How does watching strangers fall in love on national television reflect the most complicated parts of our emotional lives – dating? The transition from heartful romcoms to dating shows such as Love Island, Love is Blind or Too Hot to Handle perhaps indicate romance has died. < Back Is Romance Dead?: How Reality TV Shows Reflect Modern Dating Nil Celik October 5, 2025 How does watching strangers fall in love on national television reflect the most complicated parts of our emotional lives – dating? The transition from heartful romcoms to dating shows such as Love Island , Love is Blind or Too Hot to Handle perhaps indicate romance has died. Yet, for others, it could show that the idea of “romance” has shifted from a sacred concept to a performance which lacks sincerity. “Romance” now could be designed to entertain rather than inspire. Most of the time, reality dating shows reduce love to a competition where shocking twists and viral moments are preferred over genuine connections. This shift continues to reshape how we view romance by framing intimacy as a competition in which there is a winner and a loser. Such reality shows normalize performative relationships, quick judgement and constant surveillance as typical parts of modern dating culture. Love is seen as transactional and subject to public approval instead of being a genuine connection. Romantic comedies used to dominate pop culture and they offered a very specific, ideal view of love. Movies like “ When Harry Met Sally ” , “ Notting Hill ” or “ 10 Things I Hate About You ” made us feel like romance was magical, sometimes messy, but always worth it in the end. The characters were awkward, funny and flawed, but the message was the same. Love had the power to transform them for the better. These stories usually ended with a big romantic gesture such as a kiss, a reunion, or a heartfelt confession, reminding us to keep believing in happy endings. Love, according to these movies, was meant to inspire us. Reality dating shows changed that idea completely. Instead of two people slowly figuring each other out, we now watch entire casts of strangers thrown into intense situations where they have to couple up, compete and entertain. Whether it’s “ The Bachelor ” handing out roses, or “ Love Island” forcing contestants to “re-couple” every week, or “ Too Hot to Handle ” penalizing contestants for kissing, these shows turn romance into a game. There’s always a prize. From proposals, to money, to followers, always ending with someone who “wins” and someone who goes home heartbroken. These actions make love feel less like a natural connection and more like a challenge you can either pass or fail. Of course, reality dating shows thrive on drama. Shocking twists, betrayals and viral arguments are what keep people watching. The editing is designed to create cliffhangers and amplify conflict, so that we can’t wait to see what happens next. Genuine connection often takes a backseat to the wildest moments. Contestants know that being dramatic gets more screen time, and more screen time means more fame after the show. Viewers, meanwhile, get used to seeing love as something that’s big, loud and full of drama which can make real-life dating feel boring by comparison. Another huge part of these shows is surveillance. On “ Love Island ”, cameras are everywhere, even in the bedrooms and nothing stays private. Every kiss, every argument, every tear is filmed and shown to millions of viewers. Contestants aren’t just thinking about who they like – they’re thinking about how they look on camera and what the audience will think of them. Romance becomes something to manage carefully, like a brand. That also changes how we, as viewers, think about dating. It trains us to see relationships as something public, something that needs constant outside validation which changes this genuine connection from being about two people to a whole community. It also makes love feel transactional. On “ The Bachelor ”, contestants compete for one person’s attention, hoping to get a rose and stay another week. On “ Too Hot to Handle ”, the contestants literally lose money if they kiss or get too close physically. Love becomes part of the strategy, not just a feeling, but a move in the game. When you think about it, this isn’t that different from dating apps, where swipes and matches turn romance into a numbers game. Reality shows just take that idea to the extreme and put it on display for everyone to watch. Some might say this is just being honest about what dating is really like. In the end, when we go on a first date, we put on a performance – we dress up, we choose our words carefully, we try to make a good impression. But these shows make that performance the main event. The actual impressive work of getting to know someone, including the funny awkward silences, the boring parts, the little private moments, they all get cut out and what we are left with is a performance full of tweaks and adaptation. So that might make us forget that real relationships are built in those ordinary moments, not just the dramatic ones. These shows also shape what we think is “normal” in dating. They often reinforce old-fashioned ideas about who gets to choose and who gets chosen, or what kinds of people are seen as desirable. Even when they include more diverse casting or same-sex couples, the basic idea stays the same, which is that love is a contest and someone has to win. That message sticks with us and can make real-life dating feel like a competition too. This can lead to us always having to prove ourselves worthy of being picked. And yet, people keep watching. I’m guilty as well, it wouldn’t be a lie if I told you that I spend hours in front of the TV rooting for my favorite couple. There’s something addictive about seeing love play out in real time, even if it’s messy and over-the-top. Maybe it’s because we see a bit of ourselves in the contestants such as their jealousy, their insecurities, their excitement. We tend to root for the people who mirror ourselves or the people who we aspire to be. These shows might be exaggerated, but they still capture something true about how vulnerable dating makes us feel. They let us root for happy endings and feel the thrill of drama without having to live through it ourselves. However, we have to ask what these shows are teaching us about love. If we start to think that love should always be dramatic, public and exciting, we might miss out on the more genuine side of romance such as the part that isn’t made for TV which is usually cut or tweaked. The most meaningful moments in a relationship are the ones no one else sees. However, that wouldn’t make for good television, since people like to see drama, not a wholesome reaction. Watching strangers fall in love on national television tells us a lot about where we are as a culture. It shows that romance hasn’t disappeared, but its shape has changed. It has become something we watch, something we judge and something that has to entertain us. Reality dating shows are fun, but they also make us see love as a competition, a performance and a public event. Whether that’s good or bad depends on how much we let it shape the way we approach our own relationships. What’s evident is that these shows have changed the way we think about romance and maybe even the way we experience it. Pavels Dunaicevs, Flickr

In a democratic society we willingly submit power to governing institutions to be wielded toward the greater good, and when that isn’t the case, and other measures fail to address injustices, Fo’s tale suggests that civil disobedience may be the only route left to take. < Back Navigating Corrupt Realities: The Timelessness of Dario Fo’s ‘Accidental Death of an Anarchist’ By Maria Eirini Liodi December 31, 2023 In a world torn by conflict, poverty, and displacement; where every event is live broadcasted to us 24/7, reality seems to be a nightmarish loop. Especially with the wartime atrocities we have observed this past year, notions of fairness and justice have been prevalent topics of discussion, as has been the issue of civil disobedience in light of injustice. Is deviating from the norm and going to extreme measures to make one’s voice heard justifiable? What civil disobedience is justified in the name of fairness? While this article will not delve into these political topics directly, they do provide a basis of my discussion of theatre and the role of political plays today, with the spotlight on a recent favourite of mine, Dario Fo’s play, ‘The Accidental Death of an Anarchist.’ Recently while in Athens, I was able to see this incredible play brought to life. An amalgamation of movement, song and wit, the interpretation brought by the Greek actors, namely the protagonist Panos Vlahos, is a must watch for anyone in the area. A woeful tale woven in webs of lies, injustice and violence, the protagonist, a mad trickster, unveils the distorted reality one finds when dealing with powerful and corrupted state bodies. This lively satire unfolds a tale based on the 1969 Piazza Fontana bombing and death of anarchist Giuseppe Pinelli. In a period where Italy was struck by intense waves of social unrest, radical calls from the left for societal reform and anarchist groups mobilising to destabilise the status quo, the government was cornered in a challenging position. Pinelli was arrested for an alleged anarchist bombing, however like everything in the play, Fo sheds light on the ambiguity of the events, from the arrest, to the unfortunate, ‘accidental’ death. Pinelli’s death was labelled a suicide, an ‘accident,’ but many members of the public weren’t convinced. As all Gossip Girl fans and perhaps governments will know, even the best hidden secrets come out eventually. Well this one didn’t exactly ‘come out.’ It was just whispers of the corrupt core of the police, alleged brutal methods of interrogation and even rumours of the police planting intelligence members disguised as leftists to plant bombs to destroy their credibility and political standing. Fo illustrates this confusion through an absurd reality of a protagonist with a fast-talking, skillful eloquence and underlying revolutionary zeal. Assuming the semblance of a psychiatrist and later an investigating judge, the protagonist infiltrates the police department, seamlessly unraveling the inconsistencies of the anarchist’s case and revealing through the impeccable “appearance-versus-reality" trope the deceptive, corrupt actions of the police force. As audiences immerse themselves in the narrative, the play subtly urges contemplation on the challenging of authority and resisting oppressive systems. Amidst the protagonist's journey through the absurdity of corrupt institutions, the narrative quietly champions the notion that civil disobedience, rooted in anarchist values, can wield significant influence in the battle against societal injustice. If we were to look practically anywhere in our modern day society, we could see these ideas entrenched around us. Modern media yields growing power in dominating the narratives upon which not only our interpretations of the world are based, but society itself is based. Done in parallel with the growing tools of misinformation and misrepresentation of information, as tools of social division and exclusion of justice, Fo’s political drama serves as a cautionary tale. We ought to be critical about what we read–where was it published? When? By whom? Is there proof? If so, then what is it? And when it comes to institutions of power, be it universities, companies or governments–we ought to be critical of them too. In a democratic society we willingly submit power to governing institutions to be wielded toward the greater good, and when that isn’t the case, and other measures fail to address injustices, Fo’s tale suggests that civil disobedience may be the only route left to take. Disclaimer: This is by no means an article written to promote anarchy, just critical thinking.

BRAT was summer. BRAT was coming to terms with your suppressed desires, the hate you bore and the complicated friendships you were a part of. The fun, the ugly and the embarrassing. It was about the euphoria of partying into the light of early summer mornings and the walks of shame back home. Drug abuse, sex, and all other kinds of highs of life was what BRAT encompassed. It encouraged difficult conversations about fertility and friendship, revealing that fame doesn’t equate feelings getting spared or receiving grace. < Back Is being a Virgin as Cool as Being a BRAT? : A Review of Lorde’s Latest Studio Album Melissa Çevikel October 23, 2025 Brat : More Than an Album BRAT was summer. BRAT was coming to terms with your suppressed desires, the hate you bore and the complicated friendships you were a part of. The fun, the ugly and the embarrassing. It was about the euphoria of partying into the light of early summer mornings and the walks of shame back home. Drug abuse, sex, and all other kinds of highs of life was what BRAT encompassed. It encouraged difficult conversations about fertility and friendship, revealing that fame doesn’t equate feelings getting spared or receiving grace. Besides shaping a big majority of the summer 2024 trends and, arguably, vibes, Charli xcx’s sixth studio album BRAT created a long lasting — and ongoing— cultural phenomenon of “BRAT Summer” . In her Menton Times article dating september last year titled “Becoming Brat” Ema spoke on the impact BRAT Summer had on society saying: “Charli XCX reminded us, in her blunt and unhinged way, that we can be confident and vulnerable and there is in fact nothing wrong with our imperfect, complicated personalities.” This summer, however, following Charli xcx’s official declaration of the end of BRAT summer , a new era began. Although the target audience for this new “ era ” was the exact same as BRAT Summers , it could not even come close to the commercial success brat had achieved. Charli xcx and Lorde’s relationship has had complications which were publicly known and exploited by the mass media. The two artists have oftentimes been compared to each other due to their similar physical appearance and success in the mid 2010s music industry. While the intricate details of their relationship weren’t shared withthe public, the remix of Charli xcx’s Girl so Confusing which featured Lorde not only revealed the underlying hostility the two had towards each other but also “resolved” the conflict with the final lines of the song being: “ Girl, girl, girl, girl // You know I ride for you, too// (It's so confusing-ing)” As Lorde hadn’t released music since her 2021 album Solar Power , this feature was also regarded as her return to music, which meant that by the time she announced that she would be releasing Virgin everyone was already hyped for her comeback. Yet, despite this initial excitement, Virgin wasn't nearly as successful commercially as BRAT was, with some users even comparing it to Taylor Swift's widely hated and criticized album The Life of a Showgirl. But does this lack of commercial success have anything to do with the quality of Lorde’s Virgin, or is it simply a manifestation of the change of consumer preferences? Virgin : Thoughts Virgin consists of eleven songs. The album was written and produced in 2023, around the same time as Brat. Lorde describes this album as her “rebirth,” discussing numerous themes and both regressing to the past and reflecting on the present. All the songs featured are not only content heavy but also in classic Lorde style, quite poetic. Hence why, analyzing them in a way that would do them justice would be impossible. However, I will try my best to present a very short rundown of the songs that stood out for me from the album and their main themes, just to have a better idea of Virgin as a whole. The selected songs are based on nothing more than my personal preference. The opening track Hammer was first released as a single for the album, and is considered to be the most accurate embodiment of the album's main theme: self discovery and identity. Lorde talks about identity in all its forms, including gender identity when she says: “ Some days, I'm a woman, some days, I'm a man, oh ” . The second song of the album is What Was That, which, being the second single for the album, was highly criticized prior to the album's release. Arguably, some of the most criticized lyrics of the album are from What Was That. Some of the lyrics leading to heavy internet discourse were: MDMA in the back garden, blow our pupils up We kissed for hours straight, well, baby, what was that? I remember saying then, "This is the best cigarette of my life" Well, I want you just like that Indio haze, we're in a sandstorm and it knocks me out I didn't know then that you'd never be enough, oh Since l was seventeen, I gave you everything Now we wake from a dream, well, baby, what was that? What struck many listeners was the clear allusion to Lorde’s early career, and the years of the release of her first album, Pure Heroine. More than the content, Lorde’s writing was criticized, with users being unhappy with the lack of imagery she integrated into the song. Users said they were not able to see Lorde taking MDMA, she wasn’t able to get through to them. In Shapeshifter Lorde discusses all the roles that have been projected onto her throughout her career and how she was able to adapt to all of them. She expresses her desire to simply “be herself” again, something that she no longer knows how to do. Man of the Year is another song focusing on Lorde’s gender identity. Whether it's the “masculine” Fight Club reference in the line “You met me at a really strange time in my life”, or Lorde talking about her transformation saying: “ My babe can't believe I've become someone else// Someone more like myself,”, Man of the Year is a composition of multiple aspects of Lorde’s gender identity and her coming to terms with it. The title of the song is an allusion to the GQ Man of the Year Awards which the singer says was an event she attended in 2023 which was, in part, the inspiration behind the song . This “rebirth of hers doesn’t come without concerns. She sings “ Who's gon' love me like this?// Oh, who could give me lightness?” expressing her anxiety, and even desire to be accepted. Current Affairs is , in my opinion, one of the most powerful songs in the album. The song discusses feeling out of control, and being lost in the chaotic flow of life, holding an almost absent stance. Mama, I'm so scared Don't know how to come back Once I get out on the edge He spit in my mouth like He's sayin' a prayer But now I'm cryin' on the phone Swearing nothing's wrong The contrast between the sexual imagery, yearning for parental support and coping all brought together in the pre-chorus embodies what “rebirth” feels like for Lorde. Trying to navigate through your identity while simultaneously, in its simplest form, continuing to live a life and cope with current affairs, accurately represents the complexity and weight of living a multi dimensional life. Finally, David is, in my opinion, the ultimate closing track for an album like Virgin. The song's main theme is vulnerability, and gives the album an almost chronological feeling since it’s set in the present and connects the journey she has gone through with the destination where she has arrived. The lyrics: “ At the Sunset Tower, you said, "Open your mouth" I did// And what came spillin' out that day was the truth// If I'd had virginity, I would have given that too” present an almost separate attachment to truth, whether it’s her true identity or the truth about her relationship. It’s so important to her that the next thing up would be something she no longer even has. The pre chorus, “ And once I could sing again, I swore I'd never lеt// Let myself sing again for you” sets the timeline of the song and is a reflection of her career. The time when she can sing again is today on Virgin, and is her declaring her autonomy and rebirth with this album. The Virality of Virgin, or the Lack There of Despite the vulnerable themes BRAT covered and reflected on Charli’s personal relationships with herself and the world, the “hype” beat and persistent party and club references made them seem much less intimidating than they were. Virgin on the other hand presents similar issues in a much more rawer way. Charli wanted her listeners to recognize these issues as a part of life and learn to live with and embrace them, while Lorde is keen on emphasizing and focusing on them rather than brushing over them. Regardless of whether Virgin Summer happened or not, we should be thankful that it didn't have the impact Brat had because it would’ve been a very depressing summer to have to go through. Call it a recession indicator if you want, but themes of depression and sadness are no longer glamorized and consumed on the internet the way they were in the 2010s and early 2020s, and people are much more inclined to consuming hyper-pop and upbeat “party” music such as that of BRAT. Though there is an undeniable aspect of seasonal impacts on trends ( sad girl autumn popularizing Taylor Swift’s albums Evermore and Folklore) , we haven’t seen similar, and recent, examples of mainstream “sad”, not only lyrics but also beat wise, music becoming as trendy as BRAT. Lorde’s rebirth, hopefully, is a happier and new chapter in her life, and we have had the chance to witness the emergence of it. Photo Source: Erin Mc, flickr

