guiding creativity of Klimt, Austrian artists began challenging conventionally accepted approaches to art and incorporated more innovative techniques – among which, of course, were Klimt’s bold colors, sensual imagery and irregular mosaic designs. Observing this painting without understanding the context that spurred its genesis can thereby lead to losing out on the very nuance that makes it exceptional. As with all art, Death and Life was not brought into existence in a vacuum but was very much the product of an age of progress and rising modernity. Yet, the principal meaning of it is tied to the fact that life and death are continuous, cyclical and ceaseless. The painting itself is thus a juxtaposition, signifying the age-old intrinsic dilemma of human nature amidst a time of irrevocable change. Thus, it can be suggested that what Klimt may have desired with this painting was to denote the transcendence of the human experience. Even as many attempted to break with the conventions of the past, one thing remained eternal – the universality of beginnings and endings. Awarded the first prize in the 1911 International Art Exhibition in Rome, Death and Life is said to have been described by Klimt as his “most important figurative work.” Examining the significance of the skeleton personifying Death could help us see why. According to art historians, it is reminiscent of the motif of the ‘dance of death’ / ‘danse macabre,’ which first appeared in the Middle Ages. Serving as an emblem that death comes to all regardless of rank and social status, the historic relevance of the subtly smirking skeleton in the painting itself is a reminder of the sense of succession found in human nature and art history. Examining the history of Klimt’s artwork can also be insightful in discerning the figurative importance of his stylistic choices in this painting. Known for the abundant use of gold in many of his pieces, including in Judith and the Head of Holofernes , this painting – having encountered multiple amendments that removed its traces of gold – can be seen as the outcome of a more mature Klimt who died three years after its conclusion. In 1915, the background was painted over with hues of gray, green and blue, almost as if to mimic a sea of consciousness. This grants the painting a sentiment of reality; rather than washing out the amorphous blocks with gold and lavish, they are given center-stage. Life itself is not glitteringly golden but is grounded in the earth and ambiguous. The overall tone of the painting, despite being conscious of the inevitability of Death and conclusion, is not a grim one. It is hopeful – the entangled figures on the right are able to ignore the disturbing gaze of Death and continue their streaming slumber in peace. They are part of the larger cycle of life, and knowing that life will continue even after their time does not disturb their tranquility. Perhaps that should be the lesson to extract from this painting. There exists the looming threat of termination just a few steps away, but for the time being, we can enjoy the moments we have and keep holding onto each other. Image - Flickr, Frans Vandewalle, Creative Commons

< Back Le néolibéralisme à la française Eloïse Franzmann October 21, 2025 «La France est un enfer fiscal.» Cette expression fréquemment reprise dans certains médias appuie la critique d’un État où les charges et impôts étoufferaient l’initiative privée. Derrière cette formule se devine le cœur du discours néolibéral : réduire les fonctions sociales de l'État pour laisser libre cours au fonctionnement ‘naturel’ du marché. Le néolibéralisme désigne un ensemble de doctrines politiques dont le but est l’optimisation des mécanismes du marché. Ses applications concrètes en matière de politique économique se traduisent bien souvent par des privatisations à outrance, des mesures de dérégulation et la primauté d’une orientation économique privilégiant l’offre (le soutien aux entreprises) au détriment de la demande (le soutien aux ménages). Fondé sur diverses croyances et principes, le courant néolibéral postule que le marché libre, affranchi de toute entrave, tend naturellement à s’autoréguler et à servir l’intérêt général. En revanche, l’intervention de l’Etat sur le marché diminuerait sa performance. Dans cette logique, tout individu est considéré comme un agent rationnel, agissant en fonction de ses intérêts propres et entièrement responsable de ses réussites et échecs. La recherche illimitée du profit n’est non pas vue comme un défaut, mais bien comme un moteur de prospérité. Enfin, selon la théorie dite du ruissellement, l’enrichissement des plus riches profite à l’ensemble de la société, y compris aux plus défavorisés. C’est l’ensemble de ces quelques principes idéologiques qui mènent le sociologue Pierre Bourdieu à affirmer que « l’utopie néolibérale tend à s’incarner dans la réalité d’une sorte de machine infernale.» Pour lui, le néolibéralisme n’est autre qu’un « programme méthodique de destruction des collectifs.» De fait, le rôle de l’Etat s’en trouve atrophié, réduit à ses deux missions régaliennes : assurer la sécurité extérieure et intérieure d’une part, et garantir le fonctionnement du cadre légal (notamment s’assurer du respect du droit de propriété) d’autre part. Puisque le néolibéralisme repose sur la croyance que tout interventionnisme fausse les mécanismes ‘naturels’ du marché, les politiques sociales—fondées sur la redistribution, la régulation ou la protection—sont perçues comme contre-productives. En conséquence, l'État tend à se désengager de ses fonctions de solidarité pour se configurer en État pénal, dont la mission principale devient le maintien de l’ordre économique à travers la sanction des déviances qui le menacent, les atteintes à la propriété au premier plan. Cette reconfiguration du rôle étatique contribue à l’augmentation de la précarité et à des inégalités grandissantes, affaiblissant alors la cohésion sociale. Le courant néolibéral gagne en influence et peut désormais être appréhendé une « hégémonie culturelle » . Théorisée par Gramsci, l’ « hégémonie culturelle » désigne le processus selon lequel une idée, infuse dans la société civile en passant par l’école, les think tanks, les médias et s’impose peu à peu comme idéologie dominante. Devenue l’idéologie largement dominante au début du XXI ème siècle, le programme néolibéral est appliqué massivement en Occident depuis le tournant des années 1970 sous l’impulsion du Royaume-Uni de Margaret Thatcher, des Etats-Unis de Ronald Reagan et en France à partir du ‘tournant de la rigueur’ de 1983 sous François Mitterrand. Pourtant, l’image de la France comme une exception survit dans l’imaginaire collectif. L’identité politique et sociale française s’est forgée autour d’un modèle d’État social, dont la Sécurité sociale demeure l’un des symboles les plus forts. Cet attachement s’est manifesté lors des grandes grèves de 1995 contre le Plan Juppé qui visait à réformer l’État-providence. Ces représentations collectives soulèvent donc de multiples interrogations : comment l’attachement de la France à son modèle social et à ses valeurs républicaines d’égalité pourrait-il composer avec avec les logiques néolibérales ? Kevin Brookes, docteur en science politique et enseignant-chercheur à Sciences Po Grenoble, s’est attaché à montrer la singularité de la trajectoire française de 1974 à 2012 et sa résistance—certes partielle mais réelle—au modèle néolibéral, en comparaison à ses États voisins européens. Si l’auteur concède qu’il y a eu un certain nombre de mesures économiques allant dans le sens d’une percée néolibérale, la culture politique empêche un réel basculement idéologique. Selon Brookes, l’opinion publique reste méfiante vis-à-vis du marché et attachée à l’idée d’un État-providence tandis que les pouvoirs publics n’ont jamais assumé un discours résolument néolibéral. Il ajoute que la France se distingue des autres pays européens de part l’augmentation des dépenses publiques et de ses politiques sociales. L’Etat français demeurant particulièrement interventionniste, symboliserait l’échec même du néolibéralisme. Si la France n’a pas connu de tournant néolibéral aussi marqué que d’autres pays, elle n’en suit pas moins la même trajectoire. Il est d’usage de considérer 1983 et 2012 comme des étapes charnières de la transformation néolibérale du capitalisme français. En 1983, sous la présidence de François Mitterrand, le 1 er gouvernement de gauche de la V ème République opte pour une réorientation de sa politique économique vers une politique de l’offre, avec comme priorité le soutien aux entreprises. Ce ‘tournant de la rigueur’ se traduit par une désindexation des salaires sur les prix—rompant ainsi la dynamique d’augmentation des salaires face à l’inflation,—une réduction des dépenses publiques et le début d’une libéralisation financière et bancaire. En 2012, François Hollande semble suivre les traces de son prédécesseur et engager une politique économique ‘probusiness.’ À nouveau, une politique de l’offre est mise en place, la priorité est donnée à la compétitivité et à l’investissement privé aux dépens d’une redistribution accrue. Sous la présidence d’Emmanuel Macron, l’appropriation française du néolibéralisme s’est largement accélérée. C’est au gré des politiques économiques adoptées depuis 2017 que le président français tend à réaliser les promesses de l’utopie néolibérale : augmentation de la marge de manœuvre des entreprises, réduction de la fiscalité pesant sur le capital et flexibilisation accrue du marché du travail. Sur le plan fiscal, la suppression de l’Impôt de Solidarité sur la Fortune (ISF) remplacée par l’Impôt sur la Fortune Immobilière (IFI) constitue une rupture aussi bien budgétaire qu’idéologique. Alors que les rentrées fiscales perçues par l’ISF en 2017 s’élèvent à 4,2 milliards d’euros, celles perçues par l’IFI l’année suivante ne dépassent pas 1,3 milliard d’euros. Cette politique fiscale met en œuvre la théorie du ruissellement. En allégeant l’imposition des plus riches, l’Etat espère stimuler l’investissement privé, supposé bénéficier à l’économie dans son ensemble. La fiscalité se met ainsi au service du capital, reléguant la redistribution au second plan.Dans cette logique, le président a significativement réduit les cotisations sociales, supprimant notamment les contributions chômage et maladie afin de renforcer la compétitivité des entreprises. Par exemple, les ordonnances de septembre 2017 ont largement assoupli les conditions de licenciements. Si cette flexibilisation du marché du travail profite aux entreprises, elle est également responsable de l’accroissement de la précarité des salariés et de la fragilité croissante des protections collectives. De même, la loi Pacte de 2019 a ouvert la voie à une série de nouvelles privatisations. De manière implicite, le rôle économique de l'État se rétracte au profit d’un marché plus autonome, supposé s’autoréguler. Comme toile de fond pour l’ensemble de ces mesures économiques, les principes néolibéraux reviennent : le rôle de l’État est réduit au strict minimum, la compétitivité des entreprises est maximisée et le marché devient le principal régulateur de la société. De plus, le recul de l'État social s’observe dans l’introduction progressive de mécanismes de responsabilisation individuelle au sein même de la protection sociale. Le glissement idéologique s'opère alors à travers des mesures qui paraissent pourtant des plus insignifiantes. À cet égard, la réforme du Revenu de Solidarité Active (RSA) de janvier 2025 , dont le versement est désormais conditionnée à 15 heures d’activité hebdomadaire témoigne d’une certaine reconfiguration du champ de la protection sociale. Le RSA en devenant un soutien sous condition d’activités hebdomadaires, responsabilise les individus. Alors que Robert Castel dans L’insécurité sociale démontre que le cœur de l’Etat social est de sécuriser les existences individuelles en rompant avec l’idée que chacun serait l’unique responsable de sa condition, une telle réforme porte un coup frontal à ces principes. Implicitement, la réforme du RSA renvoie à une idée simple: bénéficier d’une aide sociale devient davantage un privilège conditionnel plutôt qu’un droit social fondamental. À travers ce type de mesure, c’est l’Etat-providence qui s’affaiblit. Le néolibéralisme, en donnant la priorité à la compétition et à l’autonomie individuelle, favorise la destruction des collectifs et la création d’un individualisme excessif. L’Etat se subordonne aux logiques du marché, au détriment de l’application de politiques davantage conformes à la volonté majoritaire. Face à la désagrégation du collectif, à la priorité donnée au marché, et à un individualisme exacerbé, la démocratie est-elle vouée à s’évanouir ? Photo Source: Julian Mason, Flickr

