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Dune, c’est de la science-fiction réfléchie, qui existe en dehors de son genre. Dune, c’est une tirade de questionnements, c’est une tragédie grecque dans un univers lointain qui combine émotions et pragmatisme. Dune, c’est une passion débordante que l’on a polie pour en faire un diamant. Épice et tout. < Back Le Diptyque DUNE: la voix d’un autre monde Montaine Barreau for Cinémenton October 31, 2024 Le mystère de la vie n'est pas une question à résoudre mais une réalité à vivre (Dune, tome 2). Cela s’applique également à Dune (I/II), diptyque réalisé par Denis Villeneuve, adapté des romans éponymes de Franck Herbert sortis de 1965 à 1985, référence dans le monde de la science-fiction. Pour tenter d’en apprécier le visionnage, se laisser porter est la première étape. Comprendre tous les enjeux et détails de la trame ne serait que contre-productif. Car Dune, c’est une masse qu’il est difficile de définir. Il y a le sentiment que ce monde est plus grand que ce qu’on en voit, qu’il existe en dehors de notre histoire, que sa morale ne se résume pas en quelques mots. Il serait par conséquent malheureux de vouloir retransmettre une expérience si riche et multiple en quelques lignes, je vais pourtant tenter de le faire. Il était Dune fois, une planète, connue sous le nom d’Arrakis. Cette planète est la seule détentrice de l’épice, une substance qui améliore la conscience et permet le voyage spatial; en d’autres termes, elle est fondamentale à la survie du monde conscient. Lorsque l’Empire, qui règne sur le monde conscient, confie à la maison Atréides la charge d’Arrakis, il est connu de tous que cette offrande n’est pas de bon augure, amplifiant les tensions avec la maison Harkonnen, précédente maîtresse d’Arrakis. On suit donc la tragédie de la maison Atréides, incarnée par son héritier Paul, qui trouvera son salut dans le désert, habitat des Fremens, peuple autochtone en attente du messie censé venir changer le destin d’Arrakis. I. Arrakis, ou la forme Ce qui saute aux yeux, c’est la singularité de l’œuvre. Le style marqué de Denis Villeneuve, démesuré, vide et presque brutaliste, ne laisse pas indifférent. Le monde est placé comme un personnage auquel on accorde de l’importance. De nombreux plans larges donnent cette impression de gigantisme, mettant en lumière la taille des vaisseaux, des planètes, en comparaison avec celle des individus, écrasés sous le poids des installations, écrasés par le poids de l’histoire. C’est donc un récit de personnages, mais aussi un récit des masses, impulsés par de grands mouvements. Chaque plan est réfléchi et les mouvements de la caméra restent plausibles, ce qui donne une impression de réalisme. Tout est naturel, au service de l’histoire, des personnages et, dans le cas présent, du film lui-même. Chaque plan est magnifique et nous dévoile la beauté singulière de la nature. Le travail des costumes, qui semblent presque historiques, des décors et des couleurs est également à souligner, retranscrivant avec brio une hybridation des cultures terrestres dont sont issus les peuples de Dune. Jessica, mère de Paul, arbore ainsi de sublimes parures et drapés qui conviennent à son rang de dirigeante politique et religieuse, tandis que les Fremens portent le distille, une combinaison qui recycle leur eau et leur permet de survivre. Le code couleur est réfléchi, associant les couleurs chaudes à la guerre, comme on le retrouve dans l’Histoire, le rouge étant associé à la guerre sainte. On associe le vert au passé de Paul, à l’emblème de sa maison, tandis que l’ orange et le rouge sont associés à son futur. On peut de même coupler le bleu avec l’espoir, qui n’apparaît que rarement. Le monde nous semble vivant, on peut le sentir et le toucher. Le premier volet du diptyque a par ailleurs remporté un oscar pour ses effets spéciaux. Le film ayant été tourné dans le désert du Wadi Rum en Jordanie, mais aussi en Norvège, à Abou Dhabi, et enfin dans les plateaux intérieurs et extérieurs de Budapest. On ressent le vrai du décor, qui nous procure une impression familière. Tout est très tactile, profondément émouvant et viscéral. Les personnages ressentent les mêmes choses que nous, elles touchent le sable, peinent à marcher dedans et sont confrontées aux rafales qui giclent sur les dunes. Villeneuve a utilisé de multiples tonnes de poussière pour retranscrire l’ambiance du désert. La lumière est réelle, ce qui apporte du contraste impossible à recréer en post-production. Villeneuve joue d’ailleurs sur l’obscurité des bâtiments conçus pour se protéger du soleil mortel d’Arrakis, avec le soleil de plomb de l’extérieur qui aveugle le spectateur dans la salle obscure. En studio, cela consistait à utiliser des écrans de couleur sable à la place des fameux écrans verts traditionnels pour rendre la lumière du désert plus réaliste et pour éviter la contamination des couleurs. On la découvre ainsi sous toutes ses formes, que ce soit par des rayons dans les tempêtes de sable, sous un teint orangé par temps d’éclipse ou brûlante au zénith. Dune est vivante, elle n’est pas un décor, un fond vert qui sert de lieu où se tient l’intrigue. La musique apporte également beaucoup à l’atmosphère créée par Villeneuve. Hans Zimmer est en effet grand passionné de la saga de livres Dune et s’est donc attelé à créer un mélange d’étrange et de familier pour plonger le spectateur dans ce monde. On retrouve ainsi des échos de cornemuse, instrument emblème de la maison Atréides, mais surtout des voix. La seule chose qui, selon moi, serait vraie pour n'importe quelle civilisation sur n'importe quel monde est la voix , des voix gutturales pour les Harkonnen, des voix envoûtantes ou guerrières pour les Fremens. La musique devait avoir une spiritualité… une qualité sanctifiée […]. Quelque chose qui élèverait l'âme et aurait l'effet que seule la musique sacrée peut produire. La musique rend sacrée l’histoire, et contribue à l’élever au statut de mythe, le mythe de la tragédie Atréides. Dune utilise aussi des milliers de sons de la vie courante, familiers, travaillés à la façon d’un documentaire. II. Shai-Hulud ou le vecteur Dune, dans sa forme, est magnifique. Cependant, ces procédés cinématographiques ont un objectif, donner à voir une histoire complexe. Les deux parties forment un tout, le rythme allant crescendo pour finir en apothéose. Inspirés de la tragédie Shakespearienne, le film met en scène des personnages nuancés, qu’on apprécie pour leur faillibilité et parfois leur bassesse. Le film commence comme tout voyage du héros jusqu’à emprunter une voie alternative. Au fil des films, on se rend compte qu’on tombe dans le piège. On veut la réussite de Paul, on le suit, on devient son fidèle. On s’enfonce de plus en plus jusqu’à comprendre que l’on ne peut plus reculer. C’est la complexité des relations entre les différentes maisons et factions, loin de placer l’un comme le bon et l’autre comme le mauvais, qui nous rend sensibles aux destins de chacun et chacune. Ils luttent pour leurs intérêts. L’un veut conserver son trône, l’autre laver l’affront qu’il a subi, le suivant se venger. Ton père ne croyait pas à la vengeance. Eh bien moi j’y crois. Le jeu des acteurs phénoménal ne fait qu’amplifier cette idée. Paul, incarné par Timothée Chalamet, gagne en prestance au fur et à mesure, tandis que Jessica, mère de Paul incarnée par Rebecca Ferguson, perd petit à petit de sa rationalité, de son contrôle. La lutte pour le pouvoir outrepasse toute considération morale, les complots se dessinent au fil du film. Le réalisme de la construction de l’univers et du déroulement de l’histoire permet également cette impression de tableau global. Diverses cultures nous sont présentées, chacun avec leur mode de vie et leurs coutumes. Par exemple, le peuple Fremen est divisé selon la géographie, le nord s’oppose au sud, où se trouvent les fondamentalistes qui vénèrent l’arrivée du messie, tandis que le nord se moque de ce fanatisme. Pour cause, le sud est la partie la plus hostile de la planète, toujours soumise à des tempêtes de sable, terreau fertile au développement de croyance dans la difficulté. De même, la peau translucide des Harkonnens est pâle à cause de leurs conditions de vie. Sur Giedi Prime, leur planète, seul la lumière blanche passe à travers l’atmosphère, ce qui cause un monde en noir et blanc, représenté par Denis Villeneuve grâce à des caméras infrarouges à haute résolution, et contribuant à nous dépayser davantage. L’œuvre, à travers cette histoire, aborde de plus de nombreux thèmes qui sont encore d’actualité, bien que le matériau d’origine date de 1965. Herbert considérait en effet que même un roman de science-fiction devait porter un message aux lecteurs. Son travail n’est pas un pur divertissement. On retrouve par exemple l’idée d’émancipation des peuples colonisés, mais aussi le danger que représente l’alliance entre politique et religion: l'aliénation du pouvoir religieux, sur la colonisation religieuse et sur les dangers de marier la religion et la politique , ou bien l’avertissement face aux personnalités charismatiques. Bien qu’évoluant dans un espace et un temps lointain, Dune apporte des leçons qui s’appliquent à nos sociétés, telles que la lutte pour le pouvoir, que ce soit l’empereur Padishah Shaddam IV, le baron Harkonnen, ou même Paul Atréides qui n’a pas de fins moralement plus hautes que les autres acteurs. Cette lutte se retrouve dans l’impérialisme pratiqué par ceux-ci pour contrôler Arrakis et son épice, qui crée des dépendances et apporte le pouvoir, métaphore d’un pétrole que tous s’arrache et qui justifie l’interventionnisme. Le thème de l’écologie est également majeur, puisque l’eau et sa préservation est absolument fondamentale dans cette Arrakis hostile, que les Fremens veulent transformer en paradis vert. Enfin, la religion et le mysticisme, conditionnent une grande partie des actions des personnages. Le monde est régi par un obscur ordre de femmes, les Bene Gesserit, qui conseillent les pouvoirs et y exercent leur emprise. Elles veulent atteindre un but bien plus grand: guider l’Humanité vers l’évolution prospère. Pour ce faire, elles usent de manipulations génétiques pour faire naître un jour un être qui serait capable de créer un pont entre le temps et l’espace: le Kwisatz Haderach. Elles disséminent dans l’univers des prophéties, qui leur permettent de contrôler la population. Arrakis n’en est point exempte. Il est ainsi toujours ambigu de discerner si ce qui arrive à Paul relève de miracles, ou d’influences extérieures. C’est cette complexité qui fait de la fable Dune un produit humain et nuancé, duquel peut résulter des questionnements fondamentaux. III. L’épice, ou le fond Dune pose par conséquent de nombreuses questions que nous allons essayer de développer. Tout d’abord, il développe une nouvelle idée du progrès. Dune, serait-ce une science-fiction sans science ? Dans ce monde, le Jihad Butlérien a été mené contre les machines qui conduisaient à la crise de l’humanité. Tu ne feras point de machine semblable à l’esprit humain. Pour contourner cet interdit, c’est l’humanité qui a été développée dans une sorte de Transhumanisme, à travers l’eugénisme des Bene Gesserit et le conditionnement, des mentats (stratèges, gestionnaires et calculatrices humaines). Cependant, toute transformation entraîne immédiatement une faiblesse. Les Bene Gesserit échouent et engendrent un être supérieur incontrôlable, les mentats peuvent être dupés grâce aux ruses. La force de Dune, c’est de nous mettre face à nos contradictions. En somme, l’homme parviendra-t-il à ses fins par le progrès, ou au contraire doit-il le limiter ? De plus, il aborde la question du lien entre la politique et la religion. Dans ce monde, les puissances sont conseillées par un pouvoir religieux, et la place du mystique y est très forte. Sur les planètes, on attend la venue d’un messie, qui porte plusieurs noms, le Kwisatz Haderach, le messie des Bene Gesserit, le Lisan-Al-Gaib ou Madhi, messie des Fremens. L'œuvre est bercée de termes connotés, comme le Jihad, ou de nombreuses religions, comme le catholicisme zensunni, le saari de Mahomet, produit d’hybridations millénaires. Mais Dune, c’est un paradigme plus singulier. C’est un monde sans Dieu saturé de religion, pour Maxence Collin, journaliste. Cette idée, d’une religion qui a pris l’ascendant sur le progrès est à contre-courant de l’époque positiviste très développée dans la science-fiction. On assiste ainsi à des manipulations pacifiques avec la création de la Bible Catholique Orange qui fusionne les principes des différents courants spirituels pour mener à la paix entre croyants. Mais aussi à des manipulations plus insidieuses, avec la Missionaria Protectiva des Bene Gesserit qui implantent des superstitions. Cela mènera à la Guerre Sainte, 61 milliard de morts que même le messie ne peut arrêter, et que l’on verrait mieux mort et statufié. Dune avertit donc sur la place des croyances dans la politique, qui sont utilisées cyniquement par les puissances et qui contrôlent les populations. Dune, c’est donc le résultat de la passion du réalisateur, Denis Villeneuve. Dune c’est un sursaut dans le monde du cinéma, rongé par les blockbusters sans saveurs, qui insuffle de nouveau de la poésie dans les salles obscures. Dune, c’est de la science-fiction réfléchie, qui existe en dehors de son genre. Dune, c’est une tirade de questionnements, c’est une tragédie grecque dans un univers lointain qui combine émotions et pragmatisme. Dune, c’est une passion débordante que l’on a polie pour en faire un diamant. Épice et tout.

