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< Back Loi “immigration” en France : entre crises politiques et institutionnelle By Salomé Greffier January 31, 2024 Le 19 décembre 2023, les députés et sénateurs français réunis dans une commission mixte paritaire adoptent le texte controversé de la Loi “immigration” proposée par le gouvernement macroniste dès février de la même année. Cette loi ne constitue que le prolongement d’une politique menée au cours des cinquante dernières années par les gouvernements français successifs. Ainsi, depuis 1974, sous la présidence de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, la mise en place de mesures pour encadrer et limiter les flux migratoires, sous couvert de sécurité nationale, marque le paysage politique français de clivages profonds. Dès 2006, le gouvernement évoque la notion d’immigration choisie supposant des mesures d’aide au retour dans les pays d’origine des réfugiés, un durcissement des conditions du regroupement familial ou encore l’instauration d’une carte “compétence et talents” pour sélectionner la main-d'œuvre étrangère. Au centre de ces mesures gravitent les idées de mérite, d’assimilation et d’identité nationale. Sur ce terreau historique, la dernière Loi “immigration” défendue par l’actuel ministre de l’intérieur, Gérald Darmanin, était présentée comme un compromis entre contrôle accru de l’immigration et une meilleure intégration. Le texte proposait en filigrane une pression prononcée sur l’obtention des droits de séjour pour les étudiants, familles et travailleurs, ainsi qu’une limitation toujours plus importante du nombre d’entrées sur le territoire et un encadrement de l’obtention de la nationalité en invoquant le droit du sol. La version proposée par le gouvernement a d’abord été votée par le Sénat puis remaniée par la commission des lois de l’Assemblée nationale. L’adoption d’une motion de rejet de la part des députés a rendu caduque cette version du texte, nécessitant l’intervention d’une commission mixte paritaire. Les conclusions de cette dernière convainc alors 214 sénateurs principalement centristes et affiliés à la droite, à l’exception d’une abstention dans le rang des Républicains, face à 114 voix associées à la Nupes, au Parti Socialiste, aux communistes et aux écologistes. Les élus de Renaissance, le parti du président, se sont quant à eux montrés clivés avec 15 voix en faveur de la Loi contre 4 en défaveur et une abstention. De même, à l’Assemblée nationale, le texte rassemble 349 députés et souligne des divisions au sein du parti de d’Emmanuel Macron: 20 députés s’étant prononcés contre la Loi et 17 choisissant l’abstention. L'évocation d’une démission de la part de six ministres appuie davantage encore la situation de crise engendrée par la ratification de cette Loi. En conséquence, l’adoption de la Loi “immigration” constitue une victoire pour la majorité sénatoriale de droite et signe, selon les partis de gauche, l’officialisation de son intégration à la majorité gouvernementale. Plus largement, cette mesure marque selon le journal quotidien espagnol El País une remise en question de “l’essence du macronisme, qui se proclame ni de gauche, ni de droite” faisant par ailleurs de cette caractéristique son principal instrument électoral. Désormais, le parti est associé à ce “compromis humiliant avec les partis de droite” affirme le journal suisse Le Temps , un signe supplémentaire du glissement de ce gouvernement vers la droite, faisant écho au mouvement politique actuel dans une grande partie de l’Europe. Au-delà de cette crise politique, résultant de l’obédience politique du gouvernement actuel, la Loi “immigration” interroge sur le respect des valeurs républicaines. Si pour certains sénateurs tels que Philippe Bonnecarrère (Union centriste) ce texte “exprime une autorité régalienne forte dans le respect de l’Etat de droit” faisant état du bon fonctionnement des institutions, d’autres affirment que ce texte s’éloigne des valeurs républicaines d’égalité et de fraternité. Ainsi, les partis de gauche accusent le Sénat et le Parlement d’alimenter des idées extrémistes telles que la préférence nationale et le populisme. Alors que Gérald Darmanin avance que “Des mesures sont manifestement contraires à la Constitution”, rendant certaines mesures de la Loi inapplicables, il faut sans doute considérer les raisons pour lesquelles de telles mesures ont pu être votées au sein d’institutions républicaines. La Loi “immigration” ne sera donc probablement pas appliquée dans les faits, mais il n’en demeure pas moins que sa rédaction alarme quant au maintien des valeurs fondamentales de notre République.

