Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. < Back The Menton Times: A Year in Review By Celeste Abourjeili April 30, 2022 Mentoniya, Mentoniya. Last summer, I was struck with a vision for a newspaper that would synthesize campus discourse and bring all student events together in one collective monthly recount. Though I was committed to bringing it to life, I never foresaw the scope or size that it would reach in just one year. Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. The journey of creating a newspaper from scratch was filled with the unexpected — it was a turbulent yet irreplaceable experience. I got to watch our designer and my dear friend, 2A Ada Baser, create a layout template from scratch. She pieced together over 30 articles worth of content into one digital masterpiece each and every month. “Starting the design of a paper from scratch wasn’t the easiest experience… [but] at the end of the day, it’s been a pleasure to work with the many different members of the team, because designers need to communicate with reporters, photographers, and the editorial board,” said Baser. “I hope I have been able to bring their amazing works to life.” Her clean-cut designs have been praised by Mentonese students. “I really like the mise-en-page,” said 1A Amira Zargouni, “it’s really easy to read.” Our editorial team, made up of 1A Ayse Lara Selcuker, 1A Lara-Nour Walton, 2A Morgane Abbas, and myself, has had to edit just as many articles to fulfill our three-step editing process. “Editing felt special to me because journalism has been a really formative source for me,” said Walton. “To make this newspaper a reality was genuinely so fulfilling.” My role as Editor-in-Chief, besides managing and organizing the team, consisted of a wondrous albeit time-consuming process by which I had to review each article that was ever published. I knew that I was collecting stories from the students, combining them in one collective and polished form, and sending them back to the student body for all to read, and I wanted to do them justice. I grasped the significance of my job in qualifying the words our students were entrusting to the paper to send out to the world. Our photography team, led by 1A Hugo Lagergren and composed of 1A Emilia Kohlmeyer and 2A Wang Di, has brought each and every story to life with its talent and eye for the camera. “ The staff reporters and guest reporters, without whom this paper would not exist, made the decision to share their stories with us and with you — a decision for which we are endlessly grateful. “Writing for the Menton Times has been incredible! I joined the team with little writing experience, but I saw my skills improve through the feedback and support of our editors, and my articles allowed me to further immerse myself in the topics I am most passionate about,” said 1A Magdelena Offenbeck. Over the course of one year, we have worked with a team of about 20 people and around 39 guest writers. We wrote articles in collaboration with a variety of associations, ranging from Sciences Alcoolémiques to the Stone Skipping Society to the BDS to Babel, MEDMUN, TedX, Environnementon, and the list goes on. 2A Isabella Aouad, who contributed to the newspaper as a guest reporter, noted, “It was very impressive how, in one year, the Menton Times became a real thing. It was very consistent and rigorous and featured really high quality articles.” 1A Joudi Arafa, who claimed she was proud to contribute as a guest reporter, affirmed, “The Menton Times is a big campus name.” I’m proud of our team for creating a shared vision out of what started as a small idea. The process behind the paper starts with our monthly meetings, which take on the form of a team brainstorming session, to choose article topics for that month’s issue. “I really enjoyed the flexibility of choosing my topics instead of having them assigned,” said 1A staff reporter Luca Utterwulghe. I’ve always trusted our writers with the topics they chose, and I was ecstatic that they matched my trust with passion and motivation for the job. Besides our partnerships and guest articles, we try to include everyone on the campus by including student quotes and opinions in each article. “It’s fun interviewing people to get quotes for my articles,” said Utterwulghe, “I learned a lot from this past year at the Menton Times.” I am grateful to you, Mentoniya, for electing our association to be an official student initiative this past semester, opening up doors of opportunity for us with your trust. With the exception of the godforsaken month of February, we upheld our promise to you to publish each and every month. For the first year, our 7-1 success rate makes me quite proud. I recognize that our process wasn’t perfect. This was just the start of an association that I hope will live on for years after my departure. I believe in the future leaders of the association to not only enhance our process, but establish additional projects and events to make campus life even more robust. I am proud to announce that the association will be carried on by Lara-Nour Walton as Editor-in-Chief, Magdalena Offenbeck as Managing Editor, Hugo Lagergren as Head of Photography. I originally intended for the Menton Times to be a route for students to be heard by their peers, an opportunity for one to collect their thoughts before making them public, and to bring attention to a particular experience or event. It was supposed to serve as a chance to create change in our small, cozy Mentonese ummah. My goal, above all, was to bring students closer together. In my original “Letter from the Editor” in our very first issue, I wrote that journalism is a pillar of democracy, a chance to touch the hearts and minds of those around us and change the course of history for the better. Here in Menton, I hope we’ve done that on a personal level — if nothing else, I hope we’ve helped you better understand and resonate with the going-ons of our little community. I hope we’ve informed you. Thank you for your attention, and for the last time this year, happy reading! Sincerely and with love, Celeste Abourjeili Founder & Editor-in-Chief Menton Times 2021-2022

Australia is a nation in which the interrelationship between the people and our Naval forces has come to play a pivotal role in shaping national identity. < Back Our Military Are Our Mates! By Lucy Lönnqvist for Sciences Defense December 31, 2023 Australia is a nation in which the interrelationship between the people and our Naval forces has come to play a pivotal role in shaping national identity. Australians hold an inexplicable appreciation for our island continent's safety and good fortune, guarded by the devoted efforts of our naval and maritime powers, the Royal Australian Navy (RAN). On the surface level, the RAN is known by Australians for its defense of civil liberties and national sovereignty against external threats. In another vein however, a more fundamental yet subtle duty of the Navy that often lies unspoken, pertains to its role in fostering a strong sense of harmony, trust, and connectivity within the social fabric of all residents who call Australian soil home. It is this latter principle which the essence of this article will focus on, in order to demonstrate precisely why Australians call the military our mates. The nature of Australia’s coastal geography positions the naval and maritime at the nexus of the country’s defense strategy. While Australia has come to be founded in the archetype of the ‘ Lucky Country ’ and ‘ Land of the Fair-Go, ’ through an examination of the military forces’ relationship with the Australian community, the answers as to why Australia has come to be characterized by these legends and how our naval powers have perpetually assured the prosperity and support of Australian people, are revealed. Australia’s reputation as a land of safety and abundance is by no means the product of a draw of luck, rather, these norms have been sowed into the attitudes of trust and reciprocity between Australian society and the Navy as a respected institution. This deeply rooted trust has perpetuated since the Royal Australian Navy was first titled in 1911, and today has proven difficult to invalidate through experience. As a liberal-democratic island situated in a region of growing momentum for military attention, the capacity of the country’s Naval powers to protect its people is a question occupying political agendas. Australians today are vesting their trust in the country’s naval and maritime powers as a politically neutral institution they believe will continue to safeguard the security of the land we seek to reconcile and the prosperity of living standards we relish in. Trust is an essential component of any sustainable relationship between a nation’s military power and the society at large. Arguably, much of the conflict in the world today can be explained by the lack of mutual confidence between the society and its governing authority, with the military serving as the third-party mechanism for social control bridging between. Thomas Hobbes sheds light on this arrangement in his solution to the dilemmas of collective action in saying “ If both parties concede to the Leviathan, their reward is the mutual confidence necessary to life .” That is to say that the naval forces of Australia acting as the third-party enforcement allows the state and its citizens to trust one another. In the absence of trust, there can be no guarantee over a population’s security, nor hope for prosperity of the nation; thus, the society would effectively be reduced to a state of lawlessness and self-interest, opening the gates for tensions to boil and even a breakout of a civil war. There is a psychological component to the legitimacy of trust in a nation’s defense powers. For Australia as a seaborne nation, trust towards our sea powers have a greater grip in the minds of Australians than other military branches, as we depend on the good order at sea to secure trade and maritime resources as well as uphold the territorial integrity of our state and homes. Unlike most global powers across the world, Australian society is fortunate to have fostered a relationship of reciprocal trust towards the heroism of our naval servicemen. It is not often Australians look towards our maritime powers in fear, but instead view the body as a kind of moral sage, a guardian for the protection and wellbeing of our community, one that allows Australians to thrive in a state of amity and non-violence. There are several reasons for this, including the important pillar of neutrality of the RAN. The Royal Australian Navy operates substantially removed from the whimsical affairs of day-to-day politics, acting as a somewhat invisible power in the minds of many Australians who often aren’t reminded of the gravity of its value in underpinning the harmonious culture of our daily lives. The invisibility of the RAN in this sense is productive, as the actions of a state’s military service should not occupy space in the minds of civilians, but instead operate in the background of the state. Many Australians appear unaware of the extent to which the service of our naval powers reinforce the prosperity of our day to day lives because Australians have largely flourished in an environment of peace and liberty since the inception of the RAN. This is not to say the country is without inequality or flaw, rather to highlight that our land has not been threatened by foreign powers for as long as our national naval and maritime services have operated. In recent years, the Royal Australian Navy has stepped into the vision of the Australian public during times of national emergency. A particular example to illustrate is the evacuation of Mallacoota in Operation Bushfire Assist 2019-2020 whereby the Navy conducted itself with sincere compassion and open communication with evacuees. This demeanor ensured that people felt accommodated and safe onboard, no doubt reinforcing internalized norms of trust towards RAN as an institution among the Australian public. This example proves the RAN is more than a purely militant institution; it is a public good serving to cultivate a communal culture of trust and mateship to be shared evenly by Australian people. The security and prosperity enjoyed by all Australians as a courtesy of our naval efforts are not the private property of any person, but the communal gift to the entire nation. While the actions of the RAN may not be expressly seen by Australians in their daily lives, the equal opportunity to join the Navy is accessible to all citizens. Australia employs a policy of optional military service as opposed to one of national service, testament to the working environment of the Navy as an attractive institution of community and trust whereby Australians elect to enter on their own accord as opposed to serving by compulsion. It is the nature of voluntary subscription to the Navy that enhances its capacity to better guarantee the security and prosperity of Australian people because the risk of betrayal or defection is lessened. The achievement of Operation Tonga Assist 2022 illustrates how Australia’s policy of voluntary inscription promotes efficiency in the work ethic of naval personnel, allowing the RAN to respond to crises with seamless coordination. The navy was able to deliver 417 tons of equipment and relief supplies, conduct reconnaissance operations and assist with damage assessment following the undersea volcanic eruption and subsequent tsunami. This operation serves to prove that a fleet in which sailors consciously choose to serve in, is able to accomplish more than a comparable group lacking trustworthiness between members thereby enhancing the success of the fleet in guaranteeing the island’s security. The relationship of reciprocal trust between the people of Australia and the RAN is a matter of attitudes, behaviors, and feelings. An inextricably difficult phenomenon for countries abroad to engrain between their citizens and military institutions because it cannot simply be uplifted and transplanted into another context. Rather, it must be bred overtime. Building reciprocal trust is not easy, and this trust is so finely thread within behaviors, attitudes and national institutions that it can be difficult to identify and eulogize as a nation. Recognizing it, however, allows us to see ordinary Australia in intimate detail, drawing on a seemingly limitless depth of commitment towards each other which binds our sense of safety and mateship for eternity. The Royal Australian Navy champions representations of Australian national identity by upholding the country’s security and prosperity which is presented as attainable for everyday Australians.