< Back Kakuma By Amalia Heide October 31, 2023 C’est le 2 octobre, un dimanche à six heures du matin, Luna et moi sommes retrouvées à la gare de Menton Garavan pour prendre un avion — notre destination finale : la conférence internationale sur les mobilités et immobilités organisée par Open Society University Network (OSUN). L'élément le plus marquant de cette conférence est son lieu : le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma au Kenya constitue le troisième plus grand camp de réfugiés au monde. Comment ce camp de réfugiés a-t-il vu le jour ? Dans les années 90, des milliers de mineurs ont été contraints de fuir la violence au Soudan, conséquence de la guerre civile de 1983. Ces enfants ont fui leurs villages et ont trouvé refuge dans les forêts, d'où ils ont entrepris un périple à pied pour rejoindre l'Éthiopie ou le Kenya. En 1994, le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma a ouvert dans le nord du Kenya pour accueillir ces "enfants perdus du Soudan" qui avaient survécu en groupes pendant des semaines, des mois, voire des années grâce au leadership des aînés, dont certains n'avaient pas plus de 10 ou 12 ans. Cependant, on estime que la moitié de ceux qui ont fui le pays ont péri en chemin. Actuellement, bon nombre de ces enfants sont devenus adultes et nous remarquons que des personnes de différentes nationalités se sont ajoutées au camp, fuyant les conflits dans les pays voisins. Étant donné que le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma abrite plus de 185 000 réfugiés–six fois plus que la population de Mentones les réfugiés provenant de plus de 20 nationalités différentes, une communauté très diversifiée a été construite Pourtant, ce qui me surprend le plus dans ce camp, c'est son rôle en tant que référence éducative dans la région. Malgré les difficultés, 50 000 mineurs fréquentent les plus de 30 écoles du camp et parviennent à atteindre un bon niveau d'éducation, avec des notes supérieures à la moyenne nationale du Kenya. Selon les chiffres du HCR, en 2018, 90% des élèves ont réussi le Certificat d'Éducation Primaire, contre 76,3% dans le reste du pays. C'est particulièrement remarquable étant donné que chaque enseignant doit s'occuper de 96 élèves, soit près de 20 de plus que dans les autres salles de classe du pays. Pour ceux qui parviennent à atteindre le niveau secondaire, beaucoup obtiennent des bourses DAFI du UNHCR pour des études supérieures ou participent à des cours en ligne proposés par OSUN dans un centre éducatif situé dans le camp. Cette initiative vise à promouvoir l'égalité d'accès à l'enseignement supérieur et à la recherche dans les zones touchées par les crises et les déplacements. C'est à ces élèves de ce centre éducatif géré par des jésuites que Luna, moi-même et 10 autres étudiants issus de différentes universités du réseau OSUN avons eu l'honneur de rencontrer. La conférence s'est déroulée sur trois jours. Les deux premiers ont eu lieu au centre éducatif d'OSUN, situé dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma. Le troisième s'est tenu à environ dix kilomètres du camp, à l'hôtel Cairo Palace, où nous, étudiants étrangers, étions logés. À première vue, le camp ne semble pas être une prison, contrairement à la plupart des camps de réfugiés. Aucune grille ni barrière visible n'empêche les gens d'entrer et de sortir et ainsi nous avons pu entrer et sortir en voiture sans être contrôlés. Or, cette apparente liberté est simplement illusoire. En effet, le camp est situé dans une région aride où le soleil, la chaleur et la poussière rendent impossible tout déplacement à pied. À cette première contrainte s'ajoutent d'autres obstacles: s'éloigner du camp pour se rendre dans une autre localité implique de faire face à l'hostilité des tribus locales, constituant une véritable barrière. Le Kenya est un pays où l'identité tribale est forte, chaque tribu ayant son propre territoire défini. Les tribus qui accueillent les réfugiés sur leur territoire sont appelées "communautés d'accueil" et ainsi les tensions entre la communauté de réfugiés et ces communautés d'accueil sont palpables, comme nous l'ont expliqué plusieurs étudiants. À titre d'anecdote, des membres des communautés d'accueil volent du bétail aux réfugiés, considérant que ce n'est pas du vol, mais simplement prendre ce qui leur appartient puisqu'ils sont sur LEUR territoire. Par ailleurs,l'armée installe des points de contrôle sur les routes et demande aux véhicules de montrer des autorisations de circulation. Cela signifie qu'un réfugié souhaitant se rendre par exemple à Nairobi (la capitale du Kenya) a besoin d'un visa pour pouvoir passer s'il est contrôlé aux points de contrôle – une démarche pas forcément facile pour les réfugiés En réalité, cela signifie que les réfugiés de Kakuma sont pris au piège. Pour les étudiants d'OSUN, l'une des façons de s'échapper de cet enfermement est de saisir les opportunités éducatives, que ce soit en participant à des conférences internationales ou en obtenant une bourse pour étudier dans une université au Kenya ou à l'étranger. C'est cet espoir de sortir du camp grâce à l'éducation, qui motive du moins ceux qui fréquentent le centre éducatif d'OSUN, à cultiver une profonde culture de l'étude. Malgré le wifi limité et le besoin de travailler à côté de leurs études pour subvenir à leurs besoins et à ceux de leurs familles, ils trouvent le temps de s'inscrire à des cours de relations internationales, d'ingénierie, de cinéma, de santé publique et de droits de l'homme. Au niveau de l'éducation, ils font face à une difficulté supplémentaire : tous les cours sont en anglais. Cela signifie que, surtout pour les nouveaux arrivants au Kenya, ils doivent d'abord apprendre l'anglais, une langue cruciale non seulement pour leurs études, mais aussi pour la communication au sein de la communauté de Kakuma, où l'anglais est la langue commune. Au niveau national, la relation du Kenya avec cette langue fait partie de son héritage post-colonial britannique. Malgré les 65 langues vivantes au Kenya, l'anglais et le swahili (les deux langues officielles) sont des outils essentiels pour favoriser l'unité nationale. C’est pourquoi, ils apprennent à l'école, la langue maternelle étant la langue parlée dans la tribu. Ainsi, l'anglais revêt une grande importance pour le développement socio-économique et culturel, car même les programmes télévisés sont diffusés en anglais. Reprenant les caractéristiques du camp de réfugiés de Kakuma, les conditions de vie sont extrêmement difficiles, marquées par des constructions fragiles principalement en tôle. Ce détail est au cœur d'un problème majeur : la chaleur intense, devenue suffocante, et la lumière du soleil peuvent devenir insupportables, obligeant à chercher refuge à l'ombre. Cependant, comme les logements sont en tôle et que beaucoup d'entre eux ne disposent pas d'électricité, échapper à la chaleur est extrêmement difficile, à moins d'être sous la protection d'un arbre. Même le centre éducatif d'OSUN n'est pas équipé de climatisation, ce qui crée des conditions difficiles d’apprentissage À ce défi de la chaleur s'ajoute la pénurie d'eau, qui malgré son importance vitale constitue un “luxe” pour la communauté. À Kakuma, le manque d'eau est constant, malgré les efforts des ONG internationales telles que le PAM dans une partie de l'approvisionnement. Par conséquent, les habitants sont contraints de se déplacer vers les rives du Tarach, un lit de rivière sec, où il n'y a de l'eau que pendant la saison des pluies. La dépendance envers le PAM est également évidente en ce qui concerne l'approvisionnement alimentaire, ce qui contribue à la vulnérabilité de la population du camp. Toutefois les difficultés ne s’arrêtent pas ici. Il est essentiel de mentionner un autre facteur en apparence insignifiant à première vue : la poussière, omniprésente et envahissante. Elle pénètre dans les yeux, gêne la vision, se dépose dans les poumons et complique la respiration, adhérant à la peau, aux cheveux et aux vêtements. Dans l’objectif d'améliorer la situation, il est absolument nécessaire que des projets de développement urbain soient mis en place pour contrer le pouvoir dévastateur de cette poussière. Les étudiants du camp de réfugiés de Kakuma, confrontés quotidiennement à ces difficultés, sont pleinement conscients de la nécessité de trouver des solutions. Au lieu de se plaindre, ils entreprennent des projets de développement social dans le camp. Pour eux, bien que le camp de réfugiés doive être un abri temporaire, il est devenu leur résidence permanente au fil du temps , et ils ont ainsi développé un sentiment de communauté et d'appartenance. Beaucoup aspirent à poursuivre des études universitaires pour ensuite revenir et appliquer ce qu'ils ont appris dans la communauté, générant un changement concret en matière de développement Après cette brève introduction et contextualisation, dans la prochaine édition de Menton Times, nous plongerons dans les détails de ces projets. Nous explorerons également la problématique des violations des droits humains dans le camp de réfugiés, notamment en ce qui concerne les droits des femmes et des minorités LGBTQ+.

< Back Change in the Republic of Moldova Amer El Ibrahim April 30, 2025 Stuck between the West and the East, neglected by both, and frozen in checkmate with Russia for the last seven decades, the Republic of Moldova endured more hardships than any other European country. Having been stripped from Romania and incorporated into the USSR at the beginning of WW2, gaining formal independence only after 1989, the Republic of Moldova is yet to establish itself as a purely autonomous power outside of the influence of its greater Eastern neighbour. After the 1989 revolution and independence, Moldova’s leadership flirted with Russia and shunned EU interventions for the next thirty years. This toxic tradition ended with the 2020 presidential elections, when Maia Sandu, a pro-European candidate with a staunch anti-corruption attitude, won. A year later, she called for a new parliament and, surprisingly, her party, PAS, won by a landslide, with a shocking 58 per cent. She and her party won on a wave of dissatisfaction with the already existing parties and the desire for reforms. So, how has the new guard managed all of these discontents? Notwithstanding Sandu’s promises, Moldova has faced serious geopolitical issues in the past years, which have hindered the country greatly. Firstly, as a form of retaliation for the ever-growing Western stance of the new government, Russia slashed gas supplies to the country by a third and demanded double the previously set price to maintain the flow. Secondly, being located only a few hours away from Odesa, Moldova received the highest number of Ukrainian refugees per capita, thus placing immense pressure on the already dysfunctional healthcare system, public services and infrastructure. On top of this, trade with both Moscow and Kyiv, two of Moldova’s greatest economic partners, had greatly suffered, with inflation surging by as much as 40 per cent. Additionally, Russia also controls the separatist region of Transnistria, which broke away from the grip of Moldova’s government during a brief war in the 90s. This region has been practically maintained by Russia, with Moscow funding Transnistria’s gas supply up until the 1st of January this year. This ‘free’ assistance of Russia was not so free; Transnistria’s debt was continuously recorded, and, at the beginning of this year, it was asked to be repaid 11.1 billion dollars. It was clear that this decision was politically motivated, Transnistria being used as a tool to destabilise Moldova in the wake of the parliamentary elections this fall, to eliminate the pro-Europeans led by Maia Sandu from power. Alternatively, another threat surfaced from abroad: Ilan Shor, a pro-Russian businessman who actively fought against the EU integration of Moldova. Condemned in absentia for 15 years for smuggling 1 billion Euros out of Moldova’s banking system, he fled to Moscow where he established a political movement with the sole purpose of destabilizing Moldova’s EU progress. Shor and his acolytes set up a voter-bribing scheme that concerned 130,000 Moldovans who voted against the referendum for the integration of Moldova into the EU from 2024 and for Russia-friendly candidates. Through his Telegram platform, he has offered to pay up to 29 Dollars for those who registered for his campaign against the referendum, while spending millions on social media and news outlets campaigns against it. Regardless of the foreign implications of the referendum, it passed by a comically small margin: 50.35% in favour of adding EU integration as a goal in the constitution. Nonetheless, Sandu and her party succeeded in delivering what they promised, at least partly. In 2022, Moldova obtained candidate status for accession to the European Union, and in 2024, the official negotiations regarding admission started. In the same year, Moldova greatly developed the country's wind and solar power to reduce dependency on Russian energy and the aforementioned referendum was called for. In 2023, Moldova created its first anti-corruption agency, a major step in combating this phenomenon, which has plagued the country for decades. Most notable, however, was the increase in Moldova’sCorruption Perception Index by 7 points, indicating significant improvements in the country's functioning. However, the polls for this year’s parliamentary elections show a diminished popularity of PAS compared to the 2021 elections, the party being situated at around 35%. This backlash could be explained by the shortcomings of their governance and slowness in delivering what was promised. Whether the new governance delivered all they had promised is of secondary importance; what matters most is that in the last four years, the country has been more open to the West than ever before.; Let us hope it will continue like this and one day, they will be a part of the greater European family. Photo source: Sasha Pleshco - UNSPLASH

This bill represents the latest step in Uganda’s hostile agenda towards the LGBTQ community, a sentiment strongly linked to the nation's colonial history. < Back Ugandan Parliamentary Bill Continues LGBTQ Crackdown By Peyton Dashiell September 27, 2023 After a nearly unanimous vote on March 21, the Parliament of Uganda passed a set of sweeping anti-LGBTQ legislation, continuing a brazen crackdown on homosexuality in the East African nation. While homosexuality is already illegal in Uganda, the new legislation is harsh and vaguely defined — members of the LGBTQ community and others accused of promoting homosexuality may receive life in prison or the death penalty under the law. As international outcry mounts, the bill awaits a signature or veto from Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, a longtime opponent of LGBTQ rights and recognition. This bill represents the latest step in Uganda’s hostile agenda towards the LGBTQ community. In 2013, the Ugandan Parliament passed the Anti-Homosexuality Act, which broadened legal penalties for homosexuality in Uganda, and permitted the extradition of Ugandans abroad accused of violating the law. The act was based on the 2009 Anti-Homosexuality Bill, which Member of Parliament David Bahati introduced. Before the act, individuals convicted of homosexual acts could face prison sentences of up to 14 years. While the act faced an intense outcry from the international community and was annulled on procedural grounds a year after its passage, anti-LGBTQ sentiments and legislation attempts have continued within the Ugandan Parliament. This anti-LGBTQ sentiment is strongly linked to Uganda’s colonial history. Before British colonialism, homosexuality was socially acceptable among the Baganda, Uganda’s largest ethnic group. Additionally, the Lango people recognized a third gender, mudoko dako. Laws prohibiting homosexuality were first enacted by British colonial authorities in 1902, later enshrined in the Penal Code Act of 1950, and remained even after Uganda gained independence in 1962. In the late 19th century, Christian missionaries began to proselytize in Uganda under British colonial authority. While this arrival was relatively late compared to other African nations, Christianity rapidly took root, countering the existing spread of Islam among the Ugandan population. Today, around 85 percent of Ugandans practice Christianity — Roman Catholicism represents the largest denomination, but there are also significant populations of Anglicans, Pentecostals, Jehovah’s Witnesses and Baptists. If the new legislation is signed into law, Uganda will become the only Christian-majority nation to punish homosexuality with the death penalty. In recent decades, Evangelical Christian organizations from the United States have played a key role in shaping Ugandan attitudes toward homosexuality. Their campaigns have linked homosexuality to pedophilia, accused LGBTQ organizations of “recruiting” children and vulnerable populations for sexual exploitation, and characterized homosexuality as a Western import aiming to destroy the traditional Ugandan family. Evangelical missionary Scott Lively has spearheaded these efforts. Lively has advocated for the criminalization of homosexuality globally, pushing for harsh anti-LGBTQ legislation in Russia, Latvia, and Uganda. Additionally, he authored the conspiratorial 2007 book “The Pink Swastika,” which asserts that gay people held prominent roles in the Nazi Party and exacerbated Nazi Germany’s militarism – a grave historical denial, especially considering that gay people were among those sent to concentration camps in the Holocaust. In 2009, Lively traveled to Kampala, Uganda, along with Don Schmeirer and Caleb Lee Brundige to host a conference on the dangers of the purported “LGBTQ agenda.” Thousands of Ugandan government officials, police officers, and teachers attended, and the meeting heavily influenced the 2009 draft of the Anti-Homosexuality Act. But despite the imperialist origins of this legislation, anti-LGBTQ sentiment has become incredibly widespread among Ugandans today. A 2013 poll from the Pew Research Center found that 96 percent of surveyed Ugandans believed that homosexuality should not be accepted by society. In a notable reversal of Western trends, older people displayed higher rates of LGBTQ acceptance than younger generations — seven percent of people over 50 believed that homosexuality should be accepted compared to a mere three percent of those 18 to 29. Efforts to advocate for the LGBTQ community have faced intense government opposition in Uganda. In 2004, activist Victor Mukasa founded Sexual Minorities Uganda, quickly becoming Uganda’s top LGBTQ human rights organization. However, Mukasa’s home was raided by police, prompting him to flee to South Africa, and Sexual Minorities Uganda was ordered to halt all operations in August 2022. Other independent events have been interrupted and brutalized by police, and Pride Uganda was canceled in 2017 after threats from the government. International human rights organizations and intergovernmental bodies immediately condemned this new legislation. According to the United Nations, including the death penalty in this bill constitutes an arbitrary killing. It is, therefore, a violation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. UN Human Rights Council appointed experts urged President Museveni to “tread a new path towards respect of human rights and acceptance of difference, and reject the proposed law,” while the United States has threatened broad economic sanctions if the law is enacted. Additionally, a group of large multinational companies, including Google and Microsoft, rallied against the bill, citing potential damage to the Ugandan economy. According to the coalition, Uganda’s neighbor Kenya loses 1.7 percent of its GDP annually due to business withdrawal based on anti-LGBTQ discrimination. While President Museveni is known for his socially conservative leadership, he has expressed concern for the effects of social policy on the Ugandan economy in the past. The international condemnation of this bill may succeed in halting the legislation. The outcome of a singular bill will not reduce the pervasive anti-LGBTQ ideology in Ugandan society nor repair the widespread effects of Western imperialism that caused these ideas to fester. However, stopping the discriminatory legislation could be a step in the right direction for activists. Additionally, attitudes within the country may shift if local actors — rather than just international, especially Western, actors — can reestablish operations.