< Back Rupture: Angela Merkel’s Exit and What it Means for Germany’s Future By Lionel Chambon October 31, 2021 Berlin. At 6 p.m. Central European Time, the German state television announced the first exit polls following the Federal Election. Jörg Schönenborn, the election night presenter, looked at his cards containing the results, looked up into the camera, took a breath, and said: “I can promise you numbers like we have never seen them before.” After 16 years under Angela Merkel, this would be the first time that the election outcome was actually impossible to predict. As I wrote for Le Zadig last semester: “The Greens have consistently polled at 20 percent or more, in striking distance of the CDU, while it has comfortably overtaken the SPD (…), possibly ending decades-long domination by the CDU and SPD.” While my prediction was not quite accurate, now that the results are in, we are certain that the Merkel era has ended — and there is no turning back. A Conservative Nightmare Let us deconstruct these results step by step, starting with the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) which has been leading the country for 52 years since 1949. Scoring 24.7 percent, the party received a catastrophic result in comparison to its yields of 41.5 percent in 2013 and 32.9 percent in 2017. I have previously written that this decrease was partly due to Merkel’s lack of a clear, conservative profile. Her expansion of the welfare state and her management during the events of 2015 moved the CDU to the left, arguably creating a vacuum on the right. Nonetheless, this does not explain why the CDU slumped to 24 percent from over 30 percent in polls a few months back. This shocking result was entirely rooted in a disorganized campaign that exposed the party’s internal feuds. For starters, it took the party way too long to actually decide on a candidate for chancellor. The fight was between its chairman, Armin Laschet, and the governor of Bavaria, Markus Söder. Throughout the campaign, Söder made his disdain for his rival no secret, repeatedly challenging Laschet in public. The latter eventually asserted himself after weeks of uncertainty. Protocols surfaced of secret, backdoor meetings between party officials, angry phone calls from local politicians, illustrating a party in disarray. While others were concerned for the country, the CDU was concerned with itself. Things soon got worse when a severe flood struck parts of Western Germany. Laschet was caught laughing in the background while German Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier held a eulogy for the lives lost during the storms, a number which went into three-digit numbers. The photo of him smirking on such a dire occasion was a mishap from which he could not recover. His biggest obstacle, however, was the incessant calls from his opponents within the party notifying him that he was doing a bad job, exposing internal rivalries when he needed a unified base. Out of all the parties, The CDU was the last to present a program, and nobody really knew what a post-Merkel CDU stood for. Laschet did not either: asked on the road and on camera about his three favorite ideas from his own program, he could not provide an answer. His plan was to count on voters that had always voted CDU out of tradition, “as usual.” However, his judgement was ill-fated. A Social Democratic Miracle When I first wrote about this election last semester, things were not looking good for the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and their candidate, Olaf Scholz. Polling at barely 15 percent, 2021 was set to be a disaster for him. The party was barely attracting attention in the media, and its successful left-wing policies implemented under Merkel were not rewarded in the polls. Yet, the SPD managed to win the election with a score of 25.7 percent, even gaining 5.2 percent from 2017. This remarkable turnaround came down to Olaf Scholz alone. When the CDU was busy arguing out its private battles, Scholz had been declared candidate months in advance. Scholz remained calm, composed, and campaigned successfully without any unfortunate incidents or mishaps. He had been Merkel’s vice chancellor and minister of finance, and the only candidate with experience in the highest positions of government. His efforts for a global minimum corporate tax, proposed by the G7, resonated well with the German public. In three televised debates between the three candidates for chancellor, surveys indicated Scholz to have won them all. However, the results also suggest that Scholz was heavily perceived as simply the better alternative to an unsophisticated Armin Laschet and a disorganized CDU. The SPD gained almost two million votes from those who supported the CDU in 2017, which is a highly unusual turnover rate. The SPD was also the first to formally present a program. This all suggests that this election was less about policies and ideas and more about which candidate was deemed fittest to run the country. After all, the SPD’s program proposed many ideas it could have enacted during its 12 years in government. Yet, unlike his opponents, Scholz never let his guard down and showcased statesmanship the other candidates lacked, reassuring many voters uneased by the challenging times Germany is experiencing. The Green’s Missed Opportunity and the Youthful Free Democrats For the first time ever, there were not two, but three candidates for chancellor. Usually, this privilege was reserved for the CDU and SPD, which used to be the only realistic contenders to win an election. However, as Germany's party landscape is becoming increasingly fragmented, the Greens sought to seize their opportunity. They had nominated Annalena Baerbock to head the campaign, and during the summer, the idea of finishing above 20 percent suddenly seemed within reach, maybe even finishing on top. Election night yielded a very strong, yet still disappointing finish of 14.8 percent. Hopes of leaving the SPD behind were not satisfied and most Greens certainly hoped for better. Mainly, this result was caused by Baerbock stumbling unnecessarily over amateur errors: her team made mistakes in her official CV, she forgot to declare bonus salaries from party bank accounts, and her autobiography, which was supposed to launch the candidate into the German public, was filled with plagiarism. The Greens faced fierce criticism over their trustworthiness, and possibly lost many potential voters to the much more experienced Scholz, who capitalized on Baerbock’s beginner mistakes. However, the Greens campaigned as a force for change, and this was ultimately rewarded at the ballot box. The centrist Free Democratic Party (FDP) managed to, for the first time in its history, score above 10 percent in two consecutive federal elections, with a strong finish of 11.5 percent, its second-best result ever. Together with the Greens, the FDP even scored first among first-time voters; its youthful appeal largely inspired by its chairman, Christian Lindner. Its advocacy for social mobility, including market solutions to climate change, equitable economic opportunity, and digitalization of the German bureaucracy resonated well. The Liberals’ strong finish among young voters suggests that they have managed to widen their electoral base considerably in the last eight years. What Next? If you by any chance read my previous piece on German politics, you will find that the increased fracturing of the German electorate is rather new. Arduous coalition bargaining could be a consequence: in 2017, it took almost six months to form a new government. In 2021, however, it is likely that politicians have learnt their lesson. At the time of publishing, SPD, Greens and FDP have officially entered negotiations for a "traffic light" coalition. This seemed an unlikely scenario before the election — after all, the FDP has very different opinions on state finances, taxation, and government expenditure than its red and green counterparts. However, the dismal state of the CDU forced the FDP and Greens to think carefully. They have tentatively agreed to form a government by the end of November, and Olaf Scholz is set to be voted in as new chancellor during the first week of December. It is likely that the FDP will be more assertive on economic and fiscal policy, whereas SPD and Greens will be able to execute their programs on issues related to climate change and social policy. It seems, however, that common ground unites them all: the need for change after 16 years of conservative government. The modernization of the state will be a top priority, as will be the ecological transformation of the country into the age of green industry. Party leaders Scholz, Baerbock, and Lindner have emphasized the need for urgent and long-term climate action. Emission trading schemes, infrastructure investment and increased research and development are on the agenda. Personally, I believe this coalition could bring Germany into a greener, prosperous, and more equitable future, and it is genuinely exciting to see what will follow. Of course, official negotiations have barely yet begun, and many details remain to be worked out. However, the opportunity is there, and I hope Germany seizes it.

Thy walls defaced, thy mouldering shrines removed by British hands. < Back Politics of Art: Greece’s Quest to Reclaim its Parthenon By Barna Sólyom March 31, 2023 Since its independence from the Ottoman Empire, Greece has been trying to regain its various historical artifacts from foreign powers that ruled over it. This struggle’s symbolic focus is the main building of Athens’ Acropolis, the Parthenon, specifically its decorative elements and pieces. These statues are up to 2,500 years old and were the fortress’ main sight until the early 19th century. The British Empire’s then-ambassador to Ottoman-controlled Greece was Thomas Bruce, more famously known as Lord Elgin, under whose control around half of the Parthenon was removed and transported to London, where he later sold the marbles to the British Museum. This action was already heavily criticized by his contemporaries, even in the United Kingdom, most famously by Lord Byron, who even wrote a passage dedicated to it in Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (1812): “Cold is the heart, fair Greece, that looks on thee, Nor feels as lovers o’er the dust they loved; Dull is the eye that will not weep to see Thy walls defaced, thy mouldering shrines removed By British hands , which it had best behoved To guard those relics ne’er to be restored. Curst be the hour when their isle they roved, And once again thy hapless bosom gored, And snatched thy shrinking Gods to northern climes abhorred!” Lord Elgin’s action set an infamous precedent, as cultural vandalism --- when cultural treasures are illegally taken from one country to another, was named after him: elginism . His action, of course, was not the first of its kind; for thousands of years, it was a “common” practice during conflicts to pillage. Nor was it the last act of elginism. Why are the marbles not back in Greece yet? When Greece gained independence in 1832, the government immediately started campaigning to retrieve the artifacts, as the Acropolis is one of the most important symbols of the Greek national identity. However, the historical circumstances did not allow Greece to have a large influence on the British Empire, which was in its prime, having the largest overseas empire the world has ever seen. After the two world wars, the balance of power shifted, and the United Kingdom lost a lot of its former might and hard power. However, this change in influence did not change the artifacts’ situation because the British Museum Act of 1963 prevented the institution from permanently removing objects from its collections. Thus, by U.K. law, the museum can not give back the marbles. The 1983 National Heritage Act also considers them national heritage, further strengthening the British side, whose argument assumes that the sculptures were purchased legally. Consequently, the ownership is lawfully under the museum's for 200 years. However, Greece suggests that the sculptures are in the United Kingdom due to plunder and vandalism, as their seller basically took the statues and shipped them away, thereby denying the legality of the museum’s purchase. Greece also commonly refers to UNESCO’s multiple rulings against elginism and cultural vandalism, such as the 1954 Hague Convention, the 1970 Convention, the 1972 Convention, and the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention. International pressure also mounts on the British Museum to return other objects, further strengthening the Greek argument, as other artifacts like the Benin Bronzes have been repatriated. With the Vatican returning three parts of the Parthenon to Greece last December, all eyes are on Britain to make a similar conciliatory move. The debate is not solved yet; both sides defend their argument, not just on the museum level but even in higher political positions. In January, U.K. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak said the country is seeking a constructive solution. However, the government’s position has not changed on the topic, and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis put the Parthenon’s reassembly as one of his primary goals for his re-election campaign this year. The Deutsche Welle reports that discussion between the two parties is open. Still, a sudden position change is unlikely — a short-term loan from the British Museum is the foreseeable solution.

