Most importantly, science fiction is a reaction and a warning. By depicting a dystopian world of socially-segregated mega-cities, as in the case of Metropolis, or totalitarian states with groupthink and no individuality, as illustrated in Orwell’s 1984, science fiction often presents a future we wish to avoid. < Back Metropolis: The Role of Science Fiction in Social Analysis By Lara Harmankaya October 31, 2023 “Freder: Your magnificent city, Father - and you the brain of this city - and all of us in the city's light...And where are the people, Father, whose hands built your city--? Joh Fredersen: Where they belong... Freder: In the depths...? What if one day, those in the depths rise up against you?” Fritz Lang’s Metropolis, essentially, is a tale of two cities – the “City of the Workers'' and the “Club of the Sons.” One is an underground industrialized prison, the other a capitalist utopia. They form Metropolis, characterized by its futuristic skyline, Art Deco skyscrapers, elevated highways and jam-packed roads. Such imagery is not unfamiliar to modern audiences, given its resemblance to contemporary megacities. Considered the “first great science-fiction film” by critic Roger Ebert, Metropolis is an astonishing accomplishment of special effects and German Expressionism. Its stylistic influence on the genre of science fiction is far-reaching; its deeply divided megapolis, mad scientist, human-like robot and dystopian setting have all developed into idiosyncratic tropes of science fiction that have reappeared countless times in works such as The Blade Runner, the Hunger Games, Star Wars and many more. Even its soundtrack reminds the audience of the iconic melodies orchestrated by John Williams for Star Wars. At the same time, it also follows a literary tradition established by Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein and H. G. Wells – that of a moral message entrenched in science fiction. This is precisely what makes this film relevant in my eyes, despite the almost 100 years since its first release. Its scathing social and political commentary, using the dichotomies of the great metropolis, reveals the inherent purpose of the science fiction genre in a broader context. Science fiction, as I will come to argue, contemplates and critiques the social issues that are prevalent at a specific point in history. It may construct a future rampant with technological advancements and societies foreign to our own, but at its core, it invariably revolves around humanity. The story of Metropolis follows Freder, the privileged son of the master of Metropolis, as he discovers the dark reality that goes on deep within the industrial heart of Metropolis. He has a revelation when he realizes that masses of men, under his father's instructions, toil away for hours on end and become dehumanized cogs in the machine of industrial capitalism. In contrast to them, his character is part of a world of hedonistic pleasure, emotional excesses and glittery nightlife. This clash of status, which the film emphasizes by dressing Frederer in white in contrast to the laborers’s black uniform, is reinforced by the city itself as a physical manifestation of the chasmic separation between the two classes. However, despite its overtly Marxian themes of class conflict, Metropolis does not ultimately promote a revolution of the working class. Instead, it fosters mediation; as the film progresses, Frederer commits to the working classcause and decides to take on the role of the ‘Mediator’ to bring peace to the city. One of the most memorable quotes of the movie embodies this idea, “There can be no understanding between the hand and the head unless the heart acts as mediator.” This expresses a Durkhemian view of society as an organism that can only function effectively if there is co-dependence and solidarity within the branches, a concept a Sciences Po student is all too familiar with. Therefore, by engaging in and allegorically incorporating elements of sociological discourse into their narratives, this showcases that films can encourage their audiences to relate the overarching themes to politics and to think reflexively about society and its struggles. When conceptually creating Metropolis, Lang was inspired by New York City, its role as a global center of capitalism then and now, as well as its Art Deco architecture. Yet, the similarities between Metropolis and New York City cannot simply be reduced to those of infrastructure. In our current world, cities are the most vivid representations of inequality. With slum areas and skyscrapers often located right next to each other, they continue to be home to a variety of people from different social classes and groups. They not only tend to be the most unequal places in a nation, but they can also be synecdoches of the larger inequalities within a macro society. According to an International Monetary Fund study, inequalities within cities are “expected to worsen” over the years. Similarly, the United Nations predicts that urbanization will increase to 68 percent by 2060. The dichotomous nature of Metropolis and the everlasting relevance of its message are thereby highly consequential when thinking about social problems posed within 21st-century cities across the world. Thus, although Metropolis’s vision of social structure is too binary and simplistic to accurately represent the complex and multifaceted inequalities that permeate our social order now, it is still a valuable model of elements of Marxist urban theory. Considering we are now living in a world where the disparities between the richest and the poorest are the greatest they have ever been, Metropolis’s scathing criticism of the social order and unrestrained capitalism is more relevant than ever. Analyzing Metropolis reveals a greater trend in the realm of science fiction, which is the trend of political critique. Whether it be Miyazaki’s Princess Mononoke, Neon Genesis Evangelion, Akira, or Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451, works of science fiction that posit a moral message are almost always shaped by contemporary events with socioeconomic implications. They are social commentaries that scrutinize certain ethical dilemmas. Fahrenheit 451, for instance, is concerned with the uncontrolled advent of technology and its intellectually-numbifying effect, whereas Neon Genesis Evangelion and Akira both allude to the post-Hiroshima and Nagasaki nuclear trauma embedded in the Japanese collective consciousness. This is what film critic Annette Kuhn refers to as the “cultural instrumentality” of science fiction, which she describes as the way in which “sci-fi movies relate to the social order through the mediation of ideologies'' and explore “society’s representations of itself in and for itself.” In this sense, it can be argued that science fiction holds a vital role of social analysis that renders it a fundamental part of what she calls the “collective psyche of the era”. Gene Roddenberry, the creator of Star Trek, neatly summarizes the purpose of science fiction with his own statement, "science fiction is a way of thinking, a way of logic that bypasses a lot of nonsense. It allows people to look directly at important subjects." In making a case for science fiction’s societal relevance, one might point out its relationship with social change and technological innovation. Creating fiction about science could, in fact, induce developments in the sphere of technology. Many developments in the fields of space travel, communication and transportation are said to have been motivated by science fiction. Notably, Martin Cooper – known for inventing the cell phone – credited Star Trek’s ‘communicator’ as its inspiration. This is an indication of science fiction’s endless ability to imagine. For activist Walidah Imarisha, it is a tool with which we can picture an idealized future, and the necessity of employing it lies in the fact that “we can’t build what we can’t imagine.” Science fiction can, therefore, be a source of hope for the future and the progress of humanity. Most importantly, science fiction is a reaction and a warning. By depicting a dystopian world of socially-segregated mega-cities, as in the case of Metropolis, or totalitarian states with groupthink and no individuality, as illustrated in Orwell’s 1984, science fiction often presents a future we wish to avoid. It even offers us some moral solutions, like revolution or reconciliation. Nowadays, it partakes in questioning the ethics of artificial intelligence and navigating the rapid advancements that mark our world. Science fiction’s ability to transcend popular culture and place itself in the center of moral discourse and social analysis is thus ubiquitous. Science fiction must not be fantastical and completely detached from human society. Rather, it can be deeply interwebbed in the major philosophical, sociological and economic debates. It can reflect social trends that are evolving and developing around us, while simultaneously expanding imagination and limits to contemplate what can be . It is our connection to ‘future’, hence why we must continue to heed its warnings about the calamities it may bring.

While news organizations grapple with industry shifts due to globalization and new technologies, journalists face more imminent danger while reporting conflict than ever.  < Back Changing Face of Foreign Correspondence as Journalist Deaths Skyrocket By Colette Yamashita Holcomb February 29, 2024 Western media publications and broadcasters have cut back on foreign correspondence since the late 1990s, including closing or downsizing their bureaus abroad due to economic pressures. While news organizations grapple with industry shifts due to globalization and new technologies, journalists face more imminent danger while reporting conflict than ever. Over 100 journalists have been killed in the Israel-Gaza war so far. The Palestinian Journalists Syndicate alleges Israel directly targeted 96 journalists, but exact numbers have yet to be confirmed. Covering war is already a dangerous task, but journalists in Gaza face exceptionally high risks covering the Israeli ground assaults, including airstrikes alongside food and medical supply shortages, power outages, and communication lapses. The president of the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Jodie Ginsberg, stated this war is the deadliest conflict for journalists they have recorded in over 30 years of their operation, especially because journalists are dying at such a high rate in such a short period. Human rights and press freedom organizations have also kept their eyes on Russia’s war on Ukraine. According to CPJ, at least 15 journalists were killed in Ukraine in 2022, with 13 confirmed to have been killed while reporting. Most journalists died in the early stages of the war, but three reporters and media workers were killed in 2023, including French cameraman Frédéric Leclerc-Imhoff in May 2023. Still, journalists face physical danger. Ukrainian, as well as other international journalists, are often injured by shelling, some also report that Russian forces have directly targeted them. One such reporter was the Wall Street Journal’s Evan Gershkovich, who has spent nearly a year detained by the Russian Federal Security Service. Despite his full press credentials from Russia's foreign ministry, the RFS detained him on espionage claims. A claim which Gershkovich, the Wall Street Journal, and the US government forcefully denied. Another significant change, particularly in the Gaza war, has been the emergence of social media documentation. As major media organizations are restricted from reporting directly in Gaza, local Palestinians have taken to these platforms to document the war. This real-time, unfiltered reporting has gained traction, especially on platforms such as Instagram and X, formerly known as Twitter. While foreign correspondents — particularly from Western countries — used to be the central source of information, people worldwide connect with these journalists and rely on their social media pages for updates. Some of these reporters in Gaza are now affiliated with certain media groups, but many have remained independent, such as Motaz Azaiza and Bisan Owda. While journalists have never been invincible, standards are evidently changing within these wars. This highlights a lack of respect for press credentials; what used to symbolize protection for journalists — such as wearing press designations on their jackets — is no longer a guarantee of safety for journalists. “If you wear your flak jacket [a protective vest that protects the body from shrapnel] and your helmet, you have the press logo, and you are moving with a car that has the TV logo, even all of that doesn't protect you,” said Nagham Mohanna, a Gaza-based reporter for The National. Meanwhile, Al Jazeera correspondent Youmna ElSayed told the Reuters Institute. “We got to the point where wearing our press vests seems like putting ourselves in danger. We’re afraid to wear them because we don't want to label ourselves as journalists.” In late October, Israeli officials informed international news organizations — including Reuters and Agence France Presse — that it cannot guarantee the safety of their journalists operating in the Gaza Strip. This statement occurred a little over a week after Israeli tank fire killed a Reuters visual journalist on the Lebanese border. This incident also injured six other reporters, including journalists from Agence France Presse and Al Jazeera. All reporters were wearing blue flak jackets and helmets, most with “PRESS” written on them in white letters. Collaborative investigations by Reuters, Agence France Presse, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International later concluded this was “likely a direct attack on civilians that must be investigated as a war crime.” Few international journalists have been able to enter Gaza without being embedded by the Israeli Defense Forces — meaning they are attached to military units during their reporting. In Russia, Western news organizations struggle with the harsh crackdown on free speech by President Vladimir V. Putin, leading many to pull correspondents from Moscow and suspend news reporting or broadcasting in Russia. This decision followed Putin’s censorship law, where journalists who described the war as a “war” could be sentenced to prison which effectively criminalizes independent journalism covering the invasion of Ukraine. Without authorization from Israel or Russia, journalists struggle to provide unbiased, consistent, and efficient coverage of the wars. These dramatic shifts in norms raise the question: what obligations do governments have to protect journalists, especially those who do not report for their country? According to international law, deliberately targeting journalists — whether with violence, unjust imprisonment, or torture — is a war crime. Journalists receive the full scope of protection granted to civilians and thus cannot be considered military targets. Still, it can be difficult to prove — especially in an area as condensed as Gaza — that strikes are always intentional. There is also an important distinction between the differences in protections for war correspondents who are formally authorized to accompany armed forces and journalists as outlined in the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols. Both are recognized as civilians, but only war correspondents are entitled to prisoner-of-war status, as they are granted the same legal status as armed forces members upon capture. In the evolving landscape of conflict journalism, the safety of journalists is increasingly compromised, evident in the staggering number of casualties during the Israel-Gaza war and Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The traditional protections associated with press credentials and designated attire have lost their efficacy, leaving journalists vulnerable to targeted attacks and imprisonment. Moreover, independent, on-the-ground reporting can leave reporters more vulnerable to attacks, wrongful detainment, and intimidation without representation from larger media organizations. These challenges faced by journalists raise urgent questions about the responsibilities of governments to safeguard those who strive to bring unbiased and essential information to the world amidst these changing dynamics.