Sports Recap — February 2023 < Back February Sports Recap By Hugo Lagergren February 28, 2023 Football Manchester City has been charged with 115 breaches of financial regulations by the Premier League. The charges mark the end of a four-year investigation conducted by Premier League officials into the club’s financial dealings from 2008 to 2020. The breaches can be split into three categories. The main issue raised by the Premier League relates to the financial irregularities of Man City’s business dealings. Secondly, the Premier League requires clubs to be transparent and honest about their financial activities, which they say has not been the case with City. And lastly, the Premier League has accused City of not cooperating fully with the investigation. Two years ago, similar charges were brought forth by the Union of European Football Associations against Man City. However, after being reviewed by the Court of Arbitration for Sport, the charges were thrown out. According to the Times’ chief sports writer, Martyn Ziegler, City will not be able to appeal the charges this time. The Premier League has not issued sanctions at the time of writing. Possible sanctions include fines, possible points deduction or exclusion from the League. Brazilian footballer Vinicius Jr. said that not enough is being done to combat racism in Spanish football and Spain more generally. Vinicius tweeted, “Let’s start to punish those people, or we’ll go back to how it was before,” following an incident that saw Brazilian basketball player Yago Dos Santos being subjected to racist abuse during a EuroCup game. Borussia Dortmund player Sébastien Haller scored his first league goal since his return three weeks ago from chemotherapy. Haller was diagnosed with testicular cancer in August of last year. Since then, Haller has continued to raise awareness in the football community for the fight against cancer. The date of his goal coincidentally fell on International World Cancer Day – an occasion which Dortmund marked by slightly altering their center circle to represent a tumor. L’Olympique de Marseille managed to knock out bitter rivals Paris St-Germain (PSG) in the last 16 of the Coupe de France. PSG’s poor form in the previous few matches has seen them drop points several times. This has put pressure on the manager, Christophe Galtier, to deliver silverware in an increasingly tricky season for the Parisian side. Rugby After a narrow victory against Italy, Six Nations favorites France continued their shaky start to the tournament by losing to a well-oiled Irish team, who looked organized and structured compared to their French opponent, which struggled to escape their own 22 at times. On the other hand, the number one ranked Irish team has moved to the top of the table with comfortable victories over France and Wales. Scotland has continued their impressive run of form, with victories over England and Wales, to move to second in the Six Nations behind Ireland. A big test for Gatland’s men will be in two weeks when Scotland travels to the Stade de France to face a wounded French side. Handball Denmark beat France in an exhilarating final to claim a historic third successive International Handball Federation World Handball Championship. After the Danish victory, operators of the Oresund Bridge, which connects Sweden and Denmark, lit the bridge in red and white to honor Denmark’s achievement. For co-host Sweden, the tournament ended in disappointment as they lost 39-36 to Spain in the bronze medal game. Basketball Lebron James became the National Basketball Association’s all-time top points scorer with 38,387 points as the Lakers fell to the Oklahoma City Thunder. He surpasses Kareem Abdul-Jabbar’s point total — a record he has held since 1984. American Football The Kansas City Chiefs defeated the Philadelphia Eagles 38-35 to win their second Super Bowl in the last four years. For the second time, Patrick Mahomes, the quarterback for the Chiefs, was awarded the National Football League Most Valuable Player Award. Olympics Earlier this month, the International Olympics Committee (IOC) issued a statement saying that it would allow Russian and Belorussian athletes to compete at the 2024 Paris Olympic Games, on the condition that no anthems or flags from the two countries are displayed. This has sparked outrage from politicians and fans alike. President Zelenskyy commented that the decision from the IOC highlighted that “terror is somewhat acceptable”.