As the conflict in Ukraine persists, the analysis of historical environmental warfare tactics is all the more relevant. Even though the  front lines remain relatively unchanged, it is no secret that the ecological destruction and death toll have had irreversible repercussions. < Back Manifestations of the Environmental Consequences of Warfare By Alexandra Iliopoulou and Christopher López Rodríguez for Environnementon October 31, 2023 Many of us attended the Ecological Literacy course last semester, which detailed the basic tenets of the ecological question based on Sciences Po Paris professor Pierre Charbonnier’s book Culture Écologique . However, one aspect of environmental disturbance, the environmental implications of warfare, was largely excluded from the course’s curriculum. Considering the Menton campus’ focus on Mediterranean and Middle Eastern politics, there is a vast range of historical examples to draw from regarding environmental warfare, such as the Islamic State’s weaponization of water and seizure of oil fields or deforestation as a result of Turkish efforts to control rural territories amidst the rise in Kurdish insurgency activity; highlighting the pertinence for the Menton campus. As the conflict in Ukraine persists, the analysis of historical environmental warfare tactics is all the more relevant. Even though the front lines remain relatively unchanged, it is no secret that the ecological destruction and death toll have had irreversible repercussions. This past June, the destruction of the Kakhovka dam unleashed pollutants and agricultural chemicals into the local ecosystem, contaminated water supply, destroyed farmland, and eradicated villages, resulting in over 100 deaths. These effects – stated environmental activist Greta Thunberg– are ecocide, characterized by severe long term environmental impact as a result of human activity, and may end up warranting prosecution in the International Criminal Court (ICC). Using destructive force to purposefully harm and destroy ecological habitats for strategic gain is not new to military campaigns. In his paper The Environmental Effects of War , Philip Swintek describes how “throughout history, armies have burned enemy crops and fields, rivers have been dammed, and water supplies have been poisoned, all in the name of war.” Yet, it was not until the introduction of modern technological methods in warfare that this phenomenon manifested in a newer, more dangerous light. From the use of chemical weapons to intensify the risk of fatality to the use of flamethrowers and napalm to expel camouflaged combatants from forests lit ablaze, many modern war strategies have been crafted with the specific purpose of destroying the environment to neutralize opposing forces. When paired with the notion that wealthier countries have significant advantages in military investment capabilities and generally larger budgets to mitigate or control such environmental damage, the inequity in the creation and alleviation of this environmental damage also becomes clear. Russia’s purported role in the dam’s destruction serves as an example of a tactical justification of environmental damage, as outlined in Anna Feuer’s framework that details the various incentives that mold the practice of environmental warfare. In these cases, actors cause environmental damage to directly support military operations against strategic targets. The other five justifications that Feuer details include political, ideological, cultural, technological, and strategic motivations. Cultural incentives include narratives that perpetuate colonial ideas that “uncivilized” countries cannot provide proper stewardship of their land. These arguments are often weaponized to justify environmental destruction where the local populations might have a tactical advantage. The use of cultural motifs present in the environment should also not be remiss; the Israel Defense Forces disregarded the cultural value of the olive tree, a longstanding symbol of national identity to the Palestinians, when they uprooted olive groves during the First Intifada to build infrastructure and increase visibility in conflict zones. Among the most common justifications are strategic incentives that militaries exhibit, such as deforestation to increase the visibility of militant targets. The ongoing Kurdish-Turkish conflict serves to illustrate the strategic incentive behind ecological destruction. With the origins of the insurgency beginning in the 1970s, the conflict has been fought in mostly rural areas. Through an environmental lens, Dr. Mehmet Gurses has analyzed the response of the Turkish government , asserting that the practice of deforestation in a rural landscape is “ a direct result of the [Turkish] state’s deliberate policies to undermine rebels’ ability to operate.” Environmental damage materialized in various ways, but mainly through the direct targeting of flora, with the aim of rendering targeted vegetation fruitless. This, in turn, destroyed the agriculturally reliant economies of the southeastern regions of Turkey. Furthermore, Gurses claims that the decimation of natural habitats as deliberate targets, especially considering the devastation in economies that rely on agricultural production, has hindered the preservation of peace following the war. Overall, the evolution of warfare has surfaced unique worries and new capabilities for ecological destruction. Knowledge of frameworks such as those created by Feuer is instrumental in analyzing modern conflicts such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the Kurdish-Turkish conflict, as well as for recognizing a need to create legal guidelines to prosecute these crimes. A proposal has been brought forth to the ICC to include ecocide as a fifth crime, eligible for prosecution by the ICC, but it has yet to be adopted into the Rome Statute, the text that established the ICC. Such an amendment would require the proposal to amass a two-thirds vote of the signatories. Even then, experts express that there are various constraints and limitations to the efficacy of international law and its clash with state sovereignty. Nonetheless, the statute would have the potential to deter corporations and state actors from committing ecocide and create a legal classification for explicit crimes of ecocide to be prosecuted.

At this moment, I pinpointed the feeling that had been eating me up for the past few days: The feeling that I do not belong and would soon get exposed as a fraud who cheated the application system. < Back Feeling Like a Fraud? Imposter Syndrome Runs Rampant at Sciences Po By Sarina Soleymani September 28, 2022 Let’s dive into what now feels like the far past, the days before we first stepped foot into this building, prior to entering this town where the sun burns brightly on our heads and the beach is always in sight. Let’s take a few steps back — before the airport, trains, days of packing, and, for some, the dreadful visa process and frenzied struggle for housing. Let’s return to the days when we were all passionate, wide-eyed high-schoolers with worries and heaps of dreams — filled with stress about assignments and exams, but most of all: university applications. Each of us, no matter our origin, social class or passions, has one thing in common: the sleepless nights and coffee-fueled essays that formed our application to Sciences Po —an application that, luckily for us, was approved by admissions. Now fast-forward. You are here amid all the other once wide-eyed high-schoolers-turned university students, surrounded by fascinating individuals with varying insights and what seems to be a never-ending stream of knowledge of global events. I initially felt thrilled by the multitude of stimulating conversations I saw myself having for the next two years. Our “Myths and Stereotypes in the Mediterranean” lecture during Integration Week satisfied my anticipation. This lecture not only had two captivating and knowledgeable professors but also students from diverse backgrounds with ranging observations, who would stand up to share them with the class, creating dialogue like I never had before. However, it was not long until this excitement turned almost into a fear, which had me shaking and reciting my lines before I stood up to speak. This emotion quickly highlighted the double-sided coin of Sciences Po — the cheerfulness that accompanies these vibrant exchanges and the feeling that my opinions are neither intelligent nor worthy of expression. During the first week of classes, I only felt this feeling grow stronger. Ironically, though I started to warm up to this environment, I became increasingly insecure. One day that struck me was Sept. 5, 2022, the Rentrée Solennelle. This is the day when we dress up, take pictures with our friends, and get ready to greet Sciences Po Director Mathias Vicherat. It is also the day we suffer through the same redundant and stereotypical speeches about how we are the “best of the best” and deserve our place in this selective university. After long minutes of feeling disillusioned by Sciences Po’s ego and undeserving of receiving these compliments, it was time for the valedictorian Lilou-Ornella D’Inca’s speech. Here, we finally got a different narrative as she shared her struggles during her first semester concerning what she referred to as “imposter syndrome.” It was then that I felt myself finally exhale, relax and realize that I am not alone. At this moment, I pinpointed the feeling that had been eating me up for the past few days: The feeling that I do not belong and would soon get exposed as a fraud who cheated the application system. Knowing that all of this was simply a case of imposter syndrome, an affliction that runs deep enough in the institution to be the topic of our opening ceremony, I vowed to explore more. Firstly, I find it crucial to address the elitism of Sciences Po, the title of this institution, especially in France, and its contribution to imposter syndrome. As students of Sciences Po, we are often referred to as “l’élite de la nation,” not only by people outside this university but also by the university itself. This expression puts unrealistic expectations and pressure on the students to outperform the rest of the nation. Indeed, we have an incredible advantage being here due to the opportunities we are given, but as expressed by a friend of mine: “I don’t feel like the elite.” I started having conversations with the student body to unpack this phenomenon further. A common sentiment among Sciences Pistes is that “[they] feel like [they] don’t belong here.” This refrain was so widespread that it suggests a universal feeling of alienation. This outcome shocked me. How is it possible that in a place referred to as our “Ummah Mentonniya,” where diversity is celebrated, and inclusivity is central, many students feel as though they do not belong? Of course, each person has a unique reason for feeling imposter syndrome, but through my conversations, I found some general patterns. Firstly, students who struggle with the language of their track feel less intelligent than they are because they find it difficult to express themselves accurately. As declared by an anonymous 1A in English track, “I feel like I have to work harder than my peers.” An anonymous 1A French track brought up varying family backgrounds as a reason for imposter syndrome, stating, “we come from sometimes less rich environments.” Through further dialogue, I learned about a more personal characteristic of imposter syndrome, which stems from comparing yourself to others, primarily academically, and through this comparison, feeling insecure in your abilities. “The problem is that everyone seems so secure and confident,” said another Sciences Piste. This sentiment was corroborated by a Reims student who admitted that class discussions often seem “performative,” making it “intimidating to speak.” This finding suggests that this feeling is not Menton-exclusive but rather a global Sciences Po issue. What can we learn from this? Firstly, we are not alone, and these feelings of doubt are normal as we have entered an unfamiliar environment. Indeed it is more challenging for some than others. However, we all have some control over this feeling through our mindset. Imposter syndrome depends on self-doubt and the impression of estrangement. Therefore, the remedy combines confidence in our abilities and a supportive community, both of which are within our control. Confidence takes time, care, and work, but the first step is to recognize that we are all here to learn and expect that we do not have all the answers. As expressed in another conversation with an English track 1A, “we all have something to bring even if we aren’t sure what it is yet.” Likewise, we should not be afraid to share our thoughts as there must be something worthwhile in them; doing so is also the most effective way through which we can improve. The same student also conveyed how having a supportive community helped her overcome her self-doubt and legitimized her position at Sciences Po. I think this is what Yasmina Touaibia referred to in our welcome speech when she spoke of the “Ummah Mentonniya,” a place where Sciences Pistes learn through each other, express their worries and uplift one another. A place where one is not judged by how well they express themselves in a language they are unfamiliar with or their background. A place where it is not how much knowledge you have that matters but your passion and willingness to listen. After all, if we all feel as though we do not belong, then maybe, in our own complicated way, we all do.