< Back A Message from Marseille By Jad Toufic Toutinji October 31, 2023 Throughout September, the Mediterranean caught the eyes of the world as unfortunate disasters propagated on the shores of its countries — the devastating Moroccan earthquake, the Libyan tsunami-like flood, the migrant crisis in Lampedusa and, in October, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Across the sea, however, Marseille shone as the center of eventful festivities that reflected the hope that the region desperately sought. A message of unity and cooperation sailed from Marseille’s port through the peaceful waves of the Mediterranean, ultimately reaching to the shores of its various sea neighbors as people from all around the Mediterranean and beyond gathered to discuss the future of the region in a series of events. The festivities began with ‘Les Rencontres Méditerranéennes’ at Palais du Pharo, which brought together a varied audience of old and young, from around the world, particularly the Mediterranean, to create a stage for discussion breaking down generational divisions. More importantly, these meetings targeted the youth, a group of which were Sciences Po Menton students who are expected to play a crucial role in the future world and specifically, the issues of this region. These events also welcomed president of the European Central Bank, Christine Lagarde, for a conference on the Geopolitical Situation in the Mediterranean. “Où que l’on soit, on peut progresser sur un chemin de paix et d’espérance,” ( wherever we might be, we can progress on a path of peace and hope) stated president Lagarde, emphasizing the importance of hope through her discourse. To describe the severity of the geopolitical fragmentation across the Mediterranean, Lagarde also stated, “Pendant longtemps, la méditerranée est restée non pas le mare nostrum mais le mare clausum,” (for a long time, the Mediterranean has not been the mare nostrum but the mare clausum) reflecting the disunity amongst the people bordering the sea. In the conference, she highlighted the importance of cooperation, specifically the role of the Northern basin in supporting the Southern and Eastern basins, with the aim of reducing segregation. The Conférence Méditerannée du Futur on Sept. 22 brought together 36 countries’ delegations at Marseille’s Grand Cosquer under this year’s subject: water. “La Méditerranée est un carrefour entre les continents, elle a toujours fait lien entre les peuples, avant même l’Antiquité,” ( the Mediterranean is a carrefour between continents. It has always been a link of people even before ancient times) Carole Delga, president of the Occitanie region, noted with enthusiasm in her opening speech. The conference entailed several round table discussions over various topics, one of which surrounded the potential creation of a macro-region uniting all Mediterranean countries, pushed for by the president of the Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur region Renaud Muselier and his counterpart in the Occitanie. “Aux 36 délégations présentes, je dis, construisons, avec ce qui nous rassemble, notre fierté d’être méditerranéens, les coopérations de demain, à l’échelle de notre territoire,” (to the 36 delegations present today, let us build the cooperation of tomorrow amongst the territories which shares our pride of being from the Mediterranean) expressed Renaud Muselier in the conference’s opening speech. The main message from this discussion was the potential that such a region would have, even being compared to Eurorégion Pyrénées-Méditerranée, which was created in 2004 to establish environmental cooperation, economic development, humanitarian relief and peace across a sea crying for it. That said, the peak of this hopeful weekend arrived with Pope Francis’ visit to Marseille, which also prompted visits from several political figures, notably President Emmanuel Macron and the Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin. He commenced his visit through a breakfast with the residents of one of Marseille’s poorest neighborhoods. Later, at the Palais du Pharo, the Pope and President Macron met and the Pope delivered a closing message at the ceremony of Les Rencontres Méditerranéennes. In his speech, he tackled the topic of migration and sent a clear message to Macron and his fellow ministers present in the room. “Ceux qui se réfugient chez nous ne doivent pas être considérés comme un fardeau à porter: si nous les considérons comme des frères, ils nous apparaîtront surtout comme des dons” ( those who seek refuge in us must not be regarded as a burden: if we treat them as brothers, they will surely appear as blessings). Moreover, the also Pope tackled the argument of “invasion” that has risen as a result of populist anti-immigrant politicians, stating, “ Mais ceux qui risquent leur vie en mer n’envahissent pas, ils cherchent hospitalité” ( but, those who risk their lives crossing the sea won't come here to invade us. They are in search for accommodation and embracement). The Pope ended his message about refugees by saying, “ Nous avons besoin de fraternité comme de pain. Le mot même ‘frère,’ dans sa dérivation indo-européenne, révèle une racine liée à la nutrition et à la subsistance. Nous ne nous soutiendrons qu’en nourrissant d’espérance les plus faibles, en les accueillant comme des frères” ( We are in need of brotherhood as much as bread. Even the word "brother" reveals a root linked to nutrition and sustenance in its Indo-European derivation. We will only survive by providing hope to the weakest among us through welcoming them as brothers). After his discourse, the Pope went to the Stade Velodrome for a mass where thousands impatiently awaited his arrival to pray collectively. “I'll go to Marseille, but not to France.” Indeed, the words of the Pope, before his arrival, aptly express the essential role that the beautiful Marseille plays in leading the message of solidarity, love and unity across the blue Mediterranean Sea and the souls that share it.

As this academic year draws to a close and Menton becomes more boring to most of us, I am increasingly surprised by how much I have yet to discover about this town's hidden gems. < Back Eats with Angela: Menton's Top Five Food Gems By Angela Saab Saade March 31, 2023 As this academic year draws to a close and Menton becomes more and more boring to most of us, I find myself increasingly surprised by how much I have yet to discover about this town's hidden gems. The other day, I was aimlessly wandering around the streets of Menton — bored, uninspired and exhausted by the town's familiarity. At some point, I saw a crowd of people waiting in line at one of the tiniest patisseries I have ever seen. A mother, persuading her child of a pastry he was not convinced of, said “I promise you, you are going to love it. It is moelleux, it is sweet, it has a unique taste and it is fulfilling.” The patisserie took me by surprise. I had never seen it before, though I was sure to have crossed that street at least once a week. So, I decided to try out the pastry that the mother was so keen to make her child eat. I thought, why not? What do I have to lose other than 2.90 euros of my money? I purchased what is called a Fougasse Mentonnaise and it tasted above any other (non-chocolate) pastry I had ever tried before. What made it more special though, was that this fougasse, new to me in this town of monotonous familiarity, represents the untouched opportunities left for us to explore in Menton, especially for the uninspired 2As among us. Moreover, I will share with you my top favorite places thus far in Menton that have not yet been swamped by the student body. We will go beyond the common places, like Café Italiano, Istanbul Kebab and Brioche Dorée. I sincerely hope at least one of the five places will be new to you and will provide you with an interesting setting to explore. Number 5 — L'OPEN Address: 11 Av. de Verdun, 06500 Menton Pub, bar, café, restaurant — call it what you want, but this place is absolutely the perfect hub for a great dinner, a late cocktail or even brunch. The ambiance is lively, especially in the evening, and the staff is friendly. If you enjoy music while studying, I would encourage you to sit in their upper floor, which, similarly to Café Italiano, their customers usually avoid. Thus, it is great for those of us who like studying with background music in an empty space. Top 4 — Mitron Bakery Addresse: 8 Rue Pieta, 06500 Menton There is no need to reiterate how much I appreciated the Fougasse from Mitron Bakery. A bonus to their yummy desserts is their small outdoor space in which you may get some work done. What I particularly like about Mitron is that they offer proper Mentonnese specialities, rather than regular pastries like other bakeries. This specialization makes them distinct while also allowing us to try new flavors unique to this part of the world and precious to our limited time experiencing it. Top 3 — Le Paradis de la Glace Address: 59 Av. Robert Schumann, 06190 Roquebrune-Cap-Martin Given my obsession with ice-cream, I think any glacerie is splendid, but my flatmates would have thrown me into the Mediterranean if I neglected to add this establishment. Le Paradis de la Glace's name is an understatement to the quality of ice-cream sold. This better-than-paradise ice cream may be found just at the border between Menton and Cap-Martin Roquebrune. It is fresh, creamy and superior to the Menton ice cream shops that stud Rue St Michel. It may be a bit of a walk, but the high quality treats and friendly service make the journey worth it. Especially at this time of the year, the spring's reappearing warm sun can soothe you as you enjoy their outdoor seating area and overlook the cerulean sea. Top 2 — Sini 7 Rue des Marins, 06500 Menton You have probably passed by this restaurant multiple times and thought, "oh, just another incredibly expensive restaurant in Menton." Well, think again, because Sini's is quite affordable and may even be considered underpriced for the quality of the food they offer. You may enjoy multiple pieces of their fresh Corsican focaccia with different toppings, such as truffle, artichoke and Mozzarella, with an aperol spritz on a late afternoon or evening. Or, you can also just have the slices with no cocktail on a regular weekday for lunch. Either way, you can anticipate a pleasant experience of great food and chill ambiance, while not going broke! Top 1 — Ideal Tacos When I first came to France and saw taco restaurants, I was extremely disappointed to realize that a taco here is not what it is in most parts of the world. However, one restaurant in particular shifted my perception of the demonized French taco and allowed me to befriend it, maybe even love it, and that is Ideal Tacos. They offer scrumptious tacos and burgers and equally have vegan and vegetarian options. My personal favorite is the vegan taco with white sauce — absolutely one of the most fulfilling and flavorsome meals I have had. Complement it with some fries, mozzarella sticks or nachos and a side drink, and there you have it, the best fast food meal you could wish for. And, the staff is the absolute nicest!

For us, Sciences Pistes, there are endless options, often just a click away on a lazy Monday morning, when the teacher is particularly uninteresting. The flight tickets are cheap, flying is fast and time is limited. We, Sciences Pistes, are respectful, interested in different cultures and exploring the hidden gems—not just the touristy areas. < Back Trends In Tourism: Solo Travelling and Slow Tourism Ema Nevřelová March 31, 2025 Are you trying to get through the crowded streets of Menton during Fête du Citron? Or are you lying on your sofa watching Tanya McQuoid, played by Jennifer Coolidge, enjoy her peppermint tea in The White Lotus ? I’m sorry to inform you that you are one of them–a tourist. For most of us, tourism has become a regular part of our lives, and not traveling during break makes some of us twitch. Unsurprisingly, flying is cheaper, orientation in new places is more accessible, and life is always shinier in undiscovered places. And because summer is swiftly approaching, I shall lead through some of the do’s and don’ts of tourism. I recently came across an article from the BBC with a striking title: Cover up or pay a fine, Portugal's Albufeira warns . However, Albufeira is not the only destination battling mass tourism. Cities like Barcelona or Venice have also employed measures to prevent tourists from overcrowding and, in some cases, even destroying the cultural sights. Coming from Prague, which has almost eight times more tourists visiting each year than its inhabitants, I understand the frustrations. It is not just about the crowds on Charles Bridge , it is about the locals choosing to avoid certain parts of the city and losing touch with its culture, history and with one another. Not to mention, prices have skyrocketed even outside of the city center. After one gets over the initial shock of a €4 cappuccino; there comes a worst nightmare of all—tourists discovering the local hidden gems. From a personal experience, there is no worse feeling than coming back to your favorite local business, realizing an influencer featured it in their reel, and you’re no longer able to sit and enjoy your overpriced beverage. However, there is another side. For us, Sciences Pistes, there are endless options, often just a click away on a lazy Monday morning, when the teacher is particularly uninteresting. The flight tickets are cheap, flying is fast and time is limited. At some point, most people will Google how to get affordable flight tickets, setting price alerts and always look for free Fridays, as it is the most inexpensive day to travel by plane. Of course, we are not like “the other tourists.” We, Sciences Pistes, are respectful, interested in different cultures and exploring the hidden gems—not just the touristy areas. In the years since the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a shift in the way people think about tourism. It is no longer about “seeing it all” (preferably in one day and for the price of a cappuccino in Prague). On the contrary, the emerging trend—sustainable or slow tourism—pushes those who participate in it to rethink their relationship to traveling. Sustainable or slow tourism can be defined as “the development of a region’s tourism industry in such a way that it does not damage or deplete the resources that make the region attractive to tourists.” For those who are traveling, it means being more conscious about the transportation they use to get to their destination as well as choosing accommodations that are committed to reducing their emissions or learning about the local culture, respecting it and taking the proper time to explore it and immerse in it. This trend is all the more important in the face of climate change, as global tourism emissions have reached 8.8 % of total greenhouse gas emissions in the pre-pandemic year 2019. While the tourism industry has not fully recovered to its pre-pandemic levels in 2023, the UN Tourism 2024 Edition of International Tourism Highlights has suggested : “a full recovery of international arrivals in 2024, following a 96% recovery in the first seven months of 2024.” The European Union, in its attempt to fight the climate crisis, supports the trend of slow tourism. For example, they offer students a free 7-day train pass to travel Europe under the initiative of DiscoverEU . It is proposed for 18-year-olds who live in one of the EU member states or countries that are part of the Erasmus+ program, such as Turkey, Norway, etc. The next round of applications opens on April 2 and will close on April 16. The program provides young people with a great opportunity to be environmentally mindful while seeing the beauties this continent has to offer. Two years ago, I signed up and embarked on my first solo trip from Prague to Madrid. As I was roaming the quaint streets of Munich, Zurich, Geneva and Barcelona—my three stops—I realized that I had just discovered my new favorite way of traveling, even though I, figuratively speaking, was not alone. Solo traveling has been on the rise, especially for women. What most women face, at least to some extent, regardless of their wealth, is the lack of safety in many public spaces. So, traveling alone is a great step towards reclaiming women’s agency despite the dangers that not all men embody, and is an important booster of self-confidence. Yet it does not mean that women can suddenly go outside at night and not feel unsafe just because they are in another country. One of the mantras of solo female travelers with a small budget is finding information on the safety of the place they will be staying. Sometimes the research takes hours, from finding a good location for the hostel—not too crowded but not too remote—to making a list of all the quarters and places to avoid. Sadly, even that is often not a guarantee that once women arrive, they will not be facing any potential or immediate danger. On all my solo trips, I have also shared the location with my loved ones and did not go out after 10 p.m. unless I met someone trustworthy enough to go with me. That is just a fraction of what women face when they decide to travel alone. While the statistics on deaths of solo female travelers do not exist, and the dangers at times feel omnipresent, there is hope. My recent trip from Rome to Menton on a night train restored my faith in humanity, at least momentarily. As I boarded the train with all the anxious what-ifs, I saw a young man sleeping on my seat. At first, I was consumed by fear and thought of all the ways I could potentially fend him off. But after a couple of minutes of casual conversation, it turned out that despite my limited French and his restricted English, we found a common ground. I learned a lot about the Congo and he willingly listened to old Czech songs. Nonetheless, I realize not all women have good experiences with men during their travels. Solo traveling can be intimidating, and there are a lot of factors women still have to take into consideration, but personally, I still find it worth it. However, solo traveling and sustainable tourism are not the only trends predicted to rise in 2025. Booking.com , an accommodation website, predicted that there will be a rise in “noctourism,” nocturnal tourism, which is traveling to experience the beauty of the night starry sky. According to the data gathered by Booking.com , around 60% of people in the survey conducted for the website answered that they were considering visiting a location with lower light pollution. As more and more people live in the cities, the chance of seeing the sky full of stars is close to none. While some are left suffocating from the air pollution in the cities, others, in their search for “raw” experiences, paradoxically do not shy away from polluting even more. Booking.com also predicts more “self-discovery” trips, emphasizing “men-only wellness retreats.” Surely, many women would like to see more men taking care of their mental health. The question is whether they will choose a path to more vulnerability or a trip supporting misogynistic stereotypes our society cannot stop perpetuating. The first step before setting out on a journey like in Eat Pray Love style is to be mindful of the impact of our actions and dismantle the unrealistic ideas we have about traveling. As in anything in life, perfection is unattainable, but the steps to becoming a slow and/or solo tourist are not unreachable. I found balance in combining airplanes, trains and walking; learning a few sentences in the local language before visiting and reading about the culture and heritage. And when you find yourself queuing in Prague’s city center during the summer, try the part called Holešovice instead. I cannot tell you my hidden gem, but the city has a lot to offer regardless. Photo source: Roberto Trombetta on Flickr