“Iran is spoken here through a glorious culture (...) hidden under the heavy dust of politics.” To me, this quote exemplifies the importance of Iranian cinema: it is the brush that cleans the political dust off of Iran, giving a glimpse into the culture, the interactions of the people, the food, the scenery, the good and also the bad. < Back Diving Into Iranian Cinema By Sarina Soleymani February 28, 2023 At the 84th celebration of the Academy Awards in 2012, Asghar Farhadi — a renowned Iranian director — walked up on the stage to receive his award for best foreign film and give his acceptance speech. He expressed, “Iran is spoken here through a glorious culture (...) hidden under the heavy dust of politics.” To me, this quote exemplifies the importance of Iranian cinema: it is the brush that cleans the political dust off of Iran, giving a glimpse into the culture, the interactions of the people, the food, the scenery, the good and also the bad. Within these representations, we still find snippets of the real political context that Iranians live in. Yet this time, these depictions come from Iranian people, as opposed to Western or Islamic media, with ulterior motives behind the narratives they choose to display. Iran is truly exceptional when it comes to cinema, with numerous brilliantly creative figures that push their way into mainstream media. Let us take a quick dip into some of my cherished recommendations in this ocean-deep world of Iranian cinema. My favorite film of all time, and the first mention on this list, is Asghar Farhadi’s “A Separation.” Winning the previously mentioned Best Foreign Film Oscar in 2012 gave international recognition not only to Farhadi, who continued to win various awards for his subsequent motion pictures, but also to Iranian cinema as a whole. Farhadi’s work generally focuses on human complexities and the varying web of interactions between people that create delicate situations in which the characters are being challenged. He aims to show human vulnerability, underscoring that oftentimes there is not an obvious answer, a distinct good or bad. He carefully uses naturalist camera work to make the storyline more real, using simplistic techniques and camera angles to follow the characters. This characteristic sets him apart in the film industry. While all of his work, including “About Elly,” “The Salesman,” and “A Hero,” all deserve their spotlight, the one film that was genuinely above and beyond is, in my eyes, “A Separation.” With one of the most complex yet easy-to-follow storylines, “A Separation” commences with the divorce of two of the main characters: Nader and Simin. Simin wishes to leave the country with their daughter, while Nader needs to stay to care for his father, battling Alzheimer’s. Their situation complicates itself after Nader hires a caretaker for his father, a pregnant lady named Razieh, who comes from a religious and lower-class background. Following a misunderstanding, Razieh and Nader get into an explosive argument, causing Razieh to have a miscarriage resulting in a trial against Nader. Here, the two families become intertwined, and every sentence they say and every frame that precedes this moment gets examined to reveal the truth. We empathize with both sides of the story and become emotionally invested while appreciating the rationale behind their actions respectively. It uses a subtle technique to portray its message. It even gives an accurate glimpse into modern Tehran, the varying lifestyles and the socio-political and economic conditions of the people living there. It is truly a masterpiece in which every frame matters and is a remarkable stepping stone to entering the world of Iranian cinema. My next recommendation comes from an undoubtedly noteworthy Iranian director, Jafar Panahi. His films bravely express the voice of the Iranian people, their restrictions and the systems they are trapped in. His phenomenal work, dealing with much of the political will of the Iranian population, is often deemed a threat by the regime resulting in his six-year sentence in Evin prison and a ban from film-making. This ban, however, did not stop Panahi as he continued to publish works such as “This is Not a Film,” “Taxi,” or “No Bears,” which would move on to win international awards. Yet, the piece that I would like to shed light on is “Offside” (2006). Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, a strict practice forbade women from entering sports stadiums. The storyline follows six girls who, for various reasons, sneak into a football match dressed up as men. They each get caught, and we watch them spend the rest of the game in a detention section of the stadium before getting sent off to the police station accompanied by the men who detained them. The latter are young boys doing their mandatory military service and are thus forced to detain these girls even if they do not necessarily want to. What is so beautiful about his film is the humanization of these characters, the destigmatization of the people in Iran and how Panahi highlights that the people are not their government. The characters all end up bonding throughout the film: the girls and the military men befriend one another and show signs of mutual trust and care. By first commenting on the underlying hypocrisies and paradoxes within this law, Panahi uses football to comment on the society and Islamic regime, the restrictions it puts on the people and the people’s response to it. Here, the girls rebel even if they know the consequences, and the men comply, even if they do not wish to because they know the ramifications of disobeying. The ban on women in stadiums is a dominant issue in Iran, highlighting the discrimination in this gender apartheid regime. In 2019, Sahar Khodayari, unfortunately, set herself on fire after her trial in which she was prosecuted for entering a stadium. This ineffable outrage is depicted in films such as “Offside,” where one begins to understand the complex feelings of the people in this system. The film also subtly referenced Iranian social movements, including the White Hijab movement, where Iranian women would either wear a white hijab or take off their hijabs, generally on Wednesdays, to protest against the mandatory veil rule. This entrancing ended with the intriguing directorial choice of playing the old Iranian national anthem before the 1979 revolution while depicting the people’s celebration of the Iranian team winning the march and qualifying for the world cup. This was a strong yet subtle political statement, embodying the population’s disapproval of the regime even if they wish to celebrate their country’s win. This heart-wrenching and captivating story provokes smiles, laughs and tears in minutes and is certainly not a film to miss! On a more mundane and philosophical level, there is “Taste of Cherry” by Abbas Kiarostami. As one of the most renowned directors, Kiarostami set an important precedent for the film industry in Iran with several movies, including “Where is The Friends House?” or “Close Up.” He often depicts the Iranian countryside and uses his spectacular camera movements to illustrate its beauty. In this film, Kiarostami uses an intriguing storytelling technique where he keeps the main character a mystery. We know almost nothing of him, his family or his economic background. The extent of our knowledge is limited to his name, Mr. Badii, and that he is suicidal. Throughout the film, Mr. Badii takes a car stroll in the hills of Iran, picking up passengers who he hopes will carry out a job for him in exchange for money. He hopes to find someone who will go to where he wishes to be buried early in the morning and call his name twice. If he responds, that person will save him, take the money as a reward, and go back home. If he does not, that person should bury his body and take the money for themselves and return to their life. As he picks up these characters, they engage in conversations where they discuss the morality of suicide: the passengers try to discourage him using varying philosophies. The atypical storytelling is particularly compelling as it focuses on the concept and the message — brilliantly revealed in a plot twist that is communicated through just one sentence — as opposed to the main character and his reasons for wanting to commit this act. This film teaches us to appreciate the simple joys of life and highlights this with humble anecdotes and candid yet breathtaking camera shots portraying the scenery of Iran. Finally, a classic recommendation is the animation adaptation of Marjane Satrapi’s “Persepolis.” These delightful sketches give a historical overview of the Iranian revolution and the Iran-Iraq war, portraying a period of dramatic change in Iran through the eyes of the book’s author — Marji. It is astonishingly nostalgic, even relatable, despite being set in a different time frame. This authenticity is found through the transparency of Marji and her thoughts and feelings alongside the interactions she observes in her family and society at the larger level. Satrapi depicts how the revolution was transformed into something other than what it was intended and the uncertainties of the time. Persepolis is a digestible, genuine and open-minded account of Iranian history and culture, striving as an excellent starting point for those interested in grasping the Iranian perspective on these events. Artistic expression has always been central to preserving such a rich culture despite challenging conditions, and cinema does not fall short within this context. Indeed, these are just some of the many fascinating films in the kaleidoscope that is Iranian cinema that illustrates the reality of the Iranian experience.

Should the Knesset move forward with its proposal, it remains to be seen how the state’s diverse actors will reconcile their differences within a system that uniquely caters to a political majority that does not mirror the heterogeneity of Israeli society. < Back Is Netanyahu’s Supreme Court Proposal: Reform or Regime Change? By Magdalena Offenbeck January 31, 2023 Only weeks after its inauguration, Israel’s right-wing government under returning Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has set out to severely curtail the powers of the Israeli Supreme Court. The current legislative proposal by Justice Minister Yariv Lavin will revoke the influential Israeli Supreme Court’s veto rights on government legislation and regulation, and place the judicial appointment panel under government control. This has sent shockwaves through Israeli society which, as the countless failed coalitions in the last years have shown, is already deeply divided. On Jan. 14, 80,000 protesters took to the streets of Tel Aviv to demonstrate against what many consider a step to dismantle Israeli democracy. However, the controversy reflects a tale as old as democracy itself: the intrinsic tension between the counter-majoritarian mechanism of judicial review and the will of popularly elected representatives. Under the reform proposal, government bills could be struck down by the Supreme Court with only a majority of 80 percent of judges in a panel of 15. Even if the Court reaches this supermajority, the Knesset could re-legislate the bill for a period of four years with a simple majority of just 61 Knesset members — a figure lower than the number required to form a coalition government. After that four-year period, any newly elected coalition could re-legislate the statute, making it immune to further judicial review. Additionally, the government could appoint seven of the 11 members to the judicial appointment panel. This would de facto end any possibility of independent judicial review. Israel’s Supreme Court is known for its wide powers and active role in reviewing government legislation. It has historically taken a liberal stance on controversial issues such as Israeli citizenship and settlements in the West Bank and offered an effective counter mechanism to the ongoing shift to right-wing party dominance in the country. However, its mandate and legitimacy are far from unequivocal. Israel’s 1948 Declaration of Independence mandated the drafting of a national constitution; but this was never fulfilled. Instead, the Basic Law, 14 laws adopted since 1958, has served as a growing body of constitutionalism in Israel. Judicial review was only progressively constitutionalized. In 1995, famous ex-Chief Justice Aharon Barak fundamentally altered the balance of power by asserting in the landmark case “United Mizrahi Bank v. Migdal” that the lack of a constitution did not prevent constitutional supremacy. Instead, laws considered fundamental Basic Law enjoy the status of legal supremacy, and the Israeli Supreme Court has the power to adjudicate on the conformity of legislation within this hierarchy of norms. The Court has since used this power to apply controversial principles such as “reasonableness,” whereby it can invalidate government legislation if it finds it unreasonable. Barak has called the proposal “ the beginning of the end of the modern state of Israel ,” outlining that it would leave citizens defenseless against the abuse of their rights. In a lengthy televised interview shortly after the proposal’s announcement, Barak warned of a possible tyranny of the majority and emphasized the importance of a thick conception of democratic principles, including minority rights protection. His comments were met with severe criticism by Justice Minister Lavin, who, like Netanyahu himself, portrays the measure as essential to restore democracy. The coalition government has continuously portrayed the Supreme Court as an instrument of the left and illegitimate due to its power to trump the will of democratically elected lawmakers. In a Jan. 16 Tweet, Netanyahu stressed that his government will not be “deterred by the attacks of the left and the media.” In recent years, the rise of left-wing governments has seemed like a sheer impossibility and cleavages between the left and the right have deepened on all social issues. This is accompanied by an increasing personalization of political power whereby anti- and pro-Netanyahu have become synonyms for left and right-wing political orientations. To the current government coalition, the Supreme Court is a tool the left uses to exert the influence it has lost in democratic elections. The politicization of the Court by the Israeli right is reflected in the stark divide in public opinion. In a recent survey by The Israel Democracy Institute, 54% of participants “agreed that the Supreme Court should have the power to strike down laws passed in the Knesset which conflict with the Basic Laws of the State of Israel.” This view was held by 76% of secular Israelis, while only 15% of Haredi Israelis agreed with the statement. Party alignment shows similar divides. Among the most prominent left-wing parties, 85% of survey participants expressed their support for the Court. Netanyahu’s more religious political base opposed the Court’s prerogative by no less than 95%. At the core of the issue lies a question of democratic legitimacy that has preoccupied constitutionalists since the idea of judicial review was first conceived. Proponents of the Supreme Court, such as Aharon Barak, highlight the essentiality of Constitutional Courts in providing a counter-majoritarian mechanism in societies, especially those as deeply divided as Israel’s. The country’s multiparty system of proportional representation with low thresholds to enter the Knesset has always allowed for diverse representation. Nevertheless, it has also made it possible for right-wing coalitions to overpower minorities in the government. It has been the role of the Supreme Court to assess the conformity of these coalitions’ actions with basic rights and freedoms. Yet, the proposal is hailed by many as a return to true democracy. Reform proponents believe the Court has an overly powerful role in politics as it inherently lacks democratic legitimacy, allowing judges to push an agenda that is not necessarily representative of the right-wing political majority in the country. Those considering democracy as the mere fulfillment of the will of the voting majority have long seen the Court’s powers as undemocratic by nature. Due to its lack of clearly enumerated constitutional powers, the judiciary has been able to take on an increasingly active and powerful role, establishing principles such as “reasonableness” that can be subject to broad application and interpretation. An opinion column by David M. Weinberg, vice president of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security, reflects these beliefs. He sarcastically outlines that “‘Reasonableness’ is authoritarian jargon that allows High Court justices to elastically apply their own sensibilities to socially re-engineer Israeli society in their enlightened image.” These contradictory perspectives leave little room for compromise and conciliation. The dismantling of the Supreme Court is by far not the only issue in Israeli politics that has seen extreme division and polarization, but to many, it is the most fundamental one yet. Should Netanyahu’s coalition succeed and pass the bill by March as announced, the political power balance is set to change drastically. Many fear that the Supreme Court’s dismantling will unravel the already limited liberal influence in Israeli politics and install a tyranny of the majority. To others, it is the return of true democracy. Whatever perspective one takes, Israel is a special case. Few democracies are forced to accommodate social diversity to this degree. Should the Knesset move forward with its proposal, it remains to be seen how the state’s diverse actors will reconcile their differences within a system that uniquely caters to a political majority that does not mirror the heterogeneity of Israeli society.