“Les valeurs de la masculinité sont reniées par les féministes”, déclare un groupe d’hommes se définissant comme “masculinistes” à la journaliste Mélanie Gourarier dans un article paru dans Le Monde en 2017. < Back Le mouvement masculiniste: qu’est-ce que c’est, et pourquoi s’en méfier? By Calista Cellerier April 30, 2024 “Les valeurs de la masculinité sont reniées par les féministes”, déclare un groupe d’hommes se définissant comme “masculinistes” à la journaliste Mélanie Gourarier dans un article paru dans Le Monde en 2017. Vous avez sûrement déjà entendu sur les réseaux sociaux comme Instagram ou TikTok des discours similaires, clamant que la place des hommes dans la société est menacée par le mouvement féministe, considéré comme une forme de militantisme extrémiste. Depuis plusieurs années, ce discours monte en flèche partout dans le monde, et beaucoup s'inquiètent d’un retour en arrière pour l'égalité des genres. Alors, qu’est-ce que le mouvement masculiniste ? Il s'agit d'une idéologie, un mouvement social souvent vu comme réactionnaire et antiféministe. Parmi ses valeurs figurent la masculinité “conventionnelle”, la réaffirmation et la promotion des différences hommes-femmes, la défense des privilèges masculins et enfin la lutte contre les féministes. Il s’agit avant tout d’affirmer les “droits des hommes” sur certains points, tels que des positions favorables quant au divorce, les différences de rôle plus traditionnels entre hommes et femmes et même la demande d’un système de codécision en matière d’avortement. Un autre terme est aussi utilisé, celui “d’hoministe”, par des défenseurs masculinistes trouvant ce terme trop dépréciatif. Il y a de nombreux différents groupes plus ou moins nuancés s’identifiant à ce mouvement. Les moins extrême, tels que SOS Papa , SOS misandrie en France ou dans les pays anglo-saxons le groupe Father 4 justice déclarent qu’une nouvelle société matriarcale s’installe au détriment des hommes, et s’engagent pour les hommes victimes de violence sexuelle et les intérêts des hommes lors des divorces. Ils s'intéressent notamment à la fin des obligations matérielles telles que la pension alimentaire ou le partage des biens. En 2009, un ex-membre de l’association SOS Papa , aidé par 4 autres membres, a écopé de 6 ans de prison pour avoir kidnappé son enfant et tenté d’assassiner la mère. Plongeant plus profondément dans l'extrême, la communauté incels (ou hommes célibataires involontairement) dénonce les femmes comme responsables de leur célibat et de leur frustration sexuelle. Urban Dictionary définie les hommes incels comme : « persuadés que les femmes doivent leur offrir du sexe ». La communauté est présente surtout sur Reddit et 4Chan, et certains internautes peuvent aller jusqu’a demander un “droit de viol” ou l’appel au meurtre. Notamment, la tuerie de Toronto en 2018 avait été commise par un jeune homme membre de la communauté incels déclarant détester les femmes pour leur rejet de ses avances, menant à la mort de 8 femmes et 2 hommes. De nombreux autres groupes, tels que les MGTOW ou les Hommen , font la promotion de la prostitution, de la fin du mariage en faveur des relations à court terme, déclarant les femmes comme des fardeaux financiers, ou s’opposent au mariage homosexuel. Comme mentionné, ce mouvement s’exprime surtout à travers les réseaux sociaux, des associations et des forums de discussion dans des groupes appelés la “manosphère”. Vous les avez sûrement déjà vu, ces hommes se déclarant comme virils, comme hommes “alphas” promouvant une perspective conservatrice et traditionnelle du rôle des femmes et des hommes, allant à l'encontre du mouvement féministe. Nombre d’entre eux parviennent à influencer des millions de jeunes garçons et jeunes hommes sur Internet. En 2023, 37% des hommes en France considèrent que le mouvement féministe est une menace à leur place dans la société, selon le journal La Croix . A l’international, et sur TikTok surtout, des personnalités masculinistes, ou “alpha male” tels que Andrew Tate ou les membres du podcast Red Pills , sont en vogue, déclarant être en dehors du système, en dehors de la “Matrix” et pouvoir aider les autres hommes et garçons à séduire et retrouver leur place en tant qu’hommes dominants (et riches). Et cette tendance à renier les valeurs modernes de l’égalité homme-femme ne se limite pas aux hommes. Leur alter-ego féminins sont aussi en hausse, notamment sur TikTok pour promouvoir un style de vie “traditionnel”, déclarant que le mouvement féministe aujourd’hui ne sert plus à rien et qu’il faut retourner aux valeurs basées sur les rôles “biologiques” des femmes, sur la famille de l’homme comme gagne-pain et des femmes comme simples compagnes. Nous pouvons citer à l’international l’internaute sous le pseudonyme de Pearl ou en France Thais D’Escufon, clamant que les femmes sont manipulées par la société pour rejeter les hommes et se ralliant au mouvement masculiniste et incel . De nombreux membres de ces mouvements proposent d’ailleurs des formations en ligne, payantes, pour devenir des hommes et des femmes de “qualité” et sortir de la “matrix” pour contrôler le système sociétaire et leur futur. Dans le journal Le Monde , une journaliste explique que ce mouvement est en propagation dans le monde, et mène au renforcement des normes patriarcales. En effet, elle explique que plusieurs membres de ce mouvement déclare des “excès” de féminisme, se sentent rabaissés par le terme “porc” dans le #balancetonporc . Le mouvement masculiniste serait menacé par les mouvement tels que #MeToo , comme le clament haut et fort ces slogans “Not all men !”. Alors, il semble évident que de nombreux experts s’interrogent quant aux implications de la montée en flèche d’un tel mode de pensée. Nombreux sont ceux qui craignent pour le futur des femmes en société, allant jusqu'à considérer le masculinisme comme un mouvement terroriste. Si il est encore trop tôt pour étudier les effets de ce mouvement sur le féminisme et le combat pour l'égalité, beaucoup commencent à s’engager sur Internet pour adresser cette pensée montante, notamment en tentant d’éduquer de manière plus nuancée sur ce que signifie être un homme ou une femme. Par exemple, le compte Instagram Tu Bandes , tenu par un homme de 26 ans, prend en main la “masculinité bienveillante”, ou une perspective du monde visant à intégrer les hommes de manière saine et égalitaire dans les discussions, tout en éduquant sur la sexualité, le consentement et les stéréotypes. Si la liberté d’expression est un principe clé au 21eme siècle, l’incitation à la haine et la violence ne doit pas être tolérée. Ainsi , il est toujours bon de rappeler que le féminisme n’est pas la supériorité de la femme sur l’homme, mais bien l’égalité des genres dans notre société, et que les mouvements extrémistes peuvent et doivent être combattu avec bienveillance, éducation et discussions !

As Sciences Po students and young individuals, living in a world riddled with conflicts, human rights crises, inequalities, and climate change disasters; the quest for peace can often feel like an unattainable ideal. < Back Celebrating World Peace Day: A Campus Initiative for Awareness and Unity By Naïa Berliocchi for MEDMUN October 31, 2023 As Sciences Po students and young individuals, living in a world riddled with conflicts, human rights crises, inequalities, and climate change disasters; the quest for peace can often feel like an unattainable ideal. Every day, we are bombarded with news of conflicts and suffering, increasing devastation for the world’s tumultuous state. In this context, World Peace Day, observed on Thursday, Sept. 21, emerges as a poignant reminder of the ongoing struggles communities face world wide. It serves as a beacon of hope, urging us to reflect on the significance of peace, recommit to global goals, and take collective action toward a more peaceful world. Our studies at Sciences Po, and in particular our interest in the Middle East and Mediterranean region, have made us aware of the numerous areas where peace remains elusive. In a region marked by complex geopolitical dynamics and persistent conflicts, peace often feels like a distant dream. The Collaboration: MEDMUN and the BDA In recognition of the importance of World Peace Day, MEDMUN (Model United Nations) and the Bureau des Arts at Sciences Po Menton came together to create a unique collaboration. Their joint efforts emphasized the significance of this day and fostered a sense of unity and activism among the student body. An Artistic Workshop for Peace The centerpiece of their collaborative initiative was an artistic workshop held on campus, featuring multiple paintings that depicted various peace-related issues. Art has always been a powerful means of political expression,, and this event aimed to harness its potential to engage students in advocating for peace. Four considerable topics were chosen as the focus of the paintings: Women's Rights in Iran: A powerful reminder of the ongoing struggles for gender equality in the region. The Refugee Crisis: Highlighting the plight of refugees and the urgent need for solutions. The LGBT Community in the MENA Region: Shedding light on the challenges faced by this marginalized group. The Situation in Palestine: Reflecting on the enduring conflict and the hopes for a peaceful resolution. Each painting served as a visual testament to the pressing issues that demand our attention and action. Through these artworks, students were encouraged to confront uncomfortable truths and consider the role they can play in promoting peace. Bake Sale for a Cause In addition to the artistic workshop, the event also featured a bake sale organized by MEDMUN in collaboration with Sciences Maroc. Delicious treats such as Msemen, brownies, cookies, and cakes were available for students on the campus forecourt. Fifty percent of the funds generated from the bake sale went towards supporting initiatives in Morocco, struck by the recent earthquake, underlining solidarity existent in the global community. A Call for Collective Effort This initiative underlines the importance of collective efforts in supporting peace-related causes. Through this collaboration, students and the broader community can contribute to the promotion of peace and understanding. It reinforces the idea that peace is not solely the responsibility of governments and diplomats; it is a goal that requires the active involvement of individuals and communities. World Peace Day serves as a poignant reminder that the dream of universal peace is far from realized. Yet, events and activities such as: collaborative painting sessions and bake sales, provide a platform to educate, raise awareness, and inspire individuals to engage in the pursuit of peace. It is a day to reflect on the existing challenges and to renew our commitment to a world where peace is not just an ideal but a reality worth fighting for. In the face of overwhelming odds, students at Sciences Po have demonstrated their eagerness to embrace this responsibility and work together for a more peaceful future.