Since the end of January, the issue of the Iranian regime has slowly been consuming more dialogue within the European Union bloc. < Back Sanctions: Relations Between the West and Iran Continue To Intensify By Leo Gerza February 28, 2023 Since the end of January, the issue of the Iranian regime has slowly been consuming more dialogue within the European Union bloc. On the one hand, the discussion on how and to what extent the union needs to act against the regime is driven by the latter’s continued brutality against its civilian population. On the other hand, concerns over Iran stem much closer to home on the Ukrainian battlefront, where Iran has been exporting drones to assist Russia in its illegal invasion and occupation of Ukrainian territory. The discussion on how to address these actions has developed into a practical debate on how to most effectively sanction Iran to limit and deter exports. It has once again underscored differences in how far European Union leaders are willing to go to assist widespread retaliation against authoritarian repression. Simultaneously, sharpened rhetoric directed against Iran within these debates has contributed to escalating tensions between both sides. On Jan. 19, the European Parliament passed a resolution calling for the union to recognize Iran’s elite forces and its subsidiaries as “terrorist organizations,” mainly in response to the regime’s lethal repression of civilian protesters. The resolution, however, is not binding, and the European Union’s chief of foreign policy, Josep Borrell, made clear that “you cannot say I consider you a terrorist because I don’t like you.” Therefore, the proposed designation will not be introduced until it has gone through the correct legal process. In retaliation, Iran claimed that it would vote on whether to designate European armed forces as terrorist organizations in a tit-for-tat move. Iran also threatened that negotiations to restore its 2015 nuclear deal would be entirely off the table. While both of these largely symbolic moves are unlikely to materialize, it demonstrates renewed tension in the verbal dialogue between both sides which will likely be reflected in more aggressive policy toward each other soon. However, the European Union and the United States acted decisively to implement new sanctions on Iran. The union voted to add 37 Iranian officials and organizations to the sanctions list. Those targeted by sanctions cannot travel to the European Union, and their assets can be frozen. On the same day, the U.S. Treasury announced it would join by targeting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a large group of its senior members and Iran’s Deputy Minister of Intelligence and Security Naser Rashedi. “Along with our partners, we will continue to hold the Iranian regime accountable so long as it relies upon violence, sham trials, and the execution of protestors,” said the Treasury Department. In a rare moment of synchronization, the U.K. acted in step with the union and the United States, also acting to sanction Iranian individuals and organizations. Notably, the list of sanctioned individuals included Deputy Prosecutor General Ahmad Fazelian because he weaponized the judicial system for political purposes. The British foreign minister, James Cleverly, said, “judicial figures using the death penalty for political ends… are at the heart of the regime’s brutal repression of the Iranian people.” In retaliation to the series of coordinated sanctions from the West, Iran blacklisted 34 individuals and organizations in the European Union and the United Kingdom. The list of blacklisted individuals covers members of the European parliament, military commanders, city officials, and three executives at the French Magazine Charlie Hebdo, who had been accused of publishing a series of satirical caricatures depicting the elite of the Iranian regime. In the U.K., individuals blacklisted included legal officials such as the Prosecutor General and several intelligence officers. Amidst the 44th anniversary of the regime, President Ebrahim Raisi targeted the West in an invigorated speech where he was met with chants of “death to America” and “death to Israel.” This continued aggressive rhetoric comes at the same time that relations between Iran and Russia are coming ever closer together. On Feb. 8, the Central Bank of Iran (CBI) claimed that it connected Iran and Russia’s financial messaging services to facilitate an expansion in bilateral economic relations. This will undoubtedly further solidify the alliance between both countries and will need to be met by continued cooperation on foreign policy between member countries within the union and between Europe, the United States and the United Kingdom.

The trend of "sassy-man politics" shows a shift in politics, where personality and showmanship often take priority over serious policy discussions. Politicians using humor, boldness, and sarcasm to connect with the public are gaining attention, especially on platforms like TikTok, which favor short, attention-grabbing clips over deeper conversations. < Back Sassy Man in Politics Nil Çelik October 31, 2024 Donald Trump infamously stated in the course of his 2016 presidential campaign: “I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn’t lose voters.” This audacious assertion explicitly exemplifies what has come to be known as the “sassy-man in politics.” In this approach, male politicians shift away from profound, thoughtful debate and instead depend on arrogance, sarcasm and stage performance, leading to significant social and cultural changes. The rise of media-influenced political leaders is often seen as the root cause, starting with television and later amplified by social media platforms. These platforms award politicians who amuse viewers and provoke controversy instead of concentrating on significant issues with screen time. Political figures such as Trump and British statesman Boris Johnson have evolved into the symbols of this initiative. This transition in political discussion indicates a concerning deviation from established principles of leadership like skill, morality and responsibility. With it, the priority has shifted to politicians who behave in a manner resembling performers who strive to gain “likes” and “shares” instead of the trust of the public. The social media platform TikTok, renowned for its short and entertaining videos, has contributed greatly to this transition. The TikTok phenomenon “ Sassy Man Apocalypse ” is a projection of men who are often referred to as flamboyant and emotional, accepting and celebrating their “sassy” characteristics. The term “sassy” was originally utilized to ridicule men who displayed non-traditional masculine manners. Nevertheless, TikTok creators such as Prayag Mishra have begun to reshape it, shifting being sassy toward a more positive demonstration of self-confidence, and emotionality. These characteristics are now established as acceptable, instead of being seen as a weakness. Although this development has led to crucial debates about toxic masculinity, critics argue that trends alone do not lead to actual social change. Even though the “sassy-man apocalypse” began as a joke on the internet, it has now impacted real-world politics, with male politicians integrating this demeanor to relate to meme-loving younger viewers. A relevant example is Mustafa Sarigul, who is currently serving as the member of parliament in Erzincan, who used a playful and non-traditional style of campaigning during the 2023 elections. Sarigul posted several theatrical and entertaining videos on his TikTok and Instagram, including one where he drove a tractor on the Erzincan fields, addressing local voters while combining political messages with everyday life. His over the top delivery where he humorously, combined with relatable humor led to the videos going viral, allowing him to connect to younger audiences. His social media presence through this approach led to him being erected for parliament. This approach shows Mustafa Sarigul utilizing internet culture to remain relevant in Turkish politics. However, young viewers have also utilized this internet phenomenon to ridicule the bold statements that male politicians make. The result of this change has been consequential. Sassy-man politics decreases the importance of governance, downplaying substantial subjects in the interest of self-centered acts. This action resonates with a public that concentrates more on personality than policy. This produces a series of politicians who must constantly outperform each other with controversial arguments to stay relevant. Since social media platforms gradually change the cultural environment, this manner of politics may continue, drawing concern about whether future leaders will be determined by their skills to lead or by their skills to entertain the public. As politics becomes more about spectacle, there’s a danger that the focus on governance and long-term solutions will be replaced by short-term popularity contests, potentially leading to leaders who lack the necessary expertise to effectively manage public affairs. The 2024 presidential debate between President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump openly displayed the concept of sassy-man politics, characterized by sharp discussions, interruptions and sarcastic remarks. Trump didn’t withhold from delivering sarcastic and offensive statements. At a particular moment, he stated , “Biden doesn't even know that he’s running for president.” This mocked both Biden’s age and cognitive capabilities. Biden retaliated, claiming, “I’ve been doing this longer than you’ve been making money off bankruptcies.” These sassy remarks entertained some viewers but transitioned the debate from profound policy discussions to personal insults. This led to viewers seeing viral moments of the debate instead of having a concrete understanding of the candidates plans for governance. The overall result of this “sassy” back-and-forth was a debate that was concentrated more on personal drama instead of real policy issues. Short clips of this debate circulated on social media platforms such as TikTok and Instagram, strengthening the view that sassiness in politics is seen as a main way to achieve the attention of the public. Likewise, the 2024 presidential debate between Vice President Kamala and Former President Trump followed a similar sassy style. Trump stated that “Harris was the worst Vice President in history” and that “she’s so good at being invisible, I forget she’s even on the ticket.” These indicated Trumps’ strategy of attacking Harris by using sharp and repeatedly mocking comments. Although his sassy attitude and remarks resonate with his fan base, it demonstrates the more profound issue of how women, specifically women of color, are treated in political debate. This pattern becomes even more distinct when political figures face attacks that question their competence and authority through demeaning humor or stereotypes. While these tactics may rally Trump's base, they also serve to reinforce harmful gender and racial stereotypes, diminishing the legitimacy of women, particularly women of color, in positions of power. This evolution in Trump's approach signals a broader issue of how women in politics are not only undermined in their capacity as leaders but also weaponized as subjects of ridicule, demonstrating the intersections of misogyny and racism in modern political discourse. Harris rebutted his statements firmly, but it was difficult to overcome Trump’s offensive language. This trend of shifting political discourses into witty interactions is altering American politics, promoting entertainment instead of profound debates, and influencing political norms and gender roles. The trend of “sassy-man politics” has also affected the Governor of Florida Ron DeSantis , who has become a primary target on TikTok after the phenomenon of the “sassy- man apocalypse.” While the TikTok trend didn’t start politically, DeSantis has been the topic of millions of views on TikTok, as users developed and shared content ridiculing his character. Recently videos of an irritated reply from DeSantis concerning a Guantanamo question have led to hundreds of viral contents, gathering over two million views. His aggressive standpoint as a savior of traditional values, especially with the anti-LGBTQ+ legislation such as the “Don’t Say Gay” bill, has made him a figure of mockery for young progressive Americans. Polls in the beginning of the year showed that DeSantis had one of the most negative ratings among Republican candidates between the voter age group from 18 to 34. The given age group could be said to respect diversity and expression of gender and sexuality more, driving DeSantis to be a primary target for critics due to his policies. As he is known for being defensive and sensitive, this leads to the creation of the “sassy man” and “short king panic” memes that are commented on posts that involve him. However, Ioana Literat, an associate professor at Teachers College Columbia University who studies the civic engagement of young people, stated that these videos indicate a more comprehensive critique on what acceptable actions are in today’s politics. The trend of "sassy-man politics" shows a shift in politics, where personality and showmanship often take priority over serious policy discussions. Politicians using humor, boldness, and sarcasm to connect with the public are gaining attention, especially on platforms like TikTok, which favor short, attention-grabbing clips over deeper conversations. Leaders like Donald Trump, Boris Johnson, and Mustafa Sarigul show how this entertaining style appeals to certain groups, but it can also distract from real issues. This trend has also highlighted stereotypes and, at times, undermined the authority of women and people of color in leadership. Overall, "sassy-man politics" raises concerns about whether leaders are more focused on gaining popularity than effectively addressing important problems, potentially weakening trust in the political system.

Aux allures hollywoodiennes, “Afrita Hanem” nous emporte avec légèreté dans le riche univers qu’est la comédie musicale. < Back “Afrita Hanem” ou l’Âge d’Or du Cinéma Égyptien! By Morgane Abbas January 30, 2022 Amour et humour ! Voilà donc les deux élixirs utilisés par Henry Barakat qui, ensemble, forment la potion magique d’un succès mérité. Avec dans son casting une admirable Samia Gamal au sourire aussi radieux que malicieux, ainsi qu’un Farid Al-Atrache dont la prodigiosité musicale et artistique n’est plus à prouver, l’âge d’or du cinéma égyptien est bien en marche. Aux allures hollywoodiennes, “Afrita Hanem” nous emporte avec légèreté dans le riche univers qu’est la comédie musicale. Une comédie qui, certes, est loin de divertir Asfour, l’élégant chanteur gratifié par son talent et son sens du romantisme, mais infortuné par le poids de sa place dans l’échelle sociale… D’ailleurs, l’amour et la musique s’entremêlent divinement, comme en témoignent les nombreuses scènes où le brio de Farid al-Atrache est mis en avant. Il s’y livre à ce que nous pourrions qualifier une exaltation du sentiment amoureux, presque hyperbolique, dans toutes ses dimensions. Sa voix divine est mise en avant tout au long du film à travers des pièces musicales qu’il écrit lui-même, ce qui peut parfaitement s’apparenter au chant d’un oiseau qui prend son envol, d’où le choix non anodin du prénom “Asfour” (oiseau en arabe). Un amour passionnel, douloureux ou nostalgique… Ainsi, ce prénom, c’est aussi l’allusion, comme le montre l’une des dernières scènes du film, à un oiseau prisonnier d’une cage, d’un amour impossible... “يا حبيبي” (“ya habibi”, “ô mon amour”) est répété un nombre incalculable de fois, et est d’ailleurs le miroir de cette omniprésence. Certaines scènes possèdent même une dimension shakespearienne: l’un récitant ses paroles d'amour, l’autre l’écoutant passionnément du haut de son balcon, comme le feraient Roméo et Juliette, ou encore Cyrano de Bergerac et Roxanne ! Cependant, comme nous n’avons pas omis de le mentionner plus haut, cet amour, sous toutes ses facettes, est toujours accompagné par l’humour, comme s’ils étaient intrinsèquement liés. D’abord, c’est le scénario en lui-même qui est comique, notamment grâce à la dimension imaginaire et fantastique que Henry Barakat introduit dans son film, ce qui lui donne une grande originalité. Ainsi, l’invisible Kahramana use de ses pouvoirs magiques pour rendre la vie impossible à Asfour, par jalousie de son amour, bien que non réciproque, pour Alia. Mais ce côté humoristique est également présent à travers d’autres personnages, comme Boqo, notamment parce que nous pouvons observer que son jeu d’acteur est presque théâtral ! Parfois excessif et démesuré, nous nous attachons rapidement à sa nature presque niaise. D’autres scènes sont également très divertissantes, comme celles où Alia, en parlant à ses deux amants en même temps, fait croire à Asfour qu’elle accepte son mariage avec elle, de quoi faire tourner la tête à ce dernier… D’ailleurs, au début du film, nous pourrions même croire que la “Afrita”, la “diablesse”, c’était elle, avant que n’émerge le personnage de Kahramana. Pourtant, nous devons nous tenir d’affirmer que parce que l’humour joue un rôle central dans le film, ce dernier est seulement au service de notre divertissement, loin de là ! En y prêtant attention, beaucoup de messages sous-jacents peuvent être interprétés. D’abord, un questionnement d’ordre philosophique est notamment incarné par le mystérieux vieil homme, synonyme de sagesse et d’expérience de vie : qu’est-ce que le vrai bonheur et en existe-t-il un? Comment l’atteindre ? La question de la valeur de l’amour est également abordée. A travers les personnages de Asfour et Mimi Bey qui représentent des idéaux complètement opposés, et Alia au centre qui joue sur deux tableaux, nous relevons la vision dichotomique entre un amour loyal et sincère d’un côté, et de l’autre un amour fallacieux motivé par une avidité d’argent. L’esquisse d’une critique matérialiste ainsi que du poids des classes sociales dans la configuration des relations peut être aperçue. Additionnellement, il est clair que le réalisateur offre une vision du monde oriental et de la société égyptienne qui diffère grandement du cinéma colonial des décennies précédentes. Affirmons-le, il s’agit de mettre en avant les spécificités orientales, pas de les dénigrer ! Comparons seulement ce type de film à ceux du genre colonial ! D’abord, d’un point de vue du genre, on assiste à une redéfinition de la masculinité, notamment à travers Asfour, présenté comme un homme raffiné, séducteur, élégant, romantique et respectueux avec la gente féminine. L’émotion, la sensibilité et la fibre artistique sont valorisées. L’image de la femme arabe elle-même est en parfaite opposition avec celle présentée par les films occidentaux précédents. Elle est émancipée, nous la voyons par exemple jouer aux cartes avec les hommes sans difficulté. Cependant, nous pourrions nous demander s’il ne s’est pas opéré une régression des mœurs qui paraissent à cette époque plus ouvertes que celles de la société égyptienne contemporaine. Ainsi, à maintes reprises, le réalisateur ne se gêne pas à exposer des scènes de baisers, ce qui serait plus tabou aujourd’hui. Le cinéma arabe, notamment égyptien, a su manier de manière extrêmement subtile les outils cinématographiques d’abord développés en Occident au service des sociétés arabes. Ce film en est le parfait exemple, en témoignent les effets d’optique et de transition plutôt réalistes qui accompagnent l’apparition du fantastique et de l’imaginaire. Ces outils, ce sont aussi les codes de la comédie musicale à l’hollywoodienne. Si l’on retrouve beaucoup de similitude de cette dernière à travers les danseurs, les costumes, les mises en scènes, et même certains schèmes musicaux, c’est néanmoins les spécificités de l’art arabe qui sont mises en avant, notamment avec la mise en lumière d’instruments comme le Qanûn et sa sonorité si particulière et raffinée ! Il s’agit donc réellement de s’approprier les outils les plus modernes du cinéma de l’époque à des fins revendicatives et artistiques propres au cinéma arabe, et égyptien dans ce cas plus précis. Si l’on associe cela avec la popularité des acteurs, qui comme Farid al-Atrach sont des icônes de la musique dans la vraie vie, tous les éléments sont rassemblés pour que “Afrita Hanem” soit une des pièces maîtresses du cinéma égyptien !