< Back Boris Johnson faces Pressure as Police Mount Investigation into ‘Partygate’ By Hugo Lagergren March 31, 2022 Picture a group of 30 people gathered in the back garden of a house; a group of people who were invited to “bring their own booze” to the gathering, a gathering to which over 100 people had been invited. Now picture a small wooden table, topped with cheese and wine, with colleagues relaxing around it. While these scenes may sound normal at first glance, you are quickly persuaded otherwise when you learn that these activities occurred in Number 10 Downing Street, the heart of the British government, during a national lockdown. These were the first two out of 12 events held at Number 10, currently under criminal investigation by the Metropolitan Police for breaching national lockdown laws — both of which Boris Johnson has admitted to attending. The events took place in May 2020, almost two months after the beginning of the first national lockdown in the United Kingdom. On each of the days of these events, over 300 people died of COVID-19. Meanwhile, the prime minister (PM) and his staff partied. Allegations of these Downing Street gatherings during lockdown began to break in late 2021. Since then, the case against Boris Johnson’s administration has only become stronger, leaving him to fight for his political life. Leaked emails and pictures show Boris Johnson and Downing Street staff continuously disregarding the rules that they themselves introduced to fight the pandemic. Other events include a birthday celebration on 19 June 2020, which was held in the Cabinet Room for the PM organised by his then-fiancé. ITV News reported that up to 30 people attended this party. They also reported that singing took place and cake was served to everyone. On 13 November 2020, two more gatherings took place in Number 10: one to acknowledge the departure of a senior Downing Street advisor, and one, inside the prime minister’s private flat, to celebrate the departure of Dominic Cummings, Johnson’s former senior advisor, who had left the Prime Minister’s staff earlier that day. These events all occurred during periods when restrictions were in place and fines could be issued to anyone found in violation of these rules. Gatherings, both indoors or outdoors, of more than two people were illegal, with a few exceptions. Whilst work-related issues may have qualified as exempt, birthdays and drinking parties certainly did not. Their behavior is “difficult to justify,” said Sue Gray, a senior civil servant who recently conducted an investigation into the events, especially as the public was forced to “accept far-reaching restrictions on their lives.” “The good people are outraged by Johnson's ‘do as I say not as I do’ attitude. People could not say final goodbyes to dying loved ones, could not go to funerals and delayed weddings to obey the rules. Rules that Johnson just ignored,” said Liam Byrne, Labour MP for Birmingham Hodge Hill. He added, “Boris Johnson is an utter shambles of a prime minister, who has lied through his teeth about lockdown parties at Downing Street while presiding over a chaotic government that's doing nothing to help ordinary families deal with the spiralling cost of living.” In a brief update before the full report was published, Ms. Gray identified 16 events, during a period starting in May 2020 and ending in April 2021, that justified investigation, as they “represent a serious failure to observe” the high standards required of the government to lead the British people. Furthermore, another photo emerged showing that Johnson had attended a Christmas Quiz on 15 December 2020. The photo shows the PM standing behind two staff members, one wearing festive tinsel. The frame also displays an open bottle of champagne on the desk, in front of the group. Ms. Gray’s update sheds light on the heavy drinking culture which is innate to Number 10 under Johnson’s leadership. A drinking culture which, according to Ms. Gray, “is not appropriate in a professional workplace at any time.” However, Ms. Gray’s claims are not the first allegations against Johnson’s government regarding its excessive alcohol consumption. From the supposed installation of a “wine fridge” in one of the Downing Street offices, to the claims of suitcases full of booze being wheeled into Number 10, a tradition, which some sources claim dates back to David Cameron’s premiership, one is left to wonder how any work gets done in Number 10. An ex-senior advisor to Tony Blair spoke to the Menton Times about the scandal and said, when asked about the current drinking culture in Number 10, that “it just seems to be absolutely extraordinary […] The idea that the people manning the phones and talking to the world’s media about the British Government’s view on developing events would be drunk, is absolutely amazing.” The ‘Partygate’ scandal fell at a time of rising tensions between Russia and the West, over Putin’s early intention to invade Ukraine (see our special section on Ukraine for more). The scandal has diverted Downing Street’s attention away from a rapidly escalating situation. Johnson has organized a series of carefully calculated visits to vaccine centers and green energy projects, with the aim of restoring his heavily damaged image. The extended nature of the scandal, with Johnson trying to cling to power, has had serious consequences for Britain on the international stage, argues MP Liam Byrne. “The media around the world has looked on in amazement at this bumbling prime minister. As events on the Ukraine border underline, these are serious times that demand a serious leader. And Britain doesn't have one in 10 Downing Street.” Johnson has repeatedly, throughout his career, been accused of dishonesty and a lack of professionalism. A failure of leadership was highlighted in Sue Gray’s report.“The leader of any organization sets the tone, […] and the prime minister has set the tone of the rules not really applying to him, and therefore, to anybody who works for him,” says the ex-Downing Street advisor. He added that this sort of behavior “is not OK when you’re prime minister of the country […] The fact is, everybody knows that there would have been no such culture” under previous prime ministers. The recent partying transgression is part of a long list of scandals that have gripped Boris Johnson’s career. From his time at the Daily Telegraph, where he conspired to have a fellow journalist beaten up, to the lies and manipulation he was accused of during the Brexit campaign, up until his Premiership, during which he has been accused of dishonesty and corruption, notably during the ‘Cash for Curtains’ scandal, the Owen Paterson lobbying scandal and now, ‘Partygate.’ Despite the numerous scandals throughout his career, Johnson’s rapid rise to the top job somehow continued. However, ‘Partygate’ appears to be seriously threatening his position for the first time. The restrictions put in place by the government to curb the omnipresent threat of the virus subjected everyone to the same rules (apart from when Britain entered a regional tier system) and the same penalties — rules and penalties which also applied to the prime minister. Indeed, many conservative MPs are starting to lose faith in the prime minister. ITV News reports that as many as 20 letters of no confidence are believed to have been submitted to the Conservative Party apparatus. This demonstrates that Conservative MPs are rapidly losing faith in Johnson’s ability to lead. However, 20 is a long way short from the required 54 letters to trigger a vote of no confidence. The Labour leader, Sir Keir Starmer, has been praised for his handling of the situation, with his response in parliament to Ms. Gray’s report receiving over three and half million views on Twitter. Polls have also shown a large upswing in support for the Labour Party. So does Labour finally have enough support to overthrow 12 years of Tory rule? While Starmer’s position is not nearly as comfortable as he would have wished for, his ratings in the polls as leader of the Labour Party have increased by 16% in the last six months. If Starmer is to dethrone Boris Johnson and the Conservative Party, then he must maintain this intensity with which he has recently been gripped. He has proven successful in discrediting Boris Johnson in the eyes of the public. He must now start to build on this by developing his plan for Britain and selling it to the British people. The former Labour advisor commented on the party’s ability to defeat the Conservatives. “They’ve got an enormous uphill climb, Labour. They have got to do something which has virtually never been done in British political history, in terms of turning around millions and millions of votes in England to swap from Tory to Labour. It is a massive challenge. Jeremy Corbyn trashed the party and trashed the brand of Labour and it is a very big ask to come back in one election.” Strategy-wise, Labour is divided on how to achieve victory over the Conservatives. Most Labour MPs believe that Johnson should be removed before the end of his tenureship. There are, however, a small group of Labour MPs who believe that it would be better to keep the Prime Minister in office, due to the damage he has sustained, as it would greatly benefit them in the next election campaign. Labour MP Liam Byrne said, “there's an old saying that it's governments that lose elections, rather than oppositions that win them. But Keir knows Labour won't win by default. We've still got trust to earn and plans to set out, that put our country on a new course.”

Since the start of its European Union membership, Cyprus had sustained a reputation for unseriousness, marked by a repeated failure to solve the Cyprus problem, consistently poor rankings on environmental matters in the EU, and numerous corruption scandals. This raises the question: was this a genuinely pivotal moment, or the nail in the coffin of Cyprus’s reputation in the EU? < Back From TikToker to MEP: How Did We Get Here? Feidias Psaras Mouths were agape. With nearly one fifth of the vote, the highest share of votes secured by an independent candidate for such a post, Cyprus had elected a TikToker to be one of the six Cypriot MEPs. In a simple gray t-shirt, Fidias Panayiotou read out his victory speech from a crumpled piece of paper before the vote was fully over. ‘Today is a historic day. Not only for Cyprus, but perhaps for the entire world’, he declared. Since the start of its European Union membership, Cyprus had sustained a reputation for unseriousness, marked by a repeated failure to solve the Cyprus problem, consistently poor rankings on environmental matters in the EU, and numerous corruption scandals. This raises the question: was this a genuinely pivotal moment, or the nail in the coffin of Cyprus’s reputation in the EU? Over the course of the two months, Fidias used his social media platforms, on which he had amassed millions of followers, to spread his political message. Namely, he talked about how he didn’t have any policies to speak of, and that he was running because he believed that what mattered, and what was lacking in the current political scene, was that he truly cared about the people of Cyprus and would go to all lengths to represent them. The latter has long become a demagogic cliché; the former is much less common. A quick sift through public appearances during the lead-up drives the point home. In one of his podcast episodes, Fidias discusses the need for schooling reform, claiming that schools are prisons and that we need to diversify modes of education. The kinds of reforms he suggests, however, showcase his elementary understanding of these institutions and their resource limitation. Long-time fans, despite mostly being under the legal voting age, were fervent supporters of the political foray and were convinced of its success. To the uninitiated in matters of internet culture, the surprise came from the fact that this figure, a strange kind of ‘e-celebrity’ who was non-existent in the island’s political landscape prior to the two-month lead-up to July, was able to override decades-old party dogmatisms. To those people young enough to be on social media but not so much so as to be consistently drawn to Fidias’s content, the surprise came from a different angle. Fidias had risen to fame through a unique brand of Mr. Beast-like stuntsmanship: his videos featured him running barefoot through 21 km of snow, staying at an airport for a week and traveling across Japan by freeloading on the Shinkansen. Fidias had spent one sixth of 2022 camping outside Twitter Headquarters just to get a hug from Elon Musk. What did any of this have to do with being an MEP? With no prior training or experience in the field, and no coherent stance on domestic issues, not to mention highly technocratic ones of EU trade and regulatory policy, how was Fidias ever able to convince the people he could effectively represent them? In fact, Fidias’s shortcomings were what got him elected. Although his talent for captivating audiences and his high-outreach platforms were obvious beforehand, his lack of policies meant that he avoided being placed anywhere within the political spectrum. And during a time of erosion in the public trust toward the heretofore mainstage political party, spurred most recently by blatant corruption scandals, a growing demographic yearned for a new political formation. They were captured just as much by Feidias’s promise as by his presentation; someone who had borne out the worst public abasements on screen for the world to watch, who spoke in the simple, at times broken Cypriot dialect that so many others hid in public appearances, who wore plain t-shirts to television interviews, Fidias couldn’t even be likened to the devil you knew. He was just a guy you knew.. Far from being charismatic by the traditional standards, Fidias’s clumsiness, his passionate stuttering and his unashamed admission of something as absurd as having no policies came off as strangely endearing for a large portion of an audience that didn’t know who to trust anymore. But the slap in the face dealt to the main political parties of Cyprus was only in part a conscious statement by voters. The people who voted for Fidias because of his refusal to politically classify himself did so in part as a rejection of old party politics, but also because they found comfort in the naivete that it stemmed from. The country lacks civic engagement; in a 2020 survey, 38% of Cypriot respondents, the fourth smallest percentage, reported feeling like they were informed about Civil Society Organisations whose issues matter to them and just 11% had taken part in public consultations happening in their area, both percentages being the fourth among the 27 Member States. Moreover, 31% cited that actions of such CSOs did not impact them at all, the eighth highest in the Union. It makes sense then, for such an under-informed and disillusioned voter base to seek refuge in something they can identify with. On the other hand, Fidias’s nomination reveals a more unsettling truth about our citizens’ relationship to the EU. While Belgium and Luxembourg might hover at around a 90% voter turnout, countries like Croatia and Lithuania exhibited voter turnout in the 20s and 30s, even during an election year that has had the largest overall voter turnout in three decades. The EU is a federal system that bridges economic and legal gaps between countries, but the historic, cultural, linguistic and civic ones still remain. And to many, this superstructure that determines so much of their lives is a black box; a set of passionless institutions filled with faceless technocrats. To an extent, this is also true at the national level. It’s easier to attribute bus punctuality and cleanliness of sidewalks to good municipal organization than it is to assess the net impact of national welfare policies. Fidias’s success reveals a lot about what we need to work on moving forward. For one, it clearly illustrates the importance of modernizing strategies and channels of outreach. It reveals how political parties in Cyprus struggle to maintain trustworthiness among voters, as well as how those voters themselves are not sufficiently politically literate due to an undernourished educational and civic sector. Worryingly, it also highlights how precarious the democratic model is when it comes to EU politics. In any case, let’s hope that the Fidias phenomenon does more harm than good.

< Back التعليم في تونس: بين المساواة المنشودة والواقع الجندري في الصفوف الدراسية Selma Boufaroua أثناء انتفاضة عام 2011، كانت لدينا أحلام كبيرة. حلمنا بالمساواة مع الرجال، بأن نصبح مواطنات بكامل الحقوق والواجبات، وأن نحصل على مكان حقيقي في السياسة. هكذا عبّرت نيلة الزغلامي، إحدى القياديات البارزات في الدفاع عن حقوق النساء. في ذلك الوقت، نزلت التونسيات إلى الشوارع للتنديد بالهيمنة الذكورية في المجال السياسي في تونس. لكن هذه المظاهرات لم تقتصر على المطالبة بمكان في السياسة، بل كانت تعبيرًا عن طموح أوسع: تحقيق مساواة حقيقية بين الرجال والنساء في جميع مجالات المجتمع. اليوم، يؤكد الكثيرون أن تقدمًا هامًا قد تحقق. ومع ذلك، تصرّ نيلة الزغلامي، الأمينة العامة للجمعية التونسية للنساء الديمقراطيات، على أن هذا الحلم بالمساواة لا يزال غير مكتمل. فلماذا تستمر هذه المقاومة رغم التقدّم المحرز؟ هذه التساؤلات دفعتني إلى البحث عن إجابات تتجاوز الخطابات السياسية والقوانين الرسمية. لفهم استمرارية هذه الفجوة بين الجنسين، بدا لي من الضروري العودة إلى أسس المجتمع نفسه: التعليم. فهو الذي، منذ الطفولة، يشكل تصوراتنا وطموحاتنا وفهمنا لأدوار الرجال والنساء في المجتمع. إذا كانت الرسائل التي نتلقاها منذ الصغر تحصر الفتيات في أدوار محددة مسبقًا، فكيف يمكننا أن نأمل في حدوث تغيير حقيقي في العقليات؟ قادني هذا التفكير إلى موضوعي الرئيسي: دور التعليم في استمرار أو تقليص الفجوة بين الجنسين في تونس. لتعميق تحليلي، تواصلت مع السيدة إيمان، وهي معلمة شابة في مدرسة ابتدائية في المنستير. معًا، قمنا بمراقبة فصل دراسي يضم 21 طالبًا تتراوح أعمارهم بين 10 و14 سنة (14 فتاة و7 فتيان)، في مدرسة "روضات الرستستو"، لفهم كيف تؤثر الممارسات التعليمية على تصور النوع الاجتماعي أجرى المعهد العربي لحقوق الإنسان دراسة كمية حول الرجال والمساواة بين الجنسين تهدف إلى فهم كيفية تفاعل الرجال مع المساواة بين الجنسين ومساهمتهم في تمكين المرأة. تم ذلك من خلال استبيان استهدف 1200 رجل و1200 امرأة من عينات تمثيلية للسكان التونسيين، وُزعت على 120 منطقة إحصائية تم اختيارها عشوائيًا في جميع أنحاء الجمهورية، بمعدل 80 أسرة تقريبًا في كل ولاية، مما أتاح استجواب 20 أسرة في كل منطقة. كشفت الدراسة أن نسبة الرجال والنساء البالغين الذين شاركوا في الأعمال المنزلية خلال طفولتهم (بين 13 و18 عامًا) لا تزال أعلى بكثير لدى النساء مقارنة بالرجال. فعلى سبيل المثال، %91 من النساء كنّ يقمن بتنظيف المنزل مقارنة بـ %53 فقط من الرجال، و%78 من النساء كنّ يطبخن مقابل %43 فقط من الرجال. يطرح هذا السؤال الجوهري: هل هذا التقسيم الجندري للمهام متجذر أيضًا في المناهج الدراسية والكتب المدرسية للأطفال؟ للإجابة على هذا السؤال، قمنا بدراسة كتاب مدرسي تونسي مخصص لطلاب السنة السادسة من التعليم الأساسي (ما يعادل الصف الخامس الابتدائي). هذه الدراسة، التي أنجزها معهد يوروميد رايت عام 2016، كشفت عن تمثيل مفرط للرجال في المجالات المهنية، بينما تظهر النساء في الغالب في سياقات مرتبطة بالمنزل والأسرة. وفقًا للتقرير، من بين 100 شخصية مذكورة في النصوص، هناك 79 من الرجال مقابل 31 فقط من النساء، مما يعكس هيمنة الذكور على الفضاء العام. علاوة على ذلك، من بين 32 شخصية تمارس مهنة، هناك فقط 5 نساء (%15.6)، في حين أن نسبة مشاركة النساء في القوى العاملة في تونس تصل إلى %30، أي ضعف هذا الرقم. يمكن ملاحظة ذلك أيضًا في الرسوم التوضيحية، حيث يظهر الرجال في مجموعة متنوعة من الأنشطة مثل ركوب الخيل أو العمل في مهن تتطلب القوة والشجاعة، بينما تقتصر النساء على مهن مثل الخياطة، التدريس، والرعاية الصحية أو رعاية الأطفال. هذا التفاوت بين الواقع الاجتماعي والصور المتداولة في الكتب المدرسية له تأثير مباشر على الطموحات المهنية للأطفال. للتحقق من هذه الفرضية، أجرينا استبيانًا داخل صف السيدة إيمان. ومن بين جميع الإجابات، لفتت هذه النتائج انتباهي بشكل خاص: %57.1 من الفتيات يرغبن في أن يصبحن معلمات، في حين لم يختر أيٌّ من الفتيان هذه المهنة. يتجه الفتيان غالبًا إلى مهن تقنية أو بدنية (رياضي، شرطي، مهندس). فتاة واحدة فقط أعربت عن رغبتها في أن تصبح صحفية. حتى بعد تعديل الإحصاءات وفقًا للاختلاف العددي بين الفتيان والفتيات في الفصل، تظل الخيارات المهنية مقسمة بوضوح وفقًا للجنس: تتجه الفتيات نحو المهن في القطاع التعليمي أو الخاص، بينما يفضل الفتيان المهن التقنية أو تلك ذات الطابع العام. تُظهر هذه الشهادات التأثير العميق للمعايير التعليمية والثقافية على الأطفال. في النهاية، وعلى الرغم من التقدم القانوني الذي تم إحرازه في تونس، فإن تغيير العقليات يستغرق وقتًا أطول. يلعب التعليم دورًا محوريًا في هذه العملية. ربما حان الوقت لإدخال وحدات تعليمية حول المساواة بين الجنسين في المدارس الابتدائية، أو حتى تدريب المعلمين على تفكيك الصور النمطية الجندرية في أساليبهم التربوية. Photo Source: Bruno Sanchez-Andrade , Flickr