En 1999, David Fincher livrait Fight Club, portrait d'une génération d'hommes désœuvrés, englués dans le consumérisme et en quête désespérée de sens. Vingt-cinq ans plus tard, le film n'a pas seulement acquis un statut culte, il est également devenu une sorte de texte sacré pour les communautés masculinistes en ligne. Dans les forums incels, Tyler Durden (Brad Pitt) est érigé en modèle de virilité à retrouver, et ses répliques sont scandées comme des mantras sur les réseaux sociaux.  < Back Cinéma et masculinisme : comment les films cultes nourrissent la manosphère Eloïse Franzmann March 15, 2026 En 1999, David Fincher livrait Fight Club , portrait d'une génération d'hommes désœuvrés, englués dans le consumérisme et en quête désespérée de sens. Vingt-cinq ans plus tard, le film n'a pas seulement acquis un statut culte, il est également devenu une sorte de texte sacré pour les communautés masculinistes en ligne. Dans les forums incels , Tyler Durden (Brad Pitt) est érigé en modèle de virilité à retrouver, et ses répliques sont scandées comme des mantras sur les réseaux sociaux. Cette récupération idéologique d’un film se voulant pourtant critique est loin d’être un cas isolé. De Taxi Driver à Joker en passant par American Psycho , tout un pan du cinéma contemporain se voit revendiqué par des discours réactionnaires qui y cherchent une ‘vérité’ de la masculinité. Comment expliquer ce phénomène ? Pourquoi des œuvres souvent critiques envers la domination masculine deviennent-elles des étendards pour ceux qui prétendent restaurer un ordre viril menacé ?Pour comprendre ce détournement, il faut d'abord saisir le rôle historique du cinéma dans la construction des modèles masculins. Depuis ses débuts, le septième art a fixé des archétypes virils puissants : du héros solitaire du western au justicier urbain, en passant par les guerriers hypertrophiés des blockbusters des années 1980. Steve Neale, dans « La masculinité comme spectacle » , analyse comment le cinéma dominant met en scène le corps masculin comme un objet de fascination, d'autorité et de toute-puissance. Les personnages interprétés par Clint Eastwood, dans la trilogie des films de Sergio Leone Pour une poignée de dollars (1964), Et pour quelques dollars de plus (1965) et Le Bon, la Brute et le Truand (1966), incarnent une masculinité caractérisée par la retenue émotionnelle, le silence et une autorité. Le spectateur masculin est invité à s'identifier à ces figures dans un rapport narcissique à l'image. Cette construction de cette représentation spécifique de la masculinité a été théorisée par Raewyn Connell à travers le concept de masculinité hégémonique. Modèle culturellement dominant, il s’agit selon ses mots de « la configuration des pratiques de genre visant à assurer la perpétuation du patriarcat et la domination des hommes sur les femmes » . Or, ce modèle n'est pas une essence immuable, mais bien une organisation sociale traversée de tensions. Le cinéma sert justement, de manière voulue ou non, de vecteur de cet idéal de la masculinité hégémonique. Les personnages cultes – Travis Bickle, Patrick Bateman, Tyler Durden ou Arthur Fleck – deviennent des modèles identificatoires précisément parce qu'ils incarnent, sous une forme exacerbée, cet idéal viril, même quand le film en propose une critique. Cette distance entre l'idéal projeté et la réalité vécue crée inévitablement un sentiment de manque. Pierre Bourdieu analysait à ce titre que « Tout concourt à faire le l’idéal de l’impossible virilité le principe d’une immense vulnérabilité » . Judith Butler, dans Trouble dans le genre , éclaire ce mécanisme : « l'échec répété à s'identifier pleinement et sans incohérence à ces positions révèle que l'hétérosexualité est non seulement une loi obligatoire, mais aussi une comédie inévitable. » Autrement dit, la performance du genre est structurellement vouée à l'incomplétude. Cette impossibilité même alimente le ressentiment et la quête identitaire des hommes qui se sentent en décalage avec ces modèles. Le terme anglo-saxon de male grievance désigne l’idée que certains hommes se perçoivent comme des victimes d’injustices liées à leur genre et transforment ce ressenti en motif de plainte, de colère voire de revendications collectives. Cette notion permet d’analyser les films centrés sur la frustration masculine, la perte de repères et le ressentiment face à la société moderne. Fight Club en est l'exemple paradigmatique, mais on peut y rattacher Taxi Driver (1976), American Psycho (2000), Joker (2019), ou encore The Wolf of Wall Street (2013). Ces œuvres partagent plusieurs caractéristiques qui les rendent vulnérables à la récupération idéologique. De fait, on peut tout d’abord y observer un protagoniste masculin charismatique mais instable, dont la rage semble trouver sa légitimité dans un environnement social aliénant. On y trouve également une critique implicite ou non, rarement moralisatrice, qui laisse parfois place à l'ambiguïté. Enfin, une esthétique de la violence, est un élément qui revient lui aussi fréquemment. L'appropriation de Fight Club par les masculinistes est exemplaire à plus d'un titre. Le film de David Fincher dépeint l'histoire d’Edward Norton, employé insomniaque, qui trouve une échappatoire dans la création d'un club de combat avec l'énigmatique Tyler Durden. La révélation finale – Tyler n'est qu'une projection du narrateur – transforme le récit en exploration clinique du dédoublement de personnalité. Or, un bon nombre de fans – ceux qui se tournent vers le film pour affirmer leur colère – manquent le retournement final. Chuck Palahniuk, auteur du roman original, a lui-même admis que le message a été largement mal compris : ce qui compte n'est pas tant la philosophie de Tyler que le sentiment d'appartenance qu'elle procure à des hommes en perte de repères. Les communautés masculinistes opèrent une lecture sélective du film. Tyler Durden est célébré comme un seigneur et sauveur, un idéal à imiter, pour certains jusqu'à se faire cicatriser la main comme lui. Sa réplique « Nous sommes une génération d'hommes élevés par des femmes » est brandie comme une évidence sociologique . Pourtant, la manosphère ajoute un élément crucial et misogyne que le film ne contient pas : les femmes sont à blâmer, et il faut les remettre à leur place pour résoudre le problème. Là où Fight Club critique la société consumériste et l'aliénation dans le capitalisme tardif, les masculinistes transforment cette critique en guerre des sexes. Cette logique de réappropriation concerne aussi d'autres films. Matrix (1999) des sœurs Wachowski a vu sa métaphore centrale – la pilule rouge qui ouvre les yeux sur la réalité – inversée par les masculinistes. Dans le film, le choix de Neo symbolise sa prise de conscience que sa réalité n'est qu'une fiction et son désir de s'éveiller au monde réel. Dans le discours masculiniste, “prendre la pilule rouge” signifie prendre conscience de la supposée domination féminine et de l'oppression des hommes par le féminisme. Après ces quelques explications, on pourrait se demander si un tel détournement pourrait se produire avec le nouveau film de Joshua Safdie, sorti en salle en février 2026, Marty Supreme . Alors que le film s’inspire de l’histoire de Marty Reisman, figure majeure du tennis de table américain, il repose sur un personnage qui possède, à première vue, toutes les caractéristiques d’un futur totem masculiniste. Animé par une ambition folle, Marty Mauser est incapable d’envisager l’échec et est convaincu que la réussite lui est due. Ces relations amoureuses sont elles aussi subordonnées à son objectif premier : le tennis de table. Marty Supreme et ses aspirations dominent sa vie et ceux qui l’entourent. Après un visionnage du film, réduire l'œuvre de Joshua Safdie à une célébration de la toxicité masculine peut être considéré une grave erreur : le personnage de Marty Mauser provoque de l’antipathie chez le spectateur et son ambition est davantage présentée comme pathologique que comme admirable. Lors d’une scène, Marty accepte d’être fessé en public par un riche industriel ; cet épisode montre jusqu’où le protagoniste est prêt à s’humilier et on s’éloigne ainsi de l’image de toute-puissance et d’autorité. Pour autant, sur les réseaux sociaux et forums de discussion en ligne, l’ambiguïté persiste ; alors que certains admirent la satire proposée par Sadie, d'autres admirent le protagoniste lui-même et y voient un modèle de réussite. Face à l’ambiguïté des réceptions de ces œuvres, faut-il accuser les cinéastes ? David Fincher, réalisateur de Fight Club , déclarait que ce n'était pas de son ressort si les spectateurs ne comprennent pas que Tyler Durden a une influence profondément négative sur son entourage et sa propre vie. Si l'œuvre d'art n'a pas à contrôler ses interprétations, le sociologue Yves Laberge considère que la production cinématographique américaine préfère justement conserver l’ambiguïté, dans le but stratégique de plaire au plus grand nombre. En considérant que l’industrie du cinéma américain vise principalement à réaliser du profit, il affirme que « l'industrie du cinéma résiste à l'idée de prendre parti à l'intérieur de ses films afin d'éviter le risque de diviser un auditoire, que l'on cherche par tous les moyens à séduire, à décupler, à ménager, à préserver. ». L'œuvre serait donc un espace neutre laissé à disposition du public, révélant davantage les idéaux de la société civile que ceux du cinéaste lui-même. Photo Source: William Martins, Flickr

Sans qu’on puisse mettre un trait d’égalité entre le RN et la Nouvelle droite, il faut saisir l’apport essentiel de cette mouvance à l’extrême-droite tant sur le plan idéologique que sur la formation intellectuelle de ses cadres. La Nouvelle droite est une entreprise de blanchiment car derrière le ‘pluralisme’ dont elle se targue, se cache directement le nazisme et le néo-fascisme terroriste. La grande blanchisserie aujourd’hui est le Rassemblement national. < Back Le racisme aussi peut être pluraliste Lubin Parisien March 31, 2025 « Je ne suis absolument pas raciste, » simplement il faut « faire des différences [...] en fonction de l’appartenance ou de la non-appartenance à la nation. » D’ailleurs, « nous considérons que c’est la seule discrimination en même temps légale et morale. » Bref, Marine Le Pen n’est pas raciste. C’est du moins ce qu’elle affirme dans une interview accordée à BFM TV le 6 mai 2024 au moment de la campagne des européennes. Le programme de préférence nationale qui est celui du Rassemblement national, ex-Front national, ne serait donc pas discriminant envers les personnes racisées car, affirme-t-elle dans cette interview, les Mahorais à 95% musulmans ont voté pour le RN lors des diverses élections précédentes. Le repli raciste et ethnonationaliste passerait inévitablement par le rejet des Noirs et des Arabes et le postulat de leur infériorité: rien de tout ça en effet dans le programme du RN… Pourtant, le refus du métissage et du mélange entre les ‘cultures’ sans en affirmer une hiérarchie trouve sa source dans la production intellectuelle de la ‘Nouvelle droite,’ une mouvance d’extrême-droite née dans les années 1970. Le droit à la différence? Le mouvement de la ‘Nouvelle droite’ se structure autour de revues et d’organisations ‘savantes;’ dès 1968, la revue Nouvelle école est créée. Un an plus tard, Dominique Venner fonde le Groupement de recherche et d'études pour la civilisation européenne, le GRECE. Il s’agit de discuter savamment des problèmes du temps, l’ambition n’est pas de faire de la politique mais de la ‘métapolitique.’ Jacques Marlaud , qui a présidé ce cénacle pendant quatre ans, explique que la métapolitique « se réfère à tout travail de réflexion, d’analyse, de diffusion d’idées et de pratiques culturelles susceptible d’influencer à long terme la société politique. Il ne s’agit plus de prendre le pouvoir, mais de lui fournir un aliment idéologique, philosophique, culturel… capable d’orienter (ou de contredire) ses décisions. » Il y a donc une certaine distance avec les partis politiques et les groupuscules d’extrême-droite, mais le GRECE se conçoit, selon Jean-Yves Camus en 2015 dans Les faux-semblants du Front national , comme une élite devant s’éduquer et être partout où il est possible de s’infiltrer pour concrétiser la pensée de la Nouvelle droite dans la politique nationale. Le postulat central est l'ethno-pluralisme, ou ethno-différentialisme: c’est l’idée selon laquelle toutes les cultures se valent. Hélas, elles ne sont pas compatibles, affirme la Nouvelle Droite. Les différences culturelles fondent l’impossibilité de l’assimilation et de la possibilité d’une cohabitation entre immigrés et natifs, principe qui vaut aussi contre une certaine colonisation ‘généreuse’ et ‘assimilationniste.’ Cette posture radicale surprenante est bien exprimée par un important idéologue de la mouvance, Alain de Benoist , en 1992: « je ne suis fondé à défendre ma différence que pour autant que je reconnais et respecte celle d'autrui. »C’est sur cette base qu’il critique la posture de Jean-Marie Le Pen—qui déclarait préférer « [s]a fille à [s]a cousine, [s]a cousine à [s]a voisine »—qui est un égoïsme subjectif à courte vue selon Alain de Benoist. Un mouvement respectable? Serait-ce donc vraiment une nouvelle droite radicale débarrassée de l'obscurantisme raciste? Cela est encore à vérifier surtout quand on discute d’une mouvance qui puise dans les références nazies et dont les compagnons de route sont pour certains d’authentiques nazis. Ainsi, le politiste Stéphane François indique que d’anciens SS tels que Saint-Loup, alias Marc Augier, ou encore Robert Dun, alias Maurice Martin, « participent aux travaux de la nouvelle droite » et cela « jusqu’au milieu des années 1980. » Idéologiquement, un des points communs avec le nazisme est le rejet du christianisme et la valorisation du paganisme comme la « vraie religion de l’Europe » pour reprendre le titre d’un ouvrage de Sigrid Hunke sur le sujet, une amie d’Alain de Benoist et membre du NSDAP . En effet, le christianisme et sa volonté évangélisatrice sont considérés comme les prémisses de l’universalisme contre lequel se dresse l'ethno-différentialisme. Ainsi, la Nouvelle droite se réclame du courant völkisch, « un courant apparu à la fin du XIXe siècle, habité par la nostalgie d’une Allemagne païenne, une fascination pour la race blanche et ses prétendues origines scandinaves, » selon Stéphane François. Les penseurs du GRECE se réclame aussi de la ‘révolution conservatrice’ allemande durant la République de Weimar. La Nouvelle droite a aussi une certaine vision du dépassement des clivages politiques classiques et sait ainsi brouiller les pistes. Par exemple, il y a dans les travaux du GRECE une vraie vision de l’Europe. Celle-ci n’est pas du tout la CEE et l’UE de Bruxelles telle qu’on la connaît—une « province de l’Internationale atlantique dirigée par les États-Unis » selon Jacques Marlaud. Il s’agit avant tout de penser une unité de la ‘civilisation européenne’ menacée par l’immigration et la mondialisation, c’est-à-dire la menace de la mixité. « L’idée est d’essayer de penser des aires culturelles débordant le cadre strict de la nation » affirme la doctorante en philosophie politique Périne Schir dans un article du Monde consacré aux projets européens dans l’extrême-droite. Cette Europe doit émerger en opposition aux autres civilisations qui posent un problème dès qu’elles mettent le pied en Europe avec l’immigration. Il y a un dépassement de la Nation—sans qu’on ignore les spécificités locales—pour adopter le cadrage culturel ethno-pluraliste d’exclusion des autres ‘cultures.’ Il y a également une volonté affichée de dépassement en essayant de penser hors des catégories gauche-droite, ce qui se manifeste par le cadrage culturaliste et par l’usage assumé de figures de camps politiques adverses. L’antifasciste préféré des néofascistes: Le grand apport de la Nouvelle droite, c’est aussi l’importation d’Antonio Gramsci dans les terres de l’extrême-droite française. Il est banalement utilisé pour dire qu’il faut gagner la bataille des idées et imposer sa vision du corps social. L’usage d’extrême-droite de Gramsci débute juste après la débâcle fasciste de la Seconde Guerre mondiale avec la nébuleuse d’« Ordine Nuovo », dont le journal, Ordine Nuovo , a le même nom que le journal d’Antonio Gramsci créé en 1919. Inspiré par le philosophe néo-fasciste et anti-moderne Julius Evola et son fondateur Pino Rauti , le mouvement participe pleinement aux Années de plomb en Italie avec de nombreux attentats comme en 1969 à Piazza Fontana à Milan (17 morts). Alain de Benoist a grandement contribué à inventer le ‘gramscisme de droite’ français. Ses liens avec les fascistes italiens sont connus et ses accointances sont publiques. Ainsi, il publie un article dans Europe-Action en 1963 sur le MSI—Mouvement social italien, parti néo-fasciste prédécesseur de Fratelli d’Italia—où pointe du doigt sa désorganisation , sa tendance trop légaliste à son goût et préfère les méthodes de l’ Ordine Nuovo . C’est de là que vient la référence à Gramsci à l’extrême-droite, mais discuter du militant communiste permet de ne pas évoquer les vrais maîtres à penser, à savoir Julius Evola et Pino Rauti. C’est ainsi que la référence à Gramsci est devenu un marqueur de l’extrême-droite, le GRECE ayant organisé un colloque en 1982 à son sujet et Jean-Marie Le Pen utilisant cette référence en 2007 pour justifier de sa stratégie. La Nouvelle droite et le Front national: la filiation ou la rupture ? La slogan d’une bataille culturelle à gagner avec Gramsci est le signe de la porosité entre la Nouvelle droite et le Front national. Néanmoins, il faut aussi concevoir la multiplicité des sources irriguant le programme frontiste et les fractures qu’il y a avec la Nouvelle droite. Il y a certes des liens personnels avec des gens issus du GRECE et ayant fini au FN tels que Pierre Vial ou Jean-Yves Le Gallou . Néanmoins, Alain de Benoist a eu des mots durs contre le FN en 1992: « En vérité, ce n'est pas parce qu'il y a des immigrés que la France est menacée de perdre son identité. C'est plutôt parce qu'elle a perdu son identité qu'elle n'est plus en mesure de faire face et de résoudre le problème de l'immigration. En montrant du doigt les immigrés, on opère donc un gigantesque détournement d'attention. » Nous savons ce qu’est l’ethno-pluralisme défendu par Alain de Benoist, mais remarquons ici la force pernicieuse du discours de l’intellectuel de la Nouvelle droite qui pourrait se faire passer pour un modéré. Le programme économique du RN ex-FN, fondamentalement libéral , doit beaucoup au Club de l’Horloge , créé en 1974 et qui se distingue du GRECE par son ultralibéralisme en matière économique en soutenant la révolution conservatrice, mais pas celle sous Weimar, plutôt celle de Thatcher et Reagan dans les années 1980. Le national-libéralisme ‘pragmatique’ de Bruno Mégret et des nombreux cadres qu’il a formés au FN s’inscrivent dans cette lignée. Sur la question de l’euroscepticisme et de la prétendue générosité coloniale, les différences sont palpables face à une Nouvelle droite quasi-fédéraliste sur l’Europe—d’un point de vue institutionnel, sans idée universaliste aucune—et jugeant l’entreprise coloniale comme un dangereuse émanation de l’universalisme judéo-chrétien. On aurait toutefois tort de s’arrêter là car ce serait ignorer que le RN fait de la politique et la Nouvelle droite de la ‘métapolitique,’ elle ne s’engage pas dans l’arène mais elle en fournit les armes. Ainsi, Périne Schir déclare dans un article de Mediapart au sujet des liens entre Jordan Bardella et des personnalités issus de la Nouvelle droite que ce mouvement apporte aujourd’hui au RN présidé par M. Bardella la « substance théorique » dont manque le parti suite à la stratégie de ‘dédiabolisation.’ Cela permet d’irriguer le discours de justification de l’idée d’un ‘grand remplacement’ que le président du parti décrit comme pointant une « réalité juste. » L’idée d’incompatibilité des cultures permet de donner un fond intellectuel à la chose sans parler de hiérarchie, évitant ainsi de se faire trop remarquer par son racisme. Sans qu’on puisse mettre un trait d’égalité entre le RN et la Nouvelle droite, il faut saisir l’apport essentiel de cette mouvance à l’extrême-droite tant sur le plan idéologique que sur la formation intellectuelle de ses cadres. La Nouvelle droite est une entreprise de blanchiment car derrière le ‘pluralisme’ dont elle se targue, se cache directement le nazisme et le néo-fascisme terroriste. La grande blanchisserie aujourd’hui est le Rassemblement national. Photo source: Joe Mud on Flickr