On quitte rarement le Liban, on s’en sépare, souvent contre sa volonté. Et pourtant, dans cette séparation, une étrange alchimie se crée: plus le pays sombre dans le chaos, plus il semble s’effondrer sous les poids du temps et de la guerre, et plus l’attachement et le patriotisme de ses enfants, même à l’autre bout du monde, se fait viscéral. Ce phénomène est particulièrement visible parmi les étudiants libanais en France, pour qui ce patriotisme se nourrit de la résistance face à un contexte tendu, marqué par les tensions et les conflits internes. < Back Loin des yeux, près du coeur: les Libanais de la diaspora face au chaos Christy Ghosn December 31, 2024 « Si le Liban n’était pas mon pays, je l’aurais choisi pour pays. » Gibran n’est pas mort, il vit à travers chaque mot, chaque pensée, de ceux qui, loin de leur terre natale, l’embrassent encore dans leur âme. On quitte rarement le Liban, on s’en sépare, souvent contre sa volonté. Et pourtant, dans cette séparation, une étrange alchimie se crée: plus le pays sombre dans le chaos, plus il semble s’effondrer sous les poids du temps et de la guerre, et plus l’attachement et le patriotisme de ses enfants, même à l’autre bout du monde, se fait viscéral. Ce phénomène est particulièrement visible parmi les étudiants libanais en France, pour qui ce patriotisme se nourrit de la résistance face à un contexte tendu, marqué par les tensions et les conflits internes. Des interviews avec de jeunes expatriés ont permis de comprendre ce paradoxe et comment le patriotisme, loin des frontières du Liban, devient un acte de résistance, comme une promesse de ne jamais oublier ceux qui sont restés. Un patriotisme renforcé par la distance Avant de quitter le Liban, une grande majorité des Libanais interrogés ressentaient une relation ambivalente avec leur pays. L’amour pour leurs proches était entaché par une frustration intense face à la situation politique et économique. Quitter le pays était souvent perçu comme un soulagement, une échappatoire au danger quotidien, mais ce choix était aussi teinté de culpabilité: partir signifiait abandonner un foyer en crise et laisser derrière des proches plongés dans l’incertitude. Une fois à l’étranger, la distance géographique semble paradoxalement rapprocher émotionnellement les expatriés de leur pays d'origine. L’une des étudiantes interrogées a partagé son expérience: bien qu’étant partie très jeune, elle n’avait jamais ressenti un lien aussi fort avec le Liban qu’à la suite des récents affrontements entre le Hezbollah et Israël. Ces événements ont ravivé un sentiment d’appartenance malgré la distance, un sentiment alimenté par la solidarité partagée avec d’autres Libanais dans la même situation. Ensemble, c’est comme s’ils avaient formé une sorte groupe émotionnel de support. De plus, face à la pression d’intégrer les valeurs françaises, beaucoup ont éprouvé un besoin urgent de se rattacher à leur identité libanaise, comme une manière de se réapproprier une partie essentielle et profonde d’eux-mêmes qu’ils sentent parfois menacée. La diffusion et la promotion de la culture libanaise Ce besoin se traduit par une redécouverte de leur culture et une fierté renouvelée d’être Libanais. En effet, les étudiants libanais à l’étranger deviennent souvent des ambassadeurs de leur culture. De la poésie libanaise à Fairuz, en passant par le houmous ou la dabke, ils partagent activement leurs traditions et contribuent à façonner une image positive du Liban, malgré les crises. Cette diffusion culturelle est perçue comme un acte de résistance morale: dans un contexte où leur identité est menacée, préserver et promouvoir leur culture devient une manière de la protéger. Ce sentiment se renforce notamment à Sciences Po où, face au conflit, beaucoup ressentent la nécessité de se positionner et de défendre leurs valeurs. Comme le résume une étudiante, « Le simple fait d’exister, de vivre, devient une forme de résistance. » Des événements culturels organisés par les étudiants libanais illustrent cet engagement, suscitant souvent l’admiration de leurs camarades internationaux, qui se disent inspirés par les récits et les valeurs partagés. Alors que certains, touchés par ces portraits envisagent de visiter le Liban, d’autres, déjà influencés par le temps qu’ils passent avec leurs amis libanais, intègrent inconsciemment des éléments de cette culture dans leur quotidien, ponctuant leurs phrases de mots comme "Saraha" (Honnêtement) ou "Chou?” (Quoi?). Le rôle de la diaspora dans l’avenir du Liban La diaspora libanaise a toujours été un pilier économique et social pour le pays. En 2023, la diaspora a envoyé 6,7 milliards de dollars au Liban selon la Banque mondiale . Ces transferts représentent 30,7 % du PIB libanais, soit le troisième ratio le plus élevé au monde. Les envois d’argent soutiennent des familles entières. Cependant, il ne s’agit pas seulement de contributions économiques pour soutenir le Liban; depuis la révolution de 2019 jusqu'à aujourd'hui, la voix des expatriés libanais a permis de sensibiliser la communauté internationale à la crise libanaise. Pour les Libanais, il ne s’agit plus de se reposer sur un gouvernement, qui s’est déjà montré incapable de répondre à la crise, mais de compter sur le soutien de la communauté internationale. Toutefois, peu de Libanais vivant à l’étranger envisagent un retour au pays. L’absence d’opportunités, combinée à l’instabilité persistante, empêche beaucoup d’imaginer un avenir viable au Liban. Pourtant, ils continuent d’espérer que leur engagement culturel, intellectuel, voire même émotionnel contribuera, à long terme, à un renouveau du pays. A présent, permettez-moi de me glisser dans le rôle de ma propre interviewée, et de conclure par cette réflexion. Être un Libanais étudiant à l’étranger, c’est avant tout un mélange d’émotions: une colère sourde face à la détresse de notre pays, mais aussi une impuissance déchirante, celle de ne pouvoir rien changer—pire—de ne même pas pouvoir être là, physiquement. C’est souffrir face à cette pile incessante de nouvelles, se sentir pris au piège face à cette sensation écrasante de n’être qu’un observateur distant. Et pourtant, malgré cette distance qui déchire, vivre loin de chez soi, c’est porter chaque jour en nous une parcelle du Liban, et s’efforcer de la garder vivante.

In this digital age, violence against women is not limited to the physical world. It is spreading at alarming rates online through the creation of deepfake sexual content that can only be considered as a violence to the existence and integrity of women and girls. < Back Digital Sexual Exploitation: the Deepfake Epidemic in South Korea Lydia Ntourountou November 30, 2024 “If a deep fake video version of me is more attractive, how can I bridge the gap between that and the real me? " Finalists of the 2024 Miss Korea beauty pageant were expected to answer this question. Despite the controversies surrounding pageants—whose sole purpose is for women competing to showcase their physical beauty—comparing a deep fake version of a woman to the way she actually looks had previously been completely unheard of. Amidst a period in which women and girls in South Korea have fallen victim to the technology using AI in order to create fake videos depicting mostly sexual content and acts, this has caused outcries and severe criticism. Deep fakes , or “images or recordings that have been convincingly altered and manipulated to misrepresent someone as doing or saying something that was not actually done or said” made using Artificial Intelligence, have been around since 2017. They were used mostly to insert celebrities' faces in pornographic videos. However, the recent surge in AI popularity has made it extremely accessible for anyone to insert a photo of a person to a bot, with the purpose of changing their face or body and creating a fake version of the person who could be nude or performing a sexual act. Sexualization of women is not a recent phenomenon; it dates back to centuries of gender inequality and the stereotypes associated with them. Women are molded to fit into specific categories and their physical beauty is constantly scrutinized, especially on social media where objectifying a person becomes simple, hiding behind the protection of anonymity: nowadays, one only needs to scroll through the comment section of a woman’s post to find degrading comments regarding her appearance. Unfortunately, hyper-sexualization does not stop there. It has managed to become even more complex and disturbing with the creation of deep fakes. The main problem with deep fakes is not necessarily the fact that they depict explicit content, but rather that the people shown in these videos or images are mostly women and young girls who have not consented for their photos to be used for such purposes. This explicit non-consensual deep fake content (“ non consensual intimate image abuse”) is becoming increasingly concerning, especially given how accessible it is. One can simply find an online bot—there are more than 50 bots whose purpose is to create deepfake content after all—and provide the image of their preference, whether that be a friend, a celebrity or a child, asking it to create this type of illicit content. And what better platform to host these types of bots than Telegram? It could be argued that this application constitutes the ideal platform for these videos and images to circulate, because of the minimal restrictions that it imposes on its users, allowing them to connect and share illegal sexual and pornographic content developed by the bots. The purpose of these bots is not cryptic, but rather hidden in plain sight: “I can do anything you want about the face or clothes of the photo you give me” is what a creator of one bot wrote. While the “deepfake crisis” is worldwide and impacts thousands of women, women and girls in South Korea have been some of its main targets. Research conducted by the newspaper Hankyoreh has uncovered horrific results about the reality that Korean women and children experience due to the use of their images for deepfakes; they are stripped of their fundamental rights and experience a traumatic shock that could stigmatize them for the rest of their life. Women are rendered objects, classified according to the university they are attending and their major, tainted by images of themselves distributed in Telegram chat rooms called “friends of friends.” These are later divided into sub-groups where their members chat about these women—usually their classmates—and share their images to produce pornographic deepfakes. These chat rooms are not limited to university students, but go all the way to high school, exploiting minors and young girls—who are already sexualized in the media—but this time actually using their photos to create such “content.” It is needless to mention the horror that women and children victims of such acts might experience. They are not only forced to deal with deepfake videos of themselves, but also rarely find justice. The protection of South Korean women by the legal system has heavily been criticized, due to the lack of efficient legislation concerning crimes such as illegal filming and digital crimes. The current crisis called for a ban of creation, distribution and consumption of deepfakes, which seems to be an important step towards change, but its concrete enforcement is rather unrealistic. The convenience of using Telegram is not limited to the lack of restrictions concerning the production of such content, but extends to the challenge for authorities to investigate and prosecute criminals using the application for illegal purposes. The application is infamous for its lack of communication and cooperation with authorities, making it difficult to identify suspects and render justice to the victims. Its founder, Pavel Durov, was even arrested in September on charges relating to a lack of content moderation on Telegram, as well as his refusal to cooperate with police investigations. So, where does this leave women in South Korea? In between fighting against the proliferation of illegal spy cams in public restrooms, the Burning Sun case —in which several celebrities and police officials were responsible for sexually assaulting women in a famous Gangnam nightclub—and the rise of deepfakes, women are forced to to remain in a constant defense position to protect their fundamental rights and freedoms. In this digital age, violence against women is not limited to the physical world. It is spreading at alarming rates online through the creation of deepfake sexual content that can only be considered as a violence to the existence and integrity of women and girls. In order to combat this disturbing situation, feminists in South Korea have taken on the heavy responsibility of defending women’s rights by adding pressure on the government to pass more strict legislation, aiming to create a more secure environment. However, the creation and circulation of deepfakes is not a matter that should only concern women, but rather society as a whole. And it might be easy, or even convenient, to let the blame fall on AI, instead of letting ourselves acknowledge that human beings are responsible for the creation of such dangerous and apaling “content”, or worse that they are rarely held accountable for the severe damage and trauma they have caused to victims.