The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. < Back Renewal of the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding Rose Harrill December 5, 2025 On Nov. 2, the 2017 Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding on migration cooperation automatically renewed for three more years, despite heavy pushback from various human rights organizations. The agreement is between the Italian government and the United Nations (U.N.)-backed Libyan Government of National Unity (GNU), one of two rival authorities competing for control of the country. It is sponsored by the European Union (E.U.) and aims to strengthen Europe’s borders by preventing the arrival of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers via the Mediterranean Sea. The memorandum requires Italy and the E.U. to provide technical and financial support to Libya in order to strengthen its Coast Guard; in return, the Libyan Coast Guard must intercept anyone embarking on trips across the Mediterranean Sea to prevent them from reaching Europe. In practice, the memorandum has disastrous effects for migrants, refugees and asylum seekers attempting to cross the Mediterranean. The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. Migrants detained and brought to Libya face blatant human rights violations and horrifying conditions in detention centers for indefinite periods of time. The centers are often controlled and managed by unaccountable local non-state actors and armed militia groups, making them almost impossible to effectively monitor. In these centers, migrants are often arbitrarily detained , exploited, abused and even tortured to the point of death. Migrants can face dehumanizing treatment, sexual and physical violence, and forced labor. The living conditions in these detention centers are also extremely degrading. Often overcrowded, migrants are packed into tiny spaces, deprived of food and water, denied access to medical care, as well as the right to legal counsel. Despite clear evidence of the disturbing abuse faced by migrants and inhumane conditions in these detention centers, the E.U. and Italy continue to support the Libyan Coast Guard in its efforts to detain migrants. The E.U. and Italy have both provided the Libyan Coast Guard with millions of euros dedicated to migration control since 2015, along with vessels and aerial surveillance used across the E.U. border. This mistreatment of migrants explicitly violates international human rights law. Although Libya is the state directly committing these atrocities, Italy is complicit and should also be held accountable. According to the International Law Commission and its Draft Articles on State Responsibility, Italy is responsible for Libya’s maritime seizures and human rights violations in detention centers, as Italy “ aids or assists” Libya in committing these crimes. Under the 1976 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Libya violates Articles 6 and 7, which prohibit subjecting any person to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Article 2 in the 1987 Convention against Torture and Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights also forbid the practice of torture, meaning that Libya infringes upon these statutes as well. Furthermore, Libya breaches Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court which defines rape, forced prostitution, sexual slavery, forced sterilization, or other acts of sexual violence of that nature, as crimes against humanity. The U.N. has found evidence of collusion between the Libyan Coast Guard and trafficking networks. Thereby demonstrating that Libyan state forces and armed militias have likely committed crimes against humanity including sexual slavery and rape against the migrants brought to Libya. Libya also violates the Common European Asylum System, which establishes guidelines on the proper procedure for processing asylum seekers and ensures their personal rights are protected, as the Coast Guard is intercepting people at sea and returning them without following the correct processing measures. While not perpetrating these crimes or transgressing these international human rights laws directly, Italy can be held accountable for Libya’s illegal actions in the Mediterranean because of its financial backing of the Libyan Coast Guard. The horrific abuses and violations of human rights by the Italian and Libyan governments have received backlash from various human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch has called for the end of the memorandum between Italy and Libya. Judith Sunderland, associate Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch, declared that Italy’s “continued support for abusive, unaccountable forces in Libya is indefensible” and called for the E.U. to stop “financing and legitimizing violence against migrants” and to “fundamentally reorient its Mediterranean policies to prioritize rescue at sea and safe and legal pathways for migration.” The human rights organization “Refugees in Libya,” founded by migrants who survived abuse in detention centers in Libya, is also mobilizing against the memorandum. They have requested that the E.U. suspend all migration cooperation with Libya. Despite worldwide condemnation, Italy and the E.U. continue to ignore these blatant human rights violations committed by Libya in the Mediterranean. When asked about their continued support for the Libyan Coast Guard, the European Commission insisted that it would continue to aid and assist the Libyan authorities. This was after an incident on Aug. 24 where a Libyan Coast Guard patrol boat opened fire on an SOS Mediterranee rescue ship. They claimed that “to improve the situation, we need to remain engaged.” The E.U. and Italy consistently choose to protect their own interests in securing their borders by providing Libya with more funding, vessels and aerial surveillance, rather than prioritizing the protection and safety of people whose biggest crime is seeking a better life abroad. Libya’s control over the Central Mediterranean route, combined with its own internal political instability and corruption that allows for the mistreatment of migrants to persist unchecked, has made this stretch of sea one of the deadliest migration paths in the world. If allowed to renew, the memorandum will only result in more deaths, more torture, more trafficking. The continued cooperation of Italy and the E.U. with the Libyan Coast Guard only makes it easier for them to commit these heinous violations of human rights. To ensure the protection of human rights of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers, it is clear that the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding must be revoked. The E.U. prides itself on promoting justice and defending the human rights of those around the world, and yet it continues to work with the Libyan Coast Guard. The E.U. has a moral duty to protect those attempting to cross the Mediterranean, and should therefore no longer promote, fund and enforce an agreement that results in such a blatant violation of human rights. Photo Source: Tim Luddemann, flickr

Amid Egypt’s recent moves to assert itself as an eco-friendly regional power, it is fitting to explore key examples of green development initiatives spearheaded by the country in the last years. < Back Is Egypt a Model for Green Development? By Katie-Anne Harris November 30, 2022 Egypt’s national objectives for 2030, known as Vision 2030, have been implemented to meet the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals. One of this strategy’s major aims is to ensure that 15% of government investment goes into green development projects, and this figure is set to increase to 50% by 2025. This is not the first time Egypt has made its aspiration to be the voice of Africa clear. The country just hosted the United Nations Climate Change Conference — popularly referred to as COP27. In September, Egypt organized the meeting of African ministers of finance, economy, development and environment to formulate a unified vision for funding a transition to a greener economy. Amid Egypt’s recent moves to assert itself as an eco-friendly regional power, it seems fitting to explore key examples of green development initiatives spearheaded by the country in the last years. Renewable Energy in Egypt Egypt has invested in a multitude of renewable energy sources. The International Trade Administration reported that the government’s strategy is to make renewable energy generate 42% of energy by 2035, with wind energy making up 14%, hydroelectricity accounting for 2% and solar energy accounting for 25% of electricity generated by renewable resources. An example of a development project putting Egypt on track to meet these goals is the Benban Solar Park, which was completed in 2019. It has 32 solar plants with four substations, holding up to 1.65-gigawatt capacity, making the Benban plant one of the largest solar power sites in the world. This development project illustrates the Egyptian government’s capability and commitment to meet its sustainable development goals. Another example of successful green energy projects in Egypt is its biogas units which convert waste into electricity. Through this Fayoum-based project, biogas is obtained from the fermentation of organic waste. These units will provide a renewable energy source for household cooking and will also be used to produce organic fertilizer to improve soil properties in the region. Cairo’s Monorail Egypt is experiencing a rapid rate of urbanization, thus, augmenting the importance of transportation. To help prevent congestion and alleviate pollution, Egypt’s National Authority for Tunnels awarded a 4.5 billion dollar contract to UK Export Finance to build, operate, and maintain a monorail system for 30 years. It is set to become the world’s longest monorail while producing zero emissions and almost no noise. This project helps reduce emissions, lessen sound pollution and provide important public infrastructure for the population of Cairo. Green Cities Kharga has been declared the first green city in Egypt. There is no industrial pollution in the city due to the absence of industrial factories. Moreover, the city depends on renewable energy sources to generate government agencies, streetlights and places of worship and to extract water from irrigation wells and homes. There are monitoring stations for air quality, water quality, and noise pollution to ensure the city complies with environmental laws and legislation. Finally, the city holds many bike lanes to encourage zero-emission transportation. There has been a plan to build 45 new cities in Egypt to accommodate its growing population. These cities will be developed in line with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development’s Green Cities Program. There is no doubt that Egypt can build new green cities when looking at the successful green transformation of Kharga. Green Bonds Egypt is the first country in the Middle East and North Africa region to issue green bonds. Green bonds are financial instruments that are used to fund new environmental projects while returning fixed income to investors. These bonds offer investors the opportunity to mitigate the climate emergency while receiving returns like those expected from traditional investments. A report by Crédit Agricole claims that there is 1.9 billion dollars in green bonds that can be used to fund green projects. 16% of these bonds are for renewable energy projects, 19% for clean transportation, 26% for water and wastewater management and 39% for pollution prevention and control. Takeaways These examples of green development projects indicate that Egypt is on track to reach its sustainable development goals in line with the goals set out by the United Nations. These projects not only contribute to ensuring environmental integrity but also help meet goals to improve the quality of life of Egyptian citizens. The economic and sustainable benefits of these development projects generate jobs, improve public infrastructure and help combat pollution, all of which contribute to the well-being of Egyptian citizens. It is essential to look back on successful development projects in Egypt to understand why the country is eligible to be the voice for other African nations during COP27.

This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. < Back Liar Liar Pants on Fire: Biden's Willow Project By Lilith Springer September 27, 2023 “No more drilling on federal lands. Period.” Those were President Biden’s exact words before the election in 2020. This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. The news is especially disappointing considering the Climate Report 2023, recently published by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Over the past eight years, scientists worldwide worked on an assessment for policymakers, including statistics and research concerning climate change and its calculated effects on the planet. The results are alarming. The report highlights that it seems highly unlikely that global warming will be kept below the critical 2 degrees Fahrenheit if emissions keep rising at the current rate, leading to irreversible damages, and putting millions of humans at risk in the near future. While the report highlighted extremely worrying statistics, it also underlined that stopping the worst-case scenarios, which will make the planet quite unlivable for a large population of the earth, is still possible if politicians take immediate action. And what does Joe Biden, probably the most senile president the United States has ever had, do about this? He takes the report, throws it in the bin and implements the Willow Project. What is Willow? The Willow Project is a multi-billion-dollar project to drill gas and oil on native lands in Alaska. Over 30 years, this project will produce 629 million barrels of oil (95 billion Liters) and 287 million metric tons of carbon dioxide. For comparison, this equals the emissions of two million cars in the same timeframe or 76 new coal-fired power plants operating in one year. It will be carried out by the corporate group Conoco Phillips. It is said to help create jobs, fight rising gas prices during soaring inflation and lead to American independence from Russia and Saudi Arabia. What are the Environmental consequences? The environmental impact of this one project is of an unimaginable scale. Scientists worldwide stress that Willow will irreversibly damage the planet and lead the climate crisis to the point of no return. Global warming will become unstoppable, ecosystems will disappear entirely, and species will become extinct at an uncontrollable speed. Building the infrastructure required for the project will harm the already highly fragile Alaskan ecosystem even before Conoco Phillips starts to drill. Moreover, the project’s carbon emissions will seriously threaten the local population’s respiratory, cardiovascular and kidney health. For example, the construction of oil wells currently being carried out in the Alaskan village of Nuiqsuit has already led to a 20% increase in respiratory diseases since the project’s beginning, putting numerous children whose schools are located right next to those wells at extreme risk for chronic illnesses, bone deformations and even cognitive malfunctions. But Willow is not only an environmental disaster. Alaska is home to countless native villages where indigenous communities whose traditional way of living will be severely disrupted by Willow’s impact on wildlife and nature reserves. Rosemary Ahtuangaruak, mayor of Nuiqsuit, states: “As oil is exported and sent around the globe, our communities in the Arctic are left to contend with the health impacts of pollution as well as the devastation that comes from dramatic changes to the land like sea ice melt, permafrost thaw, and coastal erosion.” Native communities are expected to suffer from sick fish, toxic air, disappearing grazing areas and much more. More than 70 percent of indigenous households are expected to lose at least 20 dollars due to food purchases due to this decline in substitute resources. It is unsettling that the indigenous quote, “When the last tree is cut down, the last fish eaten and the last stream poisoned, you will realize that you cannot eat money,” is now as relevant as ever. It is infuriating that the indigenous communities themselves first suffer this dystopian reality. If you ever feel like having a good laugh – or cry – I invite you to filter your search engine to show only results that have been published before 2020 and go on joebiden.com/climate-plan to read all about how sad he was that vulnerable communities are disproportionately impacted by the climate emergency and pollution and how you can trust him to become the world’s next big visionary in combating climate change. However, I take no responsibility should you impulsively throw your laptop against the wall. But what about profits? Of course, this is all worth it, right? It will boost the economy, fight inflation, and create jobs which is formidable because we love money, right? Okay, let’s talk money. Aside from the fact that Willow is only expected to start showing profits after 2035 and will thus not help with current inflation, experts state that the oil reserves will not suffice to make the United States independent from Russian oil. Also notable is that the oil found in Alaskan reserves differs significantly from Russian or Venezuelan oil and will need to be blended with Russian oil to enter domestic refineries, revealing that the United States cannot gain independence from oil simply by producing more oil. When you are already the highest oil-producing country in the world, and it is still insufficient to meet your needs, maybe it is time to look inside and reevaluate your needs and priorities. Willow is not a desperate measure to soften the economic cost of current crises as Biden makes it out to be, but a simple profit project that might not positively impact the American economy. This is partly because Conco Phillips can use a loophole in Alaska’s tax law to write off its expenses for this project against the taxes the company pays on its other oil developments in the state. So, while the average American struggles to pay their electricity bills and taxes in light of soaring inflation, oil and energy corporations like Conco Phillips barely give back a cent to the state. Infuriated yet? Conco Phillip has made record profits in the past few years, which have not benefited the American population, and those profits are diverted into wealthy private shareholders and executives. The corporation has made a higher profit in the last year alone than the local and state governments are estimated to gain from taxes on 30 years of drilling at Willow. Not even the Alaskan cities suffering the immediate effects of Willow will make large profits. Nuiqsut has received only $600,000 from drilling in the Western Arctic over the past ten years, equivalent to what Conoco Phillips earns in Alaska in a little more than two hours. It is estimated that the project will lead to 3.9 billion dollars in alleged new federal revenue. This number is a joke compared to the approximately 19.8 billion dollars Willow is expected to cost the United States climate-related damages. But it will create countless jobs for Alaskans, right? Currently, only one percent of employed Alaska North Slope residents work in the oil industry, and it is estimated that most of the new jobs will be filled by people from outside Alaska. Also, more and more studies show that young people do not want to work in the oil sector but would instead pursue a job in the sustainable energy sector. Another reason why the profits of Willow are not as great as they seem is that most of the oil extractions are intended for internal use, especially in California, Oregon, and Washington, three states where the oil demand has been plummeting where demand for green energy has been skyrocketing. According to the Federal Bureau of Land Management’s investigation, it is estimated that by 2030 the majority of cars there will be driven with renewable energy and that the need for such extreme extractions will not be as high as anticipated. Furthermore, several economists in this Federal Bureau expect global oil prices to sink by only 20 cents per barrel due to Willow, and only if it operates at peak capacity. Other economists say it is hard to determine whether Willow will influence oil and gas prices. In short: Willow represents a sad political failure to take the opportunity to move away from Russian oil by investing in green energy and not disastrous oil projects. Millions of young Americans ask themselves: how dare this hypocrite co-opt the climate narrative for his political gains and throw away his promises the next second? How dare he tell us climate action is too costly when billions are available for disastrous oil projects? How dare he look desperate children who will feel the effects of Willow long after his death in the eyes and lie to their faces? The only thing worse than boomer politicians blatantly ignoring the populations’ eager calls for immediate climate action are boomer politicians who use the youth’s anxieties and spit on them. Thus, what is worse than apathy? What is worse than politicians who openly do not care about the climate crisis? Lies. Lies are worse.