Western commitment to freedom of expression, an internationally-recognized human right, is embedded deep in its political culture. Nonetheless, for many of us coming from countries with questionable guarantees for freedom of speech, disillusionment upon arriving in the West – the supposed haven of political activism – is not an uncommon experience. < Back Free Speech in the Western World: Campus Activism, Hypocrisy and Tolerance By Lara Harmankaya November 30, 2023 In the West, the most important rights are those of the individual. However, in light of recent global developments, the paradoxical nature of Western free speech has been exposed yet again. Western commitment to freedom of expression, an internationally-recognized human right, is embedded deep in its political culture. Nonetheless, for many of us coming from countries with questionable guarantees for freedom of speech, disillusionment upon arriving in the West – the supposed haven of political activism – is not an uncommon experience. Fear of backlash and permanent repercussions caused by speaking out are likely to silence many of us, even right here in Menton. Outside of our campus, commentators have argued that the Western world is experiencing a creeping phenomenon of censorship that is reminiscent of the McCarthy era during the early Cold War. Yet, this is not to say that the free speech absolutist view espoused by many liberals is morally sound either; free speech has been used as a cloak of justification in many instances to defend offensive and bigoted remarks. As contention and disagreements aggregate in the emotionally and politically charged atmosphere of our time, the importance of noting the thin line between free speech and hate speech is becoming all the more clear. But is silencing university students through fear and intimidation the right way to do so? At what point do we begin condemning free speech? It appears that the West is not always the safeguard of rights it proclaims itself to be. Freedom of speech breaches in the West take on a different form – they are not expressed in the form of imprisonment and overt government censorship – but have a more clandestine outlook. Recently, Harvard students who published a controversial pro-Palestinian statement following the October 7 attacks have been met with doxxing, in the form of a billboard truck displaying their faces and labeling them as “Harvard’s Leading Antisemites,” online intimidation and publication of their personal information. As a result of the doxxing, a group of CEOs asked for a list of their names to not “ inadvertently ” hire them, in the words of billionaire Bill Ackman, in the future. Columbia University has also made public its decision to suspend the activities of two of its student associations, Jewish Voice for Peace and Students for Justice in Palestine, following their violation of “university policies related to holding campus events” by holding unauthorized campus protests. David Polk, a top law firm in the US, has rescinded job offers to three students at Harvard and Columbia for their alleged involvement in the open letters criticizing Israel. At the University of California, Berkeley and other campuses across the U.S., students have begun wearing masks during protests to avoid being identified and harassed. However, one does not need to look beyond the Atlantic Ocean to see the extent of this contention. In France, pro-Palestine protests have been banned (not outright but on a case-by-case basis) due to their potential to “generate disturbances to public order,” according to the French Minister of Interior Gerald Darmanin. Closer yet, at Sciences Po Menton, student association Palestine: Understanding the Struggle (formerly Sciences Palestine) has been forced to cease most of its activities following contestations from politicians in the French Riviera. Similarly, a group of Science Pistes from our campus have been subject to harsh words and harassment by political personalities for a video expressing solidarity with the Palestinian cause that was taken out of context on social media. One student has communicated her feelings through the following words: “When joining Sciences Po, I truly thought that I would be able to express my ideas freely. Nevertheless, in light of recent events, I faced pressure from the administration and felt real censorship regarding my pro-Palestinian stance.” Without taking a stance on whether these actions are justified or not, one must acknowledge that such restrictions by parties in the Western world have blurred what is entailed by freedom of expression and opinion. Even before the Israel-Hamas conflict, certain measures that contradict freedom of speech have been setting a gloomy precedent for the future of such rights. In the U.S., the passage of Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” bills, along with 175 bills in 40 state legislatures that have been introduced over these past two years, promise to dictate and restrict what teachers and students can discuss in schools. This issue is compounded by a number of books being banned in educational institutions; gag laws that target race theory, gender studies and history have also been put into effect. It appears that the public sphere of discussion is today’s target. In times like these, it is often pertinent to revisit the contributions of philosophers. John Stuart Mill and his harm principle prove to be more relevant than ever when trying to distinguish between the demarcations of hate speech and free speech. His utilitarian argument asserted that freedom should be granted unless or until its actions cause harm to another individual: “The only freedom which deserves the name is that of pursuing our own good in our own way, so long as we do not attempt to deprive others of theirs, or impede their efforts to obtain it.” The distinction between speech that appeals to reason and empathy against speech that vilifies and fuels hateful sentiments is self-evident in most cases. When it is not, measures such as the United Nations Rabat threshold test, are helpful in clarifying the fine line between the two. Moreover, in the United Kingdom, Canada and in France, acts are penalized and prohibitions are made to preempt hateful, discriminatory or blasphemous speech. Decisions to restrict pro-Palestinian voices, based on the conviction that it perpetrates antisemitism, can be judged through this lens. Do pro-Palestinian supporters that demand ceasefires for the people of Gaza violate the principles above? With the exception of hate crimes committed from both sides, in most cases, it can be argued otherwise. The undeniable fact is that all populations, including the Jewish, the Palestinian and those who convey support for either, should be protected. Countering hate speech without compromising free speech is possible. Silencing student activists goes against the spirit of free inquiry that is crucial to educational institutions. When the fine line of empathy is transgressed, punishment is justifiable. However, at the same time, support of a cause should not be misconstrued as hate speech. The aforementioned cases of online harassment for both Harvard and Sciences Po students unfolding recently evince the need for regulation and limits when it comes to free speech in the digital world. Clearly, there must be limits to free speech, now more than ever. Extremism and populism are gaining momentum and leaving behind sentiments of hate in their tracks. However, the problem lies in the indeterminate selection of what is labeled as impermissible in the West. What is considered ‘outrageous’ and ‘appalling’ appears to be an evolving matter always up-for-debate. Some struggles are accentuated, while others are overlooked. One fellow student argued: “Western free speech is only upheld if the speech doesn’t affect the status quo.” Thus, political motivations and cultural wars that shape rhetoric surrounding free speech must always be scrutinized. We must move beyond binary conceptions and be conscious of the role played by the media, governments and other actors. It is never in our favor to partake in polarizing discourse if the long-term goal we strive for is to create a better society for all of us. From anti-apartheid protests to strikes against the Vietnam War and numbers of sit-ins over a range of socio-political issues, university campuses have long been platforms for activist movements. They have impelled momentum, and inspired solidarity for many causes that we now look back on with admiration. They are ideal locations in which the Socratic method of seeking truth can take place. Through constant debate and questioning of conventional mainstream ideas, philosopher Karl Popper argues that students can eliminate errors and falsehoods. Freedoms of expression and opinion are therefore inextricably connected to university life — they advance intellectual pluralism and affirm the significance of democratic processes by enabling students to engage with ideas that they are not fully aware of, or in agreement with. As George Orwell himself highlighted, “If liberty means anything at all, it means the right to tell people what they do not want to hear.” If all ideas outside dominant hegemonic thought were condemned to the margins of public discourse, the course of history would have remained stagnant. Isn’t debate and the divergence of opinion at the very core of progress? University campuses, historically famous for their political activism, should continue to nurture a spirit of debate. As institutions of education, it is fundamental that they resist the erosion of free speech and promote student’s intellectual enrichment. The Western world should upgrade its efforts to adhere to their very own ideals of democracy, freedom and open-mindedness that are imbued in its liberal constitutions and institutions. Human rights, respect and humanitarianism should remain as the priority, and expressing solidarity and partaking in intellectual debates should not result in students facing punishment with potentially permanent consequences. As university students, we are capable of discerning where the line of freedom of speech ends and where hate speech begins. We must not cross it. Yet, at the same time, we should not be intimidated and silenced for voicing our opinion. The only way towards depolarization is through constructive dialogue. And as history shows, obstructing the path towards it is invariably more detrimental than restorative.

But what do I consider anomie in city life? A lack of disruption from daily routines and rigid adherence to rules almost renders life austere and unbendable, this strict regulation leaves any rule breaker into a lawless reality. < Back Anomie in Urban Life (A Rant from Amsterdam to Athens) By Rosie Betrosian January 31, 2024 I recently had the opportunity to explore Amsterdam, and when asked about my impressions, I found myself wrestling with the urge to rant about the inescapable canals, marijuana-smelling corners, or the labyrinth layout of the city. I tried to find the closest square for a view of the city, perhaps catch a glimpse of a mountaintop, but that was impossible. I knew the city's structure lacks open spaces; instead, streets are simply connected to each other with no square or notable monument in sight. I suddenly felt like Fran Leibowitz – a major cynic about urban culture. "One day I heard that the subway had been closed due to a sewage smell. Seriously? Can the subway smell worse than usual?..." “If I complain about the things I complain about, will they change? Not so far” – Fran Leibowitz That only proved to me that I am not alone in nagging about urbanism; a whole field is dedicated to the analysis of city structure and its relative effects on social and cultural life. Stereotypically, I marvel at the fast-paced environments where everyone seems to be fully immersed and appears to run on efficiency. People in fast paced cities remind me of “The Wolf of Wall Street,” which left me wondering about the effects of urban structure on daily life and people’s mental health; can people truly keep up with a fast paced environment without becoming outsiders? Often, such cities entail “neighborhood elements” such as social cohesion, pleasantness, and safety, which are associated with lower levels of depression. Specifically green spaces, active spaces, social spaces (e.g., benches), and safe spaces (i.e., with reduced crime rates). According to a study by Rebecca Johnson in “Main Street: How a City’s Heart Connects Us All,” these public places ameliorate mental health and communal living. This is validated and repeatedly corroborated through science. Exercise is essential for producing serotonin, boosting self-esteem and stress resilience. However, I have found that even perfect cities following Johnson's list stimulate a feeling of anxiety and loneliness. One may wonder what prevents anomie-inducing feelings. Living in a city entails the elements of anonymity and community. Anonymity permits movement in public settings without scrutiny from a tight-knit community; this independence might be liberating, or the absence of a close-knit community might be isolating. Anonymity is preserved in public places through the right to be forgotten, etc. Cities are primarily hubs of social relations and social cohesion where communities form this expectation and, together with the danger of loneliness, render cities susceptible to anomie. But what do I consider anomie in city life? A lack of disruption from daily routines and rigid adherence to rules almost renders life austere and unbendable, this strict regulation leaves any rule breaker into a lawless reality. I find that cities, planned with town squares and cultural centers, help combat feelings of anomie, a sense of normlessness, or disconnection that arises in urban environments. Town squares and cultural centers serve as vital components in mitigating anomie by fostering social cohesion, community engagement, and a sense of identity. It would be the height of hubris to disregard Athens from my analysis of cities. I have heard people claim “there is no place like Greece.'' This is arguably biased coming from Greek people. This statement, however, does not refer to the Greek mountains, sea or architecture. It refers to a very specific way that Greeks lead their 9 to 5 lives… Commonly ruled by messiness and instability, these elements themselves make Greek urban life less anomic. Disruptions in the metro, traffic, and buses full of people, as well as inaccurate public transport schedules, all create a lively day to day– which some may call chaos. This chaos adds some excitement to each day and allows for more interaction between people in public. This liveliness is also reflected in the city structure, organized around churches and public spaces indicating the prioritization of a community avoiding anomie. Overall, urban life is influenced by factors beyond the visible cityscape, it includes complexities of city life such latent socialization, commuting, work schedule and all details that account for daily working life that can often lead one to feel anomic.

After a lamented farewell to our beloved Edwige Coffee’s previous owners, students at Sciences Po Menton are rummaging through the city for a new favorite bakery and study spot. Since beginning my first year at Sciences Po, I have always aimed to diversify my go-to study space or occasional pause salée ou sucrée. < Back A Complete Review of Menton Bakeries and Study Spaces By Catarina Vita September 1, 2023 After a lamented farewell to our beloved Edwige Coffee’s previous owners, students at Sciences Po Menton are rummaging through the city for a new favorite bakery and study spot. Since beginning my first year at Sciences Po, I have always aimed to diversify my go-to study space or occasional pause salée ou sucrée. So although the departure of Edwige Coffee owners was one of the most heartbreaking pieces of news in Menton I’ve heard over the previous weeks, I have a few notable croissant alternatives that can hold me up during class, besides other relaxing study spaces that are ideal for desperate S ciences Pistes that cannot focus at their homes or the campus library. This review will analyze affordability, tastiness, location, and overall service. Noailles - 15 Av. Félix Faure When you are in the old town and rushing towards the train station, you usually spot a big, red café with chalkboard menus, but never take the time to give it a try. I tried this bakery and was surprised to find an amazing brunch and study spot. They generously served bagels with fries and fillings such as chicken or salmon, a phenomenal selection of teas (orange is my go-to), and — yes — chai lattes! In a frappé form, Noailles can serve chai cold. Besides bagels, some other lunch options include salads, omelets, poke bowls and club sandwiches, not to mention their array of sweet and savory patisseries. Noailles has a wide space with various tables, and it is often empty with surprisingly fast Wi-Fi, making it an optimal place to study. The prices are relatively high, but in relation to the general Menton price range, I would describe Noailles’ prices as one or two euros above average. However, if you just order a tea and a croissant and spend the entire day at the place, they will not kick you out — speaking from personal experience. Caffè Italiano - 1 Av. Félix Faure Returning from a tedious meeting with Societé Generale in September 2022, I spotted a different coffee shop from the ones I had already seen during my short stay in Menton. I wanted something energizing and cold to revitalize me during the scalding Riviera summer. Originally planning to get a bottled iced tea, I decided to get one of their coffee frappés. Simply one of the best decisions I have ever made in Menton so far. Sadly, their frappés are only available during summer and spring, meaning you can get a frappé again starting April or May 2023. When I returned to get a frappé recently, however, I was unfortunately surprised by the change of taste from September to early April. I would like to assume that it was just bad luck, and the Caffè Italiano still serves the best coffee frappé in Menton. Although Caffè Italiano is spacious, it is consistently full, so I have never tried their Wi-Fi or studied there. I would describe their prices as a little more accessible than other Menton coffee shops and bakeries. Atelier Boulanger - 49 Rue d'Adhémar de Lantagnac Once when I was walking towards U-Express near the train station, I saw two women with Atelier Boulanger bags, exclaiming in between large croissant bites: “c’est la meilleure boulangerie de Menton!” I could not agree more. Home to the best croissant in Menton, Atelier Boulanger never ceases to amaze me. If you ever need a quick lunch by the beach, try to get a hold of their fantastic chicken burgers or wraps with goat cheese. However, what makes Atelier Boulanger different from any place in Menton is their caramel lattes. If you ask for a splash of caramel syrup with your latte, you will be surprised with a Starbucks-level drink without Starbucks-level prices. Besides caramel, there is also the option of Speculoos syrup, but how the caramel harmonizes with the latte macchiato is simply remarkable. If Atelier Boulanger had Wi-Fi and a proper place for studying, be sure that I would be seen there constantly. However, Atelier Boulanger is not the best place to study, given its tight space and few tables. Vanilla Bakery - 3 Av. Félix Faure If my emotional attachment to Atelier Boulanger never existed, Vanilla Bakery would be my favorite boulangerie in Menton. Supplied with an endless array of pastries, from the biggest to smallest croissants you’ve ever seen in Menton, Vanilla Bakery will give you anything to satisfy your cravings. They also have the best-iced coffee I’ve tasted in a while, especially if you ask for a dash of vanilla and a good amount of sugar. The staff is also the kindest I have experienced in Menton, and they will let you enjoy their sofas, tables, and fast Wi-Fi whenever you have to cram for a midterm or finish up a presentation. Il Capriccio - 26 Rue de la République Ideal for a quick lunch or coffee date, but not a study session, Il Capriccio is my go-to place. With amazing outdoor tables and a cozy indoor atmosphere, Il Capriccio is the perfect place to enjoy a 12 Euro carbonara, one of the best, if not the best, of Menton’s restaurants. Their espressos and cappuccinos are well done, and their croissants and pastries complement perfectly. Although their space and food appear ideal for a study session, the staff will ask you to leave if you pull out your computer and eat nothing.