Le 25 novembre 1992, aux États-Unis, environ 1,5 million de personnes quittent leurs  domiciles un jour de week-end pour se rendre au cinéma le plus proche. Et pour cause : c’est la première diffusion du film Aladdin, production tant attendue du  groupe Disney. Une histoire d’amour entre un voleur pauvre surnommé « Diamant brut » pour son cœur en or, et une princesse prisonnière de son statut, qui rêve de se  rebeller contre les traditions… Quoi de mieux pour faire rêver les amateurs d’amour impossible ?  < Back Comment Hollywood a façonné la figure de l’Arabe Selma Boufaroua June 3, 2026 Je viens d’un pays, d’un fort lointain pays où les chameaux des caravanes flânent Où ils vous tranchent l’oreille s’ils n’aiment pas votre tête, Oui, c’est barbare, mais c’est chez moi ! Le 25 novembre 1992, aux États-Unis, environ 1,5 million de personnes quittent leurs domiciles un jour de week-end pour se rendre au cinéma le plus proche. Et pour cause : c’est la première diffusion du film Aladdin , production tant attendue du groupe Disney. Une histoire d’amour entre un voleur pauvre surnommé « Diamant brut » pour son cœur en or, et une princesse prisonnière de son statut, qui rêve de se rebeller contre les traditions… Quoi de mieux pour faire rêver les amateurs d’amour impossible ? Le public s’installe, les lumières s’éteignent, et l’écran s’allume. Une douce mélodie se fait entendre : on reconnaît d’abord la basse électrique, puis la conga, cet instrument afro-cubain qui revient en boucle. La même phrase rythmique se répète encore et encore, créant une base hypnotique en arrière-plan. Derrière ce pattern rythmique, le spectateur aperçoit un désert vaste, tandis qu’une mélodie – que Nasser Al-Taee comparera au balancement régulier des caravanes de chameaux – s’élève. Sur ces treize premières secondes viennent s’ajouter des appoggiatures ainsi qu’une gamme musicale inspirée du maqam ou du genre Hijaz. Très vite, toute intuition se confirme : un colporteur enjoué entre en scène, chantant de vive voix : « Oh, amenez vos tapis volants ! » Bienvenue en Arabland, cet Orient mystique, désertique et oisif, où nomades et marchands criant dans les rues sont monnaie courante. Un Orient qui suscite les passions depuis des siècles, objet de fantasmes, d’images et de clichés. Dès 1992, ce monde attire déjà toute l’attention : la Guerre du Golfe est devenue le premier grand événement international suivi par un public planétaire. La course à l’audimat pousse les journalistes à chercher la meilleure image, celle qui fera le plus sensation, à l’instar de la célèbre photo de La Petite Fille au napalm . Cette stratégie fonctionne : à la fin du XXᵉ siècle, la domination de la société par la culture visuelle et l’écran conduit des chercheurs comme Pierre Robert Baduel à parler de « civilisation des images ». Pour comprendre le monde, les populations se tournent vers la télévision : 68 % des Français passent plus de temps devant l’écran, et aux États Unis, l’audience des journaux télévisés explose. Hollywood l’a bien compris : c’eût été une erreur commerciale que d’ignorer cet engouement pour le Moyen-Orient. Le studio renouvelle ainsi ses idées de production pour coller à la tendance du moment : La Momie (1999), Gladiator (2000), Hidalgo (2004)… et tant d’autres encore. On aurait pu imaginer qu’en ces temps de conflits, ces œuvres cherchent à dépeindre la culture, la langue ou les modes de vie arabes de manière à pacifier les relations tendues entre la région et les pays occidentaux. En somme, à arranger les pots cassés, ou du moins à participer à un mouvement d’accalmie entre les peuples malgré l’agitation grandissante. Pourtant, après avoir examiné mille films, des débuts hollywoodiens aux plus récents, l’ancien journaliste américain Jack Shaheen en a conclu que « les Arabes forment le groupe ethnique le plus dénigré de toute l’histoire d’Hollywood. Dans tous les aspects de notre culture, l’Arabe tient le rôle du bandit. C’est un fait, il n’y a aucune exception. » Ainsi, dans Aladdin , au-delà des signaux musicaux, que Jean-Pierre Bartoli définit comme les éléments sonores évoquant automatiquement quelque chose de non musical, on retrouve une distribution racisée des rôles, aussi bien dans les films que dans les dessins animés. C’est d’ailleurs ainsi qu’Adrien Malemprez, doctorant à l’Université de Liège, introduit son mémoire La représentation musicale du monde arabe à travers les bandes originales hollywoodiennes . Il relève plusieurs phénomènes intéressants : la bande musicale vue plus haut, teintée d’ornements exotiques rappelant le mysticisme du monde arabe, n’apparaît que lorsque des personnages arabes sont à l’écran. Et ces personnages sont systématiquement dépeints négativement : Jafar, le manipulateur sadique et violent, sans clémence envers les animaux ou ses serviteurs, ou encore les habitants d’Agrabah, à l’accent marqué et aux traditions oppressives. Jasmine et Aladdin, eux, sont – à l’image de l’Occident – évolué et respectueux des droits humains : ils se préoccupent tous deux des animaux, se soulèvent contre le régime répressif de la cité et contre le mariage imposé à Jasmine. Quant au Génie, il incarne, selon Alan Nadel, l’allégorie des États-Unis salvateurs, venus au secours de l’Arabe opprimé. De plus, la musique d’arrière-plan associée à ces personnages n’a rien à voir avec celle des autres : elle s’inspire du jazz de Harlem, berceau du jazz américain. Les scènes stéréotypées, elles, ne manquent pas. Dans l’une d’elles, un marchand arabe menace Jasmine de lui couper la main si elle refuse de payer la pomme qu’elle a eu le malheur d’offrir à un petit garçon pauvre. Le professeur américain Walter Denny souligne d’ailleurs que « les trois ou quatre premières minutes du dessin animé Aladdin de Disney sont, en substance, très problématiques. Elles véhiculent une image extrêmement fausse et stéréotypée du monde islamique. » Mais Aladdin est loin d’être le seul à porter cette responsabilité. Bien avant lui, une multitude de films ont représenté le monde arabe de manière stéréotypée, avec des images si répétitives qu’elles finissent par s’inscrire dans l’imaginaire collectif. Comme l’indique le titre du documentaire de Jack Shaheen, Hollywood et les Arabes : comment Hollywood avilit un peuple , on devine sans peine les rôles auxquels la communauté est systématiquement cantonnée, et dont on efface par ailleurs toute diversité. D’abord, les Arabes sont souvent dépeints comme des obsédés sexuels, fascinés par la belle Américaine blonde aux yeux bleus, qui leur échappe toujours. Dans le film d’action Cannonball Run II (1981), un homme arabe vêtu d’un thawb et d’un ghutra ne peut s’empêcher, en voyant le décolleté d’une serveuse américaine, de lui lancer d’un ton lascif : « N’avez-vous jamais pensé à rejoindre un harem ? ». Encore une fois, le fameux harem : espace familial intime réservé aux femmes, loin du regard des hommes étrangers, mais transformé par les voyageurs européens du XIXe siècle en lieu fantasmé d’érotisme, de désir et de domination masculine. La figure de la femme occidentale aux mains du grand méchant Arabe est d’ailleurs centrale : elle revient sans cesse lorsqu’un protagoniste doit enlever ou séquestrer l’une d’entre elles pour assouvir ses désirs. Jamais plus jamais (1983), Sahara (1983), Le Diamant du Nil (1985) ou encore Protocole (1984) ne font que rejouer le même schéma, encore et encore. Dans les années 1980 et 1990, Hollywood s’est en effet aligné sur les politiques de Washington : selon l’ancien chef de cabinet de la Maison-Blanche Jack Valenti, ils partagent le « même code génétique ». Après la création de l’État d’Israël en 1948 et le soutien massif des États-Unis à ce projet, l’image du Palestinien dans les films devient caricaturale, dévalorisée, et réduite à celle du « terroriste ». Aucune mention n’est faite de la souffrance palestinienne ni de celle causée par l’occupation, à l’inverse, le peuple israélien bénéficie d’un traitement bien plus empathique. Dans La Mort avant le déshonneur (1987), un militaire américain est envoyé au Moyen Orient pour former une armée locale. Il finit par désobéir aux ordres afin de sauver des otages attaqués par des terroristes arabes. Dans une scène marquante, un homme palestinien massacre une famille israélienne attablée, kidnappe et torture des Américains, brûle leur drapeau et fait exploser une ambassade américaine lors d’un attentat-suicide. Dans certains films, les dialogues ressemblent davantage à des tribunes politiques qu’à des récits historiques neutres. L’Ombre d’un géant (1966) en est un exemple frappant : le film retrace la création de l’État d’Israël à travers le destin du colonel Mickey Marcus, vétéran de la Seconde Guerre mondiale recruté par les sionistes pour organiser une défense face aux pays arabes. Dans une scène emblématique, le colonel déclare avec ferveur : « Il y a un pays entouré de cinq pays arabes qui ne désirent que le rejeter à la Méditerranée. Sans fusils, sans chars, sans amis, sans rien ! Ce peuple combat avec ses mains nues pour un morceau de désert. ». Évidemment, il finit par se sacrifier héroïquement (d’où le titre L’Ombre d’un géant, puisqu’il laisse “l’ombre” de son courage derrière lui). Les Arabes, eux, restent des obstacles, jamais des personnages ; les Américains et les Israéliens incarnent la civilisation et la liberté. Ainsi, les travaux de nombreux chercheurs sur la représentation du monde arabe dans les productions cinématographiques, en particulier celles d’Hollywood, qui demeure le centre le plus influent du cinéma mondial, démontrent que le groupe ne se contente pas de produire des films : il produit une vision du monde. Parmi les mille films analysés par Shaheen, seulement douze dépeignent le monde arabe de manière positive, cinquante-deux de manière neutre, et neuf cent trente-six de manière négative. Et les stéréotypes ne s’arrêtent pas au cinéma : ils s’étendent à la musique populaire, aux jeux vidéo, aux livres, aux dessins animés. Dans le clip Bodak Yellow de Cardi B, le monde arabe est encore réduit à un vaste désert où la chanteuse, couverte, traverse la contrée à dos de chameau. Les jeux de tir contemporains en sont un autre exemple : Modern Warfare 2 fait tirer les joueurs sur des insurgés en Afghanistan, tandis que Battlefield 2 et Battlefield 3 plongent dans des combats contre des Iraniens en Irak. La liste est longue, mais le constat est clair : la plupart des Arabes et des musulmans y apparaissent comme des extrémistes religieux, ou charismatiques, mais toujours dangereux. Pour la professeure américaine Muniba Saleem, les personnes jouant à des jeux dépeignant les Arabes ou musulmans de manière péjorative sont plus enclines à les associer aux stéréotypes terroristes. Dans les années 2000, l’industrie du jeu vidéo et l’armée américaine se rapprochent, soit pour recruter (America’s Army, 2002), soit pour justifier la « guerre contre la terreur » (Kuma/War, 2004). Des jeux qui, selon William Audureau, jouent le même rôle que le cinéma des années 1940, « celui d’un instrument de propagande ». La figure de l’Arabe terroriste devient dès lors « l’ennemi autorisé ». Bien qu’apocryphe, la célèbre citation attribuée à Voltaire « Mentez, mentez, il en restera toujours quelque chose », continue de circuler depuis près de trois siècles comme une référence familière. Dans ce contexte, répéter les mêmes images, les mêmes clichés, les mêmes stéréotypes forment un imaginaire collectif qui devient normatif. Dennis Rice le dit : « Pour parler au monde entier, le nouvel Hollywood, tellement mondialisé, doit faire des films universels ». Il semble qu’au final, à défaut de « parler » à cette partie du monde, Hollywood n’a rendu universelle que sa propre vision stéréotypée du monde arabe. Photo source: HarshLight, flickr

While many, particularly in the political arena, view the disaster as purely natural, experts point to human factors such as corruption, poor infrastructure maintenance and chronic conflicts that have left the country unprepared for events like Storm Daniel. This disaster highlights how human irresponsibility in two key areas—climate change and political instability—has compounded the crisis. < Back Libya: Victim of a Double Crisis Eleni Dimitropoulou September 30, 2024 In September 2023, Libya, a country which has been a victim of civil wars, economical crisis and governmental instability, was struck once again by an unexpected nightmare, an environmental disaster: Storm Daniel. The "Omega block", a high-pressure zone sandwiched between two zones of low pressure, with the isobars shaping like the Greek letter omega (Ω) was largely responsible for the prolonged duration of the storm. This meteorological event caused the storm system to linger over the region for an extended period, continuously pumping moist air from the Mediterranean Sea, intensifying both the storm’s duration and rainfall. The Omega block was primarily situated over Central and Northern Europe, while it created a stagnant low-pressure zone in the Ionian Sea. This resulted in several days of warm, moist air flowing from the northeast towards Libya, causing unprecedented rainfall and extreme flooding. As a result, more than 11,000 people lost their lives in the coastal city of Derna and over 30,000 were left homeless. This phenomenon is not new with the region as Derna had already experienced floods in 1941, 1959, and 1968. According to the Libyan Red Crescent, more than 11,300 people were confirmed dead after the powerful storm hit eastern Libya. The ensuing floods breached two dams in Derna, creating a torrent that swept away entire neighborhoods. The floodwaters were described as resembling a massive tsunami. Dozens of bodies were buried in mass graves, as seen in images widely circulated on online platforms. The International Organization for Migration reported that over 3,000 residents in El Beida and 2,000 in Benghazi were left homeless. Derna, which is normally connected to the rest of Libya by seven roads, is now only accessible by two, with electrical and telecommunications damage hampering rescue efforts. The scale of the disaster was exacerbated by the lack of maintenance on two critical dams on the dry Wadi river south of the city. Al Bilal Dam, with a capacity of 1.5 million cubic meters survived the storm. However, the larger Abu Mansour Dam, closer to the city which could hold 22.5 million cubic meters, collapsed. These dams were constructed using pressed clay with stone linings, materials less durable than reinforced concrete. Since 2014, Libya has been politically divided between two rival governments: one based in Tripoli in the west, recognized by the UN, and another in eastern Libya based in Benghazi, supported by Marshal Khalifa Haftar. The Tripoli-based government, led by interim Prime Minister Abdel Hamid Dabaiba, attempted to assist the eastern region despite not controlling it. Dabaiba announced the dispatch of humanitarian aid, including medicine, food, and medical personnel. A plane from Tripoli arrived in the affected area with 14 tons of aid and 80 doctors. At the same time, the government in eastern Libya, supported by Haftar, oversaw the handling of the Derna crisis. A state of emergency was announced and a crisis management team was established consisting of local officials, emergency responders, medical personnel, engineers, and logistics coordinators to manage the consequences of the disaster. In reaction, various countries such as Egypt, Turkey, and Italy provided international aid by sending rescue teams, medical supplies, and equipment. Organizations like the UN and Red Cross provided crucial humanitarian assistance, such as food, water, and technical knowledge, to aid in ongoing rescue and recovery efforts. Funding has been promised to aid in the reconstruction of the city and repair critical infrastructure The United Nations criticized Libya’s early warning system, with the head of the World Meteorological Organization, suggesting that many casualties could have been avoided if proper warnings had been issued, giving residents time to evacuate. Libya's National Meteorological Center had issued warnings 72 hours before the storm, informing authorities via email and advising precautionary measures. While many, particularly in the political arena, view the disaster as purely natural, experts point to human factors such as corruption, poor infrastructure maintenance and chronic conflicts that have left the country unprepared for events like Storm Daniel. This disaster highlights how human irresponsibility in two key areas—climate change and political instability—has compounded the crisis. Climate change, driven by human activities such as the greenhouse effect, is now striking back, with severe consequences that threaten lives. Simultaneously, political instability, the lack of consensus and ongoing conflicts have prevented both governments from investing in essential infrastructure, schools, healthcare, and housing. The ongoing political deadlock continues to prevent displaced individuals from returning home, as fair reconstruction assistance remains difficult to obtain. One year after the destroying surges in Derna, caused by violent wind Daniel on September 11, 2023, the city is still in a a slow reconstruction process. Belgacem Haftar, the child of compelling Libyan military pioneer Khalifa Haftar, is supervising the restoration endeavors. Be that as it may, Human Rights Watch has criticized the Libyan government for falling flat in supplying satisfactory stipends and support to survivors. The ongoing political deadlock continues to prevent displaced individuals from returning home, as fair reconstruction assistance remains difficult to obtain. In Derna, extensive damage remains to housing, water and sanitation networks, electricity grids, hospitals, and schools. The recovery process has been so slow that survivors’ access to essential services, such as healthcare and education, remains disrupted. Financial and government services are also limited, and thousands of victims remain unidentified or missing. Armed groups that contributed to the chaotic emergency response, hindering residents from seeking safety, have yet to be held accountable. In a similarly tragic event one year later, over 5,800 people were displaced due to flooding in the southwestern Libyan towns of Ghat and Tahala. Many are staying with relatives, while others are sheltered in temporary camps and schools. This second flooding disaster highlights the country’s continued vulnerability to extreme weather and the lack of an effective national response plan. The situation in Libya is undeniably vulnerable, and seeing no improvement in the past year is both disappointing and alarming. Both governments, as well as the global community, must take action, raise awareness about the issue and find ways to tackle it. Non-governmental organizations can serve as central points of collaboration between countries and individuals. As for the Libyan government, they must focus more on the root causes of this emergency situation rather than on the political status quo. After all, human lives are more important than power. Let us all hope that Libya, the gem of Africa, will be saved and that no more dead bodies will fill the streets. Instead, they will once again be full of life and joy.