October’s association events, summarized for you. < Back October Associations Recap By Celeste Abourjeili October 31, 2021 Cinementongraphe x SPRH “Capernaum” movie screening In a collaboration, Cinementongraphe and SciencesPo Refugee Help hosted a movie screening-turned-fundraiser featuring the Lebanese film “Capernaum” on Wednesday, October 10. Debate Society drunk debates In its second annual drunk debate on Saturday, October 9 the Debate Society kicked off its season discussing the topic of hookup culture in Menton. The opposing side (arguing against hookup culture) won, led by 2A Ada Baser and 1A Felipe Boitard. The society’s drunken spectators eventually ended up at Bastion, and those who lasted till the end of the night found themselves at Sablettes. Philosophical Society discussions The brand new Mentonese Philosophical Society, led by a team of six, kicked off its first year with two insightful events. On October 3, it organized a discussion on personal ethics at student house Soundproof, and on October 24, an investigation of the alt-right at student house Brothel. TASA movie screening The Thracian andAnatolian Student Association screened the mini-documentary “Coğrafya Kader” (Geography is Destiny) on Saturday, October 9 which features the wife Selahattin Demirtaş, a politician in the HDP who is currently incarcerated. Later on, the group discussed the status, treatment, and rights of Turkish Kurds. Amnesty movie screening On Sunday, October 10, Amnesty International held a screening of the movie “l’État du Texas contre Melissa” (the state of Texas vs Melissa). The movie discussed the case of Melissa Lucio, a mother charged with killing her daughter. Melissa was charged with the death penalty and is currently on death row. The movie focuses on the ambiguity of the case and the lack of a concrete story and evidence regarding the crime. The movie was chosen in remembrance of the abolishment of the death penalty in France 40 years ago and focuses on the danger of the death penalty when ones guilt is not fully sure. Environnementon Spa Night Following midterms for 1As and many 2As on Saturday, October 16, Environnementon hosted a spa night at 1A-run student house Gar Hira. Students were able to unwind with face masks and by making their own healthy and sustainable deodorant. La Fabrique Politique: Politiquerie La Fabrique Politique a organisé sa deuxième politiquerie le dimanche 17 octobre. C'était l'occasion fortuite pour échanger idées, réflexions et propositions sur un thème à la couleur chaude, “la cancel culture : une censure bénéfique?” Les participants se sont engagés dans un débat de plus d'une heure, ponctué par deux passionnants et éloquents plaidoyers. Babel Museum The Babel initiative presented the Babel museum: an event to highlight the past trips of the Babel board and researchers on Friday, October 22. The event included the Babel wall, now located in Espace Étudiant, with pictures of these different experiences. Videos showing off the immersive experience of past Babel trips alongside an off-campus MENA bake sale perfectly kicked off the Babel initiative’s cultural events. BDE Halloween Fair As one of the many Halloweekend activities, the Bureau des Élèves held a Fall Festival on the SciencesPo Menton campus on Thursday, October 28. Students were able to play games such as bean bag toss, ring toss, pin the hat on the witch, etc. and partake in activities like pumpkin painting after a few stressful weeks of midterms and projects. SSA: Homesickness The Student Support Alliance hosted an event on homesickness on Thursday, October 7 filled with cozy vibes and autumn treats. The group talked about what it means to be away from home for them, and about the parts of home that they carry with them. October Rose Run (BDS x FU x RacingClub) In a mega-collaboration, the Bureau Des Sports, Feminist Union, and Racing Club brought awareness to the battle against breast cancer on Sunday, October 3. UNICEF On Sunday, October 10, UNICEF held a yoga session on Sablettes to kick off Mental Health Week and help students unwind. The session was led by 2As Lilinaz Hakimi and Daniel Santana.

Be it ‘evil-eye themed parties,’ jam sessions on the beach or ‘Aparathons,’ Sciences Pistes have a way of keeping things interesting. Somewhere along the creation journey, with no definite date demarking it, the Sciences Po Menton wedding tradition was born. < Back The Babel Initiative's 'Big Fat Cypriot Wedding’ By Maria Eirini Liodi February 29, 2024 As the 2As well know and the 1As are surely discovering, Menton is not your conventional university location. Being one of the most charming, crown jewels of the French Riviera, both students and locals are blessed with marvelous landscapes. However, with the buzz of city life only a distant whisper, Sciences Pistes are often tasked with the generation of fun-making, as things can get a bit monotonous around here. Be it ‘evil-eye themed parties,’ jam sessions on the beach or ‘Aparathons,’ Sciences Pistes have a way of keeping things interesting. Somewhere along the creation journey, with no definite date demarking it, the Sciences Po Menton wedding tradition was born. Just like Aphrodite, the tradition emerged amidst the foamy waves, in the sea of Sciences Pistes’ imagination —or excessive boredom. Despite little knowledge as to its exact roots, the whimsical event has been an eagerly anticipated one annually since its creation, adding a touch of humor and celebration to our busy academic calendars. Exclusive, mysterious and exciting, this year’s wedding was one for the books. Two Sciences Pistes were secretly selected, following serious deliberation and thoroughly strategic matchmaking. With a host of flower girls, a priest, family, and even wedding crashers, the Ummah came together to witness one of this semester’s most thrilling, and shocking, events. With the bride and groom only invited to the event merely hours before the ceremony, the suspense was real. Who were the chosen two? Our very dear Leo was the dashing groom, and our bride… Our bride is a person that knows how to make an entrance and steal the show – Kousai. This year's 'Fake Wedding,' hosted by the Babel Initiative took on a unique twist as it embraced the vibrant spirit of a 'Big Fat Cypriot Wedding.' Sablettes was transformed into a lively scene, filled with colorful decorations, traditional Cypriot music, and the unmistakable ambiance of the Mediterranean celebratory spirit. As one of Babel’s central aims is cultural awareness and the bridging of communities in the MENA region, the wedding needed to bring as many real-life elements to the table as possible. We had traditional Cypriot music played live, a Cypriot casted as the parent of the ‘bride’ and the impeccable celebratory spirit necessary. Beyond the entertainment value, the 'Fake Wedding' serves as a testament to the opportunity for diverse cultural experiences on our campus. Such traditions can provide a platform for students to break away from the rigors of academia and embrace a sense of camaraderie while promoting acceptance and diversity within the campus community. As this year’s festivities came to a close, the 'bride' and 'groom' could be found at the post-wedding celebrations at the ‘Black Out’ party at Soundproof. As a cornerstone to the Sciences Pistes of Menton, Soundproof was the perfect location for a Saturday night, post-wedding celebration. Now, as the echoes of traditional Cypriot music fade away, and the Mediterranean breeze continues to dance with the stars, Sciences Pistes are left with more than just memories. The festivities hosted by Babel, served as a vivid reminder of the creativity and cultural richness that define our Ummah, and make our university experience so distinctive. Here's to breaking free from the monotony, embracing diversity, and crafting stories that add a touch of laughter to our academic journey. Until the next whimsical event, cheers to Sciences Pistes and the wonderful memories we weave together!

Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. < Back Why We All Need to Get Our Hands in the Soil Finn Leary for Environnementon December 31, 2024 When I put my hand up to write this article, I initially had plans to write about environmental NGOs and why so many continue to fall short in delivering meaningful change, despite bold, well-intentioned promises. Then, after witnessing the ways in which COP29 again stormed its way into the news cycle, with not much to show, I thought perhaps this was a more important conversation to have. But after an afternoon of getting my hands dirty, pulling out a few weeds in the garden following an obnoxiously boring French class, I decided perhaps this was a ripe place to focus my attention. And a bit more of a hopeful place to dwell. So yep, you guessed it! This article is going to be dedicated to the humble act of gardening. For ease of reading, I’ll be discussing three main ideas: gardening as a profoundly (often unintentional) anti-capitalist act, gardening as self-care and care for the planet, and gardening as a directed political action. PSA: This article is driven in equal parts by my desire to find a lovely human (or several) that are willing to give some love and care to the garden after I’m gone (sounds like I’m dying, I’m just heading back to Australia) but also to convince more of you of the value of gardening and growing your own food. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Profoundly Anti-Capitalist I want to start here with a little story. This past summer, at home in Tasmania, my father, an avid gardener, was blessed with a handful of tomato plants that sprouted naturally from last year’s crop. They popped up in the veggie garden and quickly announced their arrival by growing prolifically. These tomato plants were huge, spreading to cover the whole garden. Hundreds, if not thousands, of tomatoes emerged over the course of the coming months. Dad was so overwhelmed (in the best way possible) by the sheer scale of his tomato success, that he started finding new homes for the tomatoes. Boxes full were given away at the local markets. Handfuls were passed over the fence to the elderly neighbors. Their sweet juicy nectarines were handed back. This quickly evolved into passing over bottled passata and tomato relish for nectarine pie. A local restaurant heard of Dad’s surplus tomatoes, and for the rest of the summer Dad swapped boxes for a meal at the restaurant. Thankfully this extended to his sons whenever they visited. A friend of mine who has her own fermentation and preserves business took buckets full to use in her recipes. A community group in Hobart used kilos of pasta sauce and fresh tomatoes to feed the masses at their weekly gatherings. And still tomatoes went to waste. But that’s the beauty of gardening. Fruit falling to the ground never really goes to waste. Just returning to the soil, seeds aplenty, waiting for the next year to sprout again. Indeed, all of this arose from the seeds that fell to the ground the previous autumn. Just a few months earlier, in a class at university, my favorite professor had been discussing the beauty of seeds and gardening more broadly. For the last class of the semester, he brought in broad bean seeds that were gifted to him by a previous student 15 years earlier. For the past decade and a half, my lecturer had grown broad beans and given the seeds to every class member, asking each student to sow the seeds and to pass on the gesture. It is fair to assume that one handful of beans given 15 years ago had led to the planting and harvesting of hundreds of plants in backyards around Hobart and further afield. I planted mine and they are still growing in my old shared house garden. My lecturer’s point with this act was this: That the beautiful gift of life stored in the form of a seed costs nothing but can generate so much good. And that this gift is exponential. In this sense, gardening is very anti-capitalist. Produce grown in the garden (and the seeds from these plants) are a gift from nature that can be regifted to others, shared and swapped and eaten and celebrated—a liberating and life-bringing act fundamentally rooted in connection to the land and to others. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Self-Care: Nurturing Ourselves and the Planet Gardening is also fundamentally about returning to something better, something rooted in the past and oriented to the future. It’s about returning to ourselves in new ways (old ways really) and to the natural environment around us. Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. Gardening requires slowing down. It forces us to contend with the seasons, and cycles of death and decay. Gardening makes us more aware of what is happening all around us, from the critters and the pollinators to the amount of rain held in the clouds above. We live such distanced and disconnected lives from the natural world that we are inherently a part of, that simply getting in the garden can be a reclamation, a way to remind ourselves of all we are connected to and the stewardship we must return to. Gardening also fundamentally orients us toward big, important questions: What is our role within the natural world? How do we care for what sustains us? How is food grown, and who grows it? How can individuals and communities take control of their food systems? Gardening as a Political Act Gardening can take so many different forms; it can be as varied as the people who practice it and the environments in which it occurs. Gardening can be a solitary endeavor pursued in private space like a courtyard or a balcony, or it can be a deeply connected act embedded in communities and shared public space. Gardening can differ radically in scale, from a few pots of herbs and greens to bustling community gardens. There lies beauty and value in all these examples. Gardening can also be a rebellious political act that challenges the status quo, as seen in practices like guerrilla gardening and botanarchy. These forms of gardening are premised upon transforming and reclaiming neglected and poorly used public spaces into green, productive areas, often without permission, to challenge private ownership and environmental conservatism. A good friend of mine in Australia started a guerrilla garden in Meanjin (Brisbane) during Covid, turning an abandoned council-owned plot into a thriving communal space where all walks of life from the community would meet and get their hands into the soil, sharing produce and meals. Engaging in guerrilla gardening/botanarchy is an empowering act, a way to push back against systems that aren’t really serving us. With our ecological systems in crisis, political instability growing the world over, and social divisions deepening, it is hard to envision a livable future without radical scaled change—the revolutionary, system-transforming type. I want to suggest that it is too the small battles that can pave the way to new modes of living and relating to each other and the planet. The peaceful revolution of growing something in the garden (whether in your backyard, or in a poorly used public space), in my opinion, is a small but sure step forward out of this mess. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024.