About two weeks ago, blissful and ignorant, I decided to research the upcoming Lemon Festival. Immediately, I found a stream of articles announcing the revolutionary involvement of non-fungible tokens (NFT) in this Mentonese tradition. After a couple more searches, I found myself on the official page for the sale of John Lemon NFTs; it was horrifying. < Back The NFT-fication of La Fête du Citron Spells Environmental Disaster By Saoirse Aherne February 28, 2023 As February approaches, those familiar with Menton wait in anticipation for the event of the year, a UNESCO recognized expression of Intangible Cultural Heritage, a citrus celebration like no other: La Fête du Citron. Since 1934, the Lemon Festival has drawn in visitors from far and wide. In typical fashion, this absurd carnival began as a cash grab. Back when Menton was a popular winter getaway for the European bourgeois, a group of local hotel owners decided to host a Menton carnival to entertain their wealthy clients. This first Menton parade in 1875 was a great success, but it was not until 1929 that the humble lemon got involved. That year, an exhibition of citrus fruits and flowers was showcased as part of the festivities. By 1928 the Menton area was the biggest lemon producer on the European continent, even acquiring the nickname “Rocher du citron.” Quickly, the lemon became the star of Menton’s annual parade and in 1934 the city officially named the event “La Fête du Citron.” Today, the Menton lemon proudly claims protection of geographical indication (PGI) — official recognition at the European level of its unique properties. Menton’s micro-climate makes it the perfect place to grow this golden fruit, which is said to be larger and less bitter than the standard. Currently, there are 15,000 trees which produce lemons that meet the PGI requirements, though this number is swelling with the help of the Association for the Promotion of Menton’s Lemons (self-explanatory organization, very specific mission). Presently, the lemon festival hosts 240,000 spectators each year, with 100 percent of tickets selling out in 2021. The event uses 140 tons of citrus fruit to adorn floats, decorations and gardens. Best of all, a charming character by the name of John Lemon has become emblematic of the event. But this year, for Menton’s 89th Fête du Citron, our favorite yellow mascot has had quite the digital facelift. Menton 3.0 - NFTs, Holograms, and Crypto: Oh my! About two weeks ago, blissful and ignorant, I decided to research the upcoming Lemon Festival. Immediately, I found a stream of articles announcing the revolutionary involvement of non-fungible tokens (NFT) in this Mentonese tradition. After a couple more searches, I found myself on the official page for the sale of John Lemon NFTs; it was horrifying. Unsure whether to laugh or cry, I scrolled through page after page of John Lemon NFTs; chunky yellow ovoids wearing stupid little top hats, ugly goatees pasted on their non-existent chins, strumming poorly rendered electric guitars. It was sick. The entire collection includes 5,000 designs — so far 18 have been purchased. The standard John Lemon NFTs are priced at 0.02 Ethereum coin, the equivalent of 30 euros. If you have even less self-respect and taste, however, you can purchase rare animated (moving) versions for 60 euros. Rock-Opera John Lemon will also perform every evening on the facade of the Palais de l’Europe in the form of a hologram. According to Nice Matin, this will mark the first NFT concert in the world. It will also apparently “enrich the intangible heritage of the city of Menton.” I'll just leave that there. Why? How? Why? This scheme is the brainchild of Mayor Yves Juhel and Stephanie Jacquot, second assistant to the mayor and deputy of events. Ms. Jacquot seems to be especially invested in the project, and reasonably so; on the Menton municipal council website, the description of her projects reads “city of tomorrow” and “digital.” According to Jacquot, incorporating modern technologies into the Fête du Citron will demonstrate that Menton is dynamic and innovative. A bold rejection of the image Menton has long cultivated as a quaint Riviera town frozen in history, Jacquot wants to revolutionize this “sleeping beauty,” as she puts it. The enthusiasm for NFTs is perhaps inspired by a project recently carried out by another Riviera town, the city of Cannes. In June of 2022, Cannes sold at auction 10 “digitized versions” of real locations within its jurisdiction. The event brought in 330,000 euros and marked the first sale of real estate through NFTs. According to Arnaud Oliveux, the auctioneer of the digital property, this opens the door to a future where buyers and investors can truly “live in the metaverse.” Whatever Jacquot and Juhel’s motivations, the duo were not alone in the mission to digitize Menton. The 5,000 rock-opera John Lemons were designed by a street artist from Nice who goes by the name Faben. The artist, whose real name is Benjamin Fabris, has recently engaged in a number of NFT-related projects and believes his work will “take the mascot of the Lemon Festival into the metaverse.” The other actor responsible for this dystopian saga is MyHologram, a company founded by Vanessa Rigaud. MyHologram has worked on a number of collaborations with museums, and has notably already collaborated with Faben to release a line of NFTs in September of 2022. For the Lemon Festival, MyHologram has worked closely with Faben, creating digital sculptures of his designs. MyHologram is also responsible for marketing the NFTs, however, they remain the city's property until sold. According to Yves Juhel, this is just the beginning. When speaking to Nice Matin, the Mayor promised many more NFT-related projects to come, declaring, "We already have ideas for next year... We will reveal the theme of the next edition at the end of it." “We must not be afraid of NFT’s” announced Stephanie Jacquot to the Nice Times. Controversy! Beyond aesthetic sin, this project is also an “ecological disaster,” according to a representative from the Menton-based group Stand up for the Planet. In a rant posted to Facebook, this association proclaimed that “A single NFT represents a journey of about 800 km by car,” which is equivalent to 200 kilograms of carbon dioxide. The environmental impact of NFTs is mainly due to the large amounts of electricity required to facilitate Blockchain, the technology through which NFT transaction and ownership is recorded. However, identifying the exact carbon footprint of an NFT is quite difficult as each time an NFT is produced or sold, another carbon cost is endured. Digiconomist estimates that one Ethereum transaction demands 33.4 kilograms of CO2, though an NFT can undergo infinite transactions over its lifetime. Artist and programmer Memo Akten calculates that an NFT transaction produces 14 times more emissions than mailing a piece of artwork. With regards to the John Lemon collection, I have high doubts that all 5,000 will sell. Nonetheless, the carbon footprint of their creation — or “minting” as it's called — was significant in and of itself. If adding one NFT to the blockchain uses about 83 kilograms of CO2, as many cryptoblogs have informed me is the case, then this collection is already responsible for 415,000 kilograms of carbon emissions. That is the equivalent of flying from London to New York about 421 times . The looming threat of climate change has been more evident than ever over the past year, especially in the Cote d’Azur. Droughts across the region during the summer stunted the local lemon crop, and many citrus farmers will thus not be able to claim official Menton lemon status for their fruit. In the coming years, rising sea levels will pose significant challenges to this coastal town as increasingly heavy storms will bring about landslides. The city itself recognizes the need for environmental action, having recently pledged to transition Menton into a “Green city.” In light of this, the creation of John Lemon NFTs is not only unnecessary and laughable, but it is also a sign of the city’s hollow commitment to environmental action. La Fete du Citron is already wasteful by many metrics. The festival consumes a sizable chunk of the city budget on displays and decorations, purchasing thousands of fruits which are often destined to rot rather than be eaten. At a time when such events should be reimagined in a more sustainable fashion to preserve both tradition and the environment, it is disappointing to see the city of Menton do quite the opposite.

A town that I have learned to love and maybe sometimes to hate, but one that I will certainly miss when I have to leave eventually. This petite town of citrons has seen many generations of the Ummah pass through it. I think it holds a special place in our hearts. I hope you will feel the same way! < Back Tips To Survive Sciences Po Menton Eleni Dimitropoulou April 29, 2025 The end of the second semester is approaching, marking, for me, the end of a whole year in the magical Menton—the “pearl” of the French Riviera—as a first-year student. A year ago today, I learned that I had been accepted to this university, situated in a foreign country whose language I did not speak, miles away from my home. I believe that thousands of other students are in the same situation right now. That is why, in this article, I will act as a big sister who will answer in advance to all the possible concerns you, 1As probably have about the Menton campus. I will offer you some advice. Here is everything you need to know: from how to find a house to where you can eat, at which beach you will tan the fastest and at which bar you will find the best drinks. Let's start with the simplest. Menton, my favorite city and the one I now call home, is located on the French Riviera, 40 minutes away from Nice, fifteen from Monaco and ten from Italy. Yes, it sounds crazy that you can cross the border on foot—but a word of advice, don't try it alone or during the night. The landscapes will enchant you, along with the indisputably blue waters, unparalleled sunsets, colorful buildings and smells from different restaurants. This description sounds like it comes from a tourist guide, but Menton is not only that. The Ummah , from the Arabic word “ أُمَّة” meaning identity, nation and community, is the spirit of the student community, which is what differentiates us from other campuses. From the first moment of integration week, you will notice it immediately. The people you will know here will mark you, even if you are bored of seeing them every day, in whatever alley you are in. Being Greek and having a special relationship with food, I would like to continue with my favorite restaurants. Although quite unhappy that I can't enjoy a souvlaki , I can say that I am stunned by the sushi that you can find in Ventimiglia at Sushi Iyo with unlimited top-ups for fifteen euros. It is the first thing I show to any friend visiting, as if it is a sight. Of course, I could not forget the beloved pizza Vesuvio that we usually take and eat on the rocks overlooking the sea and the flying seagulls. Also, there is Pad Thai Express , which satisfies two people and is quite economical. Of course, Monaco, as the center of luxury and well-being, is quite expensive. However, I have to say, some restaurants there balance price and quality, such as Sushi Planet next to the beach with a view of the yachts, or the beautiful Maya Pasta near the city center. In Menton, if you are ever looking for a pastry or an early brunch option, Lagom and L’Atelier Boulangerie never disappoint. When it comes to nightlife, do not expect much from our small town—the exception being the bar Le Retro , where every Thursday is a student night. Unfortunately, it lasts only until midnight, before the elderly residents get angry and start throwing water or pots from the windows because of the noise. The service provided by Anto is one of a kind, the drinks at ridiculously low prices and enjoyable with the Ummah around you. There are, of course, other bars at Sablettes , the beach below our university, which we use mostly for events organized by the association of the campus, like the Bureau Du Sport (BDS), the Bureau Des Élèves (BDE) and Sciences Alcoolemiques . But if you are going there by yourself or in a group, I would not recommend it: the age groups frequently found there tend to be on the older side and the music is average. Nice, however, offers a wide range of nightlife, both bars and clubs, which are worth visiting, such as the Opera , the High Club —which has ladies’ nights with free entry before 01:00 at night—and the Waka Bar , with great music and many surprises reminiscent of a Greek festival with people dancing on the bar and the tables. However, be mindful of the train schedules, especially on weekdays and Sundays, where the last train leaves at 10:30 or even earlier. On Saturdays, fortunately, it is 01:25, so it is easier to reach the centers of nightlife. Otherwise, if you miss it, you will have to wait for the next train at 05:00 in the morning or take a taxi, which costs about 40 euros. In Monte Carlo, like in Jimmy’s , things are a little more complicated since some taxis will not cross the border, so there is a possibility that you will need to walk for 15 minutes to the famous bridge border crossing. Of course, some of our fellow students have cars, but they are few and in demand, so if you need them, you should inform them in advance. However, for the entire year, I would suggest that you buy your ZOU card online , which costs 90 euros from September to August and you can travel with it, without additional charge, on routes from Ventimiglia to Marseille. Now, regarding supermarkets in Menton, the most popular ones are Carrefour-City and U-Express . Carrefour-City is open every day until 22:00 except on Sundays when it opens until 21:00, so after several classes that finish at 7:45, you can go there. While U-Express is a bit further away from the city center, it is bigger and thus less expensive, having a larger selection available. In Picard , there is a wide variety of frozen foods suitable for students who are just learning to cook or don't have that much time to prepare food. The university cafeteria is only open for one hour from 12:15 until 13:15, which might be too early for students who come from Mediterranean countries, with limited choices and relatively expensive prices of 5 euros regardless of what you buy. The vending machines have mainly sweet treats, as do the bake sales organized by associations. However, coffee can only be found in the cafeteria for a low price of 50 cents if the machine is working. Regarding finding a house, I know the process is quite stressful, especially when your first language is not French and you are abroad, as you cannot see the house in person. So, I suggest you search on the Sciences Po housing website or contact a real estate agency. Personally, I think the best option is to send a message or join the groups that exist on Facebook. In this way, you could also come into contact with second-year students who are leaving their homes, giving you a guarantee. The price of the rent can range between 300 and 1,200 euros, depending on your requirements, location and whether you will be staying with a roommate. Just be aware that Garavan is 15 minutes from the university but far from the city center—25 to 30 minutes—but the prices are much more affordable. Dorms are also available in Villa Jasmin for the girls and Menton Plus for the guys. However, spots are limited to around 30, and priority is given to exchange students. Just so you know, they do not have the vibe of American dorms or sororities—you are not allowed to bring your friends in, you need to pay 10 euros for the laundry and the rooms can be empty and cold. However, if you want to be part of a close-knit community and make new friends straight away, it is not a bad option for the first year or couple of months. Some of you might be eager to continue their gym rat era or just feel healthier. In our small town, despite its size, we have quite a few options available. First and foremost, we have the Stephy’OM gym two minutes away from the university, although you have to pass through the stairs of hell (you will understand the name once you have to walk over them during Aparathon - a night were you, the freshcomers go around the famous collocations of Menton playing games including alcohol). It is 45 euros per month, there is an open salle from 08:00 until 21:00 on weekdays, but also group classes such as T-Rex, Cardio, Zumba, Yoga, etc. However, you need to book beforehand through the app, which is without any extra cost. Another gym many Sciences Pistes prefer is Narev’s club, which is a bit further away. It is more of a hardcore gym with weights and a wide variety of equipment and machines. If you want to stay in form, you can also join one of Sciences Po’s sports teams, ranging from volleyball to cheerleading and from rugby to boxing; you are welcome in any team. But I won't go further on that as I don't want to steal the BDS’ job. Concerning the hot question of whether you need to speak French, the answer is simply no. Almost everyone on campus speaks English and there are many tourists all year round, so shop owners are familiar with that language as well. But do not think for a second that you can escape it. Sciences Po has everyone take French classes, ranging from two to four hours per week, unless you have at least a B2 level, the same being true for English. If you have met the above requirements, you can take up to two other foreign languages such as Spanish, Italian, Arabic, Persian, Hebrew and Turkish. I left the worst for the end. Menton can be really rainy, especially in the winter, so do not forget to pack your umbrella and warm clothes. I think these are the main points I would have liked to know before coming to Menton. Keep in mind that the BDE uploads a lot of useful information before your arrival and also has an open poll with questions and answers on their Instagram page. This is Menton through my eyes. A town that I have learned to love and maybe sometimes to hate, but one that I will certainly miss when I have to leave eventually. This petite town of citrons has seen many generations of the Ummah pass through it. I think it holds a special place in our hearts. I hope you will feel the same way! Photo source: Mia Battaglia on Flickr

< Back When the ‘Military Mission is Over’: The Taliban’s Ascendancy to Power By Luca Utterwulghe October 31, 2021 The United States’ military forces withdrew from Afghanistan in late August 2021, putting an end to two decades of presence in the country, an occupation which 69% of Americans found to be a failure. Thousands of Afghans crowded the Kabul airport in hopes of leaving the country to avoid the imminent Taliban takeover. Following the U.S. troop pullout, U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken articulated America’s new policy of diplomacy, noting that “the military mission is over.” Several polling results have indicated that Americans generally supported U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan prior to the decision by President Joe Biden. However, according to an NBC poll, only 25% of Americans “approve of the way Biden is handling the Afghanistan situation.” Several American politicians have criticized Biden’s withdrawal, stating that the removal of troops should have been more intentional in “prevent[ing] instability and violence,” while others have argued that the timing of the administration’s decision was off. Republican pollster Frank Lutz suggested in an article in Time that the development of Americans’ opinions depends largely on how the Taliban will operate moving forward, particularly concerning its impact on terrorism targeted at American nationals and its treatment of women. Days after U.S. troops withdrew, the Taliban took several major Afghan cities, including the capital, Kabul. Afghan President Ashraf Ghani fled the country “to prevent bloodshed.” What does the Taliban government look like? The new Taliban government is composed entirely of men, many of whom are “veterans of their hard-line rule from the 1990s” as well as former combatants in the fight against the U.S. Around 90 percent of the cabinet comes from one particular ethnic group in Afghanistan. It is clear that the Taliban has not changed in its ambitions since its inception and it is logical that “leaders of the insurgency are going to find themselves with top positions in the government,” as reported by a Vox article. Overall, it can be said that the government is fundamentally homogeneous and hard-line. Taliban Geographic Control As of September 3, the Taliban took total control of Afghanistan when it defeated a rebel stronghold in the Panjshir valley (Reuters). A Brookings article explained how the Islamic State Khorasan (ISK), one of the Taliban’s main enemies, “could become an envelope for future defections” within the Taliban due to political or ideological divides or other infighting. At the moment, though, internal opposition to Taliban rule looks relatively feeble. Human Rights The Taliban stated that women would be allowed to enroll in universities, but would be separated from their male counterparts, indicating a reversal of the incremental gender equity gains made in previous years. Reports from the ground suggest a completely alternate reality: “Women have already been turned away from schools and universities, ordered not to leave their homes without a male guardian, and flogged for breaching Taliban-imposed rules” (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace). Fawzia Koofi, an Afghan woman who has played a part in peace talks, noted that “people are killed without accountability” and that there are “extrajudicial killings, trials without courts.” While some commitments made by the Taliban seem to have been moderated, enforcing compliance with these ideas across all towns is not feasible. Decisions on respect of human rights seem to be made largely by leaders of localities. Interviews conducted across Afghanistan have indicated minimal school attendance levels for girls. Moreover, women were harassed and abused for protesting for greater women’s representation in the government. The Economy and International Relations The Taliban regime will likely lose billions in international aid from the IMF, World Bank, EU, and United States due to its international illegitimacy and persistent abuse of human rights, and because the country’s opium industry, among others, cannot ensure economic stability in the long-run. According to the Congressional Research Service (CRS), 90% of the Afghan population lives under the poverty line. The CRS further explained how foreign “engagement” in the economy will likely decline following U.S. military pullout. Economic prospects in Afghanistan do not look promising. The rise of the Taliban has influenced the geopolitical dynamics of the region, as Pakistan sees the Taliban as “a relatively friendly and reliably anti-India element.” Brookings argued that instead of imposing economic penalties on Afghanistan, which would “worsen the suffering of the Afghan people,” the West ought to mandate the minimization of extreme human rights violations. The international response to the developments in Afghanistan will depend largely on how the situation continues to unfold, particularly regarding the protection or regression in the domain of human rights. Will the Taliban make concessions on these issues or will it continue to rule in a way reminiscent of its domination in the 1990s?