While we all seek to enjoy the comfort as well as the aesthetic pleasures coffee shops offer us, we seldom stop and think about how the coffee we drink got here, how many people suffered to get it to us and who profited off of our momentary enjoyment. < Back Coffee Shop Vulture? Melissa Çevikel September 30, 2024 As the weather is slowly getting gloomy, many students start to count on coffee shops to foster their get-togethers, study dates and warm feelings. Coffee shops have undoubtedly become an irreplaceable part of most Western individuals’ everyday lives. Before or after class, prior to everyday tasks, when you actually want to drink coffee or when you simply want a part of your day to feel productive; coffee shops are the place to go in order to satisfy these cravings. Renowned British sociologist Anthony Giddens notes that chances are when two people arrange to meet for coffee they are most likely more interested in getting together and conversing than in what they’re drinking. While we all seek to enjoy the comfort as well as the aesthetic pleasures coffee shops offer us, we seldom stop and think about how the coffee we drink got here, how many people suffered to get it to us and who profited off of our momentary enjoyment. Coffee shop culture first emerged in Istanbul, Turkey , in the 16th century. While those coffee shops only served a specific demographic of males of a certain social class, they became popular during the 17th century thanks to their ease and affordability to upkeep. This allowed for the working class to socialize and voice their opinions on a budget in the age of enlightenment. While these coffee shops allowed for many—with the exception of women—to engage in social encounters and enjoy all the freedom these intellectually thriving places had to offer, those sourcing the coffee unfortunately lived under much worse circumstances. Tracing the origins of Turkish coffee—an issue that underscores the longstanding significance of coffee shop culture—reveals that coffee beans were first sourced from Yemen . Though coffee was first found in Kaffa, Ethiopia, it was brought to the coffee shops in Istanbul by the Turkish Ambassador in Yemen who was mesmerized by the drink there. When told this way, the story may seem as an innocent cultural exchange, yet we must not forget that around this time the Ottoman Empire had made the conquest of Egypt , during which Yemen had entered Ottoman domination. Keeping this in mind, we are safe to assume that even at that time, coffee symbolized exploitation and colonialism in vulnerable counties compared to the social and intellectual symbolisms it served in Europe. Nowadays though, if you were to think of the coffee shop you spend most of your time at, you would most likely think of some sort of aesthetically pleasing third generation coffee shop—with a very hard-to-pronounce name—which serves coffee in ceramic mugs a random white woman/hippie couple made in their weekend ceramics class. In reality, another vital type of coffee shops is ignored or simply forgotten: coffee shop chains. Acknowledging that this can easily differ from region to region; from the moment you step down from a plane in any western region, the first thing greeting you after the passport control or the luggage collection point will most likely be a Starbucks. When you leave the airport you will see at least two more (possibly smaller and more localized but still under the same category e.g. Caffe Nero, Gloria Jean’s, Costa Coffee) coffeehouse chains, and if you don’t feel like going to any of them it will only take you a single trip to any shopping mall to be surrounded by tens of them and enter an inescapable loop of becoming their client. At first glance, there is nothing wrong with satisfying your craving for coffee at such cafes. After all, not only are you a single individual who probably does not have much influence on the overall economic scheme surrounding the chain, you’re also just a tired and thirsty person who wants to have a rest with a side of coffee. After you get your Starbucks, you will soon realize that it’s both tasty and accessible—and-in certain areas—even budget friendly! You will no longer want to try out other coffee shops; not only will the dim lights, comfortable couches and business-casual aesthetic of Starbucks suit you well for your meetings, solo study dates and meet ups, they will also serve good and arguably affordable coffee and have an aesthetically pleasing interior. In the early-to-mid 2010s, what made Starbucks appealing to the general public was that it was very recognizable and that its cups and labels created a sense of community and feeling of elitism in middle class citizens. Nowadays, I would disagree with this argument—with the exception of the U.S.—due to the amount of hate Starbucks and its consumers have received because of the company’s indirect economic links to Israel. I find the argument that people are simply too lazy to go out of their way to search for a more ethical coffee shop, which they might like just as much, more likely. Besides the boycott Starbucks is facing following their alleged indirect funding of Israel, Starbucks has also received backlash due to suing a workers union because of their support of Palestine which, in theory, contradicts with their Global Human Rights Statement . Lastly, Starbucks representatives have claimed to have never made any comments in support of Israel in their concerningly short statement , which you may read and choose whether to believe or not for yourself. There are also many incidents, which could be counted as local, surrounding the controversy of the brand, such as their lack of cooperation during the Gezi Park protests in Turkey. While all these are equally important aspects to consider while choosing a coffee shop, the main characteristic of coffee shop culture discussed in this article is related to its production and sourcing. Looking back at the Starbucks example given to illustrate a general image of coffee shop chains, their ethical sourcing policies have been a topic of concern for many consumers and organizations,more specifically about how deceptive they are. Lawsuits have been filed against Strabucks, pointing towards the fact that they source their coffee from coffee farms located in Guatemala, Kenya and Brazil, which are known for their human rights abuse. Moreover, they have actively tried to deprive governments of profit e.g. the government of Ethiopia— the birthplace of coffee—could have provided an extra $88 million (USD) per year to the coffee farmers. All of this information piled up in one place does pose the question: What should I do to ethically live out my aesthetic fall coffee shop dreams? The answer is quite simple: just your research! The information that coffee shop chains have unethical principles at their core—they're called "chains" for a reason—is in no way near revolutionary. Howeverbeing reminded that certain chains are boycotted not because of “cancel-culture” but because of how their actions and decisions actively affect people’s lives can certainly be useful. There shouldn’t have to be a lawsuit for one to choose a small family-owned coffee shop over a multi million dollar coffeehouse chain. And while there are certain arguments against local coffee shops, such as them not serving iced coffees or having very limited seating, this could be seen as an opportunity to engage with the owners and introduce ideas they could consider implementing. So, the next time you’re in search of a great meet up or study spot, try to discover new places and take the risk of possibly not drinking the best coffee of your life. After all, what Anthony Giddens said is more often than not true. Therefore, take your time and get to know the century old stories of your coffee, the coffee shop owners and the farmers who had to give up many things to be able to source it.

How did the modern Christmas tree, the beacon of the holiday season, emerge? And what does it represent in our contemporary world? < Back From Pagan Tradition To Seasonal Landmark Of Consumer-Capitalism: The Origins Of The Christmas Tree By Lara Harmankaya January 31, 2024 While walking along some residential streets in Istanbul in December, it’s not unusual to spot Christmas trees shining from the living rooms of apartment buildings. Even in this supposedly secularized country, where the religious connotations of the Christmas holiday have no meaning to the Muslim-majority population, the tradition of putting up an evergreen tree with an expiration date of approximately two months has persisted over the years. Globally, the evergreen tree adorned with colorful ornaments, tinsels and lights is ubiquitous every December. One, therefore, wonders: at what point did accessorizing trees, as if embellishing a cake with sprinkles, become a universal tradition? Nowadays, the Christmas tree is detached from its religious symbolism parallel to the growth of mass-consumerism. In the twenty-first century, market forces have shrouded the ancient roots of the evergreen and replaced them with the politics of wanting and materialism. After all, to complete the image of the modern Christmas tree, one needs the boxes of gifts underneath it. So, the question is: how exactly did the meaning of the Christmas tree evolve over the years? How did the modern Christmas tree, the beacon of the holiday season, emerge? And what does it represent in our contemporary world? The roots of decorating the home with the evergreen during wintertime originate long before the advent of Christianity. In the pagan world, plants that survived the harsh, long winters were placed as boughs before doors and windows to keep Satan, evil spirits and diseases at bay. These symbols of the winter solstice reminded the residents of the imminent return of spring and the resilience of life over death and decay. The solstice marks the point of “rebirth of the sun,” at which the shortening of days ends, and each passing day progressively encounters more sunlight and warmth— a cause of celebration since Greco-Roman times. For the Romans, the festival of Saturnalia was the occasion in which temples were decorated with tree branches and homes with wreaths around the time of the winter solstice. Many historians now trace other Christmas traditions, such as gift-giving, feasting and merrymaking back to this pagan festival dedicated to Saturn, the Roman god of agriculture and time. For Druids and Vikings alike, the evergreen also meant light and life, and the essence of this was integrated into Christian belief. Despite the difficulty in tracing the true origins of this tradition and the contrasting claims made by some northern European countries to be its birthplace, many historians concur that Germans around the 16th century can be accredited with the birthing of modern Christmas traditions in the Christian context. Many now believe that Martin Luther was the first to domesticate and illuminate the Christmas tree; as the story goes, while walking in the forest, he was inspired by the twinkling of the stars he saw through the tree branches and decided to recreate the scene for his family by covering an evergreen he brought home with candles. These would come to signify the birth and resurrection of Christ and the light he is said to bring to the world. German influence in engendering the Christmas tree cannot be overlooked. It was the German tradition of decorating wooden Christmas pyramids with ornaments and treats that merged with the concept of the Paradise tree — decorating fir trees with apples to mimic the tree of life in the Garden of Eden that developed into the modern Christmas tree we know today. Its popularization outside of Germany was also notably German-led; it was German-born Queen Charlotte who introduced the Christmas tree to the upper classes of the United Kingdom in 1800, and it was the originally Bavarian Prince Albert and Queen Victoria’s illustrated family portrait around the Christmas tree that popularized it among the masses of English society. In the United States, the first records of Christmas trees include the wooden pyramids of the Moravian Germans in 1747 Pennsylvania. Initially rejected by Puritans for their pagan heritage during the colonial period, the customs of Christmas became popular only after mass immigration from Germany and their prevalence in Europe in the 19th century. The Christmas tree is thereby a product of the intertwining history of religions, including Paganism and Christianity, as well as nationalities. It might be one of the best examples we have of a successful transplant of a custom across borders. As such, it is the continuation of a joint human heritage that nurtures unity. As we have seen for centuries, the essence of the Christmas tree and the many other festivities associated with it have remained the same – the importance of light in times of spiritual and seasonal darkness. Yet, with industrialization in the 19th century and consumer-capitalism's rise, this meaning has slowly been sapped away. The commodified character of the Christmas tree can best be encapsulated by its plastification; the artificial Christmas tree sold in most supermarkets from November onwards each year is manufactured with a large carbon footprint, thus rendering it not eco-friendly nor durable in most cases. Like most gifts awarded at Christmas-time by distant family relatives, they are discarded as soon as the holiday period is over. What is left behind is piles of waste, driving the climate crisis that is slowly but surely dismantling the future of upcoming generations. According to Lisa Joyner, writing for the home decor blog HouseBeautiful, “an artificial Christmas tree will need to be used for at least 10 years before its carbon footprint comes close to the total carbon footprint of buying than burning a real tree every year for a decade.” Thus, it is undeniable that capitalism’s embracement of Christmas traditions has had a detrimental impact on the planet. For many devout Christians, capitalism has also desecrated the Christmas tree, eradicating its moral core. They lament that the modern celebration of Christmas, which encourages and espouses the exchange of gifts in a consumerist frenzy, completely contradicts the humble, ascetic and anti-materialist way of life embraced by Jesus Christ. As is now seen in the December days building up to Christmas Eve, the spiritual element of Christmas has been taken over by the frantic search for gifts in jam-packed shopping malls and streets. With this, it is easy to forget why people practice such traditions or decorate their trees in the first place. The celebration of Christmas, as represented by its special evergreen tree, is the culmination of humanity's multicultural and multi-religious history. From the ancient Egyptians and the Romans to the Luthers, the evergreen tree has always held optimistic hopes for togetherness. It has been a promise to cast away the darkness of our daily world. Yet, it is now the poster child for the most pervasive religion of the twenty-first century: capitalism. It evokes the expectation of gifts even more so than the unison of family and friends for a merry celebration of the return of spring. The fault here lies in the spirit of consumerism that permeates social life. The prevalence and secularization of Christmas trees in the twenty-first century that came along with these developments are not inherently bad. The spread of light, hope and merriment to all those who need it in their lives can become universal, especially in our contemporary world of ever-deepening darkness and anomie. However, it is still our job to ensure that the commercialization of tradition does not erase the collective memory of the past and promote wasteful consumption. The sight of a Christmas tree illuminating a dark living room should continue to conjure up thoughts of peace, comfort and family, not expectations of extravagant gifts. As our Christmas trees become artificial, let us not turn artificial in our celebrations as well.

We wandered aimlessly about this tragic city. We found an altar for aborted babies, a flower market under fluorescent lights, and a clothing store selling t-shirts plastered with the pope’s face. < Back Bratislava: Devoid of Pastries and Joy By Lara-Nour Walton January 30, 2022 After a day of peeling buildings, ornery weather, bald men, and stale pastries, Sami Omaish, English track 1A with distant Slovak roots, finally ceded: “I can see why my ancestors left.” On our November break, our travel group decided to take a day trip from Vienna and explore its cipher of a neighbor: Bratislava. When Omaish enthusiastically pitched this Slovak pitstop, I was indifferent. Perhaps I would sample some pierogis, ogle at a blue church, strut down another cobbled European alley. But I grew skeptical after sharing my vacation plans with seasoned travelers. “I’m going to Bratislava for break!” I proudly announced to 1A Emilio Egger Prieto, to which he responded with a simple but damning “Why?” When I briefed my grandfather about my Bratislavan prospects, he chuckled and informed me that he had gone there on business. “My colleagues and I called it Boring-slava,” he quipped. When I shared my newfound misgivings, Omaish emerged as an unusually staunch defender of the Slovak capital — he insisted that we must go. When travel companion, 1A Gayle Krest, remarked from the train that the city’s outskirts looked industrial, Omaish angrily accused her of “judging Bratislava before seeing the old town.” And after observing Omaish’s suspiciously eager behavior in a subpar souvenir shop, I began to wonder whether he might secretly be employed by the Slovak government to propagandize to Sciences Po students and drum up local tourism. I suspected him of such collusion because I simply failed to see what he saw in this contradictory metropolis. I have been to cities that do not make sense — Gainesville, Florida for instance — but never have I been as baffled as I was in Bratislava. The capital boasts an unnerving blend of East and West. Soviet-era highrises, panelaks , clumsily mix with buildings that look to be the architectural manifestations of wedding cakes. The language resides in a liminal space between Czech and Polish. The men wear full Adidas tracksuits. And yet, the women expertly don the dark and cutting-edge Berliner fashion. First on our agenda was a hot lunch. We settled on an empty restaurant that promised traditional Slovak meals. A picture of a sneering moose inexplicably graced the eatery’s façade and menus. The food was filling — latkes and Slovak cheese dumplings, pierogies — but our travel group of five was forced to split due to a puzzling Bratislavan Covid-19 guideline. Two of us were made to sit at one table, while the remainder were seated elsewhere. We were separated by an awkward distance that impeded conversation but facilitated an expressive exchange of confused glances. When we got to our second destination, the Primate’s Palace, there was no one there. The museum employees, fearful that the day’s only visitors would leave on account of the meager ticket fee, offered us free admission. The tapestries inside were spectacular but discolored by the copious amounts of sun streaming through the windows. I pitied the city. Bratislava is faded, abandoned, frequented by few, forgotten by most. We wandered aimlessly about this tragic city. We found an altar for aborted babies, a flower market under fluorescent lights, and a clothing store selling t-shirts plastered with the pope’s face. But with the lowering sun, Bratislava cooled and our limbs weakened. We moved languidly, in a seemingly impossible quest to find a steaming cup of joe and a quick bite. As de facto French people habituated to croissants in every other establishment, we were dismayed at the difficulty of this task. But, this initial dismay only deepened when we finally did stumble upon a cafe an hour and a half later. 1A Julien Zeman got a coffee — nothing to write home about. Omaish got a crescent-shaped fig newton — bizarre, but not inedible. Krest, however, bought a slice of what she thought was chocolate cake. Much to her confusion, the pastry’s brown color could not be accounted for by the flavors present on her palate. “It was the texture of dried-out cottage cheese and tasted like that as well. I took a bite and there was a (full) lemon seed in it, so I threw that ish away,” said Krest. After the cafe ordeal, 1A Ellie Carter purchased a bagel. It was surprisingly delicious. And that is the part about Bratislava that makes me inexplicably sad. It can be pleasant at times, espousing a rare delight — one that can only be found in places where you would least expect it. Perhaps if I had shared Omaish’s open-mindedness I might have appreciated the city more. But, alas, my skepticism hindered me from enjoying what little charm Bratislava had to offer.