But what do I consider anomie in city life? A lack of disruption from daily routines and rigid adherence to rules almost renders life austere and unbendable, this strict regulation leaves any rule breaker into a lawless reality. < Back Anomie in Urban Life (A Rant from Amsterdam to Athens) By Rosie Betrosian January 31, 2024 I recently had the opportunity to explore Amsterdam, and when asked about my impressions, I found myself wrestling with the urge to rant about the inescapable canals, marijuana-smelling corners, or the labyrinth layout of the city. I tried to find the closest square for a view of the city, perhaps catch a glimpse of a mountaintop, but that was impossible. I knew the city's structure lacks open spaces; instead, streets are simply connected to each other with no square or notable monument in sight. I suddenly felt like Fran Leibowitz – a major cynic about urban culture. "One day I heard that the subway had been closed due to a sewage smell. Seriously? Can the subway smell worse than usual?..." “If I complain about the things I complain about, will they change? Not so far” – Fran Leibowitz That only proved to me that I am not alone in nagging about urbanism; a whole field is dedicated to the analysis of city structure and its relative effects on social and cultural life. Stereotypically, I marvel at the fast-paced environments where everyone seems to be fully immersed and appears to run on efficiency. People in fast paced cities remind me of “The Wolf of Wall Street,” which left me wondering about the effects of urban structure on daily life and people’s mental health; can people truly keep up with a fast paced environment without becoming outsiders? Often, such cities entail “neighborhood elements” such as social cohesion, pleasantness, and safety, which are associated with lower levels of depression. Specifically green spaces, active spaces, social spaces (e.g., benches), and safe spaces (i.e., with reduced crime rates). According to a study by Rebecca Johnson in “Main Street: How a City’s Heart Connects Us All,” these public places ameliorate mental health and communal living. This is validated and repeatedly corroborated through science. Exercise is essential for producing serotonin, boosting self-esteem and stress resilience. However, I have found that even perfect cities following Johnson's list stimulate a feeling of anxiety and loneliness. One may wonder what prevents anomie-inducing feelings. Living in a city entails the elements of anonymity and community. Anonymity permits movement in public settings without scrutiny from a tight-knit community; this independence might be liberating, or the absence of a close-knit community might be isolating. Anonymity is preserved in public places through the right to be forgotten, etc. Cities are primarily hubs of social relations and social cohesion where communities form this expectation and, together with the danger of loneliness, render cities susceptible to anomie. But what do I consider anomie in city life? A lack of disruption from daily routines and rigid adherence to rules almost renders life austere and unbendable, this strict regulation leaves any rule breaker into a lawless reality. I find that cities, planned with town squares and cultural centers, help combat feelings of anomie, a sense of normlessness, or disconnection that arises in urban environments. Town squares and cultural centers serve as vital components in mitigating anomie by fostering social cohesion, community engagement, and a sense of identity. It would be the height of hubris to disregard Athens from my analysis of cities. I have heard people claim “there is no place like Greece.'' This is arguably biased coming from Greek people. This statement, however, does not refer to the Greek mountains, sea or architecture. It refers to a very specific way that Greeks lead their 9 to 5 lives… Commonly ruled by messiness and instability, these elements themselves make Greek urban life less anomic. Disruptions in the metro, traffic, and buses full of people, as well as inaccurate public transport schedules, all create a lively day to day– which some may call chaos. This chaos adds some excitement to each day and allows for more interaction between people in public. This liveliness is also reflected in the city structure, organized around churches and public spaces indicating the prioritization of a community avoiding anomie. Overall, urban life is influenced by factors beyond the visible cityscape, it includes complexities of city life such latent socialization, commuting, work schedule and all details that account for daily working life that can often lead one to feel anomic.

At this moment, I pinpointed the feeling that had been eating me up for the past few days: The feeling that I do not belong and would soon get exposed as a fraud who cheated the application system. < Back Feeling Like a Fraud? Imposter Syndrome Runs Rampant at Sciences Po By Sarina Soleymani September 28, 2022 Let’s dive into what now feels like the far past, the days before we first stepped foot into this building, prior to entering this town where the sun burns brightly on our heads and the beach is always in sight. Let’s take a few steps back — before the airport, trains, days of packing, and, for some, the dreadful visa process and frenzied struggle for housing. Let’s return to the days when we were all passionate, wide-eyed high-schoolers with worries and heaps of dreams — filled with stress about assignments and exams, but most of all: university applications. Each of us, no matter our origin, social class or passions, has one thing in common: the sleepless nights and coffee-fueled essays that formed our application to Sciences Po —an application that, luckily for us, was approved by admissions. Now fast-forward. You are here amid all the other once wide-eyed high-schoolers-turned university students, surrounded by fascinating individuals with varying insights and what seems to be a never-ending