After two rounds of applications and additional interviews for the two campus directors, Ellie Carter and Magdalena Offenbeck, Sciences Po Menton was among the 8% of applications accepted to the Millennium Fellowship Class of 2022. < Back Sciences Po Menton Becomes a Millennium Fellowship Campus By Magdalena Offenbeck September 25, 2022 For the first time in the history of Sciences Po Menton, a group of students was awarded the Millennium Fellowship, a United Nations Academic Impact (UNAI) and Millennium Campus Network initiative to help young leaders achieve their sustainable impact goals. With our project Tabadol , we aim to facilitate a linguistic and cultural exchange between Sciences Po and Palestinian university students. Millennium Fellows are university undergraduates selected based on their leadership in sustainable development-related projects that advance their communities' Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). As Millennium Fellows, we will participate in a semester-long leadership development program to improve our student organizing, partnership building and community impact skills. During the semester, we will continue to develop our project, expanding Tabadol to allow more students in Menton to be paired with a Palestinian exchange buddy and partake in virtual events such as panels and discussions. After two rounds of applications and additional interviews for the two campus directors, Ellie Carter and I, Sciences Po Menton was among the 8% of applications accepted to the Millennium Fellowship Class of 2022. With a group of 12 students, we will meet throughout the first semester to work on the SDGs, UNAI and improve our leadership skills. With 75% of Millennium Fellowship alumni working in social impact professions after graduation, the program is a stepping stone toward a future social impact career. Additionally, it allows Fellows to meet peers from around the world. 200 campuses in 37 nations are participating this year and will be connected through networking sessions and the weekly webinars Millennium Fellows are invited to join. Here are co-campus director Ellie Carter’s thoughts on the program: “ Tabadol is the Arabic word for equal exchange of ideas. As such, this program is not just an opportunity for individual language growth but also an opportunity to foster connections and conversations that may not have been possible otherwise. We believe that education is a powerful tool for coexistence and empowerment, which is why we are thrilled to be working toward advancing this SDG and creating chances to learn for students both in Palestine and here at Sciences Po.” At the MENA Sciences Po branch, the Palestinian Question is widely discussed on and off campus. We learn about the region in many of our classes. We have taken courses on politics, sociology and the history of the Middle East, but many of us are not Middle Eastern, and even fewer are Palestinian. A large part of the student body’s interest in the region was only sparked by reports and books. The first-hand exchange with locals is an essential first step towards understanding a society and culture on a more interpersonal level. While our diverse student body already creates a vibrant platform for cultural exchange, students in Menton often lack direct experience with the region and obtain a superficial academic understanding. Tabadol aims to create a link between open-minded students who seek to learn each other’s languages and discover different cultures. Palestine is isolated from the international community, yet it is a frequently mentioned issue in our field of study. Likewise, many Palestinian students are interested in Europe, its cultures, languages and politics. Building a network between students at Sciences Po Menton and the Palestinian student community will create a platform for mutual understanding and allow students to experience parts of the world that they have often only experienced in a theoretical and academic framework. So far, Tabadol has successfully connected many students in Menton and Palestine. Many have told us that they were able to form strong connections through weekly meetings with their exchange buddies and even continued over the summer when the official exchange period had long ended. Students do not only participate to improve their Arabic — many students are already fluent or native Arabic speakers. The project is equally an opportunity to meet new people and learn about Palestinian culture while sharing your own and teaching your language. The Millennium Fellows have completed their first sessions, discussing the meaning of social impact and potential individual contributions to attaining the SDGs. However, sign-ups for Tabadol remain open, allowing new students to become part of the exchange whenever they desire.

< Back The Syrian Question Anonymous January 31, 2025 We all heard that the Assad regime toppled after 50 years of dictatorship. However, recent history taught us that such overthrows and their subsequent reforms are illusory in the end, seductive at first and inevitably and ultimately evanescent. Will this be the case for Syria? Will it repeat the history of its neighbors? And if not, will it become an Islamic republic, as the actual leaders seem to desire? How Bashar Assad’s rule has been toppled with such ease has already been extensively covered. However, what I think has been partly neglected in the wake of pure joy that emerged from the removal of Bashar is the unseemingly Islamist orientation of the wave of rulers, with al-Golani as the president and Mohammed al-Bashir as the prime minister of the interim government. Of the two, the de facto leader of Syria is the first one mentioned, he being the star of all interviews and foreign diplomats. Indeed, anything is better than what the ex-regime has subjected its citizens to, a rule which can best be described through pictures (as shown in Caesar’s photos and Saidnaya) rather than words; words have a way of sterilizing emotions. That is why photos speak for themselves, without a need for a description. Exactly for this reason, specifically, the bar being so low, the new regime must be supervised continuously so as not to fall into the dark night of totalitarianism, as Syria's neighbors have done after the Arab Spring of 2011. Although the leader of the regime, Shar`a or, more known through his nom de guerre, Al-Golani, has made drastic attempts to improve his image (as an ex-Al-Qaeda fighter), his recent actions and gestures cast a shadow on his willingness for concessions and reforms. His attire changed from a military uniform of the rebel fighter to a sharp, European suit. His discourse was altogether inclusive, with repeated mentions and support for religious tolerance and civil rights (though much less so on women’s rights). His post-coup attitude was cool-headed, pacifistic and reconciliatory, not seeking retribution from the torturers of Bashar’s regime. However, he refused to shake hands with Baerbock , Germany's Minister for Foreign Affairs, all the while offering his hand to her French counterpart. Additionally, it has been revealed that the newly appointed Minister of Justice has been seen overseeing the execution of two women in the rebel-controlled region of Idlib, accused of prostitution and adultery. Both these signs ought not to be omitted because they show hints of what the new regime truly leans toward, namely, a moderate-not-so-moderate Islamic state, with little regard to women's rights and the establishment of Islam as the state religion (hinted from the proposed curriculum that desecularizes education ). However, given the conservatism of Syrian society, such an approach could be more viable in the long term than a government that would unequivocally embrace Western values. An outburst of modernity and progressivism applied to a population with precarious education and sky-high rates of poverty, would not stick to the core being of the “common” man. As was seen in the Iranian Revolution and the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood in the ‘70s in Egypt, the upheaval came from down below, from people left out spiritually by the regimes. Forms must be intertwined with the substance for a regime to endure. The process of Italian unification also provides evidence towards this direction, because in the end it was not the radicals such as Mazzini and Garibaldi who won the historical contest, but the moderate and all-encompassing Cavour—a precursor of Bismarck in the application of Realpolitik. Having said all of this, I feel compelled to add that Al-Golani is playing a tremendously unifying role in the reconstruction of Syria. He is forced to play a Bismarckian role, satisfying, although partially, both his Islamist comrades and the appeals of European powers. However practical this approach may be, he appears as a shallow man, hiding his beliefs for the sake of his own country. A tad Machiavellian one may say, but the most successful path one could take, as history has countless times shown us. But the question remains: after managing to stabilize and revitalize the country, removing thus the reliance on external forces, will he turn to his current associates, or will he adhere to a more progressive mindset? That is yet to be seen. Photo credits: Military Intelligence Directorate, 1996, Wikimedia Commons .

American institutions, with their extravagant and perhaps even saccharine student services, at least appear to care about the wellbeing of their students. Sciences Po does not bother to pretend. Coasting off the inertia of its illustrious household name and impenetrable reputation, the institution knows it can afford to neglect its students. As a result, disillusionment is endemic to Sciences Pistes. < Back ‘L’Élite de la Nation’ Experience Sciences Po Disenchantment By Lara-Nour Walton December 30, 2021 Unlike its American counterparts, Sciences Po does not offer Guided Self-Compassion Meditation, Low Lounge DIY Crafts, or Vinyasa Yoga. The French scoff at excesses such as these. Accordingly, nobody comes to Sciences Po to be coddled. But American institutions, with their extravagant and perhaps even saccharine student services, at least appear to care about the wellbeing of their students. Sciences Po does not bother to pretend. Coasting off the inertia of its illustrious household name and impenetrable reputation, the institution knows it can afford to neglect its students. As a result, disillusionment is endemic to Sciences Pistes. Expectations for a school that churns out greats like Veil, Proust, and Dior are high. In fact, the Sciences Po student body is dubbed by the French populace as “ l’élite de la nation. ” However, the public perception of the institution often feels disjointed from reality. How can Sciences Po be training the nation’s future elites with a quality of education that, according to an anonymous Reims campus 1A, feels “worse than high school?” “I really don’t find the classes that difficult or fascinating,” continues the Reims 1A “The education is very superficial…” One of the most common educational grievances among the student body is the lack of standardization, not only between French and English sections, but also amongst different teachers within the respective tracks. Menton English track first year, Gayle Krest, wrote her history final about the similarities between the 1848 European Revolutions and the Arab Spring because her teacher is known to evaluate on the basis of originality: “If he is bored by your essay he will give you a lower grade.” Another 1A English track, who wishes to remain anonymous, had a wildly different experience in her History of the 19th Century class. Her teacher graded on historiographical knowledge. “I was encouraged to rely heavily on the opinions of the scholars we learned about,” she said. “[My history course] didn’t always push me to critically think about the topics. I was rewarded more for remembering the names of scholars than I was for having actual opinions.” The stark inconsistencies between both history teachers’ grading criteria is a microcosm of Sciences Po’s irregular and disorganized educational structure. “When exams come around you don’t know who is going to grade your (work). So you have no clue what methodology to use,” lamented the Reims 1A, “It creates so much ambiguity.” But ambiguity and structural disorder does not necessarily hinder one from securing a valuable education. What can serve as educational impediments, however, are incompetent and disinformed professors. According to Menton English track 1A, Angela Saab Saade, Sciences Po faculty is a mixed bag. “Some of the instructors are very qualified, others not so much,” said Saab Saade. Başak Üstün, a first year student at the same campus and track as Saab Saade, worries about the caliber of her professors at Sciences Po. Üstün said, “I learned very little this semester. Many of my teachers offered me no guidance or actual instruction. Often, we do not know the general framework for essay writing and the feedback that we receive later is not constructive.” The Reims 1A’s experience at her campus demonstrates that this is not limited to Menton, as even in Reims, “the instructors are not as experienced as they should be. How can they help their students if they’re confused about what they are doing?” The cross-campus similarities also reside in the administrative failure to meet campus needs. An English track 1A was “feeling terrible [mentally] during finals week.” Contemplating self harm, the student sought out mental health support from the school psychologist. They agreed to meet before his history final. But, when he arrived at his appointment, the psychologist was not in her office. “I got an email after my exam saying that she could not be there at that time and that she could meet in January,” he said. Such neglect amply demonstrates that the administration offers help as theater rather than out of true concern for student wellbeing. “If Sciences Po wants to retain that privilege of being an elite institution they need to deliver. They can’t do everything in service of their image because that comes at the expense of student life and education,” said Saab Saade. The appalling events that took place at Le Havre earlier this month serve as even further proof that these administrative shortcomings exist beyond the boundaries of campus alone. You can read more about the situation at Le Havre in the article written by Celeste Abourjeili.