< Back How a Dispute Over Fuel Prices Set Off the Largest Protests in Kazakhstan Since 1989 By Saoirse Aherne January 31, 2022 Though Daniyar Khassenov has dedicated much of his life to monitoring the Kazakh government's consistent violations of human rights, the young activist is now far from home, residing in the Ukraine. It is from there that he joined me over zoom to provide insight into the recent unrest in Kazakhstan; a nation long heralded as the most stable in Central Asia. Khassenov did not leave Kazakhstan by choice, but rather was driven out due to his attempts to bring attention to its repressive regime. In 2019, the Khazakh government began to target Khassenov. In May of that year, a criminal case was launched against him for supposed participation in the activities of the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DCK) opposition movement. Then 23 years old, Khassenov was a student of medicine and a volunteer with the Italian Federation for Human Rights. Almaty police claimed that Khassenov actively participated in DCK rallies, though Khassenov was not present at any of the events in question. Khassenov was detained numerous times throughout 2019. One day before his criminal case was launched, he was banned from leaving Kazakhstan by Almaty Police. In June of 2019, police imposed restrictions on his and his family’s bank accounts. These restrictions were lifted due to pressures from NGOs and the international community. Rather than face continual persecution, and fearing future threats to his safety, Khassenov fled the country. Now 26 years of age, Khassenov is based in Ukraine and continues to work with Human Rights organisations across the world. He is unable to return to Kazakhstan, where, according to the activist, there is “No openness for criticising the government”: Indeed, the mere act of protesting is illegal. Khassenov’s experience as a young Kazakh activist, while tragic, is not uncommon. Yet the political repression endured in Kazakhstan over the past 30 years has rarely resulted in significant protests. That is until January of this year, when a series of demonstrations erupted across the nation. This unexpected turn of events is clearly of great interest to Khassenov, and it quickly became the focus of our discussion. On the second of January, the Kazakh government removed a fuel cap on liquified petroleum gas (LPG), causing prices to spike. Many people in Kazakhstan use LPG to power their vehicles and, according to Khassenov, the financial implications of rising fuel prices inspired the initial protests. Demonstrations were first carried out in the oil-producing city of Zhanaozen, however they spread across the nation and quickly reached Almaty, the former capital of Kazakhstan. It was there that protests escalated into violent clashes, leading Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to declare a state of emergency and shut down internet services nationwide on January 5. This decision came after President Tokayev’s Almaty home was surrounded by thousands of angry protesters and set aflame, as reported by Time magazine. On the 5 of January, President Tokayev also dismissed his cabinet and removed former President Nursultan Nazarbayev from his post as head of the security council. Tokayev appealed to the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) to send military forces to help deal with the protests. The CSTO is an intergovernmental military alliance between Russia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Tajikistan. In a bid to appease protestors, Tokayev reinstated the fuel cap on January 6. However, on the 6 of January, there were also heavy police crackdowns reported in Almaty by the BBC, as protestors attempted to take control of the police station. Demonstrators faced tear gas and stun grenades. Dozens were killed and hundreds were injured. The president insisted that the protests were led by foreign-backed bandits and terrorists, according to The Guardian. Russia announced the deployment of paratroopers through the CSTO to help stabilise the situation. In a televised address on January 7, Tokayev ordered security forces to “use lethal force without warning” against demonstrators. Over the following days, violence continued in Almaty. The full extent of the bloodshed is unknown. The BBC reported that internet access was restored to the city on January 10. Yet when Khassenov and I spoke on the 11, he maintained that access was only awarded for “one, maybe two hours a day.” Citizens are trapped in an “Information black hole,” said Khassenov. Families and friends are desperate to contact loved ones in Almaty, but this has become close to impossible due to the unpredictable internet restrictions. Moreover, Khassenov notes that these conditions posed a huge obstacle to organising protests as “coordination requires communication.” After over a week of unrest, the protests came to an end on the 11 of January and Russia announced that its troops had begun to withdraw on the 13. What do protestors want? Though the rise in fuel prices sparked the initial protests, demonstrations continued even after Tokayev reinstated the fuel price cap. Khassenov described how the nature of the protests changed abruptly and “in one day, demands became political. Suddenly, protestors were chanting ‘Old man go away.’” The “Old Man” to which protesters were referring is Nursultan Nazarbayev: president of Kazakhstan from 1989 until 2019, when he stepped down from office and appointed Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to take his place. While Tokayev was acting president of Kazakhstan, Nazarbayev retained a lot of practical control over the country as chairman of the security council and “Leader of the Nation:” a constitutional role that granted him immunity from prosecution along with many policymaking privileges. Nazarbayev no longer holds these positions having been ‘removed from government’ on the 5 of January. Khassenov asserted that protesters were not simply expressing discontent with Nursultan as an individual, but rather with his legacy and the system he represents. Protestors have “democratic aspirations” the activist stated. They are tired of the old regime controlling the country, tired of having no say in how their nation is governed. Khassenov reported that on the 3 of January, the Democratic opposition movement became involved in the protests — a further demonstration of the ideological currents driving the upheaval. When asked whether the dismissal of Nazarbayev and the dissolution of the Kazakh cabinet would satisfy protesters, Khassenov could barely hold back laughter. “The Government is a façade,” he said with resignation, maintaining that Nursultan is still in control behind the scenes. According to Khassenov, Tokayev cannot truly remove Nazarbayev from power without making constitutional changes. Beyond this, Nazarbayev’s economic and political ties run deep into the foundation of Kazakhstan as a Nation; to remove his influence would require the country to be rebuilt from the ground up. Khassenov reiterated that the people want “whole regime changes, not just cosmetic changes”. Unfortunately, the new cabinet that has been created in the wake of these protests is merely “a reconfiguration of the old.” Until the “Old Man” and the old system that he represents is removed from Kazakh politics, the unrest will continue. Khassenov is adamant that “In weeks, or maybe months, people will realize that nothing has changed.” What should the International Community be doing at this time? According to Khassenov, around ten thousand people were arrested in the protests. It is unclear where these protesters are being held, when, and if they will be released. One thing of which Khassenov is certain is that detainees are being subjected to inhumane conditions. He expressed worry for these civilians, many of whom were peaceful protesters simply expressing democratic aspirations. When asked what the international community ought to be doing with regards to Kazakhstan, Khassenov recommended an inquiry into the murders and detentions led by an intergovernmental organization such as the United Nations. “We cannot trust our own security organizations” he stated. He also felt that powerful players, such as the United States, “should be doing more to promote human rights in Kazakhstan.” According to Reuters, the State Department confirmed the "United States' full support for Kazakhstan's constitutional institutions and media freedom and advocated for a peaceful, rights-respecting resolution to the crisis." The reticence of the US government to definitively condemn the actions of Tokayev’s regime could be rooted in the fact that Kazakhstan sits atop some of the largest hydrocarbon and mineral reserves in the world along with the fact that it is the key to having a “business footprint in Central Asia, and a soft power presence,” according to Forbes. Washington sees Kazakhstan as the most developed former Soviet state in central Asia and is invested in maintaining positive relations; a US-Kazakhstan Business Council was even established in September of this year. Khassenov stated that perhaps the most important move the international community could take is the introduction of “personal sanctions,” as Kazakh politicians and elites hold their money in Western banks. The most effective way to compel them to respect human rights would be via restriction of their economic power. Khassenov also commented on the failure of many Western media sources to properly characterise the protestors, whom he said can be split into three groups. Firstly, there are peaceful protestors — most demonstrators fall into this category. The second group is made up of looters and criminals. They are responsible for causing much of the violence that has been reported. According to Khassenov, this group was organized by the state. Seeing that they could not control the large gatherings of pro-democracy protesters, the Kazakh government hired people to incite chaos thus justifying a violent police crackdown. Finally, the third group described by Khassenov is made up of poor and marginalized people who joined the looters out of desperation. Khassenov made sure to underline that these protests were intended to be peaceful and only became violent due to government interference. What these protests mean for the future When asked, Khassenov seemed to think these protests have yet to become a movement. He described them as somewhat random and lacking a central leader or mandate. Though certain political organizations became involved in the demonstrations, they remained unstructured. This lack of coordination was exacerbated by the internet blackout and other government interferences. Moreover, the activist stated that the protests have led to no actual regime change. On top of that, Khassenov worries that Russian involvement has set a “precedent which undermines international security.” The deployment of Russian troops via the CSTO is illegal and constitutes a “Russian invasion” stated Khassenov. The CSTO “can only act together if there is foreign threat.” Domestic political protests are not a legitimate cause for the deployment of CSTO troops. It is for this reason that President Tokayev accused “20 thousand international terrorists” of causing the unrest, though he failed to provide proof. By Khassenov’s account, the president went as far as to say that terrorists were “breaking into morgues and stealing the bodies of their comrades” to erase evidence of their involvement in the conflict. The false claim that the protests were foreign-backed provided an excuse for Russian intervention, and Khassenov now fears that the Russians will not leave. Though Russia has announced the withdrawal of its troops, it also claims its “soldiers are not in Ukraine:” Khassenov has no trust in a nation which continues to interfere with the affairs of former Soviet states, aiding in the preservation of an oppressive regime in Belarus, threatening Ukrainian sovereignty, and now, helping to put down pro-democracy demonstrations in Kazakhstan. Nonetheless, these protests were the largest in 30 years, since Kazakhstan first gained independence from the Soviet Union. Though they may not have achieved their democratic aspirations, they are certainly significant. With the eyes of the world finally on this often-forgotten nation, there is potential for the Kazakh government to be held accountable for its numerous violations of human rights and freedoms.

J’ai beaucoup apprécié les valeurs transmises par le Parcours Civique, des valeurs indispensables dans la société : l’aide directe à la personne, la responsabilité sociale et collective, l’assiduité et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’engager dans un travail à temps plein. < Back La Volonté d’Aider et d’Interagir: Une Réflexion sur un Parcours Civique à la Croix-Rouge Monégasque By Lilou-Ornella D’Inca September 27, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? J’ai effectué mon Parcours Civique auprès de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque, principalement au pôle Migration de la Section Humanitaire Internationale de cette organisation. Mon rôle consistait principalement à créer des activités pour les migrants se trouvant dans le centre pour mineurs non accompagnés (MNA) de Menton. Par conséquent, j’ai été impliquée dans la mise en œuvre d’ateliers éducatifs et ludiques, spécifiquement pensés et élaborés pour cette catégorie d’âge. J’ai également pris part à la préparation et la distribution de repas, et au tri et à la mise à disposition de vêtements au centre Caritas à Vintimille. Enfin, mon rôle couvrait aussi d’autres responsabilités, telles que l’aide donnée aux infirmiers lors des permanences sanitaires au centre pour MNA, et la gestion de tâches administratives (comptes-rendus, communications par courriel, etc.) au siège de la Croix-Rouge à Monaco même. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? Mon intérêt pour la Croix-Rouge Monégasque est né de la volonté d’aider et d’interagir avec des migrants et des communautés vulnérables dans la région, ayant été témoin des obstacles non seulement physiques mais aussi sociaux, auxquels ces personnes sont confrontées chaque jour à la frontière franco-italienne. Les principes de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque — la neutralité, l’impartialité, et l’humanité entre autres — englobent toutes les valeurs qui me paraissent essentielles pour approcher un thème compliqué comme l’immigration avec un œil impartial et dépourvu de militantisme, bien qu’emphatique. Cette organisation permet d’être au contact direct avec les migrants et de compléter des activités très variées avec des tranches d’âge différentes, ce qui m’a tout de suite semblé une opportunité unique pour mon développement en tant que citoyenne responsable. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? Je suis rentrée à connaissance de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque à travers le forum organisé par Sciences Po lors de la semaine d’intégration, où des représentants de cette association avaient été invités. Le programme de Sciences Po m’a donc beaucoup aidée pour trouver mon Parcours Civique, d’autant plus que l’administration m’a fourni le contact direct avec une des responsables de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque. Cependant, ce contact a été envoyé assez tard dans l’année (30 mars), alors que ma lettre d’engagement avait déjà été écrite et que ma recherche de stage avait déjà commencé ; afin d’obtenir un stage dans les temps requis, il est convenable de contacter la Croix-Rouge déjà pendant le premier semestre, sans attendre de recevoir les contacts envoyés par l’administration. J’ai obtenu mon stage seulement début mai, car — étant encore mineure — les autorisations parentales à obtenir et les démarches à effectuer sont assez laborieuses. Il est bon de noter que j’ai essuyé de nombreux refus de la part d’autres organisations en raison de mon jeune âge, et il m’a fallu patienter plusieurs semaines avant de recevoir une réponse définitive de la part de la Croix-Rouge. Mon conseil pour les étudiants mineurs est de commencer la recherche de possibles organisations dès le début de l’année. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? Le stage n’a pas été rémunéré. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? Mon Parcours Civique a été une expérience incroyablement enrichissante à plusieurs niveaux. Tout d’abord, j’ai rencontré des migrants provenant de nombreux pays d’Afrique et — la plupart d’entre eux étant disposés à raconter leur histoire, leurs rêves et espoirs et leurs impressions sur leurs conditions de vie en Europe — j’ai pu réellement comprendre les raisons qui poussent certaines populations à quitter leur pays natal et leurs familles, ainsi que la différence entre leurs attentes et la réalité de leur expérience en Italie ou en France. Ces connaissances sont non seulement d’une grande valeur pour mon bagage humain et culturel, mais elles me permettent également d’analyser les pays étudiés à Sciences Po avec de nouvelles clés d’interprétation. En outre, j’ai beaucoup apprécié les valeurs transmises par le Parcours Civique, des valeurs indispensables dans la société : l’aide directe à la personne, la responsabilité sociale et collective, l’assiduité et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’engager dans un travail à temps plein. Je pense que ces principes sont une constante dans tous les stages de 1e année, mais ils ont été particulièrement significatifs à la Croix-Rouge, où chaque stagiaire est poussé à prendre des initiatives et à réfléchir sur les valeurs du volontariat à travers les comptes-rendus rédigés après chaque activité. Je considère donc que le programme de Sciences Po est une expérience instructive et très intéressante grâce à laquelle il est possible d’explorer un secteur qui nous passionne ou que l’on désire découvrir, et qui permet d’acquérir de nouveaux enseignements et valeurs. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? Essayez de trouver un organisme qui vous offre l’opportunité d’être au contact direct avec la communauté de votre choix. Bien que j’aie beaucoup apprécié mon temps au bureau de la Croix-Rouge pour la partie administrative du stage, c’est sur le terrain que j’ai le plus appris et que j’ai pu sortir de ma zone de confort. N’ayez pas peur de vous engager concrètement, même dans des secteurs dans lesquels vous manquez encore d’expérience ! Et, bien évidemment, n’hésitez pas à me contacter si vous avez des questions relatives à la Croix-Rouge, à votre lettre d'engagement, ou à tout autre doute !