Aujourd’hui encore, l’art, parce qu’il est un instrument de contestation pacifique qui revêt une efficacité prouvée, est un objet soumis à une menace de musèlement que la population algérienne n’a de cesse de défier. < Back L’Expansion de l’Art Engagé en Algérie By Raja Madani April 30, 2022 “C’est pourquoi il faut que les artistes, les écrivains et les savants, qui ont en dépôt certains des acquis les plus rares de l’histoire humaine, apprennent à se servir contre l’État de la liberté que leur assure l’État” - Pierre Bourdieu À l’occasion de la Semaine des Arts ayant récemment eue lieu à Sciences Po, cet article s’intéresse à l’utilisation de l’art comme moyen d’engagement politique, en prenant pour angle d’étude la place prépondérante occupée par l’art engagé en Algérie, dans la quête de liberté et dans la manifestation des espoirs. Trois ans maintenant. En un vendredi ensoleillé de la fin du mois de février 2019, la jeunesse algérienne avait gagné les rues des villes principales du pays pour protester contre l’éternelle reproduction d’un système politique qui l’étouffe. Ce moment de symbiose qui a progressivement réuni les multiples spécificités de la population a donné lieu , par sa répétition chaque mardi et vendredi, à celle que l’on qualifie aujourd’hui de « révolution du sourire », ou autrement dit: de Hirak. La population algérienne, encore très marquée par la violence extrême qui l’a touchée au plus près lors de l’épisode de la décennie noire des années 90, a dû s’armer d’outils lui permettant de faire circuler en puissance ses revendications, tout en plaçant la paix en véritable maître mot du mouvement. L’art est alors apparu comme le moyen de combiner ces objectifs. L’art et la dénonciation, des éléments qui s’auto-génèrent Paroles extraites du chant de supporters, devenu chant de manifestants algériens, lui-même inspiré de la chanson de lutte des ouvrières des rizières de la Vallée du Pô Bella ciao : « La Casa Del Mouradia » , Ouled El Bahja. نقولوا جازت، حشاوهانلا بالعشرية » « Le premier {mandat}, on dira qu’il est passé. Ils nous ont eu avec la décennie {noire} فالثانية الحكاية بانت "La Casa Del Mouradia » Au deuxième, l’histoire est devenue claire, La Casa d’El Mouradia {= commune à Alger} فالثالثة البلاد شيانت مالمصالح الشخصية Au troisième, le pays s’est amaigri. À cause des intérêts personnels « فالرابعة البوبية ماتت، ومازالت القضية Au quatrième, la poupée est morte… Mais l’affaire suit son cours ». Via le mouvement de protestation du Hirak sont nés au sein de la société algérienne des artistes qui ont su puiser dans leur inspiration de quoi servir la cause de la dénonciation. Le mouvement s’est présenté pour chaque algérienne et chaque algérien comme une véritable occasion de développer une fibre artistique jusque-là peu encouragée. C’est par exemple le cas de Liasmine Fodil, habitante de la ville de Tizi Ouzou, qui a vu dans le mouvement du Hirak l’occasion de se reconvertir en photographe, afin d’être d’une utilité à la communauté des insurgés. Elle expliquait il y a quelques mois son choix au média Web Arts Résistances par un devoir d’information et de mémoire envers les futures générations : « Je sentais que c’était urgent de dire que ça se passait partout et pas seulement dans la capitale. {…} Dans quelques années nos photos seront des archives, elles montreront comment des citoyens anonymes se sont mobilisés » . Parmi les talents méconnus révélés par le Hirak, on retrouve également Mohamed Kechacha, chanteur de chaâbi: un genre musical algérois. Ce dernier s’est fait connaître par son vidéo-clip intitulé 1000 milliards , en référence aux rentes pétrolières du pays. Enfin, et surtout, la foule en elle-même a constitué un corps d’artistes à l’unicité foisonnante. Par la création de chants et de slogans, de pancartes, de danses, ou encore de peintures : de semaine en semaine, l’expression artistique a su se développer au fur et à mesure que le mouvement évoluait. En parallèle à ce foisonnement de nouvelles voix artistiques du Hirak, des artistes algériens affirmés de plus longue date ont su faire de leur art un instrument en faveur de la lutte pour la liberté et la démocratie en Algérie. C’est ainsi qu’en 2019, dans son célèbre titre intitulé « Liberté », le rappeur Soolking chantait le ras-le-bol des algériens envers le caractère sans issue de leur système politique. Il a fait de son morceau une véritable ode à la liberté, à laquelle il aspire pour l’Algérie. Mais impossible d’évoquer la combinaison du mouvement de contestation du Hirak avec l’art sans avoir une pensée particulière pour les caricaturistes. Sous le ton de l’humour, ces derniers ne manquent jamais d’exposer leur point de vue et de partager avec les Algériens des dessins de presse toujours plus engagés. De cette manière, des dessinateurs de presse comme Le Hic, Nime, Dilem ou encore Slim, en n’ayant de cesse de mêler art, humour, et conscience politique, se sont érigés en véritables symboles d’une autodérision voilant à peine un sens profond. Un phénomène enraciné Bien qu’il ait connu un essoufflement particulièrement important avec l’épisode sanglant de la décennie noire, il serait erroné de croire que l’art engagé était inexistant avant sa montée en puissance au moment du Hirak. On a en effet tendance à oublier que ce dernier a joué un rôle considérable dans la construction et la consolidation de l’identité nationale algérienne dans la période 1952-1970. Face à ce constat, l’historienne Anissa Bouayed, dans son ouvrage L’art et l’Algérie insurgée. Les traces de l’épreuve : 1954-1962, s’est donné pour mission de traiter la Guerre d’Algérie à partir des productions artistiques de peintres internationaux et algériens. De Issiakhem, à Khadda tout en passant par Fares, l’autrice de ce livre d’art particulièrement novateur tend à expliquer que «l’’œuvre est sans doute au-delà de toute catégorie englobante. Elle rend compte dans un condensé fulgurant, des positions critiques majeures contre la guerre, et des aspirations à la liberté, à la fois en dénonçant la torture dans plusieurs tableaux et en représentant les manifestations algériennes » . Une menace de censure qui demeure Le 16 décembre 2019, l’artiste bédéiste Nime a été condamné à un an d’emprisonnement pour ses dessins politiques. Le 10 août 2020, c’est le journaliste et activiste Khaled Drareni qui a été condamné à trois années de prison ferme pour des activités liées à son métier. Plus récemment, le 4 janvier 2021, le jeune artiste Walid Kechida a été à son tour condamné à trois ans de prison ferme. Pas plus tard que dans son rapport annuel 2021-2022, l’organisation de défense des droits de l’Homme Amnesty International dénonçait l’arrestation et la détention de « centaines de militants politiques et de la société civile, ainsi que des journalistes, simplement parce qu’ils avaient exprimé leur opinion ou fait leur travail » . La liberté d’expression se voit alors particulièrement menacée en Algérie ces dernières années et les artistes n’en sont pas moins épargnés. Aujourd’hui encore, l’art, parce qu’il est un instrument de contestation pacifique qui revêt une efficacité prouvée, est un objet soumis à une menace de musèlement que la population algérienne n’a de cesse de défier.

If you ever find yourself in Turkey, pack your bags and go east. Drive through the Anatolian plateau until you can almost touch Armenia, and there you will find a piece of history: Ani. < Back Visiting Ani: The Long Lost Capital of Armenia By Viola Luraschi September 26, 2022 If you ever find yourself in Turkey, pack your bags and go east. Drive through the Anatolian plateau until you can almost touch Armenia, and there you will find a piece of history: Ani. Once the “city of 1,001 churches” and the “cosmopolitan capital of medieval Armenia,” Ani now lies in ruins, a product of war, conflict and political tensions. Ani’s early days Ani’s days as the capital of the Bagratid Armenian kingdom were numbered from the start. However, its advantageous location between the Black and the Caspian Seas, its many religious buildings and its sophisticated fortifications were able to secure it the title of capital from 961 to 1045. After the Bagrationi dynasty ruled Ani, the Byzantines took over from 1045 to 1064. The earliest ruins were found by archaeologist Mark Gioloany in 1955, dating back to the 5th century; at the time, Ani was a strategic fortress on a hilltop under the control of the Armenian Kamsarakan dynasty. Size, power and wealth made the city an important trading hub, leading to a growth in cultural capital, so much so that it became the site of the royal mausoleum of the Bagratuni kings. The city saw days of prosperity under the reign of King Gagik I that lasted from 989 to 1020, during which it was one of the largest existing cities with a population greater than 100,000. The Armenian nation found a part of its identity in Christianity, which was adopted as the state’s religion in 300 AD. Its presence is reflected in the ruins of Ani, where historians and archaeologists excavated as many as 50 churches, 33 cave chapels and 20 chapels. Scholars have argued that its gothic style later influenced the early Romanesque and Gothic designs found in many European cathedrals. Ani’s downfall Being a center of cultural exchange and economic prosperity, Ani received much attention from its neighboring states. Over the years, the 85 hectares on which Ani stands were home to numerous languages and civilizations (23), including Armenian, Greek, Turkish, Arabic, Georgian and Persian. Ani’s downfall began in 1064 when it surrendered to Persian control during Seljuk Sultan Alparslan’s 25-day siege, which slaughtered much of the city’s population. Not long after, the Seljuks sold Ani to a Muslim Kurdish dynasty, the Shaddadids. Under the Shaddadids, the people of Ani saw an attempt at reconciliation. However, the populace appealed to the Christian Kingdom of Georgia, which was able to capture the city a total of five times between 1124 and 1209. The first three times, Ani was recaptured by the Shaddadids. However, when it was taken in 1199 by Queen Tamar of Georgia, it was placed in the tight grip of generals Zakare and Ivane, who established control under a new dynasty: the Zakarids. During the reign of the Zakarids, Ani saw prosperity once more through further fortifications and an increase in religious buildings. While the Mongols failed to gain control of the city in 1226, they were successful in 1236 when they massacred a large portion of the population. By the 14th century, however, Ani was under the reign of a succession of Turkish dynasties. Through the years of Turkish rule, the Jalayirids and the Kara Koyunlu were the only two dynasties that made Ani their capital. The 1319 earthquake further destabilized the city by reducing the infrastructure to shambles. When the capital finally transferred to Yerevan, Ani lost most of its wealth and power. The city joined the Ottoman Empire in 1579 under the rule of the Safavids; by then, only a tiny fraction of the town remained inside the walls, and by 1735, the last monks left the monastery in the Virgin’s Fortress or Kizkalesi. Ani was left abandoned. Modern day Ani Few make their way to what was once the great city of Ani. In the second half of the 20th century, tourists stayed away from the geopolitical fault line on which Ani stood; the land between North Atlantic Treaty Organization member Turkey and Soviet-controlled Armenia. For many Armenians, Ani is yet another reminder of what the Turkish took from them. I made my way to Ani in July of 2022. Upon arrival, the old city walls are the first thing you see — colossal walls made of large boulders, big enough to make anyone feel small. Aside from my family and me, there were only two other tourists and a few locals. Ani lacks attention and restoration; once beautiful churches are now being covered in weeds, the affreschi on the walls have been scratched and written on and a few pieces of wood pretend to prevent the remaining structures from collapsing. Once a city of cultural exchange and economic prosperity, Ani is now a place of loss and mourning for the Armenian nation and a strategic advantage for the Turkish. If you ever manage to explore Ani, I suggest you visit during the last light of day, when the sun shines a little more orange, bringing out the reds and yellows of the local basalt stone.

As this academic year draws to a close and Menton becomes more boring to most of us, I am increasingly surprised by how much I have yet to discover about this town's hidden gems. < Back Eats with Angela: Menton's Top Five Food Gems By Angela Saab Saade March 31, 2023 As this academic year draws to a close and Menton becomes more and more boring to most of us, I find myself increasingly surprised by how much I have yet to discover about this town's hidden gems. The other day, I was aimlessly wandering around the streets of Menton — bored, uninspired and exhausted by the town's familiarity. At some point, I saw a crowd of people waiting in line at one of the tiniest patisseries I have ever seen. A mother, persuading her child of a pastry he was not convinced of, said “I promise you, you are going to love it. It is moelleux, it is sweet, it has a unique taste and it is fulfilling.” The patisserie took me by surprise. I had never seen it before, though I was sure to have crossed that street at least once a week. So, I decided to try out the pastry that the mother was so keen to make her child eat. I thought, why not? What do I have to lose other than 2.90 euros of my money? I purchased what is called a Fougasse Mentonnaise and it tasted above any other (non-chocolate) pastry I had ever tried before. What made it more special though, was that this fougasse, new to me in this town of monotonous familiarity, represents the untouched opportunities left for us to explore in Menton, especially for the uninspired 2As among us. Moreover, I will share with you my top favorite places thus far in Menton that have not yet been swamped by the student body. We will go beyond the common places, like Café Italiano, Istanbul Kebab and Brioche Dorée. I sincerely hope at least one of the five places will be new to you and will provide you with an interesting setting to explore. Number 5 — L'OPEN Address: 11 Av. de Verdun, 06500 Menton Pub, bar, café, restaurant — call it what you want, but this place is absolutely the perfect hub for a great dinner, a late cocktail or even brunch. The ambiance is lively, especially in the evening, and the staff is friendly. If you enjoy music while studying, I would encourage you to sit in their upper floor, which, similarly to Café Italiano, their customers usually avoid. Thus, it is great for those of us who like studying with background music in an empty space. Top 4 — Mitron Bakery Addresse: 8 Rue Pieta, 06500 Menton There is no need to reiterate how much I appreciated the Fougasse from Mitron Bakery. A bonus to their yummy desserts is their small outdoor space in which you may get some work done. What I particularly like about Mitron is that they offer proper Mentonnese specialities, rather than regular pastries like other bakeries. This specialization makes them distinct while also allowing us to try new flavors unique to this part of the world and precious to our limited time experiencing it. Top 3 — Le Paradis de la Glace Address: 59 Av. Robert Schumann, 06190 Roquebrune-Cap-Martin Given my obsession with ice-cream, I think any glacerie is splendid, but my flatmates would have thrown me into the Mediterranean if I neglected to add this establishment. Le Paradis de la Glace's name is an understatement to the quality of ice-cream sold. This better-than-paradise ice cream may be found just at the border between Menton and Cap-Martin Roquebrune. It is fresh, creamy and superior to the Menton ice cream shops that stud Rue St Michel. It may be a bit of a walk, but the high quality treats and friendly service make the journey worth it. Especially at this time of the year, the spring's reappearing warm sun can soothe you as you enjoy their outdoor seating area and overlook the cerulean sea. Top 2 — Sini 7 Rue des Marins, 06500 Menton You have probably passed by this restaurant multiple times and thought, "oh, just another incredibly expensive restaurant in Menton." Well, think again, because Sini's is quite affordable and may even be considered underpriced for the quality of the food they offer. You may enjoy multiple pieces of their fresh Corsican focaccia with different toppings, such as truffle, artichoke and Mozzarella, with an aperol spritz on a late afternoon or evening. Or, you can also just have the slices with no cocktail on a regular weekday for lunch. Either way, you can anticipate a pleasant experience of great food and chill ambiance, while not going broke! Top 1 — Ideal Tacos When I first came to France and saw taco restaurants, I was extremely disappointed to realize that a taco here is not what it is in most parts of the world. However, one restaurant in particular shifted my perception of the demonized French taco and allowed me to befriend it, maybe even love it, and that is Ideal Tacos. They offer scrumptious tacos and burgers and equally have vegan and vegetarian options. My personal favorite is the vegan taco with white sauce — absolutely one of the most fulfilling and flavorsome meals I have had. Complement it with some fries, mozzarella sticks or nachos and a side drink, and there you have it, the best fast food meal you could wish for. And, the staff is the absolute nicest!