The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. < Back Association Feature: Feminist Union By Zélie Savinien September 30, 2021 The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. To do so, we organize multiple events such as the consent talks at the beginning of the year or octobre rose (Pink October.) We want everyone to feel included in this association, so if you have any questions, do not hesitate to contact us on our social medias!

Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 aims to bring about a complete political, economic and cultural transformation to the Kingdom, aspiring to diversify the economy away from oil production and towards cutting-edge innovation transforming its desert dunes into world leading digital technologies. < Back Saudi Arabia Ramps Up Defense Budget at Expense of Islamic Institutions By Lucy Lönnqvist for Sciences Defense March 30, 2024 Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 aims to bring about a complete political, economic and cultural transformation to the Kingdom, aspiring to diversify the economy away from oil production and towards cutting-edge innovation transforming its desert dunes into world leading digital technologies. As part and parcel of this strategy, two prominent Saudi fields have undergone major reformation: Islamic religious institutions and national defense establishments. Under the Vision 2030 economic diversification program, Saudi Arabia’s defense spending has grown substantially over the last decade, while the authority of Islamic institutions has taken a step back. Through this process, it seems that the celebrated Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman is taking steps towards Western notions of modernity in the liberalization efforts of Vision 2030. Saudi Arabia ranked as the fifth largest defense spender in the world in 2022 behind the United States, China, Russia, and India, and has reiterated full intentions of climbing further up these ranks. When Vision 2030 was announced, only 3% of Saudi Arabia’s procurements came from local companies, with the rest sourced from abroad, largely the US. According to the 2023 budget released by the Saudi Ministry of Finance, the Kingdom increased its military spending by 50% in 2023, to $69 billion – approximately 23% of its total budget. The significant increase in the defense budget comes as part of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 requirements to localize government spending in the defense sector. This leaves us to question – why the sudden escalation in defense spending at the same time as the Kingdom’s full-scale nation-branding scheme? At the same time, Saudi Arabia’s religious establishments have undergone major reform as the monarchy consolidates its vision for the country’s future. The Crown Prince has promised to reel back Islamic extremist presence in the country in favor of a “return to moderate Islam” open to the world and all religions. In his view, Vision 2030 aims to transform the hardline kingdom into an open society that empowers citizens and lures investors. Bin Salman stated that the religious doctrine is no longer “committed blindly” to the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, or any “certain school or scholar.” However, one must approach such statements with skepticism. While it is true that the Crown Prince has condemned Islamic extremist groups such as the Sahwa movement, a political Islam derived from the teachings of the Muslim Brotherhood, in arresting significant Sahwi uUema, he is dually centralizing his power by removing opposition groups to the Royal family who may pose a challenge to their rule. Anyone deemed to threaten Vision 2030 has been preemptively neutralized by the Crown Prince. With these actions, the regime made it clear that no dissenting voices would be tolerated. Ultimately, Bin Salman’s push for the Vision 2030 plan tostrengthen Saudi solidarity, defense power and the removal of Islamic extremist presence has come to be overshadowed by his lid on free speech, restrictions on political opposition, and the crackdown on dissent. It is argued that the increase in Saudi’s defense budget along with the Kingdom’s economic innovation acts as a forged nation-branding visage to strengthen the absolute monarchy’s image abroad. This was an effort to use ‘Vision 2030’ in the absolute monarchy’s macrodiplomatic strategy. What is emerging from the 2030 Vision plan and an increased defense budget is a Kingdom straddling the boundary between coercive strategies of the past such as surveillance and patronage, with innovations that respond aggressively to the triple threat of globalization, renewable-driven economies, and democratization. One must decide whether the changes to defense and religious fields in Saudi’s Vision 2030 plan are merely a glossy nation-branding scheme to exert greater soft power across the world or a genuine attempt to crawl up from the constraints of Wahhabism? The surface-level of Vision 2030 is evident: trade deal after trade deal boosting economic diversification, the retreat of Islamic institutions and greater localized defense spending as an upward trajectory for the Saudi dynasty. However, if further interpreted, it becomes clear that appeals to expanding government budgets on defense artillery are only riding on the support of oil revenues to maintain status and power. The country’s nation branding scheme has succeeded in its strategy, but we must not be fooled by the Crown Prince’s liberalization discourse in order to look past the state’s weak regulatory power, exploitative workforce practices and the absolute monarchy’s suppression of almost all political rights and civil liberties.

Following the Oct. 7 attack on Israel and the resulting retaliation on the people of Gaza, college campuses have become a hotspot for heated debate and resulting administrative censorship.   < Back Face Á La Censure Riposte Étudiante: Analyzing Freedom of Expression for Students in France By Jenna Ahmed for Amnesty International December 31, 2023 College campuses across the globe are grappling with the regulation of diverse opinions in an educational environment where the safety of students, the integrity of fundamental freedoms, and the reputation of the institutions are at stake. Following the Oct. 7 attack on Israel and the resulting retaliation on the people of Gaza, college campuses have become a hotspot for heated debate and resulting administrative censorship. On Nov. 16, Sciences Po Students, professors, and administrators woke up to barricades stacked against the campus's front entrance accompanied by a sign that read, "Face À La Censure Riposte Étudiante.” That morning, a collaboration of several student organizations, namely, Solidaires Étudiant-e-s, had placed dumpsters, construction borders, and other materials blocking the entrance to campus and attendance to the daily lessons. In an explanatory email to peers and administrators, the students expressed their discontent with "Sciences Po's policy of censorship against any student support for Palestine," as well as the administration's “lack of support in response to threats from the far-right, including calls for rape and murder." The students also called out the administration for "at best psychological pressure, at worst harassment" directed at students supporting Palestine. Finally, they ended with concrete demands calling for freedom of expression within the law. The blockade quickly caught the community's attention; Menton residents, French news outlets, and campus staff observed the student protests. Dozens of students stationed themselves in front of the blockade in support of the cause, and at 3 p.m. that afternoon, with directions from Campus Director Yousef Halaoua, the police came to lift the blockade. More than twenty police officers in riot gear entered the back entrance of the campus and removed the blockade from behind the students. Several students received minor injuries as the officers shoved the barriers against them. Over the next hour, the authorities physically removed 66 students and informed them they would be fined for participating in an illegal protest. In the weeks leading up to this event, the atmosphere on campus was highly contentious between students and administration, and within the student body itself. The Oct. 7 attack led students to be fiercely vocal regarding the attack, overall historical conflict, and enduring humanitarian crisis. Discontentment was sparked in the students by several actions by the Sciences Po administration at both the campus and university levels. Shortly after the attack, and in the weeks following, Sciences Po Paris released several statements of acknowledgment and solidarity for the Israeli victims and those affected in relation, notably expressing less, if any, support for Palestinian victims. However, the triggering point was when several students received emails from the administration addressing the media they were posting on their private Instagram accounts regarding Israel and Palestine. Further, during this period, local news networks and French politicians publicly targeted Menton students for their support of Palestine, accusing the campus of antisemitism and terror apologia, which left the students feeling unsupported by their campus and their community. Students were unimpressed by the administration's immediate response to this distressing situation and, ultimately, questioned the legality behind new and old restrictions in France regarding freedom of expression and protest. Does the French government have the power to limit speech, and to that point, does Sciences Po have the authority to sanction students' private accounts? The complexities of French and international law and the context in which these laws are incessantly abused by French authorities may answer these concerns. In an interview with Ph.D. student Samantha Vaur, a Law and Politics seminar teacher at Sciences Po Menton, we discussed the specifics of French freedom of expression and protest laws. Primarily, she emphasized that "international law is very relevant," stating that "France is a state party to international conventions on human rights where you can find freedom of expression — Article 19 Universal Declaration, Article 19 Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 10 of the European Convention, and Article 4 on the Elimination of Discrimination." Succinctly, France has, on an international level, committed to protecting these specified freedoms. Nevertheless, Vaur also identified the significance France has applied to the notion of Public Order, which outlines "both legal and physical guarantees of freedom, security, and peace of mind, which are necessary for individuals to live together in society." In an article on the French Council of State, author Rim-Sarah Alouane argues that France has traditionally applied an extremely narrow application of Public Order in the name of ensuring public safety. Alouane further asserts that French politicians have repeatedly attempted to bypass the rule of law to combat terrorism. France’s approach to freedom of expression through anti-terrorism rhetoric is a common trend evident since the end of the 20th century when many assert that French jurisprudence shifted from protecting expression to combating terrorism. Finding a balance between the two has been challenging; on several occasions, the European Commission on Human Rights has considered France’s sanctions "disproportionate and, therefore, unnecessary in a democratic society." On Sciences Po campuses, many students feel anti-terrorism clauses are being abused to sanction opinions that do not resonate with the university’s position. In an interview with Islam Mohamed, another Law and Politics seminar teacher, he discussed the importance of understanding how “apology of terrorism has been abused by the French government as a legal tool” long before current conflicts brought the issue to the university stage, stating that the Israel-Palestine debates on campus have only added another layer to the issue’s complexities. When asked if there is a legitimate concern of terror apologia among students and if so, what is the appropriate administrative response of college campuses, he responded that: “In general, there can be limitations to freedom of expression even outside the scope of terrorism. How we assess the legitimacy of these limitations is by assessing whether these limitations are proportionate to a particular security threat. Taking an action that limits freedom of expression that is disproportionate to a danger of the threat would be considered illegitimate by the European Union and French government.” Ultimately, although freedom of expression and protest are recognized rights, French law has been instrumental in the consistent limitations of these rights. This debate, which is seen on both national and international scales, presented itself at Sciences Po following emails to three students who posted pro-Palestinian content that was identified by Sciences Po’s legal team as apology of terrorism. This came after the controversial statement by French Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin calling for pro-Palestinian demonstrations to be banned and perpetrators to be arrested in the name of disrupting public order. Although the legality of this directive is inconclusive, it certainly constructed an atmosphere of distrust and unrest among students. Due to the debates forming around these emails, the student blockade, and several contentious meetings between students and administration, Director Yousef Halaoua held a meeting for the entire campus where he explained recent controversial administrative actions. Regarding the blockade, he explained that blocking an educational facility from running its daily functions is illegal and goes against school policy. Secondly, he cited the French penal code 421-2-5 as the motivation for emailing students. This code states: "Directly provoking acts of terrorism or publicly advocating these acts is punishable by five years' imprisonment and a fine of €75,000." The exact content of these students' posts is unknown; however, many students have questioned the legitimate authority the administration has over personal content and whether the administration was motivated by the student's political stance rather than the outlined legal limitations to freedom of expression. The continuity of this issue is made apparent by the atmosphere of distrust French authorities have created around the government's ability to protect certain rights. Amnesty International has published copious reports criticizing France's actions regarding protest and speech. In an article titled "France is not the free-speech champion it claims to be," Amnesty details how France's record on freedom of expression is incessantly bleak. The article cites the example of the European Court of Human Rights finding the convictions of 11 activists for campaigning for a boycott of Israeli products a violation of their free speech rights. Amnesty displays that the application of restrictive laws to this particular conflict is familiar. Following the Interior Minister's ban on pro-Palestinian protests, Amnesty International France's President stated that "The ban on all demonstrations in support of the Palestinians in France constitutes a serious and disproportionate attack on the right to demonstrate…A ban can only be legal if it is motivated by a specific threat and if it is demonstrated that no other less restrictive measure could guarantee public order." Again, the importance of the proportionality of a legal action to an issue of expression is apparent. In essence, despite international law protecting and outlining certain fundamental freedoms, states within international bodies exercise extensive discretion. The issue of freedom of expression and protest in France is complex and tremendously relevant when applied to a university campus with a political science focus. As previously mentioned, limitations to fundamental freedoms are legally sound; nevertheless, neither the media nor the students are ignorant of current trends directly affecting the acceptance of the expression of political opinion.