Qui sont ces étudiants, et comment leurs actes du 17 novembre 1973 ont-ils acquis une portée profondément démocratique et déterminante pour l’avenir du pays? En quoi ces réponses nous illuminent-elles quant au rapport contemporain de la société et de l’univers politique grecs vis-à-vis des valeurs démocratiques et des mouvements étudiants? < Back « Pain, Éducation, Liberté! » Un Regard Sur Le Soulèvement De Novembre 1973 En Grèce Margarita Kopsia January 31, 2025 Qu’est-ce que, vraiment, résister ? Et quelle signification ce mot acquiert-il en fonction du contexte socio-politique d’où on se place? Si les réponses qu’il est possible d’apporter à cette question sont nombreuses, la position de la Grèce en la matière mérite d’être étudiée. Sujet d’abord sanglant et délicat, le soulèvement de l’université polytechnique d’Athènes du 14 au 17 novembre 1973 est progressivement devenu une commémoration nationale, célébrée chaque 17 novembre. Moment violent, il fut aussi—et demeure—un événement profondément symbolique et porteur d'espoirs; à présent honoré, il est impossible d’en parler sans l’associer à la fin de la dictature militaire qui était au pouvoir depuis le coup d’État du 21 avril 1967. Mais plus qu’emblème de résistance face à cette parenthèse dure et autoritaire pour le pays, agissant en tant que catalyseur du démantèlement de la dictature des colonels, le soulèvement du 17 novembre est aussi celui d’un profond renouveau . Car luttant pour « le pain, » « l’éducation » et « la liberté, » le combat acharné des étudiants a aussi signé l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère démocratique, marquée par une meilleure ouverture politique, ainsi que par un développement plus conforme au respect des droits et libertés de la population grecque. Qui sont ces étudiants, et comment leurs actes du 17 novembre 1973 ont-ils acquis une portée profondément démocratique et déterminante pour l’avenir du pays? En quoi ces réponses nous illuminent-elles quant au rapport contemporain de la société et de l’univers politique grecs vis-à-vis des valeurs démocratiques et des mouvements étudiants? La démocratie, confisquée et asphyxiée En plein cœur de la guerre froide, le contexte politique de la Grèce est extrêmement agité; suite à la victoire des forces royalistes lors de la guerre civile grecque de 1946 à 1949, opposant les dirigeants soutenus par le Royaume-Uni et les États-Unis aux grecs communistes, plusieurs gouvernements instables se succèdent. Les « élections législatives anticipées » qui étaient censées avoir lieu en 1967 sont la conséquence directe de la dissolution parlementaire qui était entraînée par le manque de soutien à M. Canellopoulos, nommé par le roi suite à l’échec des accords législatifs et gouvernementaux passés entre celui-ci et les autres partis majoritaires. L’avenir politique du pays se voit particulièrement menacé par le putsch du 21 avril 1967. Réalisé par trois militaires—les colonels Georges Papadopoulos , Nicolaos Makarezos et le général Stylianos Pattakos—l’épisode est intimement lié à l’appartenance de la Grèce au « bloc de l’Ouest » dans le contexte des alignements géopolitiques de l’époque. Le coup d’État est ainsi réalisé sous prétexte de protéger le pays de la « menace communiste » et afin de préserver l’alliance du pays avec les États-Unis, sachant que la Grèce avait rejoint l’OTAN en 1951. Il faut noter cependant, que la présence de cette « menace » est largement injustifiée, ce que n’ont manqué de préciser de nombreux médias de l’époque, y compris a l’international. Ainsi, Le Monde déclare dans ses publications datant de l’année 1967 que « l’intervention [...] allait au-delà du but invoqué au début, » cherchant notamment à assurer la victoire de la droite malgré l’ascension de l’Union du centre. Pour le journal L’Humanité , il s’agit même d’une « dictature absurde et criminelle qui s’est imposée par peur des élections. » Car sur la période 1967-1973, la vie sociale et politique du pays est « paralysée . » « Rythmée » par l’« enfermement » et la « torture » dont les opposants politiques sont systématiquement victimes, la dimension autoritaire du régime écarte la perspective d’un espace de dialogue ouvert, pluriel et engagé. Parallèlement, l’emploi généralisé de la censure constitue une autre sombre réalité, entravant les libertés d’expression et d’opinion des citoyens. Avec l’arrivée au pouvoir des colonels, « les garanties constitutionnelles des droits de l'Homme sont suspendues, » obstruant toute tentative de critique du régime et interdisant même les « grèves . » Mais si la majorité de la population grecque est poussée à la « passivité » par le régime des colonels, les voix des opposants exilés continuent de retentir et alimentent fortement les animosités populaires envers la junte, ainsi que l’opposition de divers gouvernements de l’étranger. Pour certains exilés, il est même question de « militer contre la junte sur le territoire français » à travers leur implication dans des « réseaux de la résistance, » à l’instar de Melina Mercouri —ancienne ministre de la Culture grecque—et Mikis Théodorakis, célèbre compositeur et futur ministre d’État grec de 1990 à 1992. Étudiants: voix ou moteurs légitimes de la construction démocratique ? Pendant la junte, les étudiants souffrent tout particulièrement. Leur sévère manque de représentation se matérialise tout d’abord à travers « l’ impossibilité » pour les étudiants « d'élire des représentants au sein des institutions universitaires. » Sont mis également en place des « tribunaux de discipline, pouvant expulser tout étudiant ayant des activités jugées non convenables, » tandis que la loi 1347 oblige « au service militaire immédiat » tous ceux qui s’organisent et s’engagent au sein de syndicats. La forte présence syndicale dans l’enseignement supérieur grec fait par ailleurs que, selon un point de vue sociologique, les universités grecques deviennent des « institution[s] sociale[s] » à « caractéristiques politiques. » Bénéficiant d’un « statut symbolique comme espaces de défense des valeurs démocratiques, » cela explique en grande partie par les dynamiques de rassemblement et de politisation des étudiants qui se sont progressivement construites et exacerbées depuis 1973. La vague de manifestations s’opposant à la junte militaire est entamée par les étudiants de la Faculté de Droit d’Athènes le 21 février 1973 , date à laquelle ceux-ci se barricadent à l’intérieur de leur établissement pour appeler à la fin de la dictature. L’insurrection des étudiants de l’école Polytechnique qui survient quelques mois plus tard s’étend jusqu’à d’autres universités telles que celles de Patras ou de Thessalonique, entraînant également de nombreux autres civils désireux de décrier les modalités d’exercice du pouvoir du régime en place. La création d’une station de radio étudiante, adressant « un appel [...] à la population » participe également à la propagation de leur message, tout en cultivant un profond sentiment de solidarité parmi tous ces manifestants. L’occupation de l’université polytechnique elle-même fut aussitôt sévèrement réprimée par l’armée, dont l’intervention consista notamment en l’envoi de chars militaires. Le bilan est celui d’au moins 27 morts et de dizaines de blessés, faisant de cet épisode une véritable « plaie » de l’histoire contemporaine grecque. Son sillage, celui de la ‘ Metapolítefsi ’—soit la transition démocratique grecque qui s’en suivit—rappelle néanmoins les mérites du fervent maintien et de la défense des idéaux démocratiques, notamment au vu des difficultés que ces derniers ont eu à s’imposer et à véritablement former part de la réalité politique et constitutionnelle grecque. Cela ferait-il des étudiants les « garants » de la démocratie en Grèce à l’époque contemporaine, régime ayant su s’extraire de sa trajectoire fragile, tumultueuse et menacée? Les étudiants sont-ils capables de changer le cours de l’histoire? Jour partiellement férié, durant lequel les établissements scolaires restent fermés, le 17 novembre constitue aujourd’hui un moment de « fierté nationale. » Les étudiants ayant participé aux soulèvements de novembre 1973 s’étaient auto-proclamés ‘ Eleftheroi Poliorkimenoi, ’ soit une référence directe à la lutte pour l’indépendance grecque et à l’œuvre de Dionysios Solomos—poète dont émane l’hymne national grec. Sous la plume de nombre de poètes et d’écrivains tels que Pour Yánnis Rítsos—poète et militant du Parti communiste grec, emprisonné pendant la dictature des colonels—les étudiants du 17 novembre deviennent des figures héroïques et inspirantes, portant en elles les fruits et les symboles de la bravoure et de la détermination. À eux seuls, les soulèvements du 17 novembre n’auraient pas entièrement rétabli le sort démocratique du pays, mais il demeure que les efforts des étudiants y ayant pris part aient été des mécanismes déclencheurs de la ‘ Metapolítefsi. ’ Portant avec ardeur et conviction l’ espoir et la promesse démocratiques, le pouvoir qu’a eu la jeunesse à influencer le cours de l’histoire en 1973 reste incontestable.

If you still want to buy your groceries at Carrefour, go ahead. But, keep in mind that with one shopping trip after the other, your credit card is being further exhausted, the numbers in your account are declining, and your leisure opportunities are diminishing. < Back Eats With Angela: A Comparative Analysis of Menton Grocery Stores By Angela Saab Saade September 30, 2022 Sciences Po Menton is a diverse campus. Its students are unique. We all have distinguished characters and varied interests. We all carry our own historical package and view the world differently. However, if there is one certain commonality among all students, it is our need to buy groceries. Whether one opts for pre-planned deliberate and habitual grocery shopping or resorts to the New Asian store for midnight ramen with a side of crisps and candy, the heavy burden of walking to the store, picking up items, waiting in line, paying and returning home certainly resonates with all of us. Throughout my time in Menton, I have had quite an adventurous relationship with grocery shopping. I have tried shopping at Ventimiglia’s infamous Lidl, the several branches of U-Express and Carrefour City respectively, Aldi, Picard (big mistake), the multiple Casino stores around Menton, the local Italian shops, the farmers markets and the New Asian Store. I can safely say that almost every time I purchase an item from any of these establishments, I (sometimes, regrettably) run into at least one Sciences Piste. Despite these numerous grocery store run-ins, it appears to me that students on campus are not well-informed about the purchasing choices they make. How well do you really know your grocery stores? Aside from the obvious advantage of going to Carrefour at night, as it is the only store in Menton that stays open after 7:30 p.m., there are perks that I bet you have never heard of that will inevitably revolutionize your shopping experience. Research has shown that financial stress has contributed to the failure of students at university. I do not want you to fail. For that reason, I took the time to visit the following stores in Menton: Aldi, U-Express and Carrefour. Based on my data collection and thorough comparative analysis, I hope to provide you with information that will save you from financial distress and pave the way for your success at Sciences Po. Tip #1 : Eat, plan, then shop. If you felt personally targeted when I mentioned buying ramen, crisps and candy for dinner, this tip is especially for you. To first, save up on cash and, second, spare yourself continuous trips to the store, plan a grocery list. Make sure you eat and are full prior to writing your list and shopping, or else you may find yourself hungrily shoving items into your cart that you would soon enough regret purchasing. It could also help to set a budget for yourself before going to the store. Then, in the market, prioritize your purchases by paying for the more essential items first and letting go of anything unnecessary once you have reached your budget. Indeed, do not deprive yourself of the food you need and/or want to buy! I am not encouraging any form of restrictive behavior. However, set a realistic budget and ask yourself the necessary questions before shopping for groceries. If you properly economize, you will save enough for your next trip, be it to nearby Italy or faraway Jordan. Tip #2 : Always opt for store-branded items. In Carrefour, look for the Carrefour logo; in U-Express, look for the letter U; either way, purchasing items branded by their respective stores rather than branded goods is a wiser choice. Not only are they much cheaper, but they also usually do not differ in quality. Tip #3 : Only go to Carrefour for corn and jam If on a regular afternoon, I spot you in Carrefour instead of U-Express, I will be very disappointed. Fruits, vegetables, yogurt, cheese, dairy-alternatives, raw goods, and any other product you can conceivably ingest is cheaper and of comparative quality at U-Express. However, one specific deal always found at Carrefour, but never at U-Express, is their package of three 285 grams cans of corn. If you are like me and pass through days of corn obsession wherein you decide to have corn for lunch, dinner, savory snack and dessert, then this information would undoubtedly be useful to you. Even if you purchase and consume corn within the realm of normal human consumption, then this could be of benefit to you as well. Another advantage of Carrefour is its fair selection of jam. Figuratively, you can pay between 1.12 and 1.75 euros for a jar of jam from either Carrefour or U-Express. However, the latter’s jar has 335 grams of jam, while the former has 370 grams. While that may seem like a minor difference, it is worth noting that Carrefour has much more ‘exotic’ jam flavors and a greater variety in comparison to U-Express. So, if you happen to want a jar of jam and you are already purchasing all your items at U-Express, then go ahead and buy one. But, if you are intentionally walking to the store for jam-stocking, then definitely enjoy a broader and cheaper selection from Carrefour. The last advantage of Carrefour is that it sometimes has unique deals, such as a bag of potatoes, a punnet of cherry tomatoes or 250 grams of mushrooms for one euro. However, aside from those specific deals, corn and jam, Carrefour is not the most financially-friendly grocery store. Tip #4 : Always U-Express U-Express is also more vegan-friendly! It has its own branded milks which include oat milk, almond milk, soy milk, among others, all of which are far cheaper than those offered in Carrefour since Carrefour only has ‘bio brands’ that are unnecessarily more expensive. Also, while both arguably have great deals for a large selection of canned goods, U-Express offers an even greater variety of canned food (for example, ‘Paëlla Royale’ and ‘Chili con carne’). The latter store equally has better deals for glass-canned goods. But, U-Express is not just better for canned food. Egg-lovers benefit too! U-Express has an exceptional deal that my roommates avail themselves of on a biweekly basis — a crate of 30 eggs for only 3.99 euros. Tip #5 : Shop on Thursday with the U-Express loyalty card U-Express and Carrefour have loyalty cards you can acquire at the cashier for free in a few minutes. However, the advantages of the U-Express card outweigh that of Carrefour’s. Other than the usual function of store loyalty cards, which allow customers to collect points, the U-Express membership grants you access to some offers and discounts that other customers are denied. Those are especially visible on Thursdays. In case you have not noticed yet, every Thursday, U-Express is abuzz with customers filling up their carts before their fellow card-holding counterparts purchase all the great deals. So, next time you want to go grocery shopping on a Wednesday afternoon, give it a few more hours and go to U-Express the day after. Tip #6 : Just walk to Aldi, man. Now that we have established that U-Express is objectively better than Carrefour in almost all ways, allow me to introduce you to the world of Aldi, Menton. Herbes de provence for 0,44 euros (unreal deal), an avocado for 0,99 euros, three frozen margarita pizzas for under three euros, one kilogram of bananas for 0,99 euros (1.65 euros everywhere else), two kilograms of pears for 2.99 euros, one kilogram of tomatoes for 1.69 euros, 500 grams of quick oats for 0.95 (exceptional deal), two 200 gram slabs of tofu for 2.59 euros … is this grocery store paradise? Indeed, it is. Aldi has far cheaper and better produce than the other stores. The price-quality ratio of fruits and vegetables in Aldi exceeds those of local markets, Carrefour, and U-Express. So, while Aldi (two branches in Menton, located in 80 Avenue des Alliés and 563 Avenue de Saint Romain, respectively) may be further away from some of you, it is certainly worth the extra walk, especially if you want to stock up on fruits, vegetables, spices, sauces, animal-based products, as well as vegan alternatives (which are, unfortunately, quite rare in other supermarkets in France). Make sure to check their catalogs online first for their weekly deals! If you still want to buy your groceries at Carrefour, go ahead. I personally love that store, especially for late-night snacks. But, keep in mind that with one shopping trip after the other, your credit card is being further exhausted, the numbers in your account are declining, and your leisure opportunities are diminishing. At the end of the day, however, your choices depend on your circumstances. For some of us, time is a more valuable resource than money. In that case, surely spend more money at your nearest store instead of taking the trek to Aldi. For others, life is an adventure; thus, taking the train to Ventimiglia to shop in Lidl seems like a great way to plan a simultaneous trip to Fujiyama for 15-euro open-sushi. Grocery shopping, just as cooking, is a subjective experience. It requires an open mind and an open heart. Thus, try different stores and look for what suits you best. For example, I have realized through exploring the local store directly next to Carrefour that I can quickly purchase 100 grams of almonds for 0.50 euros from a compassionate small family business. There’s a different sentiment that one gets from every purchase they make and from every provider they choose to patronize. Nonetheless, if you were looking for simple and effective ways to reduce your financial spending, I hope this article has supplied you with the resources to help you reach your goal!