The right to education is enshrined in the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and even during wartime, under the Fourth Geneva Convention. Why, then, is the world turning a blind eye as schools in Gaza crumble, students are targeted and entire institutions collapse? The gradual normalization of educational violence is deeply troubling, highlighting a deeper decay of global values and human rights. < Back The War on Gaza’s Impact on Education: Scholasticide in Modern-Day Conflict Loowit Morrison for Amnesty Menton November 30, 2024 “[A] new way has been found to kill children.” Such was the remark on the Israeli Knesset’s October 28th decision to ban operations of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), from James Elder, UNRWA spokesperson. The parliamentary decision moved to ban the UNRWA’s operations within Israel, including occupied East Jerusalem, where the organization’s headquarters lie, as well as eliminating contact between Israeli authorities and the UNRWA. Justified by Israel on the grounds of terrorist involvement in the agency, this decision threatens the UNRWA’s humanitarian operations , which include healthcare and infrastructure development, social services, loans, and more, to Palestinian refugees. An especially crucial responsibility of the UNRWA is providing Palestinians with primary and vocational education. The agency offers free basic education to approximately 550,000 Palestinian refugee children, including almost 300,000 in Gaza and 46,000 in the West Bank. They also assist child refugees in Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. This education is key to providing children with hope and stability, nurturing a new generation of Palestinians. According to United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, the October 28th decision poses an acute threat to these efforts, potentially resulting in the breakdown not only of education systems for 650,000 Palestinian children but the peace process as a whole. The banning of UNRWA is only one example of the destruction of educational systems in Palestine, a process which has been conceptualized as “scholasticide”. Initially defined by Karma Nabulsi, Oxford University Professor of Political Science and International Relations, during the assault on Gaza in 2008-2009, scholasticide refers to the “willful demolition of educational infrastructure.” The term includes an array of aggressions, including the killing of teachers and students, mental harm to students, physical demolition of educational buildings and materials, obstruction of rebuilding efforts, prevention of scholarly exchange and more. It has also been extended to the destruction of archives, libraries, museums, and other sites of cultural heritage, assaulting efforts to maintain Palestinian culture, history or identity in an attempt at cultural erasure. The relationship between scholasticide and the war on Gaza could not be more evident. It fundamentally lies at the core of Israel’s destructive strategies against Palestinians. A report from Scholars Against the War on Palestine holds that during the war on Gaza, scholasticide has grown exponentially, expanding from physical attacks on schools to a “total annihilation of education.” Scholasticide has manifested itself in Gaza in a myriad of ways, through the physical damage of buildings, the deaths of students and teachers, the growth of learning poverty, and the destruction of constructive educational curricula. A September report from the UNRWA, Cambridge University, and the Centre for Lebanese Studies highlights the threat of the ongoing war on education and its potential to create a “lost generation” of traumatized children. The study projects that under current conditions, education could be set back by five years. According to a prior report from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in August, over 10,600 children and 400 teachers have been killed thus far in the war, and an additional 15,300 students and 2,400 teachers have been injured. This killing and maiming of children is a blatant violation of International Humanitarian Law. Furthermore, a UNRWA report has estimated that over ten children per day have lost one or both of their legs, underlining the rise of disabilities among Palestinian children. This concern, coupled with the destruction of medical care, counseling and support systems in schools, will cause children with disabilities to face even more barriers to education during and after the war. Damage to physical buildings cannot be ignored. As of early September, 92% of all school buildings in Gaza were demolished or damaged, and every university had been destroyed . Satellite images from the Occupied Palestinian Territory Education Cluster have verified the extent of damage, which continues to grow by the day. This development means that even when the combat ends, children will not have a school to return to . “ Learning poverty ”, or the inability to read a basic text by age ten, has skyrocketed in Gaza over the past 14 months, increasing by at least 20%. Already disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic, lost learning in Gaza poses an urgent threat. Not only is scholasticide in Gaza affecting concrete educational qualities for children, such as literacy, but it also carries dire psychological consequences. Traumatized and lacking adequate educational and emotional support, Gazan children are losing faith in concepts such as human rights, equality and tolerance. A humanitarian aid official remarked that “it will take a generation to overcome” this trauma, severely setting back educational efforts. The destruction of educational institutions in Gaza, coupled with the deprioritization of education and the lackluster efforts to rebuild schools, will have consequences that last for years to come. UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini has stated that the neglect of education will “sow the seeds for future hatred and extremism,” leading children to fall victim to exploitation and armed groups. Children in Gaza are not shown empathy, respect for human rights and hope, and without schools to convey these crucial values, children cannot learn them. This trend would not only threaten the rights of Palestinian children today but global stability and international humanitarian efforts as a whole. For years, Palestine has prided itself in its educational systems, investing in academic institutions with the hopes of sowing the seeds of progress. During the First Intifada, Palestine experienced an “educational revolution,” seeing mass efforts to promote popular education. Education, to Palestinians, was, and still is, a form of resistance to attacks on their identity. Israeli efforts to block education have been linked with attempts to suppress this Palestinian intellectual development, perpetuate dependency upon Israel and block the spread of a Palestinian narrative. By attacking schools and organizations such as the UNRWA, Israel aims to set Palestine’s educational efforts, which they prize so greatly, back to an underdeveloped stage. The right to education is enshrined in the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights , and even during wartime, under the Fourth Geneva Convention . Why, then, is the world turning a blind eye as schools in Gaza crumble, students are targeted and entire institutions collapse? The gradual normalization of educational violence is deeply troubling, highlighting a deeper decay of global values and human rights. Children’s rights are being increasingly ignored, pushed aside as less important than other issues. Education is simply not considered relevant enough in discussions of humanitarian needs, a neglect that ignores the glaring manifestations of educational violence used to further wartime means. In Gaza, Israel has purposefully targeted education to further displace and marginalize Palestinians. This conflict isn’t the only example of scholasticide; in fact, attacks on education represent a growing military tactic worldwide. A report from the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack found that in 2022 and 2023, incidents that targeted education and the military use of schools worldwide increased by nearly 20%, as compared with the previous two years. In sum, there were roughly 6,000 attacks on educators, schools and universities, averaging at eight attacks per day. Over 625,000 children still live in Gaza. Nonetheless, their rights, including those to education, are consistently pushed aside and ignored in discussions among experts and politicians. We are slowly “accepting the unacceptable,” says Sonia Ben Jaafar of Al Jazeera, referring to the troubling normalization of violence committed against children and their education. The international community has chosen to turn its backs on Palestinian children—their lives are targeted, their schools are destroyed and any humanitarian efforts to aid them are blocked. Scholasticide is bleeding into Gaza in a multitude of faucets, posing an immediate and dire threat to the livelihoods of Palestinian children today, tomorrow and for years to come.

< Back Sciences Po Students Protest UN Climate Change Conference By Cameron Sterling October 31, 2021 The UN Climate Change Conference 2021 (COP26) is a summit intended to accelerate action towards the goals of the Paris Agreement and the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, and it is set to convene in Glasgow from October 31 through November 12. There, a mix of world leaders, government representatives, negotiators, businesses, civil society organizations, and private citizens will meet to set plans to limit global warming to 1.5oC (United Nations). Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, this year is the first in two that a conference of this nature will take place. Stakes are especially high due to the current onslaught of climate-related disasters such as flooding in Europe and Southeast Asia, drought in East Africa, and wildfires in the United States, Turkey, and Australia. While the issue feels temporally relevant, there is a matter of urgency as well. As the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) states, if nations exceed 1.5oC or more, there will be dramatic increases in heatwaves, intense storms, flooding, and losses of agricultural lands. To avoid this, nations will need to cut emissions by 7.6% every year until 2030 (UNFCC). There are few nations currently on track to meet this goal. The EU is behind on its effort to meet it and has only cut emissions by 55 percent of 1990 levels, with estimates that at its current pace, it will miss the mark by nearly 21 years (Euronews). To remediate this issue, COP26 hopes to provide the infrastructure for nations to come to agreements on emission cuts. This year is the first of which will involve the ‘ratchet’ mechanism, through which countries are supposed to readjust their climate goals, or Nationally Determined Contributions, according to the most recent advances in climate science. The conference also hopes to mobilise $100 billion in climate finance to aid developing nations, finalize the Paris Agreement Rulebook, and increase collaboration with businesses and civil society. Though COP has ambitious goals, many remain skeptical about its efficacy to truly reduce emissions and seek climate justice. 1A student Bianca Carrera says that she plans to attend this year’s COP, but has low expectations for its resolutions. On the subject of the prior Madrid COP, Carrera recounts that when she entered the Green Zone, or the area open to the public, “there was not any real action there. Not any participative initiative; they asked the youth to make ourselves heard, but it was kind of upsetting. Besides, the companies that were there were gas companies, so it was kind of greenwashing.” Carrera also intends to participate in public demonstrations organized by the Extinction Rebellion, an activist organization in Glasgow. The organization does not believe that the process of COP26 will make any substantial change, and plans to accuse leaders of crimes against humanity for what they call “legalized corruption and systemic failure.” On the importance of these demonstrations, Carerra says that she wants to make the youth voice heard. Though there have been an increasing number of young people and activists invited into the Blue Zone, where negotiations take place, “the suggestions that the activists have proposed have not really been taken into account. Even if we don’t have the power to make decisions, we have the power to influence how the COP is perceived...we know that they are not going to listen to us, so we take the initiative to disrupt their event.” Other SciencesPo Students, such as 2A Johanna Grabert, emphasized the importance of protest in Menton. Grabert identifies two reasons for protest on our campus. She first put forth that “we cannot remain silent as a political campus and a campus with political privileges...we must address local institutions and force them to acknowledge their responsibilities and capacities to address the issue.” Grabert also asserted that Menton students have the ability to take part in a regional movement. “Acting in Menton is crucial because the causes and expressions of the crisis are generated locally. It’s also important to create and strengthen alliances. We want to use the COP26 as momentum to invigorate climate protest in the region which lacks any form of it,” she said. Grabert, along with other members of Environnementon and student environmentalists, hopes to organize a demonstration in the coming month in response to COP26, and she is collaborating with regional groups including Extinction Rebellion Alpes-Maritimes, Youth for Climate Nice, and Fridays for Future groups in Italy. Hopefully, this demonstration will stimulate a debate on campus and contribute to a larger regional movement. In the long term, Grabert seeks to plan a large protest by March 24, the next global climate strike.