stream of knowledge of global events. I initially felt thrilled by the multitude of stimulating conversations I saw myself having for the next two years. Our “Myths and Stereotypes in the Mediterranean” lecture during Integration Week satisfied my anticipation. This lecture not only had two captivating and knowledgeable professors but also students from diverse backgrounds with ranging observations, who would stand up to share them with the class, creating dialogue like I never had before. However, it was not long until this excitement turned almost into a fear, which had me shaking and reciting my lines before I stood up to speak. This emotion quickly highlighted the double-sided coin of Sciences Po — the cheerfulness that accompanies these vibrant exchanges and the feeling that my opinions are neither intelligent nor worthy of expression. During the first week of classes, I only felt this feeling grow stronger. Ironically, though I started to warm up to this environment, I became increasingly insecure. One day that struck me was Sept. 5, 2022, the Rentrée Solennelle. This is the day when we dress up, take pictures with our friends, and get ready to greet Sciences Po Director Mathias Vicherat. It is also the day we suffer through the same redundant and stereotypical speeches about how we are the “best of the best” and deserve our place in this selective university. After long minutes of feeling disillusioned by Sciences Po’s ego and undeserving of receiving these compliments, it was time for the valedictorian Lilou-Ornella D’Inca’s speech. Here, we finally got a different narrative as she shared her struggles during her first semester concerning what she referred to as “imposter syndrome.” It was then that I felt myself finally exhale, relax and realize that I am not alone. At this moment, I pinpointed the feeling that had been eating me up for the past few days: The feeling that I do not belong and would soon get exposed as a fraud who cheated the application system. Knowing that all of this was simply a case of imposter syndrome, an affliction that runs deep enough in the institution to be the topic of our opening ceremony, I vowed to explore more. Firstly, I find it crucial to address the elitism of Sciences Po, the title of this institution, especially in France, and its contribution to imposter syndrome. As students of Sciences Po, we are often referred to as “l’élite de la nation,” not only by people outside this university but also by the university itself. This expression puts unrealistic expectations and pressure on the students to outperform the rest of the nation. Indeed, we have an incredible advantage being here due to the opportunities we are given, but as expressed by a friend of mine: “I don’t feel like the elite.” I started having conversations with the student body to unpack this phenomenon further. A common sentiment among Sciences Pistes is that “[they] feel like [they] don’t belong here.” This refrain was so widespread that it suggests a universal feeling of alienation. This outcome shocked me. How is it possible that in a place referred to as our “Ummah Mentonniya,” where diversity is celebrated, and inclusivity is central, many students feel as though they do not belong? Of course, each person has a unique reason for feeling imposter syndrome, but through my conversations, I found some general patterns. Firstly, students who struggle with the language of their track feel less intelligent than they are because they find it difficult to express themselves accurately. As declared by an anonymous 1A in English track, “I feel like I have to work harder than my peers.” An anonymous 1A French track brought up varying family backgrounds as a reason for imposter syndrome, stating, “we come from sometimes less rich environments.” Through further dialogue, I learned about a more personal characteristic of imposter syndrome, which stems from comparing yourself to others, primarily academically, and through this comparison, feeling insecure in your abilities. “The problem is that everyone seems so secure and confident,” said another Sciences Piste. This sentiment was corroborated by a Reims student who admitted that class discussions often seem “performative,” making it “intimidating to speak.” This finding suggests that this feeling is not Menton-exclusive but rather a global Sciences Po issue. What can we learn from this? Firstly, we are not alone, and these feelings of doubt are normal as we have entered an unfamiliar environment. Indeed it is more challenging for some than others. However, we all have some control over this feeling through our mindset. Imposter syndrome depends on self-doubt and the impression of estrangement. Therefore, the remedy combines confidence in our abilities and a supportive community, both of which are within our control. Confidence takes time, care, and work, but the first step is to recognize that we are all here to learn and expect that we do not have all the answers. As expressed in another conversation with an English track 1A, “we all have something to bring even if we aren’t sure what it is yet.” Likewise, we should not be afraid to share our thoughts as there must be something worthwhile in them; doing so is also the most effective way through which we can improve. The same student also conveyed how having a supportive community helped her overcome her self-doubt and legitimized her position at Sciences Po. I think this is what Yasmina Touaibia referred to in our welcome speech when she spoke of the “Ummah Mentonniya,” a place where Sciences Pistes learn through each other, express their worries and uplift one another. A place where one is not judged by how well they express themselves in a language they are unfamiliar with or their background. A place where it is not how much knowledge you have that matters but your passion and willingness to listen. After all, if we all feel as though we do not belong, then maybe, in our own complicated way, we all do.