It’s time to embrace these styles as more than just ‘trends’, but as a long-lived facet of Black culture. Recognizing the enormous influence that Black communities have had on fashion and aesthetics will allow for the long-overdue dismantling of structural hegemonies, which not only ignore Black culture but also build an alarming double standard between races in the fashion industry. < Back “Clean Girl” or “White Girl”? Exploring Racial Double Standards in the Fashion Industry Loowit Morrison April 30, 2025 Clean girl. We can all picture her: slicked-back bun, neutral nail polish, “no-makeup” makeup with lip gloss. She is an image of sophistication, elegance and fashion, not to mention hyper-trendy. She is a model off-duty. She is praised as glowing. And, more often than not, she is white. The clean girl aesthetic is widely credited to celebrities such as Gigi Hadid, Hailey Bieber and Kendall Jenner, champions of the “model off-duty” look. However, the unquestioned praise of white women who flaunt the clean girl look perpetuates a deep double standard in the fashion industry. Despite the face of the aesthetic being white, the clean girl was born in Black communities. The typical “clean girl” gold hoop was not born with the emergence of the clean girl aesthetic in the early 2020s. They actually have roots traced back to fourth Century Africa, in modern-day Sudan. In the U.S.’ Jazz Age of the 1920s and 1930s, singer Josephine Baker pioneered hoops as a fashion statement, and thus began their ascent to staple jewelry. Throughout the 1900s, stars such as Cher and Diana Ross continued to popularize the hoop. Chola style, defined by Chicana women on the U.S.’s West Coast, was also instrumental in the popularization of gold jewelry. Chola was used to symbolize Latina women’s struggle and to assert their unique cultural identity. Perhaps the most appropriated element of historically Black fashion is lip liner. An essential in many girls’ bags, no matter their race, lip liner was not just invented to upgrade a lip look. Liner first emerged in Black communities in the 1920s as a way to combat the exclusion of Black women from the beauty world. At a time when shades of brown were not even available in the makeup industry, Black and brown women had to “be the creators of their own beauty”, according to NYC makeup artist Sam Fine. While seen merely as a makeup tool today, the history of the lip liner is a story of protest—of Black women seeking femininity in a white hegemonic social landscape. What, then, allowed lip liner to expand past Black and brown communities? Well, it was only when white women adopted it, when liner went “mainstream”, that the negative connotations associated with it evaporated . Once viewed as “ghetto,” as soon as it was claimed by white women, it became “sophisticated.” In August 2022, Hailey Bieber’s tutorial on her “unheard of technique” for “brownie glazed lips” went viral. A combination of brown lip liner and clear gloss, this look was received with praise and enthusiasm as the “hot new thing” in makeup. However, this look was not a “new thing” at all. It was merely the elevation of a Black beauty trend by a thin white woman. The adoption and appropriation of Black fashion trends by white women is not limited to makeup. Long nails, which date back to Egyptian women in 3000 BCE, have long been donned by Black women. Black disco icons in the 1970s U.S. expanded the popularity of acrylic nails, which were brought to the forefront of fashion after being worn by Donyale Luna, the first Black supermodel on the cover of Vogue , in the March 1966 edition of the magazine. The growth of the acrylic nail was fostered by other Black icons, including track star Florence Griffith-Joyner and pop stars Missy Elliott and Janet Jackson. Today, acrylics are celebrated among all races. However, their perception on white women versus Black women reveals a deep double standard in fashion. When white women wear acrylics, whether a clean girl “Bubble Bath” pink or with an elaborate design, they are seen as chic and cute. When a Black woman wears acrylics, on the other hand, she is seen as “cheap” and “unprofessional.” Even the same set of nails would be seen in a completely different light based on the race of the person wearing them. Hoops, lip liners and acrylic nails are only three examples of the clean girl’s double standards. Despite its roots in Black culture, the clean girl aesthetic is rarely associated with Black girls. In fact, while heralded as fresh and cute on white girls, when Black girls wear hoops and nails, they are seen as the opposite. The clean girl aesthetic is not the only example of fashion’s racial double standards. Black people have long been pioneers of fashion, and can be credited with many of society’s favorite looks today, from athleisure to logomania and all-leather looks. This influence, however, is often pushed aside and purposefully ignored by a white-dominated fashion landscape that refuses to give credit where credit is due. Along with the slick back bun, braids have been a defining source of double standards in the fashion industry. Braids and cornrows date back thousands of years, the earliest known depiction of which is illustrated in a rock painting from the Sahara desert, around 5,000 years ago. While braiding culture is not limited to Black culture, braids gained a special significance during times of slavery in the Americas. Various braiding styles were used to draw maps of escape routes, denoting obstacles and pathways to freedom. Braids hold inextricable cultural significance in Black communities, highlighting a long-fought battle for freedom and unique identity. However, braids are also a place of contention. Despite holding a large place in Black identity, braids are a source of stereotypes and stigmatization, especially in the workplace. A study from CROWN Workplace Research in 2023 found that one-fifth of Black women surveyed between the ages of 25 and 34 had been sent home from the workplace due to their hair, and Black women’s hair was two-and-a-half times more likely to be considered unprofessional. Black women’s hair, whether in braids or an afro, has been widely regarded as “messy.” However, when a white woman wears braids, such as Kim Kardashian’s “ Bo Derek braids ,” she is praised as cutting-edge and cool. The more we analyze current trends, the more we uncover the ignored influence that Black culture has had on fashion. Without trailblazing Black leaders in the fashion industry, the world wouldn’t have sneakers, hoodies or name-plate necklaces. These trends have been seized and appropriated by the white-dominated industry, distorted to appear as belonging to white people only. This isn’t to say that the world should stop wearing sneakers or hoop earrings. Actually, we should do the opposite: it’s time to embrace these styles as more than just ‘trends’, but as a long-lived facet of Black culture. Recognizing the enormous influence that Black communities have had on fashion and aesthetics will allow for the long-overdue dismantling of structural hegemonies, which not only ignore Black culture but also build an alarming double standard between races in the fashion industry. So the next time you reach for hair gel, lip liner, or even your favorite pair of sneakers, think back to where they came from. So much of what we, as a society, love today has roots in Black culture, and it’s time to recognize, celebrate and uplift that. Photo source: Historical Liscense on Flickr

K-pop, kimchi and Samsung likely come to mind when one thinks of this small country of 52 million in East Asia. I recently traveled to the country of my heritage to rediscover the nation my family had left over half a century ago. < Back South Korea: A Colorful Nation of Contrasts By Colin Lim September 28, 2022 K-pop, kimchi and Samsung likely come to mind when one thinks of this small country of 52 million in East Asia. Similar in size to Iceland and Indiana, the Republic of Korea is perpetually dwarfed by its larger neighbors — China, Japan and Russia — and its hostile and secretive, estranged northern brother. I recently traveled to the country of my heritage to rediscover the nation my family had left over half a century ago. Then, it was an impoverished, war-torn country whose citizens faced both repression and tremendous economic growth under a series of military dictators. It was a country that, amid its post-1945 recovery from Japanese colonization, was forcefully and arbitrarily divided by outside forces with little understanding of the peninsula or its people. Today, however, as a result of the relentless development pursued after the Korean War armistice, signed in 1953, South Korea is among the most developed nations in the world and produces countless cultural exports, including K-pop, K-dramas and K-beauty. In traveling to Korea, I hoped to reconnect with my heritage and acquaint myself with the country beyond the borders of its shining megacity capital. Across Eurasia The twelve-hour flight from Warsaw to Incheon was uneventful, although the circuitous flight path that avoided Ukrainian, Russian and North Korean airspace was a poignant reminder that not everyone has the privilege of living in a peaceful country. Although I had visited South Korea before, I was still mesmerized by the endless subdivisions of plain, identical twenty-story concrete apartment buildings that dominate the skyline as I arrived at my grandfather’s apartment on the outskirts of Seoul. For lunch, we had Korean barbecue — something every visitor must experience. Seeing the ajumma (an archetypal middle-aged woman) swiftly and expertly cooking strips of samgyeopsal (pork belly) on the table’s built-in grill made me truly feel like I had arrived in Korea. The refreshing bowl of naengmyeon (icy Pyongyang-style noodle soup) that accompanied the meat provided respite from the heat and humidity. Seoul Seoul is built for efficiency, and yet, it is a city of unique contrasts. It manages to blend tradition and modernity almost seamlessly. Centuries-old Buddhist temples and royal palaces abut glass skyscrapers and congested city streets. Citizens demonstrate against their government when they are dissatisfied, while, 30 kilometers to the north, doing the exact same would consign three generations of one’s family to a lifetime of hard labor at a Soviet-style gulag. Advertisements featuring K-pop singers with flawless makeup and surgically perfected facial features overlook Seoulites as they métro-boulot-dodo and while farmers tend to their rice paddies just beyond the city limits. The Seoul metropolitan area houses 25 million residents — half the country’s population — and is one of the most densely populated cities in the world. It inundates the senses. Even as a repeat visitor, I was overwhelmed by the city’s cleanliness and efficiency, given its size. The low violent crime rates allow neighborhoods to buzz with people at all hours of the day and night. One could spend a lifetime in Seoul and still not have explored every one of its neighborhoods in depth. Sokcho: Seaside Sleepiness As a non-resident, I could not buy a ticket to Sokcho online. I showed up at the bus terminal in Seoul, clueless yet unfazed, and managed to purchase a ticket. An hour later, I was on a luxurious coach bound for Sokcho, a city on the northeastern coast of South Korea. Upon arrival, I wandered around the central market — a massive seafood and produce hub with dozens of varieties of live fish, handmade kimchi and dalgona, the saccharine toffee-like snack introduced to the outside world by “Squid Game.” I ended the day by enjoying grilled seafood and sikhye, a refreshing beverage made from rice and pine nuts, as I overlooked the sea. The pace of life was slower than Seoul’s, but it was nearly impossible to escape the urban hustle and bustle. The next day, I boarded a bus bound for Seoraksan National Park, which houses Sinheungsa, a large seventh-century Buddhist temple complex, and congregations of jagged granite peaks that jut defiantly toward the sky. The lush mountainsides and perilous vertical drops provide the perfect scenery for the 10-meter-tall bronze Buddha statue and the colorful wooden temple buildings with intricately painted eaves. When I entered the temple, it felt as if time had stopped; the only audible sounds were chirping birds, bowing Buddha-followers and streaming spring water from the temple’s granite fountain. A stone lion guards the bridge over the parched riverbed below as the unrelenting sun beats down on visitors. Busan, Boseong, and Jeonju: A Southern Adventure After a few days back in my home-base and the country’s transportation hub, Seoul, I boarded a high-speed train to Busan. Nestled in the southeastern corner of the peninsula, Busan is only 50 kilometers from Japan’s Tsushima Island. After a swift two-and-a-half-hour journey, I visited Haeundae Beach. It was a typical sandy beach, replete with families, high-rise resort hotels and palm trees. I did not linger for too long since I had gone to Korea to experience Korean culture, not Miami Beach. In pursuit of this, I headed to Jagalchi Market, the largest seafood market in the country. The utilitarian five-story building with fluorescent lighting is full of live and dried seafood, along with dozens of restaurants that prepare seafood however the customer desires. I was in a less adventurous mood, so I settled for some hearty pork bone broth soup, the regional specialty. The next day, I boarded a bus bound for Boseong, a small village along the rocky southwestern part of the peninsula. The bus exited the freeway and sped down charming country roads lined with rice paddies. The roads grew narrower and the towns smaller. Four hours after departing the seaside metropolis of Busan, I arrived at my accommodation and prepared for the next day’s journey. Boseong is renowned for its green tea; its mild climate and location along the coast supposedly create distinct aromas in the tea leaves. The green tea fields did not disappoint; dozens of rows of lime-emerald green tea tree terraces line the hillside, teeming with city-dwelling weekenders hunting for the perfect selfie spot. After having some green tea ice cream and extremely bitter tea leaves, I headed to Jeonju — a city where the authentic Korea is still proudly on display. I slept in a hanok (traditional home) in the Jeonju Hanok village — a massive collection of minimalist yet elegant wooden homes with curved roofs and handmade paper windows. The juxtaposition of the traditional houses and the modern city surrounding it are quintessentially Korean. U.S. Army Yongsan Garrison and the DMZ: A Country Divided One of the most impactful parts of my visit to South Korea was my trip to the U.S. Army’s Yongsan Garrison. The two-square kilometer facility in central Seoul served as the headquarters of the Imperial Japanese Army from 1910 to 1945. Subsequently, it housed the U.S. Army until 2018, when the American base migrated to a site outside of Seoul. Despite the garrison not being active anymore, the barbed wire and threatening signs stating “U.S. government property, no trespassing” have still not disappeared. A small residential part of the army base was open to the public. It was bizarre to see people so eager to pose for photos inside a former military base that had been off-limits to everyday Koreans for seven decades. Blackhawk Village’s rows of two-story brick townhouses, parks and a Little League baseball field enclosed by a chain-link fence were somewhat reminiscent of an American suburb. A few days later, I visited the Odusan Unification Observatory, located at the confluence of the Han and Imjin Rivers to the northwest of Seoul. Being only 2.1 kilometers from one of the most secretive countries in the world was a surreal experience. South Koreans used binoculars to catch glimpses of their brethren in the north, separated by a forgotten proxy war. Visitors took selfies on their Samsung phones and sipped on iced Americanos while gazing at the North Korean farm workers who would never be able to experience the capitalist, consumerist lifestyle of the south. As students in Menton, we cross borders regularly — be it from France to Italy or France to Monaco . But it will be decades, if not an eternity before the people of the Korean Peninsula will be able to cross the Demilitarized Zone that strangles their homeland with the same sort of relative ease and convenience. The duration of the separation — over 70 years — and the extreme disparity in development between the two countries make a German-style reunification ever less likely. Final Thoughts This trip was a sort of homecoming that was not truly a homecoming. At times, I felt at home in a country I had only visited twice before; after all, the cuisine and the traditions — and to some extent, the language — were the ones I had grown up with in cosmopolitan California. But, being told by Koreans that I am a foreigner and repeatedly experiencing people in Europe telling me that I am not really American leaves me in an uncomfortable position. Those who are part of a diasporic community are perpetual foreigners in their birth countries and ancestral lands. My mediocre Korean language skills, combined with the general dearth of English proficiency in Korea, frequently impeded communication and often elicited confused looks from locals. It took some time for me to adjust to the Korean “ppalli-ppalli” (quickly-quickly) lifestyle — a far cry from the azuréen lifestyle that blends the French “joie de vivre” and Italian “dolce far niente” philosophies. The ppalli-ppalli growth mindset caused the country to develop at a breakneck pace under military dictator Park Chung-hee’s series of five-year plans in the 1960s and 1970s. However, this same attitude, combined with a deeply ingrained Confucian hierarchy, creates the conditions for acute inequality — where the upper class lives in posh Gangnam apartments and the less well-off struggle to make ends meet. Intense academic pressure, long working hours, and dominance of the economy and government by too-big-to-fail conglomerates (chaebols) — including Samsung, LG, and Hyundai — contribute to South Korea having the highest suicide rate in the first-world. These societal dynamics were portrayed in “Parasite” (2019) and “Squid Game” (2021), and while people have a tendency to romanticize other cultures, they often fail to recognize that nowhere is perfect. The tremendous growth South Korea has experienced is incredible, and I genuinely enjoyed spending three weeks there earlier this summer. I appreciated being able to reconnect with my heritage and experiencing what several provinces had to offer. I highly recommend it to those who wish to visit Korea—you will enjoy this gem of a country. Don’t be afraid to go beyond your comfort zone, especially with food, learn some of the history before visiting and have an open mind!