While recent efforts towards recognizing and acknowledging the struggle of the Harkis is taking steps towards the right direction, there is a bigger picture. By preserving the memory of the Harkis and advocating for justice, real justice, we can prevent future cases of forgotten communities. < Back Forgotten Soldiers: The Case of the French Abandonment of the Algerian Harkis Farida Dowidar for Amnesty Sciences Po Menton September 30, 2024 The Harki - A term derived from the simple word movement in Arabic, but loaded with controversy in the Francophone world. The Harkis describe a group of native Muslim Algerians who fought on behalf of the French army in the Algerian War between 1954 and 1962. The Algerian War was a decolonial independence war fought primarily between France and the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN). Though one of the most significant wars of liberation, the conflict was characterized by war crimes, guerrilla warfare, and internal civil wars. Weighing on the war was the unique position that Algeria held. Unlike the rest of the French colonies, Algeria was declared an integral part of France in 1848, with Algiers, Oran, and Constantine organized as French departments. Subsequently, up to 200,000 Muslim Algerians served as regular soldiers in the French Army. With the outbreak of the Algerian War in 1954, many had their loyalty tested between serving their state or their people. The Harkis had various reasons for serving against the Algerian decolonial movement. Primarily, high unemployment rates among Algeria’s Muslim population made serving in the French army an attractive source of income. Many Harkis felt little devotion to France but sought a stable livelihood for their families. Additionally, as part of the FLN’s political tactics, by 1956, they had co-opted and dissolved all other rival nationalist groups, attacking their members to push their agenda. Thus, some Algerians joined the French Army in order to avenge the death of relatives. Conversely, some Harkis fought for France as they had traditionally, and generationally, served France. With a substantial number of Algerian Muslims fighting for France as auxiliary forces, the end of the war prompted questions about their fate. Though according to the peace agreement, the Evian Accords, no one, Harkis or Pieds-Noirs (Algerian-born Europeans), would suffer the consequences of their position during the war after independence, the realities on the ground looked vastly different. Considering them to be national traitors, widespread reprisals occurred against the Harkis, with lynch mobs, often coordinated by the FLN, killing at least 30,000 and potentially, according to some estimates, up to 150,000, including the Harkis and their families. Charles de Gaulle’s government initially banned the migration of the Harkis into metropolitan France following the end of the war. Regardless, many officers disobeyed and helped their fellow soldiers and families escape. Estimates indicate that about 90,000 Harkis and their families found refuge in France. However, having no right to residency, they were confined to “temporary” internment camps surrounded by barbed wire. Supervised at all times, Harki communities, both within and outside these camps, were subject to destitute conditions. Although they had served as soldiers for France, many Harkis were housed in these transit camps, tents, or huts. Many were put in industrial towns or council estates, but 69 “villages”, subject to 25 families per village, were built by the state in rural areas— in Languedoc-Roussillon, Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, and Corsica—to house these communities. Despite some efforts by the state to “integrate” the Harkis, they were placed on the margins of French society on both a geographic and social scale. A recent ruling, Tamazount and Others v. France, by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), saw five descendants of the Harkis standing against the state of France for their human rights violations against the Harkis. The ECHR condemned the state of France for inflicting upon the Harkis "inhuman or degrading treatment" (Article 3) in the Bias camp, one of the temporary internment camps, as well as for failing to respect their "right to privacy", as stipulated in Article 8 of the European Convention of Human Rights. In this context, a series of strikes and demonstrations, beginning in the early 1970s but continuing until now, brought public attention to the case of the Harkis. Short-term measures were adopted through the 1970s and 1980s by the state, but demands for compensation and recognition were, for the most part, ignored. Though some laws were enacted, the Harki community still suffered from various socioeconomic issues that were rarely acknowledged and even less addressed. Caught in the crossfire of the nuances of the war, the Harkis are perceived as traitors among Algerians, with slur-like connotations of the word Harki. In France, they still serve as a reminder of how the country took a firm stance against the very people who fought to maintain the Empire’s power and control. Feelings of abandonment remain present within the Harki community. Though the government has begun to acknowledge the importance of the Harkis in the last two decades, as Macron admitted, France "failed in its duty towards the Harkis, their wives, and their children.” Speeches and commemorations of war acknowledge their abandonment, but in law, too little is done too late. Given their socioeconomic context, with high levels of societal alienation and illiteracy, there remains to be little literature on their experiences. Few memoirs exist to capture their struggle in either France or Algeria, but secondary literature has been vital in recording their history. The children of the Harkis have begun to capture testimonies to maintain the memory of this uniquely situated community. The hope is that their recorded history will not just stand as a footnote but a sobering reminder of the French colonial legacy and the consequences of the abandonment of a people. While recent efforts towards recognizing and acknowledging the struggle of the Harkis is taking steps towards the right direction, there is a bigger picture. By preserving the memory of the Harkis and advocating for justice, real justice, we can prevent future cases of forgotten communities.

To most, it seems incomprehensible how women, especially Western women who are geographically separated from countries ravaged by terrorism, could choose to leave safety to become terrorists. < Back Can Women Be More Than Just Victims of Jihadists? By Isabella Hehl Dalla Zuanna September 27, 2023 When women and terrorism are mentioned in the same sentence, usually, it is in the context of women as victims. Indeed, systematic rape, mutilation, and the fate of becoming a child bride to jihadists are often how women are impacted by such extremism. However, the role of women perpetrating terrorism is much less discussed and more confusing. To most, it seems incomprehensible how women, especially Western women who are geographically separated from countries ravaged by terrorism, could choose to leave safety to become terrorists. While the media does discuss “jihadi brides” in polarizing and infantilizing ways, the roles of terrorist organizations are not only romantic and sexual: they are involved in recruitment, propaganda and even militancy. Women can become intertwined with terrorist extremism voluntarily, leaving their homes to become part of jihadist efforts. The reasons behind their choices are often not different from men: they see the lifestyle as empowering and a way of worshiping and are drawn by alienation, marriage, belief in the cause, adventure and inequality. While some do not understand how women could join groups that actively and regularly participate in and propagate sexual violence, many female terrorists actually agree with such gendered and conservative regulations and embrace and publicize the brutality through propaganda and online recruitment. In Western countries, some women will be driven to extremism by Islamophobia, isolation and a confused sense of identity. Moreover, women will often become extremists when they believe that the whole Muslim community is being aggressively persecuted globally and feel anger about the responsiveness of the international world to their persecution. In contrast, the jihadist world offers a utopian vision of building the caliphate, becoming part of a sisterhood, a romanticized religious experience, and a solution to women's pain in the Western world. Once women become involved in a terrorist group, there are many roles they can take on. Sometimes, but less frequently, these are militant. This is rare because, in most jihadist groups, the basic ideology centers around the power of men and prefers for women to be more or less invisible from society. However, they can contribute to the militant effort in cases of emergency and when permitted by imams. For example, ISIS has increasingly allowed women to be involved in defense since 2014. The Europol report about terrorism trends occurring in the European Union showed children and women playing increasingly more operational and militant roles in terrorist acts. There have even been occurrences where a group of women only planned terrorist attacks, such as in 2016 in France, where three women were arrested for such plotting in Paris. Another trend becoming increasingly frequent is the use of women as suicide bombers. This is strategically advantageous because security forces tend to assume men are much more likely to participate in violent and dangerous acts, and thus women are less suspicious. Through clothing and even apparent pregnancy, women can avoid arousing suspicion and being flagged by the police. Moreover, the use of female suicide bombers not only allows terrorists to have more recruitment opportunities but garners even more media attention than a male suicide bomber since the participation of women seems much more unexpected and shocking. Women also often play organizational roles: as recruiters, logistical support, smugglers and messengers. As recruiters, they can radicalize young women, even girls, and encourage them to spread propaganda or actively join the jihadist effort. ISIS uses this as a key strategy: by reversing the traditional recruitment profile, women can not only effectively recruit other women but also, through shaming, garner more male support too. Women are being recognized for their crucial role in jihadists’ long-term strategy and goal in state-building. However, mostly they continue to primarily play a domestic role: cleaning, cooking, making clothes and providing medicine. This does not make their role any less impactful than that of men. On the contrary: they are necessary to build and produce the indivisible infrastructure of their jihadist group by facilitating, enabling and supporting violent extremism through the state roles. Usually, their participation is limited to “honorable roles”: being mothers and wives to the jihadists. An overwhelming amount of time, when women are associated with terrorist groups, it is because of marriage, its prospects or family ties with a male terrorist. Their own terrorist acts can often be motivated by these relationships: for example, a mother sending her jihadist son money, mothers hiding their sons from the police, or women traveling countries with their husband for his terrorist purposes. Moreover, women are disproportionately impacted by coercion and forced participation, which must be considered when determining a woman’s criminal responsibility for involvement in terrorist activities. Even though it is important to consider coercion and their familial roles, it must also be noted that women play significant roles in disseminating propaganda, recruitment and logistical organization. Girls or women who want to join or have entered terrorist organizations must be taken seriously for their dangerous role. They often deeply understand the jihadist’s ideology and are willing to participate in extremist acts to propagate those ideas. A more well-known phenomenon concerning women’s roles in such groups is controversially called the “jihadi brides,” which describes women or girls who believe they must leave their country, join a terrorist organization, and marry one of the fighters. The International Centre for the Study of Radicalization of King’s College London has reported that 4761 foreign women have joined ISIS in Iraq and Syria, almost half being from Western countries. In the last decade, a serious problem has arisen. With the collapse of ISIS, these women mostly wound up in detention centers and refugee camps by local Kurdish groups in Syria, raising questions for their countries of origin on how to deal with them. Most countries of origin refuse to repatriate their nationals, as they pose a very serious security risk. On the other hand, many were coerced, sometimes even at young ages, to join the caliphate, and did not know the extent of what was expected of them. This is controversial because some adamantly argue that these young women were essentially groomed and sexually exploited. In contrast, others cite numerous reports proving that many “jihadi brides” were aware of ISIS’ brutality. A famous example is Shamima Begum , which set a precedent for other women and countries about how a state should interact with these women's rights and obligations attached to their citizenship. In the case of Shamima Begum – a 15-year-old when she left the United Kingdom for Syria to join the ISIS, and re-emerged four years later, hoping to re-enter her homeland – the United Kingdom refused to allow her to be repatriated, and she remains in a refugee center. This is the fate for most women who were once “jihadi brides.” In conclusion, similarly to men, women are driven to join jihadist groups by violence, religious duty and isolationism, so treating all women joining ISIS as tricked, naive, or sex-driven is a complete misunderstanding. Most women joining such terrorist groups know about and are eager to participate in the horrific acts of terrorism; dubbing them “jihadi brides” is incorrect, overly simplistic, and fails to understand the mechanisms of their radicalization. Women mostly join terrorist groups through family or marriage and are statistically more likely to be coerced into doing so than men. However, women can also play important logistical and support roles and be found in militant positions. The advantages of being a woman, and thus not “suspicious” to security forces, are being increasingly exploited by these groups, as proven by the growing role of women as suicide bombers, messengers and spies. Overall, while it must be taken into consideration that some women express deep remorse and regret about their choice to join terrorist organizations, many do not, and women joining jihadist groups cannot be underestimated: just because they are women does not mean that they cannot play a crucial, and very dangerous role in terrorist efforts.