On quitte rarement le Liban, on s’en sépare, souvent contre sa volonté. Et pourtant, dans cette séparation, une étrange alchimie se crée: plus le pays sombre dans le chaos, plus il semble s’effondrer sous les poids du temps et de la guerre, et plus l’attachement et le patriotisme de ses enfants, même à l’autre bout du monde, se fait viscéral. Ce phénomène est particulièrement visible parmi les étudiants libanais en France, pour qui ce patriotisme se nourrit de la résistance face à un contexte tendu, marqué par les tensions et les conflits internes. < Back Loin des yeux, près du coeur: les Libanais de la diaspora face au chaos Christy Ghosn December 31, 2024 « Si le Liban n’était pas mon pays, je l’aurais choisi pour pays. » Gibran n’est pas mort, il vit à travers chaque mot, chaque pensée, de ceux qui, loin de leur terre natale, l’embrassent encore dans leur âme. On quitte rarement le Liban, on s’en sépare, souvent contre sa volonté. Et pourtant, dans cette séparation, une étrange alchimie se crée: plus le pays sombre dans le chaos, plus il semble s’effondrer sous les poids du temps et de la guerre, et plus l’attachement et le patriotisme de ses enfants, même à l’autre bout du monde, se fait viscéral. Ce phénomène est particulièrement visible parmi les étudiants libanais en France, pour qui ce patriotisme se nourrit de la résistance face à un contexte tendu, marqué par les tensions et les conflits internes. Des interviews avec de jeunes expatriés ont permis de comprendre ce paradoxe et comment le patriotisme, loin des frontières du Liban, devient un acte de résistance, comme une promesse de ne jamais oublier ceux qui sont restés. Un patriotisme renforcé par la distance Avant de quitter le Liban, une grande majorité des Libanais interrogés ressentaient une relation ambivalente avec leur pays. L’amour pour leurs proches était entaché par une frustration intense face à la situation politique et économique. Quitter le pays était souvent perçu comme un soulagement, une échappatoire au danger quotidien, mais ce choix était aussi teinté de culpabilité: partir signifiait abandonner un foyer en crise et laisser derrière des proches plongés dans l’incertitude. Une fois à l’étranger, la distance géographique semble paradoxalement rapprocher émotionnellement les expatriés de leur pays d'origine. L’une des étudiantes interrogées a partagé son expérience: bien qu’étant partie très jeune, elle n’avait jamais ressenti un lien aussi fort avec le Liban qu’à la suite des récents affrontements entre le Hezbollah et Israël. Ces événements ont ravivé un sentiment d’appartenance malgré la distance, un sentiment alimenté par la solidarité partagée avec d’autres Libanais dans la même situation. Ensemble, c’est comme s’ils avaient formé une sorte groupe émotionnel de support. De plus, face à la pression d’intégrer les valeurs françaises, beaucoup ont éprouvé un besoin urgent de se rattacher à leur identité libanaise, comme une manière de se réapproprier une partie essentielle et profonde d’eux-mêmes qu’ils sentent parfois menacée. La diffusion et la promotion de la culture libanaise Ce besoin se traduit par une redécouverte de leur culture et une fierté renouvelée d’être Libanais. En effet, les étudiants libanais à l’étranger deviennent souvent des ambassadeurs de leur culture. De la poésie libanaise à Fairuz, en passant par le houmous ou la dabke, ils partagent activement leurs traditions et contribuent à façonner une image positive du Liban, malgré les crises. Cette diffusion culturelle est perçue comme un acte de résistance morale: dans un contexte où leur identité est menacée, préserver et promouvoir leur culture devient une manière de la protéger. Ce sentiment se renforce notamment à Sciences Po où, face au conflit, beaucoup ressentent la nécessité de se positionner et de défendre leurs valeurs. Comme le résume une étudiante, « Le simple fait d’exister, de vivre, devient une forme de résistance. » Des événements culturels organisés par les étudiants libanais illustrent cet engagement, suscitant souvent l’admiration de leurs camarades internationaux, qui se disent inspirés par les récits et les valeurs partagés. Alors que certains, touchés par ces portraits envisagent de visiter le Liban, d’autres, déjà influencés par le temps qu’ils passent avec leurs amis libanais, intègrent inconsciemment des éléments de cette culture dans leur quotidien, ponctuant leurs phrases de mots comme "Saraha" (Honnêtement) ou "Chou?” (Quoi?). Le rôle de la diaspora dans l’avenir du Liban La diaspora libanaise a toujours été un pilier économique et social pour le pays. En 2023, la diaspora a envoyé 6,7 milliards de dollars au Liban selon la Banque mondiale . Ces transferts représentent 30,7 % du PIB libanais, soit le troisième ratio le plus élevé au monde. Les envois d’argent soutiennent des familles entières. Cependant, il ne s’agit pas seulement de contributions économiques pour soutenir le Liban; depuis la révolution de 2019 jusqu'à aujourd'hui, la voix des expatriés libanais a permis de sensibiliser la communauté internationale à la crise libanaise. Pour les Libanais, il ne s’agit plus de se reposer sur un gouvernement, qui s’est déjà montré incapable de répondre à la crise, mais de compter sur le soutien de la communauté internationale. Toutefois, peu de Libanais vivant à l’étranger envisagent un retour au pays. L’absence d’opportunités, combinée à l’instabilité persistante, empêche beaucoup d’imaginer un avenir viable au Liban. Pourtant, ils continuent d’espérer que leur engagement culturel, intellectuel, voire même émotionnel contribuera, à long terme, à un renouveau du pays. A présent, permettez-moi de me glisser dans le rôle de ma propre interviewée, et de conclure par cette réflexion. Être un Libanais étudiant à l’étranger, c’est avant tout un mélange d’émotions: une colère sourde face à la détresse de notre pays, mais aussi une impuissance déchirante, celle de ne pouvoir rien changer—pire—de ne même pas pouvoir être là, physiquement. C’est souffrir face à cette pile incessante de nouvelles, se sentir pris au piège face à cette sensation écrasante de n’être qu’un observateur distant. Et pourtant, malgré cette distance qui déchire, vivre loin de chez soi, c’est porter chaque jour en nous une parcelle du Liban, et s’efforcer de la garder vivante.