The 2024 Nosferatu turns the themes of anxiety, of fear, present in the German version, inward. Someone on Reddit said that neither Nosferatu was “terrifying”—that’s relative. In any instance, he definitely came. < Back “He is Coming”: A Nosferatu Film Commentary Maia Zasler February 28, 2025 WARNING: This article contains many spoilers for the film, Nosferatu. Read at your own risk. Also, descriptions of sexual assault. I hate horror movies. Truly, I avoid them like the “ plague .” So, when my friend—who is aware of my aversion to this genre of film—proposed going to watch Nosferatu in theaters, I did not fully register what I would be getting myself into. To be frank, I am still acquiring film cultural capital. The name of the 1922 Nosferatu: A Symphony of Horror , the unofficial adaptation of Bram Stoker’s 1897 novel, Dracula , rang absolutely zero bells. I made the error of assuming that this Nosferatu , packed with an A-list cast and supported by a $100 million USD budget, was actually the (relatively) new Aaron Taylor Johnson (ATJ) film, Kraven the Hunter . Call me shallow if you must, but I agreed to my friend’s invitation without looking into the movie—and without hesitation—because of the prospect of seeing ATJ on the big screen. By the time it became evident that my assumption was, in fact, just an assumption, it was too late. My friend had already purchased the tickets. There were plans in place to watch the original film, and then to drive to the theater to see the recreation of almost 100 years later. I put on my shoes, tried to muster up some courage, and headed out of my house. The original movie was, I must admit, very good… as horror-filled as a horror movie from the beginning of the 20th century could be. I learned that Nosferatu , a German production, was born out of the myriad horrors of World War I. Many film buffs and critics have analyzed the story’s messaging. In both versions, the vampire, Count Orlok (a “copyright-friendly” Dracula), is infatuated with and preys on Ellen, the fiancée of an estate agent, Thomas Hutter. Hutter is dispatched to Transylvania to deal with a peculiar client (Count Orlok), who insists on signing papers acquiring property in person. In their first encounter, it is clear that Count Orlok is something beyond human. What is not initially clear is that this paperwork actually signs Ellen over to him. Through the poisoned consecration of Ellen and Count Orlok’s “bond,” he makes his way over to her village, bringing terror and the plague along with him—to paraphrase, he is coming . In this world, geography doesn’t matter… The vampire, Count Orlok, arrives via ocean from Transylvania (Romania) to Germany—unfortunately, such an ocean in this instance is actually Poland, which is not an ocean at all. This (minor) plot hole was part of the German production’s effort to avoid a lawsuit from the Dracula franchise, as that book is set in England. In 1922, German actor Max Schreck played Count Orlok as an animal-like figure. It was a silent film, so obviously no technical opportunity to play up the plethora of our modern tropes of vampires (e.g., “ bleh bleh bleh ” or “I vant to suck yer blood”). The title, Nosferatu , adds a layer of eeriness. A masculine Romanian name meaning “troublesome” or “unbearable,” the call of Nosferatu brings with it a chill and sourness unmatched by “Dracula.” The 2024 remake leaves little to the imagination. Bill Skarsgard , at this point an expert in playing larger-than-life villains, uses his real voice as Count Orlok, making the monster all that more menacing. And it was, well, epic, when he referred to himself as “an appetite, nothing more.” The Count’s breath became an integral element in the movie. Anytime I heard the heavy wheezing, a call of impending coldness and darkness, I knew to hide in my sweatshirt hood. There were some humorous moments, I will admit. When Count Orlok’s henchman, Knock, played by Simon McBurney , bites off the head of a pigeon in a psych ward, the psychiatrist-doctor-man, Dr. Wilhelm Sievers ( Ralph Ineson ), asks: “Now why did you do that?” Sporadic snorts of laughter speckled the theater room. Being deeply disturbed as a group does promote cohesion, in a way. I will say that the viciousness in which Count Orlok devours the blood of his victims and the immense grief of ATJ (in this film, Friedrich Harding, the friend of the Hutters ( Nicholas Hoult and Lily-Rose Depp )) at his wife ( Emma Corrin ) and daughters’ demise, inflicted collective dismay and disgust among audience members. Depp’s performance as Ellen was truly stellar. I will say that her intense stare and cries, violent shakes and gasps, really called on all of the performances of tortured damsels that have come before her. I felt that the new version of the film made the sexual undertones of Nosferatu ’s storyline, the concept of possession, of assault (of Count Orlok on Ellen), undeniable. This was part of Director Robert Egger’s efforts to give Ellen more of a backstory. The tale is reframed from her perspective. In doing so, the allegory for assault, clearly present in the case of Ellen, is also echoed by the ultimate death of Anna Harding, who is consumed by rodents. The rodents serve as the furry, flea-ridden entourage of Count Orlok who sets them on the Harding family when Ellen refuses his advances. As the IMDb “Parents guide” phrases it: “ Lengthy & explicit female breast nudity with graphic bloody sucking by a male beast. Female breast nudity of a woman being ravished by rodents.” I felt that this exposure was almost gratuitous in its attempt at accomplishing a not-so-subtle allusion to an act of rape. That being said, I can understand how this originally “adjusted” Dracula story emerged, rendering the life-altering (and, for millions, life- ending ) events of World War I. I don’t think that either film ended up being derivative, and despite my initial aversion—and maybe my better judgments—I would recommend a watch. I find it interesting what we humans deem “horror.” Why would we want to be scared… together? Why create a mirror of certainly grotesque real-life occurrences? Well, “art imitates life,” as they say. Perhaps it is easier to grasp, to accept the impossibility of making sense of awfulness when it is played back to us. It may be less painful to experience these horrors, the warped histories and folktales that have kept humans entertained for centuries, when together, and when a wall is up between us and the narrative. The 2024 Nosferatu turns the themes of anxiety, of fear, present in the German version, inward. The bottled-up darkness and apprehension for further social change or upheaval are packaged in a more fleshed-out Ellen character. She asks : “Does evil come from within us, or from beyond?” The shame or fear, the sin , that Count Orlok embodies is found within Ellen, pushing the boundaries of remakes and the horror we may experience ourselves. Someone on Reddit said that neither Nosferatu was “terrifying”—that’s relative. In any instance, he definitely came . Photo credits: J.-H. Janßen, 2019

For most of us, the French-Italian frontier in Menton is a concept, a sort of imaginary line of cheaper groceries and good pizza. One could possibly remain oblivious to this privilege as long as they never venture towards the Ventimiglia train station, where some are desperately trying to cross a very real border in the hopes of a safer life. To try to alleviate their struggles, SciencesPo Refugee Help and Cinementongraphe decided to team up and organize a screening of Lebanese director Nadine Labaki’s film, “Capernaum.” < Back Thou Shall Not Be Indifferent: Nadine Labaki’s Wake Up Call to the West By Krzysztof Kaluzny October 30, 2021 For most of us, the French-Italian frontier in Menton is a concept, a sort of imaginary line of cheaper groceries and good pizza. One could possibly remain oblivious to this privilege as long as they never venture towards the Ventimiglia train station, where some are desperately trying to cross a very real border in the hopes of a safer life. To try to alleviate their struggles, SciencesPo Refugee Help and Cinementongraphe decided to team up and organize a screening of Lebanese director Nadine Labaki’s film, “Capernaum.” All the proceeds funded food distribution for refugees and immigrants in Ventimiglia. The film’s title refers to the biblical city of Capernaum, a place damned and abandoned by God. The protagonists of the film are also forgotten, not necessarily by any form of divine power, but by the Western world and the international public. We follow the life of a 12-year old Zain, whom we meet in court as he tries to sue his own parents, through retrospections of his childhood on the streets of Beirut. Labaki’s decision to cast herself as Zain’s lawyer was purely symbolic. After all, just like her character, the director is giving a voice to the voiceless by providing them with a floor to share their stories. The main character is played by a Syrian refugee who himself grew up in Beirut’s slums, Zain Al Rafeea. The name used in the film was no coincidence: Labaki had changed it after casting the boy, highlighting that the protagonist’s experience in the film reflects the reality of children living in Lebanon. Neither of the Zains had received any schooling. Al Rafeea had to learn his lines by having them read to him as he was illiterate at the time of the shooting. It is impossible to tell that Al Rafeea is not a professional actor throughout the film. He lived that life, he did not have to act. It is perhaps the profound sadness in his eyes that shows the hardships he has been through despite his young age. After having run away from his parents, we witness Zain trying to survive in a hostile urban jungle. Long, stunning shots resemble a fairytale-like child’s odyssey, however, the story is far from The Little Prince’s narrative. The boy interacts with a lot of strangers who all have their problems and shattered dreams of a better life. One of them is a young girl, a refugee from Syria. She tells Zain she received food and is going to move to Sweden. Zain asks her how he could receive the same benefits, and she answers point-blank: you are not a Syrian refugee. This one sentence struck me, especially looking at the girl’s t-shirt which reads “I am Lebanese.” That’s precisely how selective the West is when it comes to providing help. When Zain is referred by the girl to a human trafficker, he receives another blow - he lacks any documents, or as the trafficker describes it, ‘a proof you’re a human being.’ The issue of undocumented people is a recurring theme over the course of the film. Those in power expect a birth certificate from people who can’t afford medical aid in a life-threatening emergency,much less to deliver an infant in a hospital. The film’s somber atmosphere was amplified by a haunting score by Khaled Mouznar, Labaki’s husband who collaborated closely with her in the production of the film, making it, as Labaki called it in her acceptance speech of the Jury Prize at the Cannes Film Festival, a “family film created at home.” Given how heart-breaking the story was, it would be simply cruel if the film ended without some positivity or a glimpse of hope. We saw how Zain posed for a camera to have a picture taken for his ID card. Finally, Zain was recognized as a ‘human being.’ What we consider to be a rather inconvenient chore every few years was a life-changing moment for him. The real Al Rafeea also moved forward; his family has been granted asylum in Norway. When Labaki called Al Rafeea to share the news that the film was nominated for an Oscar for Best Foreign Film, Al Rafeea was in school with teachers and new friends. Labaki might not have won the Academy Award, but I believe the opportunity to make a difference in Al Rafeea’s life was the biggest prize she could gain for this film. As her own character in the story, she was not able to change the system. The best she could do was help an individual. The rest, as for judges in a courtroom, is for the audience to reflect on and decide.

Cela serait-il la quête d'une époque où la musique semblait davantage vivre à travers l'âme de l'artiste, plutôt que d'être le produit d'une industrie froide et formatée? Si les jeunes préfèrent parfois la musique « vintage, » c’est peut-être parce qu’ils y trouvent un souffle d’humanité, de passion et d’authenticité, fréquemment absent dans la pop trop lissée et sur-produite d’aujourd’hui. < Back Quand la musique ancienne résonne de nouveau Christy Ghosn November 30, 2024 Selon les données de MRC Data , la musique ancienne, définie comme celle enregistrée il y a plus de dix-huit mois, a représenté en 2022 70 % du marché musical américain, et ce chiffre ne cesse de croître. Les décennies 60 à 90, véritables tournants dans la musique populaire, connaissent aujourd'hui un retour triomphal auprès des jeunes générations. Les ventes de vinyles, par exemple, ont atteint leur plus haut niveau en 20 ans en 2021, malgré des retards de production et des difficultés de fabrication. Mais comment s’explique cette fascination pour les sons d’autrefois? Qu’est-ce qui pousse les jeunes à rechercher des mélodies empreintes de sens, à une époque où la signification des chansons semble s’effacer? La musique comme voix de résistance Dans un contexte sociopolitique marqué par la guerre du Vietnam, les luttes pour les droits civiques ou encore la montée des inégalités sociales, la musique s'est imposée comme un moyen de contestation puissant. De Pink Floyd à Bob Marley, ou encore John Lennon, la musique a été un miroir de l’époque et une voix de résistance. Pink Floyd, avec The Dark Side of the Moon, est connu pour offrir une critique acerbe de la société de consommation. Dans « Money, » David Gilmour critiquait ouvertement l’obsession pour l’argent et l’avidité qui mènent à la corruption et à l’injustice sociale. Il chantait: “ Money, it's a crime Share it fairly, but don't take a slice of my pie Money, so it's said It's the root of all evil today But if you ask for a rise It's no surprise that they're giving none away.” Bob Marley, quant à lui, s’est fait le chantre de la liberté avec des titres comme « Redemption Song. » Inspirée par le discours de Marcus Garvey, la chanson encourage les opprimés à « s’émanciper de l’esclavage mental. » Les paroles de Marley dénoncent l’oppression historique et coloniale tout en transmettant un message universel d’espoir et de résilience. Par ailleurs, au-delà des artistes, des genres musicaux entiers incarnaient la rébellion. Dans les années 80, le punk prend par exemple racine dans les quartiers populaires des États-Unis et du Royaume-Uni, exprimant la colère d’une jeunesse révoltée contre l’injustice. Il était une arme contre le système, une explosion de rage brute. Le mouvement Riot Grrrl , influencé par le punk rock et avec des groupes comme Bikini Kill, a fait entendre la voix des femmes face au sexisme, au racisme et aux abus de pouvoir. Ces artistes révoltées, souvent marginalisées, ont amplifié leur message dans une société dominée par les hommes. De plus, la musique ne se limite pas à refléter une époque ou une lutte, elle devient souvent un refuge émotionnel et un point de ralliement collectif dans les moments de crise. L’ascension récente de Fayrouz sur les réseaux sociaux par exemple, en plein contexte de conflit entre le Hezbollah et Israël, en est une parfaite illustration. À l'instar de la musique des décennies passées, utilisée pour mobiliser et inspirer, Fayrouz rappelle que les artistes peuvent eux aussi jouer un rôle fondamental dans la préservation de l’espoir collectif. L’impact de TikTok : La reprise des classiques Une tendance alimentée par la montée de plateformes comme TikTok, permet aux utilisateurs de partager de courts extraits de chansons, et d’offrir une nouvelle visibilité à ces classiques d’hier. Par conséquent, des chansons autrefois porteuses d’un message politique ou social fort, sont aujourd'hui souvent utilisées dans des vidéos légères et divertissantes, loin du contexte originel. L’utilisation de ces morceaux sous forme de courts extraits sur TikTok entraîne une transformation de leur signification . En isolant une phrase ou un refrain, l’essence même de la chanson se perd. Ce qui était autrefois un cri de révolte devient une simple toile de fond, transformant la mémoire culturelle collective et vidant ces œuvres de leur portée critique. Si vous utilisez fréquemment les réseaux sociaux, vous avez forcément entendu "Fortunate Son" de Creedence Clearwater Revival sortie en 1969. Cette chanson écrite dans le contexte de la guerre du Vietnam visait à dénoncer l'injustice sociale et l’hypocrisie des classes privilégiées face à la guerre du Vietnam. En effet, Creedence Clearwater Revival y critiquait le fait que les jeunes hommes des classes populaires étaient envoyés au front, tandis que les fils de familles influentes en étaient exemptés. Cependant, « Fortunate Son » est fréquemment utilisé comme fond sonore pour des vidéos mettant en scène des voitures de luxe, des scènes de vie glamour ou encore des défis humoristiques. Les phrases « It ain't me, it ain't me, I ain't no senator's son » perdent leur connotation de protestation contre l’élite et deviennent simplement un accompagnement musical accrocheur. De plus, en mettant en avant des valeurs opposées à sa critique originelle, « Fortunate Son » est dépouillée de sa portée protestataire. Au lieu d’être un hymne contre l’élite, elle est parfois utilisée pour accompagner des modes de vie qu'elle dénonçait initialement. Toutefois, il est important de noter et reconnaître que certaines chansons trouvent encore une place dans les débats contemporains. Par exemple, de nombreuses chansons qui revendiquent l'égalité et les droits civiques étaient reprises lors du mouvement Black Lives Matter telles que “ A Change Is Gonna Come ” de Sam Cooke sortie en 1964, révélant l'intemporalité de certaines chansons qui transcendent leur époque en ralliant les générations actuelles autour des luttes sociales. L’exposition des individus à ces chansons politiques et leur diffusion peuvent alors être des outils puissants pour raviver des thèmes, idées et discours du passé qui regagnent aujourd’hui en pertinence. Ainsi, il apparaît que de plus en plus de jeunes se tournent vers la musique des décennies passées. Certains avancent que cette tendance traduit une quête de style ou une volonté d’adopter une esthétique « rétro ». Cependant, cette fascination va au-delà du simple effet de mode: aujourd’hui, il semblerait que la musique moderne devienne progressivement dépourvue de son humanité, lisse et parfaite à cause des logiciels qui corrigent tout, des rythmes aux voix... Dans les chansons plus anciennes, l’authenticité derrière ces imperfections qui laissent transparaître l'émotion humaine est palpable, et elle était essentielle pour créer une connexion avec le public. De plus, en matière d’originalité, les années 60, 70 et même 90 étaient marquées par une volonté constante de repousser les frontières et d’innover. À l’époque, les artistes ne cherchaient pas à reproduire des succès préexistants, mais du neuf, de l’époustouflant. Cela serait-il la quête d'une époque où la musique semblait davantage vivre à travers l'âme de l'artiste, plutôt que d'être le produit d'une industrie froide et formatée? Si les jeunes préfèrent parfois la musique « vintage, » c’est peut-être parce qu’ils y trouvent un souffle d’humanité, de passion et d’authenticité, fréquemment absent dans la pop trop lissée et sur-produite d’aujourd’hui.