Face aux défis posés par les nouvelles technologies, une chose est sûre: au lieu de nous inquiéter des progrès de l’intelligence artificielle, nous ferions mieux de nous préoccuper du déclin de la nôtre. < Back Sommes-nous devenus plus bêtes? Christy Ghosn October 31, 2024 Il y a vingt ans, la durée moyenne d’attention sur une tâche ou un écran était de deux minutes et demie. Aujourd’hui, elle atteint à peine 47 secondes . Sur plus de 100 études réalisées entre 2013 et 2023 , toutes les conclusions convergent vers une même observation alarmante: l’intelligence humaine serait en net recul. Cette baisse touche divers domaines tels que la recherche, l’invention et même les technologies les plus avancées. Une diminution de plus de deux tiers qui pourrait illustrer ce que certains appellent le phénomène du « popcorn brain. » La cause? Nombreux parlent du danger de la montée des technologies, reflétant la peur de la dépossession des savoirs faire acquis. Une peur, qui est en réalité intemporelle. En effet, les inquiétudes actuelles face à cette montée des technologies ne sont pas sans rappeler les craintes suscitées par l'arrivée d'autres innovations, comme la machine à tisser au début du XIXe siècle. À cette époque, les ouvriers tisserands percevaient cette nouvelle technologie comme une menace, plutôt que de la considérer comme une opportunité leur permettant de se concentrer sur leur savoir-faire au lieu d'exécuter des tâches répétitives. Aujourd’hui, ces craintes persistent avec les réseaux sociaux et les outils d'intelligence artificielle, accusés de provoquer un « déclin cognitif. » Peut-on ainsi dire que l’humain devient plus bête? Ou tente-t-il simplement de s’adapter au changement des technologies? Les réseaux sociaux : la gratification instantanée Nombreuses plateformes, notamment TikTok, encouragent la consommation de contenus en format court, rendant ces utilisateurs complètement accros à leurs écrans. Plusieurs études rapportent même que les effets négatifs de TikTok vont beaucoup plus loin qu'une simple addiction, étant capable de modifier la capacité d'attention des enfants et des adolescents. Selon cette enquête, les jeunes utilisateurs qui regardent en boucle des contenus courts sur TikTok ont plus de mal à participer à des activités qui n'offrent pas une satisfaction instantanée. De plus, les utilisateurs de TikTok sont souvent exposés à une version déformée et simplifiée de la réalité, notamment en ce qui concerne l'actualité. Les informations complexes sont souvent réduites à des extraits rapides, sensationnalistes et décontextualisés, ce qui peut fausser la compréhension des événements et nuire à la pensée critique et à la capacité d'analyse des jeunes, les rendant moins aptes à appréhender des sujets plus nuancés. Ce phénomène appelé « cerveau TikTok » par certains experts, dans lequel TikTok devient « une machine à dopamine, » a alimenté les problèmes de captation d'attention qui accompagnent ces clips. Et selon les chercheurs, ces problèmes ne font que s'aggraver avec le temps. En parallèle, le concept de « brainrot » émerge, désignant un déclin cognitif associé à une consommation excessive de contenus simplifiés et superficiels. Les utilisateurs de TikTok sont souvent exposés à une version déformée et simplifiée de la réalité, où des idées complexes sont réduites à des extraits rapides et digestes. Par exemple, même si TikTok peut permettre à son utilisateur d'être à jour sur les actualités ou de gagner en culture, les événements sont souvent résumés en moins d’une minute, ne permettant certainement pas d’aborder la nuance et la profondeur nécessaire sur les sujets traités. La dépendance aux nouvelles machines L’essor des outils numériques, tels que ChatGPT suscite de réelles inquiétudes sur ce sujet. En fournissant des réponses immédiates et souvent très complètes, ces outils peuvent nous rendre intellectuellement paresseux en nous incitant à rechercher des solutions rapides sans faire l'effort d'un apprentissage ou d'une réflexion approfondie. La facilité d'accès à des informations prêtes à l'emploi risque de freiner le développement de la pensée critique et de la capacité à résoudre des problèmes de manière autonome. Nicholas Carr, écrivain et critique littéraire, écrit par ailleurs un article en 2019 intitulé « Pourquoi je ne peux plus lire 'Guerre et Paix', » dans lequel il fait part de ses réflexions sur la difficulté croissante qu'il éprouve à lire des œuvres classiques et volumineuses comme Guerre et Paix de Tolstoï. Il s'interroge sur la perte de capacité de concentration et de patience face aux textes longs, causée par la modernité numérique. En d’autres termes, selon lui, approuver une nouvelle technique serait en désapprouver une autre. Remettre en question ce déclin cognitif Cependant, faut-il vraiment parler d’un déclin cognitif? Peut-être ne devenons-nous pas plus bêtes, mais nous modifions les compétences que nous valorisons. Il s’agit ainsi de réévaluer nos compétences. En effet, avec l'essor du numérique, l'accès rapide à l'information, la maîtrise des outils multimédias et la fluidité dans les environnements numériques deviennent des compétences prioritaires. Ces outils ne viendraient ainsi pas remplacer l’intelligence humaine, mais plutôt être son extension. Considérez la calculatrice: en permettant de résoudre des problèmes mathématiques, elle devient une extension de l'intellect de l'utilisateur. Dans le cadre de la cognition distribuée, elle n'est donc pas un simple outil, mais un participant actif dans le processus de pensée. Il est néanmoins possible de nuancer les propos de Nicholas Carr . Celui-ci a analysé comment Internet, en particulier Google, a transformé nos habitudes de lecture, contribuant à une réduction de notre capacité à maintenir une attention prolongée et à engager une réflexion en profondeur. Il a noté, à travers ses propres difficultés à se concentrer et à lire des textes longs, une évolution partagée par beaucoup, qui observent également un changement similaire dans leurs pratiques de lecture. Cependant, loin de n’être que néfastes, les outils d'intelligence artificielle peuvent améliorer nos capacités cognitives. Dans ce cas par exemple, en rendant l'information plus accessible et en facilitant la recherche, ces technologies stimulent la créativité et la résolution de problèmes. Aujourd'hui, Google est devenu un outil essentiel dans nos recherches quotidiennes. Nous nous sommes pleinement adaptés à l'utiliser pour obtenir des informations rapidement et efficacement. Pourquoi ChatGPT ne jouerait-il pas un rôle similaire dans quelques années? Face aux défis posés par les nouvelles technologies, une chose est sûre: au lieu de nous inquiéter des progrès de l’intelligence artificielle, nous ferions mieux de nous préoccuper du déclin de la nôtre. En espérant qu’il ne soit pas trop tard pour la sauver, la meilleure solution serait de trouver un équilibre entre leur utilisation et la préservation de nos compétences en réflexion critique. L’objet technique devrait uniquement prolonger le corps. En d’autres termes, les technologies ne devraient jamais être perçues comme des substituts à l'homme, mais plutôt comme des alliées, amplifiant nos capacités humaines. Leur véritable vocation est de nous assister, nous permettant de libérer du temps et de nous concentrer sur ce qui fait de nous des êtres humains: la créativité, l'intuition, l’empathie…