< Back Armed Militias vs Aid: The Extremity of U.S. Disaster Response Pracheth Sanka November 30, 2024 In Rutherford County, surrounded by demolished towns, downed trees and upturned roads in the wake of late September’s Hurricane Helene, Federal Emergency Management Agency officials had a new concern : a gun-wielding group of Western North Carolinians out for their blood. It was not just the aid that concerned them now; it was also their lives. At the command of the National Guard and FEMA administration, they were forced to evacuate the county, halting progress in their distribution of necessary material in a post-Helene North Carolina. Ultimately, only one person was arrested in connection to the report and the threat was not as dire as it first seemed. It shows, however, the startling and worrying distrust and menace some Americans hold toward their government. Even during an emergency, which is supposed to be a time of peace, coordination, and unity, disaster relief can become the catalyst for radicalism and resentment. As this case shows, hurricane response is a hotbed for political games, aid mismanagement and misinformation in the United States. Hit by two major storms in the fall of 2024, the American South is still reeling from Hurricane Milton and Hurricane Helene. Both wrought extensive and costly damage, especially to Florida, Georgia and the Carolinas. As of late October, FEMA has approved more than $2 billion for those affected by the storms. This money aids in house and personal property replacement, as well as in opening Disaster Centers that provide meals and housing to those in need. These are all ostensibly helpful programs, so why is there so much distrust coming from storm-affected Americans? Part of the reason lies in politics. Former President and now President-Elect Donald Trump and other high-profile Republicans have been very openly critical of the federal response, even at points lying about to whom and to where monetary aid went. Trump falsely stated that most of FEMA money was going to illegal immigrants, a continuation of his largely xenophobic anti-immigrant rhetoric. Georgia Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, whose state was directly impacted by Helene, made the ridiculous claim that the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, a federal agency tasked with weather forecasting and monitoring, had directed the storm toward conservative-leaning areas to disrupt the upcoming presidential election. Her claims were aided by the real data that showed Republican districts and Trump strongholds being disproportionately hit compared to liberal areas. Far-right and Trump-aligned internet conspiracy theorists also posited that FEMA would use storm response as a facade to bulldoze and replace rural towns, which they saw as an expansion of the central state. Instances of real political discrimination also stoke the fire of skepticism towards FEMA. In November, a FEMA worker from Florida was fired after directing employees to withhold aid from houses that displayed support for Trump. Their action was strongly condemned by Governor Ron DeSantis, who himself has distanced the state from federal assistance. DeSantis notably skipped a meeting with President Joe Biden, stating that a state-led response would move much more quickly than the Biden administration could. Trump also added fuel to the political fire by criticizing Democratic North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper, falsely asserting that Cooper’s administration deliberately blocked aid to the western part of the state, an area that was left in ruin by Helene-related flooding and which has historically leaned Republican. The politicization of what should have been an apolitical response highlights how the growing partisan divide and spread of misinformation creates mistrust toward the federal government. Conservatives, who are typically wary of large central states, now see FEMA’s disaster response as another possible means for government overreach, or in the eyes of some conspiracy theorists, a real means of harm. Liberals thus see Republican outrage as a hindrance to disaster response, further separating the two groups. But this politicization is by no means a new phenomenon, nor is it restricted to just natural disasters. Take for instance the Covid-19 pandemic. Americans signaled a marked decrease in trust in the Centers for Disease Control, which is responsible for pandemic regulation and guidance. Confidence in the organization dropped amongst all groups, but the most notable drop occurred amongst conservatives and Trump voters. Government trust was not the only political shift that was noted. Leaders of Democratic states complained that under the Trump administration, typically Republican