After a lamented farewell to our beloved Edwige Coffee’s previous owners, students at Sciences Po Menton are rummaging through the city for a new favorite bakery and study spot. Since beginning my first year at Sciences Po, I have always aimed to diversify my go-to study space or occasional pause salée ou sucrée. < Back A Complete Review of Menton Bakeries and Study Spaces By Catarina Vita September 1, 2023 After a lamented farewell to our beloved Edwige Coffee’s previous owners, students at Sciences Po Menton are rummaging through the city for a new favorite bakery and study spot. Since beginning my first year at Sciences Po, I have always aimed to diversify my go-to study space or occasional pause salée ou sucrée. So although the departure of Edwige Coffee owners was one of the most heartbreaking pieces of news in Menton I’ve heard over the previous weeks, I have a few notable croissant alternatives that can hold me up during class, besides other relaxing study spaces that are ideal for desperate S ciences Pistes that cannot focus at their homes or the campus library. This review will analyze affordability, tastiness, location, and overall service. Noailles - 15 Av. Félix Faure When you are in the old town and rushing towards the train station, you usually spot a big, red café with chalkboard menus, but never take the time to give it a try. I tried this bakery and was surprised to find an amazing brunch and study spot. They generously served bagels with fries and fillings such as chicken or salmon, a phenomenal selection of teas (orange is my go-to), and — yes — chai lattes! In a frappé form, Noailles can serve chai cold. Besides bagels, some other lunch options include salads, omelets, poke bowls and club sandwiches, not to mention their array of sweet and savory patisseries. Noailles has a wide space with various tables, and it is often empty with surprisingly fast Wi-Fi, making it an optimal place to study. The prices are relatively high, but in relation to the general Menton price range, I would describe Noailles’ prices as one or two euros above average. However, if you just order a tea and a croissant and spend the entire day at the place, they will not kick you out — speaking from personal experience. Caffè Italiano - 1 Av. Félix Faure Returning from a tedious meeting with Societé Generale in September 2022, I spotted a different coffee shop from the ones I had already seen during my short stay in Menton. I wanted something energizing and cold to revitalize me during the scalding Riviera summer. Originally planning to get a bottled iced tea, I decided to get one of their coffee frappés. Simply one of the best decisions I have ever made in Menton so far. Sadly, their frappés are only available during summer and spring, meaning you can get a frappé again starting April or May 2023. When I returned to get a frappé recently, however, I was unfortunately surprised by the change of taste from September to early April. I would like to assume that it was just bad luck, and the Caffè Italiano still serves the best coffee frappé in Menton. Although Caffè Italiano is spacious, it is consistently full, so I have never tried their Wi-Fi or studied there. I would describe their prices as a little more accessible than other Menton coffee shops and bakeries. Atelier Boulanger - 49 Rue d'Adhémar de Lantagnac Once when I was walking towards U-Express near the train station, I saw two women with Atelier Boulanger bags, exclaiming in between large croissant bites: “c’est la meilleure boulangerie de Menton!” I could not agree more. Home to the best croissant in Menton, Atelier Boulanger never ceases to amaze me. If you ever need a quick lunch by the beach, try to get a hold of their fantastic chicken burgers or wraps with goat cheese. However, what makes Atelier Boulanger different from any place in Menton is their caramel lattes. If you ask for a splash of caramel syrup with your latte, you will be surprised with a Starbucks-level drink without Starbucks-level prices. Besides caramel, there is also the option of Speculoos syrup, but how the caramel harmonizes with the latte macchiato is simply remarkable. If Atelier Boulanger had Wi-Fi and a proper place for studying, be sure that I would be seen there constantly. However, Atelier Boulanger is not the best place to study, given its tight space and few tables. Vanilla Bakery - 3 Av. Félix Faure If my emotional attachment to Atelier Boulanger never existed, Vanilla Bakery would be my favorite boulangerie in Menton. Supplied with an endless array of pastries, from the biggest to smallest croissants you’ve ever seen in Menton, Vanilla Bakery will give you anything to satisfy your cravings. They also have the best-iced coffee I’ve tasted in a while, especially if you ask for a dash of vanilla and a good amount of sugar. The staff is also the kindest I have experienced in Menton, and they will let you enjoy their sofas, tables, and fast Wi-Fi whenever you have to cram for a midterm or finish up a presentation. Il Capriccio - 26 Rue de la République Ideal for a quick lunch or coffee date, but not a study session, Il Capriccio is my go-to place. With amazing outdoor tables and a cozy indoor atmosphere, Il Capriccio is the perfect place to enjoy a 12 Euro carbonara, one of the best, if not the best, of Menton’s restaurants. Their espressos and cappuccinos are well done, and their croissants and pastries complement perfectly. Although their space and food appear ideal for a study session, the staff will ask you to leave if you pull out your computer and eat nothing.

Considered the oldest political group within the Arab world, the Muslim Brotherhood is rejected by multiple Arab countries who designate it as a terrorist organization. Can an organization which participated and led alleged plots, assassinations and government overthrows truly change and become non-violent? < Back Is the Muslim Brotherhood a Terrorist Organization? By Isabella Hehl Dalla Zuanna November 30, 2022 Where lies the limit between a strong ideological religious group with a history of violence and a terrorist organization? After how many violent attacks do these stop being exceptions and instead a major characteristic of the group? Can an organization that participated in and led alleged plots, assassinations and government overthrows truly change and become non-violent? These are the questions that outline the struggle of countries today when deciding whether or not the Muslim Brotherhood should be labeled a terrorist organization or a religious and political movement. Considered the oldest political group within the Arab world, the Muslim Brotherhood is rejected by multiple Arab countries who designate it as a terrorist organization, such as Egypt, Syria, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and even non-Arab country Russia. Founded in 1928 in Egypt by an Islamic teacher and scholar, Hassan al-Banna, the Muslim Brotherhood’s original goal was to find a universal Islamic system of rule. Embracing political activism, social responsibility, charitable works and social support programs, the Brotherhood seeks to serve its main support base of low-income populations. The organization’s current leader in Egypt is Mohamed Badie, who is currently in prison, serving numerous life and death sentences for, among other charges, murder, incitement of violence, support of Islamist President Mohamed Morsi, vandalism and incitement to terrorism. Some of the group’s international offshoots are the Islamic Constitutional Movement in Kuwait, Tunisia’s Ennahda and Hamas in Palestine, some of whose founding members were originally in the Brotherhood. The Muslim Brotherhood has a complicated political history within Egypt, which was only exacerbated by brotherhood member Mohamed Mohamed Morsi Eissa al-Ayyat’s, stint as president between 2012 to 2013. Morsi was nominated as a backup candidate but became the official President when Kharait El-Shater was disqualified in the elections. Through a temporary constitutional declaration in November of 2012, Morsi granted himself unlimited power, described by some as an “Islamist coup.” Soon, with accusations of repressing the freedom of press and demonstrations, major protests began in 2012 and ended in June of 2013, when now-President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi removed Morsi from office in a coup-d’état, commonly referred to as the June 30 Revolution. Presently, many of the Brotherhood’s remaining members have been accused by the Egyptian government of supporting Morsi, a criminal act in the eyes of the Sisi regime. Since then, the government has labeled the Brotherhood as a terrorist organization. Sisi’s administration has implemented aggressive policies which aim to eradicate Brotherhood leadership and isolate it by spreading a narrative that links it to violent Islamism. Yet, the Muslim Brotherhood miraculously still prevails today. Their resilience poses a risk to Sisi’s legitimacy and the stability of the Egyptian state. Currently, the Egyptian government holds thousands of the group’s members in prison, where they often face abuse, violating international prison standards, such as the freedom from torture outlined in the Declaration of Human Rights. Other preventative measures against the organization include confiscating its assets and media censorship. Sisi believes that the ends justify the means — it is worth suppressing a violent terrorist organization that has previously threatened political leadership for national security. However, the Brotherhood has claimed to reject violence and wishes to participate in mainstream politics. Are governments to believe that they are still a terrorist organization, or should they be treated as any other religious and political movement? The Egyptian government justifies its classification of the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization by describing it as a group with “blood on its hands,” due to their connection with Morsi, the multiple terrorist attacks orchestrated by Brotherhood members and because many offshoot organizations of the Brotherhood are jihadists. They claim that the Brotherhood’s attempts to prove it has become a non-violent organization are only a manipulative tactic to regain public and media popularity. At this point, they will once more resort to violence. Terrorist attacks led by members of the organization include the bombing of a police bus in Rashid in 2015, wounding dozens of policemen and killing four, the burning of the General Court of Fayoum Governate in Fayoum, the setting of fires at the Friends of the Bible Society building in Fayoum, storming police stations in Youssef Al-Siddiq and Tamiya, and the theft of ammunitions. The Muslim Brotherhood’s perennial challenge of effectively mixing religion with politics has historically ended in violence and strife, as was the case for Egypt in 2012-2013. Gamel Abdel-Gawad, a political analyst from Al-Ahram, wrote that “Egypt began to stabilize only after Al-Sisi was elected president in May 2014, and even then, the country was still forced to fight the remnants of terrorist groups and help the state stand on its feet again. Despite its defeat on June 30, 2013, the Brotherhood resumed its war against the new regime, resorting to terrorism and assassinations and launching a media war.” Another aspect that would justify categorizing the Brotherhood as a terrorist organization would be that many offshoots of the group are known to be violent and dangerous jihadists, such as “Liwaa al-Thawra,” “Popular Resistance,” “Helwan Brigades,” “Ajnad Misr” and “Revolutionary Punishment.” According to the Egyptian government, these offshoots did not only originate from the group but were financed and led by them. However, Sisi’s claims are disputed by other states and independent journalists. The Tahir Institute for Middle East Policy stated that “understanding the Salafist influence is important for it highlights how [Ajnad Misr] and similar [groups] that may pop up are not necessarily an extension of the Muslim Brotherhood and its ideological outlook, as the government contends.” Even though the Muslim Brotherhood’s rightful characterization may be up for debate, it is indisputable that they have a history of violence, starting at their roots. The group’s founder, Hassan al-Banna, once said, “Jihad is an obligation from Allah and every Muslim and cannot be ignored nor evaded.” In his book “The Way of Jihad,” he wrote: “Jihad means the fighting of the unbelievers and involves all possible efforts that are necessary to dismantle the power of the enemies of Islam, including beating them, plundering their wealth, destroying their places of worship, and smashing their idols.” This ideology was followed not only during the Brotherhood’s terrorist attacks but also when they mourned the death of Osama bin Laden. Numerous clerics of the group have openly supported the violence against Coptic Christians in Egypt, as well as antisemitic behavior when discussing their views on the Holocaust. An Egyptian Sciences Piste, who has asked to remain anonymous, described the “atrocious” acts of terror by the Brotherhood: “words cannot describe the hate I have for them, and how they made it more complicated to get into a place of worship. Until today, before entering churches, bags are checked, you go through scanners, and they sometimes even ask for your ID (which indicates your religion).” Most violent extremist acts and quotes come from the three years following the June 30 Revolution and have not occurred more recently. However, the Brotherhood’sHamas branch still currently participates in suicide bombings, kidnappings and rocket attacks with civilian targets, all of which the Brotherhood view as a legitimate response to Israeli occupation. Its other branches, conversely, only very loosely associate themselves with the Brotherhood and arguably cannot concretely be connected. The Egyptian media and government propagate myths about the organization being affiliated with large jihadist groups such as Al Qaeda. While some Brotherhood members quit the group in frustration with the organization’s policy on non-violence and joined groups such as Al Qaeda, the Brotherhood has repeatedly denounced the infamous jihadist group. Most experts outside of Egypt have agreed that the organization cannot be classified as a terrorist group. Even when the Donald Trump presidency tried to label it as such, the Trump administration could not find enough evidence. David D. Kirkpatrick from the New York Times argued that “the main international advocates for the designation are Mr. el-Sisi of Egypt and his authoritarian allies in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Alarmed that Muslim Brotherhood parties might rise to power through elections, all three governments have cracked down on the Islamists and pressed their allies to do the same. They argue that the Brotherhood’s Islamic ideology makes it a threat to the idea of the nation-state and thus a threat to the region’s stability.” As a result, whether or not it is for Sisi’s political gain, if one only looks at the present day, there is not enough proof to label the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization. However, it cannot be easy to erase its history of violence. The anonymous Sciences Piste stated, “what makes it more alarming to me is how some of the churches that were bombed were ones my parents had been to throughout their childhoods, and that’s not anything they can forgive the Muslim Brotherhood for committing. I would not trust a Muslim Brotherhood-based government.” It is logical why countries might define the Brotherhood differently based on their geographical location. Countries far from the conflict — unaffected by the group’s historical violence — would understandably be more easily ready to believe the Brotherhood has evolved. In contrast, countries with a more personal relationship with the organization who still see the psychological scars caused by the Brotherhood today would be more inclined to stay wary. Overall, the rational labeling of the group as terrorist or non-terrorist depends on how long one believes a period of non-violence must last until the group in question has definitively shifted away from terrorism. Arguably, since it has only been about half a decade in the case of the Brotherhood, it might be premature to claim that they have completely veered away from terrorism. The Brotherhood being labeled as a terrorist organization in Egypt is enforced by Article 7 of the Terrorist Entities Law. Their meetings are banned, all of its activities have been shut down, funding is prohibited, all of the group’s assets and its members are frozen, and it cannot access any social media or express itself digitally. As a result, the Muslim Brotherhood, which has often wished to become a part of the mainstream political conversation, is strictly banned from all public activity. Even if some can consider these measures as unfair since the Muslim Brotherhood is characterized by most as a non-terrorist organization, it cannot be disputed that the organization stands for extreme and arguably highly dangerous and intolerant values such as a support for a totalitarian system operating under sharia law and various forms of religious discrimination. Today, the Brotherhood attempts to gradually return to the Egyptian street through its “Change Movement of the Muslim Brotherhood,” also called the “Kemalist movement,” after Muhammad Kamal, who led major terrorist operations in Egypt in 2014. Whether or not this is a prelude to violence that could once again destabilize Egyptian politics remains yet to be seen.