After two political comebacks and an ongoing legal battle, this term presents Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s final opportunity to alter his legacy. < Back As Netanyahu Regains Power, the Far-Right Flourishes By Peyton Dashiell November 30, 2022 With nearly all votes counted from the Nov. 1, 2022, Israeli election, former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is poised to return to the role, continuing his reign as the longest-serving prime minister in Israeli history. As his Likud party and several right-wing coalition partners obtained a stable parliamentary majority, there may be an end in sight for Israel’s protracted political crisis, which has sparked five snap elections since 2019. Netanyahu, who formerly served as Prime Minister from 1996 to 1999 and 2009 to 2021, leads the center-right Likud party. His decades-long political career has overseen the Oslo Accords, both Intifadas, disengagement from Gaza and the Abraham Accords. Netanyahu’s position on Palestinian statehood has shifted many times. After opposing a Palestinian state early in his career, he reversed course in his 2009 Bar Ilan speech, supporting a two-state solution as long as the Palestinian government agreed to demilitarize. However, he condemned a two-state solution ahead of the 2015 Israeli elections, and many of his coalition partners support full Israeli annexation of the West Bank. Within Israel, Netanyahu advocates for free-market principles — he has eased Israeli foreign exchange controls, reduced the size of the public sector and passed anti-monopoly and anti-cartel laws to increase economic competition. Regionally, he has attempted to maintain a delicate power balance with Iran and Saudi Arabia, strongly condemning any Western nuclear deal with Iran as a threat to Israel’s security. And despite his alignment with religiously conservative parties, Netanyahu himself comes from a secular background and supports some progressive social issues like same-sex marriage. In 2019, Netanyahu was indicted on charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust, all of which he denies. The investigation into these charges is ongoing; a loophole in Israeli law requires officials under investigation for corruption to resign from all government offices except that of prime minister, allowing Netanyahu to take office despite his legal battles. His trial resumed on November 7 — the Jerusalem District Court will hear testimony regarding the Gifts Affairs, in which Netanyahu and his wife are accused of accepting $200,000 in gifts from billionaire Arnon Milchan in exchange for helping him obtain a U.S. visa and securing tax exemptions. Israel is a parliamentary democracy — the Israeli President, whose power is mostly ceremonial, nominates a member of the parliament (Knesset) to become Prime Minister, typically the leader of the largest party. The nominee is then tasked with creating a multi-party coalition with at least 61 out of 120 Knesset seats to retain power. This election was the fifth in four years due to a parliamentary crisis over Netanyahu’s leadership — the liberal wing of the Knesset has refused to create a coalition with Netanyahu, while Likud has insisted on keeping Netanyahu as party leader, resulting in an unstable coalition majority. In this election, Likud secured 32 Knesset seats, the largest share of any party. The Yesh Atid coalition, led by outgoing Prime Minister Yair Lapid, earned the second-largest share with 24 seats. Netanyahu has begun coalition talks with the Religious Zionism, Shas and United Torah Judaism parties, which won 14, 11 and seven seats, respectively. Overall, the coalition will hold 64 seats, safeguarding it against the fragility of past coalitions with smaller majorities. The far-right Religious Zionist party, led by Bezalel Smotrich, merged with Itamar Ben Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) party to gain 14 Knesset seats and join Netanyahu’s coalition. Ben Gvir is associated with the Kahanist movement and Kach party — both banned by Israel in 1994 due to incitement of terrorism and racism against Arabs and labeled as terrorist organizations by the United States, the European Union and Japan. Ben Gvir, who was disqualified from service in the Israeli Defense Forces due to his radical views, has faced dozens of hate speech charges and called for the expulsion of Palestinian citizens of Israel viewed as disloyal to the Israeli government. The domestic agendas of Religious Zionism and Otzma Yehudit espouse religious conservatism — both parties oppose same-sex marriage and call for increased federal funding for religious studies. Additionally, Religious Zionism has expressed aims to vest the Knesset with the power to override the Israeli High Court. Right-wing leaders have heavily criticized the High Court for rulings on settlement construction, detention of African asylum seekers and the ability of Reform and Conservative Jewish converts to gain Israeli citizenship. While Netanyahu distanced himself from Ben Gvir on the campaign trail, the leaders met in coalition talks in Tel Aviv on Nov. 7. Ben Gvir expressed his aim to become public security minister, a role that manages police oversight and training. The success of Religious Zionism and Otzma Yehudit came at the expense of the Israeli left. For the first time since its establishment in 1992, left-wing party Meretz failed to pass the electoral threshold and gain any Knesset representation. Meretz leader Zehava Galon denounced the Religious Zionist party and labeled the election results a “disaster for Meretz, a disaster for the country, and yes, a disaster for me personally.” Prime Minister Yair Lapid has garnered blame for blocking coalition efforts between Meretz and Yesh Atid, claiming that both parties would securely pass the threshold. English Track first-year Roey Ofer has supported Meretz in the past five elections due to their resistance to West Bank annexation and advocacy against human rights violations. Ofer rejects the narrative that Lapid is solely culpable for left-wing failures: “I believe the respective leaders of each party are to be blamed for not being willing to unite their lists as well as providing voters with a solid ideological alternative which is not merely a negation of their opponents.” Arab parties Ra’am and Hadash Ta’al increased their seats to five each, while the Balad party failed to cross the electoral threshold. The three parties, along with Mada, previously comprised The Joint List, a coalition of Arab-majority parties that served as the third largest faction in the Knesset. However, the coalition dissolved in September after several members from different parties left due to ideological disputes. Palestinian citizens of Israel, who make up nearly one-fifth of the Israeli population, have much lower voter turnout rates than Jewish Israelis — only 55 percent cast votes this cycle. While second-year Sama Nabulsi attributes this low turnout to the Knesset’s disinterest in ameliorating Palestinian conditions, she doesn’t believe that past anti-Palestinian legislation or disillusionment from prior coalition shortcomings should discourage Palestinian citizens from voting: “ I think Palestinians with the ability to vote should vote for three main reasons. First, to push the power away from far-right and generally racist parties. Second, if they choose to vote for Arab parties, to be able to secure some control and representation in the parliament. And third, to be able to build strength in the Palestinian voice for future elections and parliaments, a higher voter turnout creates an efficient voting bloc that would help constitute what the future government may look like. I don’t know how far a Palestinian voice can go in the makeup of the Israeli parliament today, but I believe that the battle isn’t over yet. ” Reversing trends seen globally, the rightward shift in this election was primarily driven by young, first-time voters — supporters of right-wing, religious parties specifically skewed young, male and Orthodox. A pre-election survey from the Israel Democracy Institute found that 71 percent of Israelis under age 24 identify as right-wing, compared to 47 percent of those 35 and older. Once a political pariah, Itamar Ben Gvir enjoys support from the incoming prime minister, and Religious Zionism is now the third largest party in the Knesset. Regarding overall election consequences, an anonymous second-year said, “there are many concerns that arise from this election, from the incorporation of once extremist and radical views into the Israeli political mainstream to dangers to Israel’s democracy, especially within the judiciary.” They also noted increased division within Israeli politics: “the high number of Orthodox and Ultra-Orthodox lawmakers and the ever-increasing rift between Israel and Diaspora Jews also offer little reason for hope.” Despite his cumulative 15 years in office, Netanyahu’s third term is unlikely to bring stagnancy to Israeli politics. Emboldened by his strong coalition majority, Netanyahu can pursue an ambitious agenda — he has highlighted normalization with Arab countries as a key priority, building upon the 2020 Abraham Accords he signed with former U.S. President Donald Trump. However, questions remain about the impact of his religious, right-wing coalition partners — will they significantly shape Israeli security and social issues, or will Netanyahu work to temper their aims and maintain the status quo? After two political comebacks and an ongoing legal battle, this term presents Netanyahu’s final opportunity to alter his legacy.

“Je bois à la Catalogne, notre sœur! à l’Espagne, notre amie! À la France, notre mère.” < Back La Provence et la Catalogne: Deux Soeurs à l’Histoire Entrelacente By Tom Mansuy January 30, 2022 “Je bois à la Catalogne, notre sœur! à l’Espagne, notre amie! À la France, notre mère.” Ces quelques mots sortirent tout du droit du discours félibrigéen qu’eut tenu le très grand Frédéric Mistral en 1868. Intitulé Ço que voulèn (“Ce que nous voulons”), le poète provençal y fait l’éloge de notre belle Provence et espère raviver l’esprit nationaliste qui quelques décennies plus tôt anima chacun de ses habitants. Il blâme les capitales de Paris et Madrid pour élever des enfants dans le dédain de leurs coutumes maternelles. Frédéric Mistral n’est autre que le visage de la Provence, un homme qui se battu corps et âmes pour une renaissance du Provençal, pour la reconnaissance d’une langue mourrante qui fût jadisse celle d’un peuple fier et libre. Des Grecs fondateurs de la colonie de Massalia (Marseille) aux Romains instigateurs de la Pax Romana et à l’origine des theâtres, des acqueducs, des thermes, et des amphithéâtres dans la région en passant par les Ostrogoths, les Mérovingiens, et les Carolingiens, tous eurent une influence sur la Provence que nous connaissons aujourd’hui. C’est cependant au peuple barcelonais et à l’amitié catalane que cet article rendra hommage. Une histoire dont les premières traces remontent à l’année 1125, date à laquelle un traité est signé établissant un comté de Provence au Sud sous l’autorité de la Maison de Barcelone et un au Nord sous domination toulousaine. Le Rhône devient pour la première fois une frontière politique. Le royaume des Catalans s’étale désormais de Barcelone jusqu’aux Alpes. Cette période historique marque aussi le début d’échanges inter-culturels entre les deux peuples, échanges qui perdurent encore aujourd’hui. Si les drapeaux barcelonais et provençal sont très ressemblants, ce n’est pas un hasard. En effet, le journaliste Charles Cartigny affirme que le plus ancien sceau portant les armoiries aux quatres pals sur fond d’or n’est pas catalan mais bien provençal. Il est conservé aux Archives Départementales des Bouches-du-Rhône. Lors de son règne en Provence, le comte Bérenger auraient ramené cette armoirie en Catalogne et l’aurait proclamé en tant qu’emblème officiel de son royaume, donnant naissance aux quatres bandes horizontales de couleur rouge sur fond doré. La politique d’expansion que menèrent les Catalans au XIIIe siècle se traduisit par une catalanisation des territoires occupés. Les Catalans installèrent une forte administration notamment à Aix-en-Provence qui perdurera jusqu’en 1501, date à laquelle le Parlement d’Aix-en-Provence est réformé à la suite de l’annexion de la Provence par le puissant roi de France Louis XVI. Les Catalans rendirent aussi obligatoire l’apprentissage de leur langue. Ainsi, au XIIIème siècle toute la côte méditerranéenne parla catalan et ce ne fut pas sans influencer les dialectes locaux qui pendant un siècle d’occupation se mélangèrent doucement à la langue administrative. Aujourd’hui, on retrouve encore des traces du catalan dans le provençal moderne si bien que certains linguistes le considèrent comme un dialecte occitan. La question “parlez-vous français?” se traduit par “parlatz francés?” en provençal et par “parles francès” en catalan. On y voit bien les similitudes. En 1867, Victor Balaguer, écrivain Catalan, se révolte contre le rattachement de la Catalogne à la couronne d’Espagne. Menacé de mort, il s’exile avec sa famille et est chaleureusement accueilli par les félibriges, de fiers Provençaux. L’amitié entre Occitans et Catalans sera solennellement scellée le 30 juillet 1867 par la remise par les Catalans d’une coupe d’argent, créée par l'Avignonnais Fulconis qui refusa d’être payé pour son travail lorsqu’il apprit la destination et le sens de cette coupe . Quel beau symbole d’amitié entre deux peuples! Cette coupelle représente deux femmes. L’une d’elles, la Provence a posé son bras droit autour du cou de la Catalogne comme pour lui marquer son amitié tandis que la Catalogne a mis sa main droite sur son cœur en guise de remerciement. Ce tendre geste amical inspira Frédéric Mistral qui écrivit Coupo Santo dans lequel il décrit les Catalans comme des lointains frères et perpétue une amitié qui perdure encore aujourd’hui. La diversité linguistique permet d’échapper à la pensée unique. Frédéric Mistral en été convaincu lorsqu’il fonda en 1854 le Félibrige, une association littéraire s’assurant la défense des cultures régionales traditionnelles. Il y écrivit le Tresor dou Felibrige qui reste à ce jour le dictionnaire le plus riche de la langue occitane. A l’heure actuelle, nous ne disposons d’aucune enquête officielle pour mesurer la pratique du provençal. Après hypothèses, on oscille entre un nombre de 100,000 à 400,000 personnes capable de parler sur les 4,5 millions de Provençaux. Précisons que ces statistiques ne comprennent pas les personnes capables de comprendre plus ou moins la langue car comme souligne justement Alain Barthélemy “le provençal habite dans la tête d’un nombre notable de nos concitoyens mais il en sort plus difficilement.” En quelques chiffres, le provençal est le deuxième dialecte le plus parlé en France et est présent dans 32 départements même si des variations régionales sont à noter. Le provençal se remet tout doucement de la période linguicide fin XIXe siècle où les châtiments corporels avait pour but de rendre honteux son usage. Parmis les punitions, on retrouvait un usage fréquent des coups de régle sur les doigts lorsqu’un élève parlait dans sa langue régionale. C’est ainsi que l’on constate dans de nombreuses régions la coexistence de la génération des arrières-grands-parents monolingues, des grands-parents bilingues mais dont la langue maternelle n’était pas le français, celle des parents bilingues passifs et enfin celle des enfants monolingues francophones après 1960. Cependant, nous voyons aujourd’hui des signes annonciateurs de changement aussi petits soit ils. Qui aurait cru voir la création d’un professorat de langues régionale avec son propre concours de recrutements? Qui aurait cru voir la télévision française s’ouvrir aux langues de France? Qui aurait cru même voir des politiciens commencer à réfléchir à des solutions pour encourager leur pratique? L’héritage provençal est là, et il ne faut pas chercher bien loin pour le trouver. Il subsiste dans une hybridation avec le français. Escamper, rouster, garrouile, pèguer, brayer, certains mots provençaux sont quasiment même passés dans l’usage national comme fadat, fondut, et minot. La langue provençale est loin d’être morte même si son nombre de locuteurs est en déclin. Les politiques linguicides du gouvernement français sont les principales responsables de ce déclin, une chute que son homologue catalan n’a pas ou peu connu.