states were given more favorable aid due to their electoral support. Analysts also raised concerns that Trump would use pandemic-era subsidies to farmers in important swing states in an attempt to gain voters. Trump is not shy about using federal aid as a political tool. He famously threatened Democratic California Governor Gavin Newsom by promising to withhold federal aid until he was told how many people in certain California counties voted for him. Trump also tried to leverage future wildfire disaster aid to get Newsom to sign a favorable freshwater drainage plan, though Newsom did not buckle. This has forced California to create its own disaster aid plans to “Trump-proof” the state, which is prone to severe wildfires, earthquakes, and floods. In a world of increasingly violent and frequent natural disasters, the nation is following a similar trajectory. Political storms and partisan divides mar the should-be peaceful process of relief and aid distribution. Two decades ago, the most extreme reaction to federal disaster response came when Kanye West, in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, appeared on television to proclaim that then-President George W. Bush “doesn’t care about black people.” Now, with armed militias and conspiracy theories rampant, West’s statement would be a politically tame and almost neutral response. As divided as the United States is now, polarization and political threats as a response to tragedy and disaster are likely to become much more radical and extreme. Both with administrative actions, like that of Trump’s, and individual instigators, like Rutherfordton’s armed militia, tensions between political actors and government agencies can have lasting consequences and could cost people their lives. These ramifications have no immediate solution and require long-term easing of the country's struggle. For her sake, the citizens of the United States should hope they can unite once again, facing disasters as the threat they are, not as pawns in a political game.

By largely ignoring women or portraying them in stereotypical roles of victim or consumer, the mass media has symbolically annihilated women. < Back Women’s Annihilation by the Mass Media: How Words and Language Help Shape Our Reality and Perpetuate Power Dynamics By Francesca Di Muro January 31, 2024 Words are more than simple combinations of letters displayed on a blank piece of paper. Words are woven into our social and political lives. Words can be weapons wielded by the powerful or tools for social resistance and change. As stated by linguist Sally McConnell-Ginet, " Words (and meaningful silences) matter enormously in our lives. They enable us to cooperate, collaborate, and ally with one another and exclude, exploit, and subordinate one another. They script our performances as certain kinds of people in certain social locations. They are politically powerful, both as dominating weapons that help oppress and as effective tools that can resist oppression’’. Violence against women, femicide, and gender discrimination pervade every area of contemporary society without geographical and cultural limits. Even today, an alarming number of women are targets of physical and psychological violence at the hands of their male counterparts. Direct violence, often fatal, is accompanied by linguistic violence, which is more hidden and spread implicitly at multiple levels. Media framing plays a pivotal role in the social construction of reality and, consequently, in the reproduction of power dynamics and imbalances. Browsing the pages of national and international newspapers, one can see that many, if not all, newspapers that report on violence against women employ a lexical and discursive structure that indirectly justifies the executioner and blames the victim, in a scheme s based on the concurrence of blame and distorts the real nature of the crime. Violence is multifaceted, and the ways it can be reproduced, expanded, and extended are so. Language is one. ‘How can the media be changed? How can we free women from the tyranny of media messages limiting their lives to hearth and home?’ This is how sociologist and feminist philosopher Gaye Tuchman ends her celebrated essay “The Symbolic Annihilation Of Women By The Mass Media,” encapsulating the concerns that continue to drive much feminist media analysis worldwide. Despite enormous transformations in national and global media landscapes, the fundamental issues that preoccupied Gaye Tuchman in 1978 are still prevalent: power, violence, and hegemony in the narration of violence itself. By largely ignoring women or portraying them in stereotypical roles of victim or consumer, the mass media has symbolically annihilated women. This destruction has further strengthened the patriarchal vision that classifies women as dependent and incapable of living their own lives without male ‘guidance’. Women’s magazines once focused on domestic pursuits such as marriage, household chores, and childcare. What made this pattern even more problematic was the media's role in shaping young girls’ wants and aspirations. Media coverage has created expected roles and perpetuated inequality through the reproduction of stereotyped discourses and sexist narratives and a mediated invisibility that is achieved not simply through the non-representation of women’s points of view or perspectives. Even though this narration has slightly changed nowadays, where women are ‘visible’ in media content, their representation still reflects the biases and assumptions of those