Israel has issued a new set of regulations, to be taken into effect next month, that would impose further limits on foreigners’ entry into the West Bank. < Back Israel Cracks Down on West Bank Accessibility By Ghazal Khalife September 30, 2022 Israel has issued a new set of regulations, to be taken into effect next month, that would impose further limits on foreigners’ entry into the West Bank. The restriction stirring up the most controversy is the new obligation to formally declare a romantic relationship with a Palestinian to be granted access into the area. Other seemingly arbitrary regulations, such as quotas on visas given to students and lecturers, also perplexed commentators. The original draft of this set of protocols, published by the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), stipulated that foreigners who start a serious romantic relationship with Palestinian residents of the West Bank must inform the authorities “within 30 days of the start of this relationship.” However, following criticism and condemnation from human rights activists, Palestinian legal experts and many leading figures in the international community, Israel released a revised 90-page document that omitted this clause. The revised version states that foreigners who wish to live with their spouses in the Judea and Samaria area, the biblical name for the West Bank, must apply for a visiting permit 45 days before their trip. The document also cements the ban on giving residency status to them, leaving many families under the constant stress of being denied entry and legal status. According to Part four of the revised document, “Spousal permits will be issued for a maximum term of one year each time.” Furthermore, the total period that any visitor can stay in the West Bank is 27 months (including visa extensions), after which a “cooling off” period is required. If visitors wish to re-enter the area, they must start a new application process. Not only is this process intensely bureaucratic and time-consuming, but permits are also subject to arbitrary refusals. Ultimately, the COGAT official decides whether or not the permit is approved, as seen in Clause 10: “the authorized COGAT official is the authority who decides whether to deny a foreigner entry into the Judea and Samaria area.” In addition to the public backlash against the initial draft of new protocols, Israeli human rights activists in Hamoked, Center For the Defense of the Individual, and Palestinian activists quickly denounced the protocols’ international law violations and started challenging them in court. Jessica Montell, director of Hamoked, explains that these policies are manifestations of a “belligerent occupation.” Even the American ambassador, Tom Tide, expressed his strong disappointment over the new restrictions and declared having engaged in negotiations with Israel to revise the regulations. Nonetheless, COGAT’s changes to the original rules remain largely superficial since only the contentious quotas on lecturers allowed entry and the declaration of a love-interest were removed. According to the United Nations and Palestinian legal experts, there is no solid legal basis for Israel’s past restrictions on movement or these new regulations. Israel, however, derives license to enact its restrictive policies from the Interim Peace Accords of the 1990s and “security concerns.” Furthermore, with Israel controlling most entrances to the West Bank with heavily militarized checkpoints and frequent Israeli Defense Force inspections, these regulations are likely to be reinforced strictly. The document specifies that any application for a permit needs to be accompanied by a deposit of up to 20,050 dollars that can be confiscated in the case of a breach of the permit’s conditions. These measures reaffirm the Israeli state’s insistence on following tough restrictions and consolidating years of aggressive military occupation. Perhaps the most apparent consequences of these regulations on individuals’ private lives are the tolls they take on existing family ties and the immense obstacles they create for Palestinians who want to marry people of other nationalities. The new regulations raise the question of why Israel would enforce such exhaustive measures on the partners of Palestinians. An aim could be to put pressure on Palestinian civil life and further isolate Palestinian citizens of the West Bank from the outside world. Palestinians living in the West Bank are already struggling with heavy restrictions on autonomy under a convoluted and opaque system. From long lines at checkpoints to limitations on working hours, everyday life for Palestinians in the West Bank is only getting more difficult. These new protocols also regulate business and academic activities; thus, businessmen, professors, and students are impacted. The process for obtaining a permit is often costly and time-consuming as applications need to be started at least two months in advance, and applicants must fit an extensive set of criteria and undergo detailed background checks by COGAT officials before being let into the West Bank. Restrictions on the entry of goods and skilled labor cause Palestinian businesses to struggle to expand and modernize. Bassim Khoury, CEO of Pharmacare, comments, “having to obtain a confirmation a month ahead will make it impossible for many foreign partners we have to be part of the business. The immediate effect is that we will have a harder time developing our business.” Lecturers and students must also satisfy COGAT’s list of academic credentials, age and medical insurance conditions. An especially troubling limitation for undergraduate students holding the visiting permit makes it “forbidden to seek employment in the Area.” Mariya Gabriel, head of the European Commission for research and culture, criticized these measures saying, “With Israel itself benefiting greatly from Erasmus, the Commission considers that it should facilitate and not hinder access of students to Palestinian universities.” Moreover, these restrictions do not apply to Israeli settlers, further emphasizing the apartheid policies in the occupied territories. These regulations directly serve settlers as they pose obstacles to all corners of Palestinian life and make the dream of a prosperous Palestinian state ever more elusive. Although, in reality, the prospect of a two-state solution has already been abandoned by many Palestinians who fear more evictions, fewer rights and continuing aggression. These new protocols perfectly conform to Israel’s 55-year policy toward occupied Palestinians, anchoring decades of discrimination and oppression. To understand the reasoning behind Israel’s policy in this highly contested area, it is crucial to analyze how these new regulations fit within the larger scheme of events since the Israeli occupation of the West Bank following the Six-Day War of 1967. Since then, Israel has pursued a consistent policy of sponsoring settlements and institutionalizing discrimination against Palestinians. As a result, lasting peace in the West Bank seems almost impossible. Arbitrary arrests forced evictions and bureaucratic restrictions on movement, among other manifestations of de facto annexation, make life in the West Bank turbulent. This is part of Israel’s plan to formally annex the region, a plan hindered by the COVID-19 pandemic and Donald’s Trump loss in the 2020 U.S. elections. Annexing the West Bank and finally uniting the Israeli state has been the conclusive goal for many Israeli politicians, most notably former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. This final policy will subject the area to Israeli rather than international law. Israel is heading in this direction even though it violates international conduct and may be reprimanded, especially because Joe Biden has not yet given Israel the green light. Annexation or military occupation — these words serve merely as semantics for Palestinians having to face ever-deteriorating living conditions amidst an Arab and international community that is increasingly desensitized to their suffering. A quote from one of my Palestinian friends summarizes the situation rather powerfully: “They want to prevent us from spreading our culture and practicing our identity because only then will they reach their full victory.” When observing the general trend in Israeli policy in the West Bank, the new regulations and how they infringe on Palestinians’ right to privacy and freedom of movement make it seem as though it is highly unlikely for any tangible improvements to take place even in the face of international criticism, leaving Palestinians wondering how much more they still have to withstand.

Despite technical limitations and ethical considerations, it’s hard to understate the revolutionary nature of the CRISPR system. In just over a decade, its use has proliferated to the majority of fields within the life sciences, yielding important clinical advances to tackle congenital diseases and understand viral mechanisms that target humans in order to accelerate the vaccine-making process. < Back What's CRISPR, Anyway? Feidias Psaras December 31, 2024 How it came together There was a meeting of minds in Puerto Rico in 2011. At a conference for Clustered Regularly Interspaced Short Palindromic Repeats ( CRISPR ) systems and RNA Biology held in San Juan, Emanuelle Charpentier, a young microbiology researcher at the Umeå University in Sweden, presented her findings on a new RNA-protein complex that played a role in the function of a bacterial immune system. The presentation was a wake-up call for Jennifer Doudna, who studied the specific biochemical relationships related to RNA and believed that this mechanism could have wider implications. At the time, the CRISPR molecule was considered a niche field of study rather than the widely used gene editing tool that it has become now. It concerned a specific bacterial defense response against viruses, which involved an enzyme (Cas9) that performed precise incisions in the DNA as well as an attached RNA molecule which led it to the site of interest. In other words, the system was made up of ultra-precise molecular scissors and a guide. But the problem was that the guide could not be replicated by scientists; it was impossible to modify. A year after the conference, the final piece to the puzzle of precise genome editing that spanned decades was finally put in place; working together, Doudna and Charpentier discovered the crucial customizable guide that would allow the natural process to be co-opted in lab conditions outside of the bacterial cells that fostered the conditions that allowed the process to happen naturally. The short time of eight years spanning CRISPR’s discovery and the jointly awarded Nobel prize in Chemistry is just a small indicator of its seismic impact. But as is usual regarding scientific discoveries, it is difficult to understand what the repercussions of even the biggest breakthroughs entail for the future of everyday life. So where should we start? What is genetic engineering, really? Anyone who’s taken a beginner Biology course knows that the cell is the fundamental building block of life. Our bodies are made up of tens of trillions of cells, each with a different set of internal machinery and function. Deoxyribonucleic acid, commonly known as DNA, is the molecular blueprint that exists within each cell and determines its unique functions. This is made possible by the double-helix structure of the DNA itself, which essentially comprises two long strings of molecular code that are copied, sent out into the cytoplasm and used to create all the important molecules that cells need to survive and carry out their function. The important thing to understand here is that the code of the DNA—save for mutations, viral/bacterial invasions and a few other exceptions—stays the same and is the essential determinant of its host cell’s identity. A change in even a single unit of code within the DNA could result in the complete breakdown of the cell or in an improvement of a given function. But the latter, logically enough, happens much more rarely than the former—most mutations are either neutral or detrimental. While natural selection provides a process by which the many bad mutations are filtered out while the few good ones carry themselves to the next generation, ‘bad’ and ‘good’ are relative terms. A watermelon that has an increased seed density has more chances of spreading those seeds and propagate its DNA across generations, but yields less nutritious value for us humans. Genetic engineering, then, is the purposeful manipulation of organisms’ genomes to fit our purposes. Funnily enough, we started doing it thousands of years before we had any idea about DNA; selective breeding of animals and plants to create friendly and obedient dogs out of wolves and sweet and near-seedless watermelons is a testament to that. But this method is not a very effective way to edit genomes. It’s limited to mutations that occur naturally in plants, often taking multiple breeding generations to yield reliable results, and is not precise at all; in naturally occurring mutations, stretches of DNA might be altered along with the gene of interest. What does CRISPR add? Ever since the discovery of DNA in the 20th century, scientists had been coming up with effective ways to induce targeted genome manipulations. Initially, these efforts included bombarding plants with radiation in the hopes that a useful mutation would pop up. In the 70s and 80s, more sophisticated methods developed with the discovery of specialized restriction enzymes that recognized and cut specific sections of DNA, as well co-opting bacteria such as agrobacterium to use as delivery mechanisms for genes of interest into the cell. But still, all of these mechanisms presented significant limitations: while high levels of radiation fast-tracked the process of mutation, researchers had no control over the actual changes occurring over the genetic code; restriction enzymes were fixed, and could only recognize certain sequences of a specific length ; the agrobacterium delivery system worked only in plants and inserted genes randomly in their genomes, thus potentially nullifying their function. Instead, easy manipulation of the CRISPR RNA-protein complex in laboratory settings means that the system is programmable and precise. It can perform different types of ‘incisions’ on any part of the genome depending on the manipulation. The ease and efficiency of this mechanism means that genetic engineering becomes not only incredibly quicker, but also much cheaper. Its performance-enhancing capabilities enable a higher rate of experimentation and therefore discovery. What has CRISPR achieved so far? CRISPR’s versatility opens the door to an entirely new, more hands-on generation of genetic engineering across fields. In terms of agriculture, it provides an important avenue into more efficient and precise genetic altering of plants. As mentioned before, humans have for centuries employed a rudimentary form of genetic manipulation (selective breeding) that is way too imprecise and slow. The same problem exists in different degrees with more modern methods of genetic engineering such as the introduction of new DNA via bacteria. Even though CRISPR technologies are not fully developed yet and their delivery faces difficulties, they are crucial to a more precise and effective creation of GMOs. It means that plants are more resilient to adverse conditions such as extreme temperatures and pesticides, in turn aiding crop outputs in an age of climate change and rapid populational growth. CRISPR-Cas9 also offers a more accurate method to simulate how genes are passed down and mutate across generations. From mammals to insects, the tool has been used to swap out sections of DNA with ones of interest in order to help scientists better understand how these genes behave; whether they have a tendency to replicate and what molecules, if any, they provide the blueprints for. With gene therapy, CRISPR adds an entirely new and powerful treatment method that enhances our clinical toolset. In 2014, the first instance of this was trialled in the UK to treat a patient with sickle cell anaemia. Commercially known as Casgevy, it involved the extraction of the problematic mass-producing cells responsible for the production of defective red blood cells, as well as their subsequent DNA modification before reinserting them back into patients’ bone marrow. Late in 2023, both the UK and US approved the commercial use of such drugs. A slew of other such gene therapy treatments follow; promising treatments for brain and ovarian cancer, diabetes and even AIDS. The emergence of CRISPR gene-editing in a clinical setting, however, poses serious ethical concerns. After gaining governmental permission, for example, researchers in the UK successfully modified human embryos in 2016. Even though they were later discarded, the scientific feat signifies that it is now possible to pick and choose our babies’ genomes. But should we be able to change the genetic makeup of an embryo? If so, would it only be to prevent life-threatening congenital diseases like Hypoplastic Left Heart Syndrome or less serious medical conditions such as dwarfism as well? Disability activists such as Rebecca Cokley, who views her achondroplasia less as a disease than as a part of her identity, argue that CRISPR is an existential menace to people like her. Purely cosmetic gene edits, such as those that would increase height or intelligence, are even more controversial; the concept of designer babies, previously a fit of science fiction fancy, looms as a frightening prospect that could entrench social inequalities by embedding them into our very genomes. Conclusion Despite technical limitations and ethical considerations, it’s hard to understate the revolutionary nature of the CRISPR system. In just over a decade, its use has proliferated to the majority of fields within the life sciences, yielding important clinical advances to tackle congenital diseases and understand viral mechanisms that target humans in order to accelerate the vaccine-making process. With all this, it’s important to note that the Cas9-system is only the first of many generations to come. Already, discovery of protein complexes such as Cas12 and present more precise and less error-prone mechanisms. In any case, one thing is clear: the discovery of CRISPR marks the beginning of a new age in genetic engineering.