Ever since the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia has understood that it is surrounded by dangerous neighbors. < Back Armenia: The EU As a Destination? By Jad Toufic Toutinji April 30, 2024 Ever since the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia has understood that it is surrounded by dangerous neighbors. Notably, Armenia’s unreliable ally, Russia, does not even consider Armenia’s interests as a secondary priority. Since the defeat and the rise of a new geopolitical opportunity through the Russia-Ukraine war, Armenia has seriously taken into consideration to join the European Union (EU), and the EU has cleared their way to apply. Thus, the Western bloc, especially after Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced the freezing of its Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) membership. In March, the Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan said that applying for an EU membership is “being discussed.” Later, the European Parliament passed a resolution confirming that Armenia can apply for membership as it meets the requirements of the Maastricht Treaty Article 49. What are the motives for both sides? What about Russia? Armenia’s motives to join the EU are mostly defensive. Located in the Caucuses and surrounded by threats from all its neighbors (apart from Georgia), it makes absolute sense that it seeks to ensure its security. With Russia occupying Ukraine and having proven untrustworthy and unreliable in the war against Azerbaijan, France, arguably the leader of the EU, has strongly been a resort for arms sales and strengthening the military. For example, in October 2023, Paris declared it would sell an air defense system to Armenia and provide other military and humanitarian aid. Thus, in a time when Armenia feels dangerously besieged, the EU appears as an inevitable option. On the other side of the story, the EU would benefit strategically from swaying Armenia to its side. First and foremost, a foothold in Armenia presents an opportunity for military pressure on Türkiye but also, obviously, Russia. Moreover, in the long run, leverage in Armenia can, should any geopolitical shifts take place, provide access to energy resources through Azerbaijan and potentially avoid Turkish and Russian hegemony over it. Not only so, but seeing the widespread Armenian diaspora, especially in the Middle East, the EU would also gain several political influences in the region, for instance, in Türkiye and Lebanon. Nevertheless, a shortcoming that the EU might discover later is that expanding into Armenia could translate into a consistent risk of immigrant influx from Central Asia, the Caucasus, Russia and the Middle East region. Inevitably, too, the geopolitical benefits will translate into further tensions with Iran, Türkiye and Russia as these countries begin to feel surrounded. The EU may have to interfere politically and potentially militarily on several occasions if the aforementioned countries decide to act upon or create political traps for the EU countries. As to Russia, apart from the political and security messages, Armenia joining the EU will be seen as an intrusion in a region historically dominated by it, which puts Putin’s narrative of an alternative to the West under doubt. But, Armenia is not in continental Europe. The precedent for a non-European geographic country being in the EU exists if we consider Cyprus as being part of Asia or looking at the non-European territories of France and other European countries too. Not to forget, joining the EU is more reliant on upholding the values assigned in the Maastricht Treaty and the Copenhagen Criteria, which do not give reference to geographic location. Moreso, Armenia has already politically engaged with Europe through participation in bodies like the Council of Europe. Is it as easy as it sounds? It would be naïve to assume that Armenia joining will take place in a matter of months. Firstly, EU accessions are known to take years, often decades, to be fully completed. By the time a full accession takes place, if it ever does, the geopolitics of the region and the role of Russia might have shifted significantly. Apart from the natural time constraints, there are still over 10,000 Russian troops in Armenia. In April, however, Yerevan sent an official request to Moscow to remove its troops from Zvartnots International Airport, as Armen Grigorian, Armenian Security Council Secretary has said. The Kremlin (at the time of writing) denies receiving an official request, explaining why it has not started any withdrawals. Nonetheless, it is doubtful that Moscow would commit to withdrawal as it would lead to Russian loss of influence. In the past, Russia has pressured the continuity of Russian troops on ex-USSR territory, whether forcible or willingly, such as in Georgia and Crimea; hence, it would not be surprising if Russia decides to infringe upon Armenian sovereignty to protect its regional hegemony. In the future, it would be expected to see that this infringement will keep on increasing the closer Yerevan becomes to Brussels. The real question would be to see whether Russia might be further pressured by Armenian rapprochement to the EU that it intervenes militarily or leads a coup d’état. Another difficulty is geography: are small European states willing to deal with the threats surrounding Armenia, especially at a time of the rise of the European right? In light of the recent rapprochement between Hungary’s Orban and Türkiye’s Erdogan, will a hampering of the process of accession also take place by Türkiye via Orban? Lastly, Armenia is geographically isolated from most trade with the EU, so it remains to be seen whether or not further economic integration plans will be proposed and are feasible even; in another sense, will the driver for accession remain only for security purposes for Armenia? In a decade’s time, if no economic integration proposals take place, the incentive to join the West might change, thus slowing or even ending the attempt.

Will Al-Zawahiri’s successor irreparably fragment al-Qaeda, leading it to its dissolution, or will he unify and strengthen it, making the group more dangerous and threatening than ever before? < Back What Can We Expect From Al-Qaeda Now? By Isabella Hehl September 30, 2022 Since Joe Biden, President of the United States, authorized the deployment of two Hellfire missiles by an unmanned drone on July 31, 2022 in Kabul, killing al-Qaeda’s leader Ayman al-Zawahiri, the terrorist group’s future seems uncertain. While jihadist movements are known for easily replacing their emirs, bin Laden’s death in 2011 had already caused the organization to suffer structural fragmentation and it could now completely deteriorate if al-Zawahiri is not replaced with an equally charismatic and respected jihadist. Furthermore, the event resulted in tension between Afghanistan and the United States, with both sides claiming that the other violated the Doha Agreement – terms which stipulated that American military presence would gradually come to an end in Afghanistan if the Taliban follows its commitments, such as not harboring terrorist figures – and caused further insecurity for the locals in the surrounding area. Al-Zawahiri became the emir of al-Qaeda after bin Laden was killed in a U.S. raid, however, by that point, the group was fractured and his followers were not as loyal to him as they had been to bin Laden. In the following years, al-Zawahiri attempted to lead far-reaching terrorist groups that often showed disloyalty and insubordination. The success of the Islamic State in its violent and cruel dominion over Iraq and Syria, especially in 2014 and 2015, overshadowed al-Zawahiri’s reputation. However, he had been bin Laden’s physician and right-hand man for years before 2011; thus he still commanded a certain degree of authority and respect from his followers, reminding them of when al-Qaeda was at its peak strength. His videotaped tirades against the U.S. had helped him assume a significant role in molding al-Qaeda to become as ambitious and deadly as it had been during the 9/11 attacks. When joining the terrorist group, he merged it with the extreme Egyptian-centric operation called Egyptian Islamic Jihad he had led, making al-Qaeda even more globally powerful. However, even his admirers conceded that he lacked the charisma for which bin Laden had been known. During al-Zawahiri’s leadership, no terrorist attack took place comparable to the scale of bin Laden’s time. As a result, al-Qaeda began to lose its control over some of its territories, most notably in greater Syria. The jihadist group fragmented into different strands, creating ISIS, which later became its greatest rival in the Islamist movement. For al-Qaeda to survive and return to its original reputation of strength and terror, the next emir must already be known among the followers and jihadists and show great magnetism and ability to unify the fragmented group. The often unspoken consequences of firing the two Hellfire missiles concern the inhabitants of Shirpur, the neighborhood in central Kabul where al-Zawahiri was residing. Syed Agha, an unemployed schoolteacher who sells vegetables from a cart, stated, “We have had so many years of war, and things were just beginning to settle down. The conflict is past, and no one should have the right to violate our sovereignty. An attack like this could badly affect our future.” A year after the Taliban seized power of Afghanistan, the country is on the threshold of economic collapse, as Kabul’s alarmed civilians responded to the killing helplessly and bitterly. 29-year-old Ezatullah explained, “I wish we had this power to defend our country. The people can’t show any reaction or anger because they cannot say what they want to and they have economic problems.” This sense of vulnerability seems common among the inhabitants of Shirpur. According to the Washington Post, a man named Abdul Wali “changing money on a sidewalk” told the paper, “I heard Joe Biden did it. This means Afghanistan still belongs to America. They can do whatever they want. If they can do a drone strike in the city, it means they are still in charge.” Indeed, the relationship between the Taliban and the United States has become even more complicated since July 31, 2022, as both claim that the other violated the terms of the Doha Agreement, which was signed in February of 2020 as the U.S. left Afghanistan. American officials claim that senior members of the Haqqani Taliban knew about al-Zawahiri’s presence in Shirpur and attempted to conceal his whereabouts, a direct violation of the Doha Agreement. Al-Qaeda’s utilization of Afghanistan as a safe haven broke the terms of the peace deal, to the detriment of the Afghan people, who are often the victims of these domestic and foreign policies. Antony Blinken, the U.S. Secretary of State, stated that “By hosting and sheltering the leader of al-Qaeda in Kabul, the Taliban grossly violated the Doha Agreement and repeated assurances to the world that they would not allow Afghan territory to be used by terrorists to threaten the security of other countries.” UN intelligence recently published a report revealing that al-Qaeda not only saw Afghanistan as a safe haven but even enjoyed freedom under the rule of the Taliban, as al-Zawahiri was found to be freely communicating with others. Now that the emir was proven to be in Kabul, the Taliban’s commitment to upholding their end of the Doha Agreement is further called into question by American and international authorities. However, the Taliban also vehemently opposed the drone attacks, as Zabihullah Muhajid, the Taliban spokesman, stated that the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan “strongly condemns this attack on any pretext and calls it a clear violation of international principles and the Doha Agreement.” This highly controversial missile strike has even been theorized by some, such as the highly influential Jordanian Arabic daily newspaper Ad-Dustour, to have been organized by al-Qaeda itself and that perhaps its own members were responsible for leaking information concerning the whereabouts of al-Zawahiri. Ad-Dustour even claimed that “the terrorist organization’s title is division and the intrigues within it contributed to the killing of its terrorist leaders.” Arguably, the breaches within the dead emir’s protection network allowed for the circumstances in which the jihadist leader could be executed. It is difficult to substantiate these claims as interpretations differ based on the geographical location of the source. While the West prefers to consider the U.S. as solely responsible for what they perceive to be an almost heroic act of perseverance and revenge against its enemies, Middle Eastern perspectives often question if American intelligence agents were really capable of attaining information about al-Zuwahiri’s whereabouts without help from within the jihadist group. Either way, the long-term consequences of this event are severe and will be far-reaching. Al-Zawahiri’s execution revealed the fragile structure of the group, as withdrawals from al-Qaeda followed immediately after his death. Hassan Abu Haniyeh and Muhammad Abu Rumman, two Jordanian scholars specializing in terrorism, explained that although such jihadist groups are often not majorly impacted by the assassination of their leaders due to their capability to rapidly rebuild ranks, al-Zawahiri’s death may have particularly strong repercussions. This is because other influential terrorist leaders, such as Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, Saeed al Shehri, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, Nasser al-Wuhayshi and Osama bin Laden, had already been assassinated, leaving the jihadist group unable to withstand another emir assasination. Due to the general timing and overall context of this death, an already weakened al-Qaeda is now experiencing a leadership crisis, a rebellion of its branches, unprecedented levels of disengagement, a decline in geographical spread and a general discord. The leadership crisis arguably represents a worrisome turning point in this organization which was originally founded on harmony between bin Laden and al-Zawahiri’s visions. As the central leadership of this group is in a period of decline within Afghanistan, the regional branches are experiencing severe division. In the past years, al-Qaeda has expanded its ethnic and tribal alliances with jihadists such as Nusrat al-Islam. However, without al-Zawahiri, his jihadi fame and impressive theoretical capacity, these alliances could potentially collapse. Especially compared to ISIS, which has clear strategic and theoretical aims, al-Qaeda now faces a crisis of vision. As a result, the young Islamist extremists, looking for a straightforward intellectual, political and ideological system, would rather join ISIS than al-Qaeda. Hence, there is significant reason to assume that al-Qaeda will suffer short-term and experience waves of disintegration and fragmentation until the new emir either dooms or revives the group. However, others argue that al-Zawahiri’s assassination has been overplayed in the media and that this will impact his group minimally. An anonymous former member of al-Qaeda, who then joined the Islamic State, said, “I’m sure Biden will try to make it sound as if it’s something big, but actually it’s not significant for us at all. Ayman al-Zawahiri became the emir after bin Laden and is now a shaheed [martyr]. And that’s it for us. The significant question will be: Who will become the new leader now?” Indeed, some point out that the leader was almost invisible in recent years, and that the act of replacing him is not as momentous as many claim. Currently, no obvious successor who holds great respect and name recognition within the Islamist world exists. However, the core and affiliates of the jihadist group in countries in northern Africa and Yemen, who have waged war for decades, will most likely put forward a leader who has been battle-tested and who will perhaps possess even more charisma than al-Zawahiri. America’s tireless campaign against al-Qaeda through targeted assassinations has resulted in a lack of experienced leaders within the group. Some experts have claimed that a likely candidate for the role could be former Egyptian special forces lieutenant-colonel Saif al-Adel, one of the remaining members of al-Qaeda’s old guard. Arguably, his greatest rival in emir-hood could be a leader of The Guardians of Religion Organization — a Syrian hard-line Islamist group — Abu Abd al-Karim al-Masri. Either successor will surely benefit from the current decline of ISIS, which has become weaker and less inspiring since its loss of the caliphate. However, the competition between the two will still continue as long as the Islamic State retains its remaining land and popularity. Even in bin Laden’s days, al-Qaeda faced the problem of some of its branches swearing fealty to the emir just to pivot and pursue their own goals and ideology. Thus the new leader will need to ensure the unity of the organization. Perhaps he will be able to achieve this by attempting to organize a high-profile terrorist attack against the West to gain attention and boost his stature. However, the tough U.S. counter-terrorism network forces terrorist leaders to remain on the move to avoid discovery and execution constantly. Indeed, the relationship between the future emir and the Taliban movement will be key, as it could allow al-Qaeda to rebuild its base in Afghanistan and recruit more members. Due to the decreasing counter-terrorism efforts in Africa, al-Qaeda’s regional strands in Mali, Somalia and North Africa will likely solidify. As a result of the closure of political tracks in the Middle East, southern Sahara, North Africa, the Sahel and Southeast Asia, all of which are suffering from economic crises, al-Qaeda could exploitatively rebuild and solidify its roots in these areas amid these fiscal calamities. Although the Islamic State remains more radical and attractive to new jihadists, new leadership in al-Qaeda arguably allows it to adapt and take advantage of cooperation opportunities due to a common enemy. While al-Zawahiri’s death was a curse for al-Qaeda, perhaps it was also a blessing, as a new emir could rebuild al-Qaeda’s reputation and end the era of division. With the emergence of an international jihadi agreement about international opportunities, rising cross-border terrorism and multipolarity, new opportunities crop up for global jihadism. Whoever emerges, what is certain is that he will preside at a turning point in the overall jihadi movement. Will he irreparably fragment al-Qaeda, leading it to its dissolution, or will he unify and strengthen it, making the group more dangerous and threatening than ever before?