Aujourd’hui omniprésente dans nos vies, l’information s’est profondément transformée. Ses canaux aussi. Dès lors, contrôler sa qualité devient un enjeu crucial pour éclairer notre opinion. < Back Pourquoi Trouver une Information Fiable est Devenu si Compliqué Emilie Pezet Aujourd’hui omniprésente dans nos vies, l’information s’est profondément transformée. Ses canaux aussi. Dès lors, contrôler sa qualité devient un enjeu crucial pour éclairer notre opinion. L’information est au centre de la démocratie. Et les médias en sont les relais : ils alimentent le débat public, contribuent à l’analyse des événements, des prises de parole et aident les citoyens à se faire leur opinion. Avec l’arrivée du numérique, les sources d’information se sont multipliées. Sommes-nous, pour autant, mieux informés ? À la radio, à la télévision, sur nos téléphones ou dans les journaux, l’information est partout. Pourtant obtenir une information de qualité nous demande un effort et un engagement particulier. L’infobésité : trop d’informations tue l’information S’informer est crucial pour comprendre le monde qui nous entoure mais aujourd’hui nous sommes submergés par l’afflux continu d'informations, relayées par différentes sources. Devant cette avalanche de ‘news,’ les individus ne savent plus quelles informations sont fiables, ni comment les vérifier, et cela peut fragiliser le débat public. Une majorité du public affirme d’ailleurs que distinguer le vrai du faux en ligne devient de plus en plus difficile. Sans possibilité d’accéder facilement et gratuitement à des informations de qualité, construire une opinion s’avère compliqué. Un des éléments marquants de cette sur-information est l’influence croissante du numérique : concrètement, on s’informe de plus en plus via des plateformes et formats en ligne. En 2022, une enquête statistique nous apprend que l’attention des Français est accaparée par les chaînes de télévision et les réseaux sociaux. Or les algorithmes utilisés sur ces plateformes privilégient ce qui ressemble à ce que l’on a déjà vu, aimé ou partagé : on reçoit alors les mêmes types de messages, la contradiction se raréfie. Ce mécanisme de chambre d’écho peut nuire à la construction d’une opinion éclairée, d’autant que les réseaux sociaux, devenus des relais centraux de l’information, en sont l’un des principaux foyers. Les réseaux sociaux : une information accessible mais un moteur de désinformation Les réseaux sociaux donnent un accès immédiat à l’information, grâce aux notifications et aux formats courts. En contrepartie, les plateformes se chargent de la sélection du contenu : ses algorithmes décident ce qui apparaît dans le fil et dans quel ordre, à partir de notre historique et de nos interactions. Dans ce contexte, les médias traditionnels, comme Le Monde ou Courrier International, se sont finalement lancés sur les réseaux sociaux en publiant des extraits voire l'intégralité d’articles. Malgré cela, le contenu d’ ‘influenceurs’ spécialisés dans les informations occupent une place majeure dans ce que les utilisateurs voient au quotidien. En France, Hugo Travers s’impose sous le pseudonyme d’Hugo Décrypte depuis 2015. Il publie des synthèses de l’actualité et des reportages sous forme de vidéos, de podcasts et de carrousels sur une pluralité de plateformes. Bien que ces créateurs s’appuient souvent sur des sources journalistiques, ils imposent un cadrage éditorial puissant, d’autant que l’algorithme amplifie certains contenus. Cet accès accéléré à l’information a un prix : la vérification est en partie externalisée à des créateurs et à des plateformes peu transparentes. La faible vigilance des utilisateurs et le peu d’incitations à vérifier posent de nouveaux défis pour préserver un regard critique. D’autant que des acteurs organisés ont saisi le levier qu’offrent ces outils pour influencer l’opinion par la désinformation. La désinformation qui « vise principalement à tromper et est diffusée dans le but de causer un préjudice grave. » On peut citer l’opération « Doppelgänger », mise au jour par EU DisinfoLab , qui a cloné l’identité de médias européens pour publier de faux articles sur les réseaux sociaux dans l’objectif de discréditer l’Ukraine. Encore une fois, l’utilisateur doit passer du temps à s’assurer que les informations qu’on lui fournit sont vérifiées et à lutter contre son algorithme qui pousse ce type de contenu. Une nouvelle donne : les chaînes d’information en continu Aux côtés des réseaux sociaux, les chaînes d’info en continu alimentent la surabondance. Elles ont transformé la présentation des actualités. Depuis quelques années on remarque une priorisation des faits divers dans les informations. Une place spéciale leur est accordée, un simple fait divers peut donner lieu à des débats, des témoignages ou des invitations des victimes sur les plateaux, ce qui permet aux chaînes de remplir leur temps d'antenne. Ces chaînes produisent une information parfois de qualité inégale, avec une place croissante du commentaire au détriment de l’expertise, rendant possibles et même fréquentes les erreurs en plateau. Mais la télévision n’est pas hors-jeu : ses contenus sont encadrés par l’Arcom, qui peut prononcer des mises en demeure ou des amendes. En 2024, CNews a ainsi été sanctionnée après la diffusion d’informations inexactes. Il s’agissait d’une séquence sur la mise en place d’une salle de prière lors d’un voyage scolaire. Même des chaînes d’information peuvent donc contribuer à la désinformation, les individus doivent vérifier toutes les informations ce qui demande du temps et de l’attention. Ils doivent prendre conscience également de l’ancrage idéologique de certaines chaînes ou certains médias dans le traitement des infos. La concentration des médias L’influence idéologique des médias se fait d’autant plus ressentir qu’on assiste à leur concentration dans les mains de quelques grands groupes et grandes fortunes. Ainsi, en France, 80% de la presse quotidienne généraliste est détenue par onze milliardaires . Parmi ces milliardaires, on retrouve Vincent Bolloré, Xavier Niel et la famille Dassault. Cette situation inquiète : dans un court essai paru en 2025, Sauver l’information de l’emprise des milliardaires , Olivier Legrain (avec Vincent Edin) souligne le pouvoir accru que confère cette concentration. Par exemple, Vincent Bolloré a insufflé une ligne éditoriale à droite toute à plusieurs médias qu’il possède : CNews, Europe 1, Le JDD . S’agissant de Vincent Bolloré, des rachats ont parfois été suivis de départs et de tensions dans les rédactions. C’est pourquoi, face à la rumeur de rachat du Parisien par Vincent Bolloré, les journalistes ont appelé au rassemblement pour contester et demander à Bernard Arnault, actuel propriétaire, de ne pas céder. Le rachat de ces médias ne constitue pas une source de revenu directe pour les milliardaires, mais peut leur permettre de peser sur les débats publics avec une surexposition de certains politiques, voire même la publication de leurs ouvrages lorsque ces milliardaires possèdent aussi des maisons d'édition. L’information est au centre de la démocratie et permet à chacun d’avoir tous les éléments en main pour se forger une opinion. Or, aujourd’hui l’information de qualité est en péril avec de trop nombreux émetteurs, canaux, de sources traversées par des intérêts et d’une complexité à vérifier et à extraire de tout cadrage idéologique. L’information de qualité a un prix. L’indépendance aussi. À nous de décider si on les paie, en attention, en temps, en quelques euros, pour ne pas les laisser filer. Photo Source: Brett Taylor, Flickr

Had I not gone, I would never have realized up to what point my country’s hands are covered in blood and shame. < Back 7shuma Fronteras: A Reflection on a Ceuta Parcours Civique By Bianca Carrera Espriu September 29, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? I did my Parcours Civique in Ceuta, a Spanish enclave in Northern Morocco. There, I served as a border violence reporter for the NGO “No Name Kitchen” (NNK), which operates in different hotspots of the European border system, but mainly in the Balkans. As a border violence reporter, I worked hand in hand with my colleagues at the legal pole, getting to know and leaving a written record of the violations of human rights that people on the move — essentially unaccompanied minors of Moroccan nationality — reported to us. This entailed not only physical abuse but, what is more present in Ceuta, institutional and psychological abuse. Reporting and leaving a written record of these events allowed other poles of the NGO to build their legal cases against the incompetent authorities and raise awareness through social media and the press. Outside of my reporter work, I was just another NNK volunteer. As such, I had to help with general tasks like assisting unaccompanied minors living on the streets. Currently, there might be around 50 unaccompanied minors — all of whom are of Moroccan nationality — living without shelter. Although the local authorities deny it, these children are ignored, stigmatized and neglected. The NNK tries to provide necessary relief to these minors with emotional support and with material supplies like blankets, food, clothes and hygiene products. As part of my work as a border violence reporter, I also had the chance to write about this concrete situation for the international news platform ‘Al Jazeera,’ which can be found here . Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? I chose this Parcours Civique for two main reasons: the location and the role. I chose the location because of a series of words that stuck with me during my first Parcours Civique orientation. The 2A facilitator’s words, “sometimes, you do not have to go too far to have an impact and to help people in need. Often, in your country, city or neighborhood, there might be places where you can help, and you might be more useful there than in Greece, for example,” made me think. I wondered if there were places in Spain where people find themselves in a situation of desperate need where I can be useful?” It turned out that there were, and the situation was worse than I could have ever imagined. There are different border points in Spain, but the ones where human rights abuses occur without impunity and with the complicity of the governmental authorities are Ceuta, Melilla and Canarias. I headed to Ceuta because No Name Kitchen was operating there. I also went there because, in May 2021, n early 12,000 people crossed into Ceuta. This was a direct response to Moroccan authorities turning a blind eye to illegal crossings as relations between Morocco and Spain deteriorated. About 1,500 of them were minors. While some were pushed back illegally, others remained stuck in the Spanish enclave without any assistance from local authorities. This leads to explaining why I also chose the role. No Name Kitchen is one of the few NGOs with an extensive and well-established reporting pole, which helps make this information available to the general public. For me, this task is fundamental because what is not told is not known and hence, not remembered. As a freelance writer, I thought this was the best way I could contribute, which is what I did. Bonus track reason: Something important that No Name Kitchen does that not many NGOs provide is accommodation. Unfortunately, many of these organizations have turned solidarity into a business and volunteering into voluntourism. No Name Kitchen is an NGO, not a business, and thus provides volunteers with accommodation — a flat for all volunteers — and a little stipend for standard food supplies. Without NNK’s support, I would not have had the resources to afford it — given the little to no aid from Sciences Po. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? I heard about the NGO from a friend who had previously volunteered with them. She recommended it to me, and from there I directly contacted No Name Kitchen via their website. Once you do, they start the application process, which is easy and straight-forward. I remember starting it during December, and it took a maximum of a couple of weeks until I had my place confirmed. Sciences Po’s admin did not help in the process, but I also did not ask for it. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? Unpaid — it was a volunteering job. Even so, I was lucky to be assisted by the NGO regarding accommodation and a small food stipend. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? It has been one of the most enriching experiences I have had in my life and a turning point in my professional career. Had I not gone, I would never have realized up to what point my country’s hands are covered in blood and shame. Sadly enough, as a Spaniard, you never hear anything in the news about these border cities, and even less if it comes to the local administration’s abuses. This has made me realize how important it is to expose what is happening in my country. As someone already starting a professional path in journalism and as a Middle East politics student, I thought my professional future would turn to the Eastern part of the region. I still would like to experience that. However, being in Ceuta and looking at the direct results of Spanish diplomatic performance with Morocco and Algeria, I have realized that it might be more beneficial to cover this reality first, as it hits close to home and where coverage is sorely needed. Professional topics aside, this experience has filled me both emotionally and personally. It has made me more aware of realities that we often ignore. It has taught me to be even more critical of authority. It has made me go through uncomfortable situations that have strengthened me and, most importantly, given me the chance to meet some of the strongest, bravest, most determined, honorable, fun and beautiful people. I left Ceuta with many more friends. I can only wish the best in their endeavors and remain at their full disposal for anything I can help with virtually. Daiman maakum drari! If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? I would advise them to look at their local surroundings and contexts and find out how they can be more helpful. Of course, it is not harmful to choose to volunteer abroad --- however, sometimes doing it in your country makes you far more connected with the cause, closer to the situation that you are dealing with, and feeling better because you know the impact that you have had. At least, this has been my case.