Qatar’s movement towards a more democratic political system highlights the country as a progressive force in the region, which can help it gain assistance and recognition by important international actors such as the United States or the European Union. < Back The First Democratic Elections in Qatar- Democratic or Diplomatic? By Emilia Kohlmeyer November 29, 2021 On October 21, the Gulf emirate Qatar held its first elections for the government’s legislative body, Majlis Al Shura (commonly referred to as the Shura or Advisory Council). The monarchy has been continuously delaying its elections since 2007 — although the Qatari constitution outlined the first elections to commence as early as 2004. The Shura is composed of 30 popularly elected seats and 15 seats appointed by the Emir. It is responsible for approving the national budget as well as drafting, discussing, and voting on proposed legislation — however, with some legal restrictions. Eligible to vote are native Qatari citizens over the age of 18 — excluding a large number of naturalized citizens. While Qatar has a population of almost three million residents, only about 10% hold citizenship — and an even smaller portion is of 'native' descent. The controversial electoral law, outlined in the 2005 Nationality law, requires proof that one’s grandfather was born in Qatar. This led to backslash over the exclusion of the prominent Al Murrah tribe, sparking multiple arrests of members. Independent candidates over the age of 30 are permitted to run for an office term of four years, given that they are recognized native citizens, have no criminal convictions, exhibit good character, and are fluent in written and spoken Arabic. Political parties are banned in the emirate. Furthermore, foreign funding was strictly prohibited and a maximum budget of two million riyals, equivalent to 500.000 euros, was set for a maximum campaign of two weeks. The vote was divided in 30 electoral districts with a total of 284 candidates distributed on 30 seats. There were 28 female candidates, however none were successful. The elected candidates were largely composed of former government officials and influential businessmen. The functions of the Shura Council According to the constitution, Qatar has a democratic system which is based on the separation of powers. Furthermore, Article 76 states, “The Advisory Council assumes the Legislative Power, approves the State's public budget and exercises the function of ‘watchdog’ over the Executive Power, according to the manner stipulated in this Constitution.” The Majalis Al Shura has the power to approve the national budget and to draft, discuss, and vote on proposed legislation. In ordinary circumstances, the Cabinet would propose laws which are then passed on to the Shura Council for verification. Once the Advisory Council passes a bill by majority, it must be passed to the Emir for approval. If he rejects the bill, it must be resubmitted to the council within three months with a given explanation. However, if the Council passes the same bill again by a two-thirds majority the emir is required to pass the law. The emir, as executive power, also has the right, according to Article 70 of the constitution, to issue laws in ‘exceptional circumstances’ for a limited period of time – without consultation of the Council. However, to extend this law, the Shura Council must approve it with a two-thirds majority within 40 days of submission. Hence, constitutionally, the executive’s power is limited by the requirement to consult the Shura Council. Elections in Qatar: Progressive or Utilitarian? Qatar is one of the wealthiest states of the world, possessing the third largest natural gas reserve, which provides the state with 70% of government revenue and 60% of the GDP. This has allowed the country to provide generous benefits to its citizens, such as free healthcare, education, no taxes, and a monthly income. Therefore, while neighboring states such as Bahrain and Saudi Arabia faced political turmoil in context of the Arab Spring protests, Qatar faced essentially no opposition by its population. The Arab Opinion Index of 2019/2020 affirmed that 98% of the population believed the political situation in Qatar was either good or very good. Furthermore, the level of democracy was assessed as 7.5/10, ranking remarkably higher than other countries in the region. This can be mostly attributed to the rent the population receives, but as well due to their size. The government is known to have historically made concessions with tribal figures, which largely dominate the civilian political discourse. Qatar’s political sphere is therefore largely run under the notion of ‘no taxes, no voice.’ However, the elections can be seen as an anticipatory effort by the government to decrease the number of natural resources while the population increases. This will inevitably reduce the economic rent, and limit the government's leverage over the population. To maintain the social contract on which the monarchy relies, an increase in popular political participation reduces the responsibility of providing rent, and potentially facilitates the implementation of policies such as taxation. Furthermore, the elections can be regarded as a move to appeal to international powers. Qatar has been increasingly acting as a mediator in conflicts, such as in Middle Eastern countries during the Arab Spring, as well as negotiating with Israel on behalf of the Palestinian cause. This has conflicted with Saudi Arabia’s anticipations as the guard and mediator of the region. Its movement towards a more democratic political system highlights Qatar as a progressive force in the region, which can help it gain assistance and recognition by important international actors such as the United States or the European Union.

On that evening, when I was casually texting my relative as we discussed Lebanon’s situation, he sent me a photo that my Tweet was shared on TV < Back Never Give Up on Your Voice: My Tweet Went Viral in Lebanon By Riwa Hassan November 30, 2021 Expressing my voice in Lebanon, a country that has been collapsing Nothing uncommon, just some videos of militias terrorizing the country with their legal and illegal arms. Over the years, this has become a norm for me and for everyone who lives in Lebanon, one of the most politically complex and divided countries in the MENA region. For decades now, our citizens have stood by political warlords and religious extremist figures, which has weakened Lebanese unity and allowed for corruption to infiltrate almost all governmental and non-governmental organizations. Today, with the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the economic crisis, the Beirut explosion, and the overall socio-political situation compounded, people can no longer afford their basic necessities. On October 14, 2021, although the scene was not very different from today, the backstory was in fact more threatening, as it seemed that the country was on the verge of a civil war. Hezbollah and Amal Movement, known as the duo-Shiite, protested against the judge for the Beirut explosion investigation, Tarek Al Bitar, and accused him of being biassed after he involved some of their leaders in the investigation. As the protestors approached Ain El Remmaneh, where the residing majority are Christians who follow the Lebanese Forces Party, the clash, which soon became a bloodshed, began. This Tayouneh-Ain El Remmeneh bloodshed was called a “mini-civil war” as it also started in the same area where the Lebanese Civil War began in 1975. During that same time, I was in French class, trying to process all the news and the videos while texting my loved ones to make sure they were safe. The whole clash was not as disappointing to me as the youth supporters of these political parties, whose dreams and daily lives have been destroyed over the past two years. The protest, which was clearly not peaceful, was defended by Hezbollah and Amal supporters, as they backed it up with their right to protest and express themselves freely. They only recognize such human rights when it is in their interest. This sentiment was expressed in a Tweet I shared, which compared Hezbollah and Amal’s reactions in protests against a judge doing his job to the protests which demanded justice, equality and basic life necessities. In the former, they clearly supported the protests, but in the latter, their reaction was opposing and full of violence. As I normally do, I wrote a Tweet, “Remember when they called us ‘ate3een tor2at’ and ‘ze3ran’ and accused us of threatening civil peace when we were protesting for our basic rights #العدالة أقوى_من_ترهيبكم #الطيونه .” ‘Ate3een tor2at’ and ‘ze3ran’ can be translated to bandits or crooks. The hashtag under which I shared my Tweet is translated to “justice is stronger than your terrorism.” Suddenly, my Tweet was trending, and while some were threatening and cursing me, others showed their full support. On that evening, when I was casually texting my relative as we discussed the whole situation, he sent me a photo that my Tweet was shared on TV, on Lebanon Broadcasting Corporation International (LBCI). I received a lot of messages that encouraged me to continue voicing my opinion. At the same time, I got messages to be careful, and warnings that being bold about my stance is not safe. Later this year, on November 22, Lebanese Independence Day, while I was supposed to be studying for my finals, I could not help but think of how our lives have flipped upside down during the past two years, and reflect on what independence I was supposed to celebrate. I poured the words from my heart onto a post on Instagram. In almost an hour, my post was shared on numerous Instagram stories, especially within the Sciences Po community. For that, I cannot explain how safe it felt to be living in such a supportive community. I cannot thank you enough but I am forever grateful for your effort to help share my voice. I am writing this article on the plane on my way back to Lebanon and I have never felt this afraid yet excited at the same time. I know that I have only been away for around three months, but the situation in the country is changing very fast and, sadly, for the worse. On the bright side, this is the first time I have seen this amount of people going back to Lebanon, which explains how much love all the Lebanese diaspora hold for this country despite all the traumas and losses it has caused them. Sharing my stance and explaining the situation in Lebanon means a lot to me, and I will always express my opinion regardless of the consequences. Freedom of expression might only be found in our constitution, on paper, but we have the duty to share our concerns and turn it to action. The latter is one step forward towards change which Lebanon is in dire need for.