What is it that we are really buying when we adventure ourselves through the lysergic supermarket aisles which symmetrically display layers of colorful plastic and polished tropical fruits? Are we just undertaking a routine task, unworthy of our attention, or are we entering a space of identity-creation and manipulation? < Back Supermaketmania: Shiny Plastic and Constructed Personalities By Margherita Cordellini January 31, 2023 The day is about to end and you do not feel like going home yet. You just got off from work or from a study session in the library and you need a mediator to soften the shift from an uncomfortable wooden chair to bed. It ought to be something that rewards you for having pulled through a seemingly endless day but also something that does not spoil you because you did nothing special, only your job. As you mechanically pass masses of other tired workers and students, your peripheral vision catches sight of a flower-shaped neon sign that rises above a promising banner: “20% sale on selected products.” You know what you will encounter if you walk through the door: a maze of shining, perfectly ordered and rigorously partitioned aisles, which, albeit rarely changing, always disclose new mysteries. You immediately find yourself in the food department, contemplating a myriad of colors, shapes and textures which are supposed to be only accessories, only the casings of what you really want, but that inexplicably signify something more. Filling up your shopping cart with bright yellow, noisy crisps packages and promising images printed on orange juice cartons is not only a temporary solution to a harsh monotonous day but a repetitive choice through which you, and many others, find meaning and reinvent yourself. The contemporary modalities of purchasing fully embrace capitalistic values. The most evident among them is, perhaps, individualism. The heterogeneity of products and brands combined with targeted advertising suggests that there is space for everyone’s identity and invites each person to select products according to a certain congruence. You can choose to be a sporty person — and even become one — if you buy protein bars instead of biscuits. You can appear emancipated from your European background and emanate international vibes if, according to your shopping basket and your kitchen shelves, you are passionate about oatmeal and peanut butter. What this means is that supermarkets are purchasing spaces in which people seek not only to nourish but also to define themselves. In his book “Simulations and Simulacra,” the postmodernist philosopher Jean Baudrillard understands commodities sold in supermarkets as hypercommodities; to our eyes they do not exist as objects but as an intricate net of symbols delivered by advertisements, media and consumerist culture. Baudrillard would thus affirm that we are so bombarded by images of what, for example, an apple signifies (synonym of a healthy lifestyle, dietary restrictions and self-discipline) that apples cannot be said to exist anymore, having been replaced by an ensemble of culturally and socially manufactured images tied to them. It might appear as an abstruse theory, but it shapes the way we process information more often than we think. Consider this passage from Sally Rooney’s novel “Beautiful World Where Are You”: “On his way out of the shop, in front of the fresh fruit display, he paused. Alice was standing there looking at apples, lifting the apples one after another and examining them for defects.” An English-speaking extra-terrestrial deprived of any cultural or social background to whom somebody just explained what supermarkets are and what purpose they serve, would probably infer from this excerpt that Alice is so fond of apples that she wants to make sure to savor them fully or that she seeks the best bang for her buck. This is the most logical conclusion to draw knowing that supermarkets are places where people buy products according to their desires, needs and budgetary constraints. Yet, I highly doubt that this would be the first intuition of a person whose socialization took place in a 21st-century capitalist country and who has been sufficiently exposed to consumerist culture and digital spaces. These last two elements promote a fixation with certain gendered images of the body that privilege slim silhouettes for girls and toned ones for boys. Therefore, it would be impossible not to contemplate the possibility that Alice might be affected by this schizophrenia around somatic features, “healthy” lifestyles and normative Instagram posts studding selfcare pages. In our eyes, Alice, culturally and socially influenced, is examining apples to become a certain kind of person. Hence, in Baudrillard’s words, hypercommodities are made to test ourselves. The self-service dimension characterizing supermarkets gives us the illusory impression of agency and control, whereas, in reality, a supermarket is a space of manipulation of man by products. This conversion from real to hyperreal does not only apply to alimentary products but to the totality of advertised items. However, the food compartment of supermarkets is a particularly interesting case study. Unlike other essential products, e.g. clothes, food is, when sold, often invisible to our eyes, being wrapped by layers of packaging. The blue plastic of Oreos and the thick milk cartons sprinkled with representations of smiling cows are supposed to be mere containers whose relevance is insignificant compared to the contents. Yet, research has shown the incredible influence that these have on consumers purchasing choices. As Schifferstein and others pointed out in their work “Influence of package design on the dynamics of multisensory and emotional food experience,” today the products’ encasement is intended to be a decisive factor. Nowadays, they explain, countless brands offer strikingly similar products: targeting the tastes of the consumers is not enough for companies. It is necessary to make the item stand out from the analogous others; the features of the wrapping material are, together with other elements such as competitive price setting, essential to this. Their research was built on the premise that, while choosing which packed food to purchase, consumers’ sensory experience is vital. Through empirical experiments, they unsurprisingly found that, if people are put in front of a supermarket shelf full of identical products of different brands the most important sense is sight. Betina Piqueras-Fiszman and Charles Spence specify that among all the visible elements characterizing a packed product (size and shape of the container, the size of opening, etc...), color is one of the most decisive factors. This was proved while conducting an experiment on potato chips. Participants were asked to taste and identify the flavor of crisps served from a package whose color corresponds to another variety of potato chips — salt and vinegar chips were served from a blue package (commonly corresponding to cheese and onion crisps) and not a green one. According to the results, the majority of participants were fooled by the wrong color association and failed to recognize the right flavor profile, despite having uncompromised taste buds and being familiar with the crisp brand’s various flavors. The power of colors is so strong that it made it impossible for a significant part of the test group to identify the taste that they knew well. Therefore, what is it that we are really buying? The food product or the shiny plastic packages that unconsciously attract us? The answer probably lies somewhere at the intersection between these two elements. Due to psychological biases, cultural and social influences, we are never buying only food when we go grocery shopping. Attracted by the aesthetics of a supposedly irrelevant casing and eager to build a desired version of ourselves, our experiences in supermarkets are far more complex than we deem and deserve to be further inquired into.

< Back New Student Initiatives Are Announced By Cameron Sterling October 31, 2021 After a week of heavy campaigning, results for the student initiatives have been released! The administration has named Alwanat, Initiative Sciences Po Pour Le Sahara Marocain, Le Zadig, Les Républicains, Med Liban, MentonLoves, Pose, Racing Club de Menton, Sciences 360o, Solidaritee, Student Support Alliance, and UNICEF Sciences Po Menton as “recognized” student initiatives for this semester. For those who are not aware, student initatives are “selected student projects of a limited duration carried by one or several students in the fields of culture, knowledge, sport, environment, solidarity, health, the fight against discrimination, and civic engagement.” Status as a “recognized” student initiative is an important resource for a student association or project. Student initiatives are eligible for grants amounting to a maximum of 500 euros, which “aim to facilitate communication for events held at SciencesPo; to encourage the emergence of events and activities organised jointly by associations from different campuses; to enable associations organizing events that require a first-aid station to meet their obligations in terms of the security of persons and property; to enable associations to meet their insurance obligations and to enable associations scheduling films, audiovisual or theatrical events, to pay licence fees to the copyright-holders.” Student initiatives can also apply funding for special projects intermittently. The process of becoming a “recognized” student organization entails multiple steps. Students are given the opportunity to vote for three different student organizations. If 5% of the student population on a given campus votes for a project, the results will be communicated to the Council for student training, which ultimately evaluates if the organizations comply with existing regulations. On the subject of choosing which initiatives to vote for, 1A Gayle Krest said: “I voted for the initiatives that I am a part of or the ones that I thought needed money. I felt that some initiatives were more like clubs, but others were more important because they were charities that were trying to do events.” 1A Lucie Charbonneau, Board Member at MentonLoves, agreed with Krest on the subject of campaigns, claiming that she did not feel the need to campaign for the organization to become a student initiative because that “we [MentonLoves] have a pretty big membership on campus, and I was sure that everybody in the group would be voting.” New student initiatives have a wide range of objectives. On the subject of UNICEF’s goals, 2A Zoé Kunegel asserts that “[UNICEF] hope[s] to utilize SciencePo’s resources for carative (sic) events but also to raise awareness in the most efficient way, through conferences and creative initiatives.” Kunegel’s aspirations are in line with Krest’s comments: many organizations see their status as student initiatives as a means to enable philanthropic work. Other organizations, such as MentonLoves, plan to facilitate campus events and take an active role in student life. The president of the organization, when asked about their plans for the year, stated that “MentonLoves wants to invest in merch, like stickers and tote bags, and sell them in order to invite speakers on site; plan free events like the drag queen/king show in a venue and some other parties while still covering costs for the legal aspects such as association insurance and treasury.” This semester’s student initiatives are a diverse group of organizations, featuring efforts for on-campus activism, student events, mutual aid, cultural exploration, political advocacy, and education. Together, they represent the range of intellectual and recreational interests that students on this campus possess.

< Back Change in the Republic of Moldova Amer El Ibrahim April 30, 2025 Stuck between the West and the East, neglected by both, and frozen in checkmate with Russia for the last seven decades, the Republic of Moldova endured more hardships than any other European country. Having been stripped from Romania and incorporated into the USSR at the beginning of WW2, gaining formal independence only after 1989, the Republic of Moldova is yet to establish itself as a purely autonomous power outside of the influence of its greater Eastern neighbour. After the 1989 revolution and independence, Moldova’s leadership flirted with Russia and shunned EU interventions for the next thirty years. This toxic tradition ended with the 2020 presidential elections, when Maia Sandu, a pro-European candidate with a staunch anti-corruption attitude, won. A year later, she called for a new parliament and, surprisingly, her party, PAS, won by a landslide, with a shocking 58 per cent. She and her party won on a wave of dissatisfaction with the already existing parties and the desire for reforms. So, how has the new guard managed all of these discontents? Notwithstanding Sandu’s promises, Moldova has faced serious geopolitical issues in the past years, which have hindered the country greatly. Firstly, as a form of retaliation for the ever-growing Western stance of the new government, Russia slashed gas supplies to the country by a third and demanded double the previously set price to maintain the flow. Secondly, being located only a few hours away from Odesa, Moldova received the highest number of Ukrainian refugees per capita, thus placing immense pressure on the already dysfunctional healthcare system, public services and infrastructure. On top of this, trade with both Moscow and Kyiv, two of Moldova’s greatest economic partners, had greatly suffered, with inflation surging by as much as 40 per cent. Additionally, Russia also controls the separatist region of Transnistria, which broke away from the grip of Moldova’s government during a brief war in the 90s. This region has been practically maintained by Russia, with Moscow funding Transnistria’s gas supply up until the 1st of January this year. This ‘free’ assistance of Russia was not so free; Transnistria’s debt was continuously recorded, and, at the beginning of this year, it was asked to be repaid 11.1 billion dollars. It was clear that this decision was politically motivated, Transnistria being used as a tool to destabilise Moldova in the wake of the parliamentary elections this fall, to eliminate the pro-Europeans led by Maia Sandu from power. Alternatively, another threat surfaced from abroad: Ilan Shor, a pro-Russian businessman who actively fought against the EU integration of Moldova. Condemned in absentia for 15 years for smuggling 1 billion Euros out of Moldova’s banking system, he fled to Moscow where he established a political movement with the sole purpose of destabilizing Moldova’s EU progress. Shor and his acolytes set up a voter-bribing scheme that concerned 130,000 Moldovans who voted against the referendum for the integration of Moldova into the EU from 2024 and for Russia-friendly candidates. Through his Telegram platform, he has offered to pay up to 29 Dollars for those who registered for his campaign against the referendum, while spending millions on social media and news outlets campaigns against it. Regardless of the foreign implications of the referendum, it passed by a comically small margin: 50.35% in favour of adding EU integration as a goal in the constitution. Nonetheless, Sandu and her party succeeded in delivering what they promised, at least partly. In 2022, Moldova obtained candidate status for accession to the European Union, and in 2024, the official negotiations regarding admission started. In the same year, Moldova greatly developed the country's wind and solar power to reduce dependency on Russian energy and the aforementioned referendum was called for. In 2023, Moldova created its first anti-corruption agency, a major step in combating this phenomenon, which has plagued the country for decades. Most notable, however, was the increase in Moldova’sCorruption Perception Index by 7 points, indicating significant improvements in the country's functioning. However, the polls for this year’s parliamentary elections show a diminished popularity of PAS compared to the 2021 elections, the party being situated at around 35%. This backlash could be explained by the shortcomings of their governance and slowness in delivering what was promised. Whether the new governance delivered all they had promised is of secondary importance; what matters most is that in the last four years, the country has been more open to the West than ever before.; Let us hope it will continue like this and one day, they will be a part of the greater European family. Photo source: Sasha Pleshco - UNSPLASH