For us, Sciences Pistes, there are endless options, often just a click away on a lazy Monday morning, when the teacher is particularly uninteresting. The flight tickets are cheap, flying is fast and time is limited. We, Sciences Pistes, are respectful, interested in different cultures and exploring the hidden gems—not just the touristy areas. < Back Trends In Tourism: Solo Travelling and Slow Tourism Ema Nevřelová March 31, 2025 Are you trying to get through the crowded streets of Menton during Fête du Citron? Or are you lying on your sofa watching Tanya McQuoid, played by Jennifer Coolidge, enjoy her peppermint tea in The White Lotus ? I’m sorry to inform you that you are one of them–a tourist. For most of us, tourism has become a regular part of our lives, and not traveling during break makes some of us twitch. Unsurprisingly, flying is cheaper, orientation in new places is more accessible, and life is always shinier in undiscovered places. And because summer is swiftly approaching, I shall lead through some of the do’s and don’ts of tourism. I recently came across an article from the BBC with a striking title: Cover up or pay a fine, Portugal's Albufeira warns . However, Albufeira is not the only destination battling mass tourism. Cities like Barcelona or Venice have also employed measures to prevent tourists from overcrowding and, in some cases, even destroying the cultural sights. Coming from Prague, which has almost eight times more tourists visiting each year than its inhabitants, I understand the frustrations. It is not just about the crowds on Charles Bridge , it is about the locals choosing to avoid certain parts of the city and losing touch with its culture, history and with one another. Not to mention, prices have skyrocketed even outside of the city center. After one gets over the initial shock of a €4 cappuccino; there comes a worst nightmare of all—tourists discovering the local hidden gems. From a personal experience, there is no worse feeling than coming back to your favorite local business, realizing an influencer featured it in their reel, and you’re no longer able to sit and enjoy your overpriced beverage. However, there is another side. For us, Sciences Pistes, there are endless options, often just a click away on a lazy Monday morning, when the teacher is particularly uninteresting. The flight tickets are cheap, flying is fast and time is limited. At some point, most people will Google how to get affordable flight tickets, setting price alerts and always look for free Fridays, as it is the most inexpensive day to travel by plane. Of course, we are not like “the other tourists.” We, Sciences Pistes, are respectful, interested in different cultures and exploring the hidden gems—not just the touristy areas. In the years since the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a shift in the way people think about tourism. It is no longer about “seeing it all” (preferably in one day and for the price of a cappuccino in Prague). On the contrary, the emerging trend—sustainable or slow tourism—pushes those who participate in it to rethink their relationship to traveling. Sustainable or slow tourism can be defined as “the development of a region’s tourism industry in such a way that it does not damage or deplete the resources that make the region attractive to tourists.” For those who are traveling, it means being more conscious about the transportation they use to get to their destination as well as choosing accommodations that are committed to reducing their emissions or learning about the local culture, respecting it and taking the proper time to explore it and immerse in it. This trend is all the more important in the face of climate change, as global tourism emissions have reached 8.8 % of total greenhouse gas emissions in the pre-pandemic year 2019. While the tourism industry has not fully recovered to its pre-pandemic levels in 2023, the UN Tourism 2024 Edition of International Tourism Highlights has suggested : “a full recovery of international arrivals in 2024, following a 96% recovery in the first seven months of 2024.” The European Union, in its attempt to fight the climate crisis, supports the trend of slow tourism. For example, they offer students a free 7-day train pass to travel Europe under the initiative of DiscoverEU . It is proposed for 18-year-olds who live in one of the EU member states or countries that are part of the Erasmus+ program, such as Turkey, Norway, etc. The next round of applications opens on April 2 and will close on April 16. The program provides young people with a great opportunity to be environmentally mindful while seeing the beauties this continent has to offer. Two years ago, I signed up and embarked on my first solo trip from Prague to Madrid. As I was roaming the quaint streets of Munich, Zurich, Geneva and Barcelona—my three stops—I realized that I had just discovered my new favorite way of traveling, even though I, figuratively speaking, was not alone. Solo traveling has been on the rise, especially for women. What most women face, at least to some extent, regardless of their wealth, is the lack of safety in many public spaces. So, traveling alone is a great step towards reclaiming women’s agency despite the dangers that not all men embody, and is an important booster of self-confidence. Yet it does not mean that women can suddenly go outside at night and not feel unsafe just because they are in another country. One of the mantras of solo female travelers with a small budget is finding information on the safety of the place they will be staying. Sometimes the research takes hours, from finding a good location for the hostel—not too crowded but not too remote—to making a list of all the quarters and places to avoid. Sadly, even that is often not a guarantee that once women arrive, they will not be facing any potential or immediate danger. On all my solo trips, I have also shared the location with my loved ones and did not go out after 10 p.m. unless I met someone trustworthy enough to go with me. That is just a fraction of what women face when they decide to travel alone. While the statistics on deaths of solo female travelers do not exist, and the dangers at times feel omnipresent, there is hope. My recent trip from Rome to Menton on a night train restored my faith in humanity, at least momentarily. As I boarded the train with all the anxious what-ifs, I saw a young man sleeping on my seat. At first, I was consumed by fear and thought of all the ways I could potentially fend him off. But after a couple of minutes of casual conversation, it turned out that despite my limited French and his restricted English, we found a common ground. I learned a lot about the Congo and he willingly listened to old Czech songs. Nonetheless, I realize not all women have good experiences with men during their travels. Solo traveling can be intimidating, and there are a lot of factors women still have to take into consideration, but personally, I still find it worth it. However, solo traveling and sustainable tourism are not the only trends predicted to rise in 2025. Booking.com , an accommodation website, predicted that there will be a rise in “noctourism,” nocturnal tourism, which is traveling to experience the beauty of the night starry sky. According to the data gathered by Booking.com , around 60% of people in the survey conducted for the website answered that they were considering visiting a location with lower light pollution. As more and more people live in the cities, the chance of seeing the sky full of stars is close to none. While some are left suffocating from the air pollution in the cities, others, in their search for “raw” experiences, paradoxically do not shy away from polluting even more. Booking.com also predicts more “self-discovery” trips, emphasizing “men-only wellness retreats.” Surely, many women would like to see more men taking care of their mental health. The question is whether they will choose a path to more vulnerability or a trip supporting misogynistic stereotypes our society cannot stop perpetuating. The first step before setting out on a journey like in Eat Pray Love style is to be mindful of the impact of our actions and dismantle the unrealistic ideas we have about traveling. As in anything in life, perfection is unattainable, but the steps to becoming a slow and/or solo tourist are not unreachable. I found balance in combining airplanes, trains and walking; learning a few sentences in the local language before visiting and reading about the culture and heritage. And when you find yourself queuing in Prague’s city center during the summer, try the part called Holešovice instead. I cannot tell you my hidden gem, but the city has a lot to offer regardless. Photo source: Roberto Trombetta on Flickr

Many young Tunisians, 1A Amira Zargouni notes, are “filled with disillusionment due to the long, arduous process of democratic transition” and have not experienced the direct rewards of democratic gains during the post-revolution period that their parents or grandparents did. < Back Tunisia: A Nation Relying on the Fundamental Power of Youth Trust By Luca Utterwulghe September 29, 2021 As students of the Middle East and North Africa region, we are quick to recall that Tunisia was the only relative success story of the “Arab Spring,” a string of popular revolutions beginning in 2010 which engulfed the region. Tunisian exceptionalism was due to a myriad of factors: the mobilizing role of social media, the diverse and widespread nature of the protest movement, the strategic dialogue initiated by Tunisian civil society, and the absence of military repression of protests, as was the case in Bahrain and other Arab Spring states. Western spectators often extol Tunisia as the pillar of democracy in the MENA region, praising its relatively secular political institutions and “liberal” constitution , which includes a mandate to actively support child development, commitments to “social justice” and regional equality, articles outlining gender equality, and orders to protect the environment. Why, then, have mass crowds continued to flood Avenue Habib Bourguiba and city centers from Bizerte to Gafsa, shouting chants reminiscent of the initial calls for the removal of dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali? Protestors called for the suspension of Parliament, economic reform, strategic action on the COVID-19 crisis, and an end to police brutality. Tunisian President Kais Saied terminated Parliament and removed Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi on July 26, 2021, a decision rooted in entrenched political divides which have plagued the government. Many question whether Saied’s decision to suspend Parliament for thirty days indicated the rise of a new authoritarianism or a proper course of action in the face of national political and economic crisis. Saied has since extended the suspension, raising further questions about the legitimacy of his temporary consolidation of power. Compounding the gravity of these issues is the emergence of political figures like Abir Moussi , leader of the Al-Dustur al-Hurr party and a Ben Ali regime nostalgic. Moussi’s disruptive actions in parliamentary procedures and the unbridled anger of her opponents have led to embarrassing (physical) clashes in Parliament. Many, however, take for granted the fact that (most) Tunisian citizens have the right to express their grievances without having to fear the state’s security apparatus to the extent that they did pre-revolution. Tunisia remains in the difficult and transitionary space of fairly well-protected political liberties and unstable economic conditions, forcing many young and bright Tunisians to flee the country ( youth unemployment was 35% in 2019). How can Tunisia move forward in this drawn-out process of democratization where the value of political freedom is drowned out by pleas for economic reform, among other things? What do young people need in order to trust the future of their country? I have consulted young Tunisians to lend some insight into these necessary questions: Amira Zargouni, a Tunisian first year student in the French Track of the Sciences Po Menton campus responds to the above questions with a call for structural reform in various domains of Tunisian society. Zargouni stresses that “in order to understand their needs [young Tunisians], it is important to [paint] a portrait” of them. Many young Tunisians, Zargouni notes, are “filled with disillusionment due to the long, arduous process of democratic transition” and have not experienced the direct rewards of democratic gains during the post-revolution period that their parents or grandparents did. Zargouni describes the reality of young Tunisians as navigating and protesting a complex web of “endless loopholes” in political life. The underlying issue Zargouni pinpoints is corruption, an issue that “remains intact and that contaminates every other branch, field, [and] future prospect” in the Tunisian political and economic spheres. While Tunisian political institutions are generally well-functioning, Zargouni emphasizes that Tunisia has still not established a constitutional council or supreme court of the land. There exists no “fair and efficient judiciary to act strongly against any form of corruption.” Zargouni alludes to the removal of the head of INLUCC, “the government committee fighting corruption,” as a crucial indicator of low public trust in government. In a more economic sense, Zargouni states the importance of “reshaping the economic model, [making it] more inclusive, more equitable, and coherent with the global value chain.” Evidently, there are a range of approaches one can take in examining what young Tunisians need to move forward confidently, trustingly, and prosperously. It is clear that Tunisian youth are extremely capable of reforming their communities ( Hayfa Sdiri is an excellent example of how young minds can affect change). Decision-makers are tasked with the fundamental duty of protecting and nurturing this wealth of human capital. Failing to do so will only lead to further political strife and deadlock.

On Oct. 5, following a meeting in its Vienna headquarters, the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) announced that its member countries would be cutting oil production by 2%, or 2 million barrels a day, taking effect in November. What are the implications of this move? < Back A Day Before Winter, OPEC Cuts Oil Production by Two Million Barrels By Leo Gerza November 30, 2022 On Oct. 5t, following a meeting in its Vienna headquarters, the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) announced that its member countries would be cutting oil production by two percent, or two million barrels a day, taking effect in November. The announcement was made against the backdrop of rising energy costs and a looming global recession. Indeed, it is global economic uncertainty that the organization claims underpins its decision to cut oil production, citing its desire to balance supply in the face of decreasing demand as its core motivation. Founded in 1960, the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries sought to counter the United States’ hegemony over oil production and now controls 40% of production and 80% of the world’s reserves, vesting the cartel with immense pricing power. The organization has not shied away from exercising its dominance. Older generations are haunted by the devastating effects the cartel’s oil embargo had on the price of oil and the U.S. economy in the 1970s. Its recent actions have again highlighted its pricing power, as oil prices surged from $76.71 per barrel to $92.64 in response to its announcement that it would cut production. At first glance, the decision seems motivated by the desire to steer prices back toward the highs they experienced earlier this year. The price of oil hit a peak of $122 in June; however, since then, it has steadily fallen to below $90. The announcement was designed, in part, to counter falling prices and benefit the revenues received from oil exports. Other factors are contributing to the volatility of global oil prices. Supply shocks lingering from the COVID-19 pandemic — which saw oil prices briefly slip into the negatives — mean that global supply cannot keep up with demand rapidly returning to pre-pandemic levels due to the robust expansionary fiscal policy wielded by western leaders as an answer to the pandemic. Equally, many countries, especially those in Europe, that have chosen to halt buying oil from Russia in response to Putin’s invasion of Ukraine are facing unprecedented supply challenges as they seek alternatives to their long-lasting reliance on Russian gas imports. According to National Public Radio, some pressure from Russia may have invigorated the decision-making process, as “they effectively came and asked OPEC to cut production by a million barrels a day.” Such observations further suggest the protagonist role that the war in Ukraine is playing in the emerging resource crisis. This, especially, has influenced calls from some governments for Volodymyr Zelensky to enter negotiations with Putin to de-escalate the conflict. Beyond the immediate price increase of oil, the impacts of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries’ decision will perpetuate a common trend in the past year. Energy firms drilling for and selling oil will see profits rise even higher as they continue to reap record profits. British Petroleum (BP) announced $8.2 billion in profit at the end of October, its second highest on record. At the same time, households face even higher costs just as winter begins setting in, with the prospect of energy rationing not out of the question in many European countries.