< Back The Art of Domestic Failure: An Anthology of Apartment Mishaps Shirley Marie Victorio You can analyze political theory and debate international policy, but nothing in the Sciences Po curriculum prepares you for the true test of intellect and will: surviving your own apartment. I learned this the hard way, one domestic disaster at a time. It all began with what I thought was a perfectly responsible morning. I put a load of laundry in the machine and headed out to get groceries, feeling productive. I returned, bags in hand, to find my roommates in the midst of a frantic mopping operation. My kitchen floor had become a shallow, soapy lake. The culprit? A tube had somehow disconnected itself. The panicked, towel-soaking operation that followed was a low point, culminating in the ultimate admission of defeat: a call to our landlord, who sent her husband over to fix the rebellious appliance. I now look at the machine with a mix of gratitude and deep-seated distrust. Then there was the dinner that almost was. I was planning to cook, a simple act of self-sufficiency. I reached for the olive oil to start my meal, and in one graceful, catastrophic motion, sent the bottle shattering across the floor. My roommates, still wary from the flooding, watched from a safe distance as I spent the next hour on my hands and knees, cleaning up a glittering, expensive lake of glass and regret. I was still finding greasy spots days after. A single paper towel makes a valiant, yet entirely futile, final stand against the olive oil sea But as I’ve learned from comparing horror stories with classmates, my chaos is just a single thread in a rich tapestry of student housing despair. “It’s not my turn” Beyond the explosive disasters, there are the silent battles, fought not with mops, but through a stubborn war of attrition. It begins with the communal items: the toilet paper, the cooking oil, the salt, the pepper. You see the olive oil bottle, now light enough to be a maraca with only a sad golden film at the bottom. You use the last square of toilet paper, leaving the empty roll as a monument to your consumption. You shake the final grains of salt into your dinner. A tense, silent standoff begins. Everyone has seen the near-empty container. Everyone knows. Yet, no one buys more. For days, you navigate a minefield of subtle reminders and strategic avoidance. Cooking becomes a choreographed dance of using the last dregs of oil and seasoning your food with hope. A trip to the bathroom becomes a calculated risk. The moment someone finally cracks and returns from the supermarket with the precious goods is a moment of collective, unspoken victory. No “thank you” is uttered – the purchase itself is the white flag. It’s a universal test of will, a parable of shared responsibility that, somehow, is more stressful than a flooded kitchen. Malicious appliances I thought my disconnected tube was the peak of washing machine drama, until it wasn’t. After her landlord complained that she was putting too little into the machine, a friend decided to maliciously comply and stuffed it full for the next load. The machine, perhaps sensing the spite, stalled completely and overflowed with dense, unmanageable bubbles. The fallout involved her handwashing mountains of soapy clothes in the sink while her French roommate stood by, helpfully “translating the horror” of the situation as they both laughed in abject terror. She pierced her ears that same evening – sometimes domestic trauma requires an immediate coping mechanism. Hostile territory Living with roommates is always a gamble, but living with your landlord is a uniquely stressful game. One friend is currently enduring this nightmare. The inherent awkwardness is bad enough, but it’s the confusing mixed signals that truly break you. One day, you are facing “French passive aggression” and complaints about the smell of your cooking – a failure to appreciate Asian cuisine that feels suspiciously pointed. The next day, the same landlord is offering a ride to Menton Garavan to pick up mail with “sweet grandfatherly love.” It’s emotional whiplash. You never know if you’re getting a helpful ride to the train station or getting “shit-talked” to your face while you try to study. Accidentally becoming a biology major While we were busy studying for midterms, our kitchens were busy developing their own unauthorized curriculums in microbiology. Nothing humbles you quite like realizing your attempt at “independent living” has accidentally spawned new life forms. It usually starts with the refusal to take out the bin – a game of “chicken” that recently led a friend to discover that Menton flies had found his trash particularly hospitable, leaving him with a thriving colony of maggots to deal with on a random morning. But I cannot judge from my high horse. Before autumn break, I innocently left a batch of rice in my cooker, forgetting to clean it before rushing to the airport. When I returned a week later, I didn’t find rice. I found a fuzzy, aggressively green new life form. When I nervously shook the bowl, it released a literal cloud of spores into my kitchen. I hadn’t just failed at cleaning; I had successfully created a new, airborne ecosystem. Laundry Lost Typically, the Sciences Po Menton WhatsApp chat serves as a lifeline for the small crises of student life – a platform to hunt for lost headphones, sell football tickets, or frantically ask who to email to justify absences. But every so often, a different plea emerges – a cry of despair that is both tragic and hilarious. We all know the pain of losing a sock in a washing machine, but only in Menton do you have to contend with actual acts of God. I recently opened a chat to see a message that read: “Hey guys so I came back from uni to find out that the tornado ate all my laundry so if you find bed sheets and clothes around Menton they're mine 🥰” It’s one thing to shrink your favorite sweater; it’s entirely another to have your bedsheets distributed across the Côte d'Azur by a rogue windstorm. The Takeaway My broken olive oil bottle and flooded floor aren’t just individual failures. They are part of the fabric of our off-campus life. We may be here to study the world’s great systems, but we’re learning equally vital lessons in our own tiny, chaotic microcosms. So the next time you’re scrubbing oil off your floor or triple-knotting a trash bag that is buzzing with life, know that you’re not alone. You’re just another Sciences Piste, learning the hardest lesson of all: how to navigate the beautiful, messy reality of being an adult. Photo source: Michelle, flickr Previous Next

Several nations have decided to refuse to send government officials to the 2022 Beijing Olympics in protest of human rights violations under the current Chinese regime. Are these efforts futile or worthy of further support? < Back Is the Boycott of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics an Effective Diplomatic Tool? By Luca Utterwulghe December 30, 2021 The 2022 Winter Olympic Games, set to take place in Beijing, China this coming February, has become a spotlight for diplomatic contention. The United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada have established what Time called a “diplomatic boycott,” meaning that the aforementioned countries will refuse to send government employees to the games. Nonetheless, athletes from each of these countries will be sent to Beijing. The last U.S. boycott of an Olympic Games took place amidst the Cold War, as the Games in Moscow took place during the Russian invasion of Afghanistan. This time, boycotting nations are openly criticizing the detention and human rights violations of China’s Uyghur ethnic group as well as the Chinese government’s repressive measures taken to quell the protest movements in Hong Kong. Moreover, the boycott emerged in light of the recent disappearance of Chinese tennis player Peng Shuai after she accused Zhang Gaoli (former Chinese vice premier) of sexual assault. The boycott thus reflects the mounting international concern regarding the abuse of fundamental rights under the current Chinese government. There is no clear consensus on the effectiveness of the boycott, however. French President Emmanuel Macron, for instance, has dismissed the American strategy as a politicization of the Olympics devoid of “useful effect.” Macron has instead worked with the International Olympic Committee to ensure the safety of athletes, demonstrating the divergence in the French and American approaches. In the U.S., opposition to the boycott has come largely from Republicans in government who are promoting more aggressive measures, such as withholding athletes from attending the Games. Sienna Bertamini, a first year student at the Sciences Po Menton campus who lived in Hong Kong for most of her life, suggests that, “as a form of soft power, the Olympic Boycott does very little… in terms of combating the human rights violations occurring in China.” Bertamini further notes that “China places a larger emphasis on hard power threats” and that “militaristic strategies are a greater risk to their regime,” indicating that a boycott may be little more than a performative measure. However, because strong, multilateral measures require more cooperation and consensus, the boycott may, as Bertamini states, “be the most Western countries can do without overtly shifting the global balance of power, ie. through military interventions or economic sanctions.” What does this boycott mean for the future of Chinese-American foreign relations? A New York Times article noted that “while boycotts may not change policy, they do run the risk of reprisals.” A Chinese government publication has already demanded that China initiate a retaliatory boycott against the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics. This boycott may initiate a series of tit-for-tat soft power sanctions and may well escalate as more nations determine their respective courses of action.

< Back The Implications of the Piraeus Port As Part Of The Belt and Road Initiative Lydia Ntourountou February 28, 2025 The need for humans to communicate and exchange goods and ideas can be traced back to thousands of years ago. Despite the virtual impossibility of bridging societies across the globe, efforts were constantly being made to ensure the continuation and development of trade and commerce, inevitably followed by cultural exchanges. One of the most impressive developments was the Silk Road, established in 130 B.C.E. , during the period when China officially opened trade with the West. This pioneering network of routes managed to connect different civilizations, allowing the exchange of products and ideas from East Asian societies to East African and Southern European ones. Chinese silk, tea, perfumes and other products were sought-after in Egypt, Rome and Greece and not only did this allow for the exportation of such products, but most importantly, it marked the beginning of trade on an international scale. The gradual collapse of the network around 1450 A.D. marked a new beginning: international maritime trade . And though it would, indeed, take some centuries before it truly became global, this “sea-based globalization” has become the most prevalent form of trade, with over 80% of the volume of international commerce goods traveling by sea. China’s role in it is undoubtedly worth examining, considering that it remains the country with the largest amount of cargo ship exports annually. This exceptional economic activity is closely linked to what has been characterized as the New Silk Road, officially titled China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), an incredibly ambitious infrastructure project adopted by Xi Jinping’s government in 2013. This time, however, it is not limited to maritime trade but focuses on the overall development of a vast network of railways, ports, energy pipelines and highways that aim to facilitate a wide range of economic activities between Asia, Europe, the Middle East and Africa. Already, over two-thirds of European Union member states have joined the BRI, leading to a rise in Chinese investments in these countries to fund industrial projects. The vision promoted by Xi Jinping, though quite compelling, has attracted a lot of doubt and criticism; one of the main BRI projects sparking concern is the Budapest-Belgrade railway, aiming to create a fast train line connecting Hungary and Serbia. However, Hungary’s ability to repay the loan, as well as the actual profitability of the railway, has caused a lot of uncertainty. However, Xi Jinping’s project does not end here but takes on a rather drastic form regarding Greece’s involvement in the One Belt One Road Initiative. Indeed, Greece could be considered a unique case, since it hosts the most successful BRI project as of 2024: the port of Piraeus . Although a significant peak in bilateral economic and political relations between Greece and China dates back to the Greek debt crisis of 2008, during which Beijing offered to buy Greek government bonds, it is in the past couple of years that we notice the prevalence of Chinese influence in Greece. In 2016, Athens signed a contract with the company COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company), giving it access to 51% ownership of the port, before finally gaining another 16% shares in 2021, allowing it to possess a total of 67% and therefore owning the majority of the port. If Piraeus is classified as the fifth largest port in Europe, with around 5 million twenty-foot equivalent units passing annually, it is important to examine this success with caution. It must be highlighted that this project benefited Athens in maintaining its position as an important hub in maritime trade while securing its place as an essential geopolitical actor facilitating the connection between the EU and Asian markets. But does Xi Jinping’s policy serve the sole purpose of fully establishing the Belt and Road Initiative? If so, what does this mean for Greece? According to an article published by Plamen Tonchev , China’s objectives in Piraeus could be briefly summed up in three points: 1) utilize Greece’s position in the framework of the BRI, 2) win over the country’s political, business and academic leaders and ensure its backing of China, 3) influence the EU through “friendly” member states, one of which would be Greece. We notice that Beijing’s policies in this case are not extremely direct or “disruptive” and mostly take the form of a strong economic presence in this region. However, this active and powerful presence inevitably leads to political and economic dependence. Greece, because of its small size and low level of population (around 10 million), could be considered a country that requires external “backup,” notably because of the regional tensions surrounding and directly influencing it. We could not talk about its foreign policy without mentioning the United States, characterized as Greece’s closest historical “ally” and whose relations with the country were recently referred to as “ excellent ” by Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis. Having secured a five-year defense cooperation with the US and working together in matters of energy finance and military, their bilateral relations do indeed seem quite secure. But, amidst a period of uncertainty concerning the policies to be implemented after the US presidential elections, will Greece be capable of balancing two powerful “enemy nations,” both having interests in the Mediterranean region? This question seems even more pertinent after the U.S. Defense Department blacklisted COSCO by listing it as a company working with the Chinese military, which COSCO denied. This decision cannot be followed by legal sanctions for the commercial sector and so far does not seem to have any direct impact on the shipping company. However, it raised alarms in Piraeus , considering that the blacklisting could act as a “ deterrence ” for some importers. It also reminds us of the tensions between these geopolitical actors and the fact that countries with smaller economic and political power, such as Greece, are caught in the middle. Although we cannot predict the outcomes of the significant Chinese ownership of Piraeus , the fact that Greece’s biggest port is owned by a foreign power will have an important impact on its future policies, as well as its relations with other countries. What is interesting, however, is that China’s project affects the game of power and slowly shifts the economic narrative from the West to the East. Whether Greece will be able to successfully balance in between, without completely becoming dependent on either power, is to be determined. Photo credits: Rory Boon on Flickr

< Back Life on the Streets of Menton Stanimir Stoyanov Introduction Whether it's the person asking you for change in front of the grocery store, a person sleeping on the sidewalk or singing on а busy street, many of us have had the experience of walking around Menton and encountering people living on the streets. Most people avoid them and some are even afraid of them, but have you ever wondered what their story is and how they ended up in their situation? This article will explore the topic of homelessness in Menton from a different and more personal perspective. France’s struggle with homelessness According to the latest official government statistics from 2012, there were at least 141,500 homeless people in metropolitan France. Still, a 2024 report from the Abbé Pierre Foundation shows that the number might have increased to around 330,000, of which only around 93,000 have access to social housing. Due to rising concerns about the issue, the French National Institute for Statistics and Economic Studies and the National Institute for Demographic Studies are currently conducting a new survey of the homeless population in France that will conclude in 2025. According to European statistics from 2023, France has the second-highest count of homeless people in the EU. The issue garnered global attention when, in preparation for hosting the Olympic games in 2024, the French government started relocating people from the streets of Paris to other cities in the country. In 2019, a UN report concluded that France is abusing human rights due to its inability to tackle the issue. The issue continued in 2023 when the UN condemned new French legislation against squatters’ rights. Still, addressing the rising numbers of people in need of a home, the French government has increased efforts in recent years to provide temporary accommodation and social aid. What about Menton? There is no precise information available regarding the number of homeless people living in Menton, but according to data from July 2023, 2,572 people were being housed by the government in the Alpes-Maritimes department. In Menton, especially at night, you can see people sleeping in front of store windows or parks. During the day, some walk around the city, ask for help, perform music and some even cause public unrest. During my work on this article, I spoke with Jean, a 38-year-old Parisian living on the streets of Menton. When we met, he was standing outside a local supermarket, hoping people would give him their spare change. He was quite friendly and happy to chat. Jean used to be a waiter in Paris but lost his job and moved to Menton in hope of better conditions. When I asked him why Menton, he replied, “the weather and the sea”. I asked where he found shelter, and he replied, “here, the street”. He told me that at the moment, he doesn’t have a job or a place to stay. About his current situation, he commented, “I don’t know, that’s it.” Like Jean, many people without a roof opt to relocate to cities in the Côte d'Azur due to the more favourable weather conditions. In the summer, many go to tourist hotspots such as Nice, where the city even implemented anti-begging rules, which were later overturned. But as winter approaches, even in sunny Menton, the weather becomes harsh. In Menton, there is a day shelter operated by the Local Social Action Centre (Centre communal d'action sociale), but night shelters are only available in nearby cities such as Cannes and Cagnes-sur-Mer. In my research, I contacted CCAS and they informed me that in winter, the city finds emergency shelters in Menton as well, with some local hotels offering help. Social workers from CCAS support people in dire situations and can be contacted directly at their office on “ 4 Promenade du Maréc”. Additionally, 115 is a free-of-charge national hotline for people looking for emergency healthcare. This social emergency number also offers help and shelter to migrants and victims of domestic abuse. How can I help? There are many initiatives for helping homeless people in Menton and the region. If you would like to help, you can try contacting CCAS directly or search for organisations such as ALC or the Red Cross that have initiatives helping people in such situations. If you ever see a person in need on the streets, you can contact 115 or CCAS on their behalf, both of which can send a social worker and provide them with emergency housing. In the colder months, life on the streets is harder than ever and homeless people are especially vulnerable, so if you believe a person is in need of medical attention, it might be a good idea to contact emergency services. Homeless people are at a high risk of alcohol and substance abuse, which might lead to health complications. We often overlook people on the streets, but sometimes they might really need our attention. Recently, a number of Sciences Pistes have voiced they feel uncomfortable walking the streets at night, so if you ever encounter a person on the street who can be a danger to themselves or others, you should probably contact the authorities to help the person and keep others safe. Conclusion Walking through the streets of sunny Menton, we can’t help but notice the silent stories unfolding around us of people like Jean, each faced with their own journey. By embracing empathy and taking small actions—a smile, kind word or supporting local initiatives, we can foster a community where everyone feels seen and valued. The issue is very relevant in France, and while the trends are worrying, there is hope for the future. Previous Next