who define the public agenda and, consequently, the mediatic one: men. Even when covering cases of femicide, specific language and discourses chosen by the media obscure the gendered and sexist basis of the violence taken out on women's bodies, portraying it as a mere homicide. A dominant patriarchal discourse implicit in newspaper coverage and a representation of femicides that ignores its structural and ideological foundations have been prevalent, as well as the recurrent use of a psychiatric discourse to label the femicide as an act of pure madness of the man, reducing such phenomenon within the predictable framework of a normal homicide, caused by mental illnesses, emotivity or monstrous impulses. Here, redefining language and recreating it in feminist terms can be a form of resistance. To conclude, it is not enough for the media to report how the femicide dynamics developed and focus on turbid details to feel like they satisfied one’s duty of informing the public. It is not enough to represent only those legal and political institutions that want to treat femicide as an isolated case. It is not enough to give an account to friends and relatives of the killer who claimed he loved the woman he just assassinated. It is not enough and never will be to address the system of oppression and latent subjugation that women experience in their daily lives, even in the narrations of violence themselves. The media helps shape society’s perception and public opinion of victims and offenders. Femicide is the result of a deeply embedded and rooted ideological structure, which shapes one’s beliefs and one’s behaviors, not only in femicide itself but also in the narration of it. As Sally McConnell-Ginet once stated, ‘words matter so much precisely because so little matter is firmly attached to them,’ and they do matter — especially when they have the power to annihilate, violate and underpin one’s safety, and, consequently, one’s empowerment.

< Back Non-State Universities in Greece: A Privatization of Higher Education? By Lydia Ntourountou April 30, 2024 “No to private universities” and “Free education for all” read some of the signs seen in the protests that shook numerous cities of Greece from the beginning of January until the end of March. Students and teachers took to the streets to express their opposition to the proposition of a legislation titled “Free university,” aiming to improve Greek higher education, all while hiding some important contradictions. The education system in Greece might not be fundamentally different from other European countries, however it does present a major particularity: foreign and non-state universities are prohibited from opening branches in the country. According to Article 16 of the Constitution: “Education at university level shall be provided exclusively by institutions which are fully self-governed public law legal persons. These institutions shall operate under the supervision of the State and are entitled to financial assistance from it.” And while a couple of private universities do exist (such as The American College of Greece) , they are seen as inferior in terms of recognition and are not necessarily as appreciated by the population. This stems from the belief that the diploma acquired by someone who studied hard to pass the Panhellenic (university entrance) exams and got into a public university, should not be considered equal to someone who did not put in the same effort, but had the financial means that helped them get into a private one. While this might sound absurd to most, considering that private and branches of foreign universities exist almost everywhere around the world, in a country such as Greece, ensuring that higher education remains public has been a fundamental goal. So, the question remains: will the new law passed by the Parliament put at risk public higher education, or will it reshape the education landscape in Greece, attracting foreign students, and possibly, investments? The Ministry of Education defines the term "Free University" to describe, on one hand, the strengthening and additional autonomy of public academic institutions and, on the other hand, the liberation of higher education from an anachronistic state monopoly. According to the new Bill, students enrolling at private branches of private universities, will have to meet certain criteria, such as going through Panhellenic exams and achieving a minimum pass mark for the subject they intend to study. However, couldn’t this still be criticized as unconstitutional, given the fact that the law directly violates Article 16? To answer this concern, the Ministry of Education underlined the importance of not considering the Constitution as a series of legal principles frozen in time, but rather as something that needs to be interpreted according to the context and the changes that a country must go through to evolve. Since this topic has caused polemic reactions in Greece, I decided that it was necessary to ask the opinion of a student currently studying in the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens (UoA), who could share their view on a decision that directly impacts them and their education. Why do you think the new bill allowing the establishment of branches of foreign private universities in Greece has caused such strong reactions from students and professors equally? A: There was a severe lack of information on the law and what changes exactly it would bring, which aggravated the situation. But most importantly, the bill “Free university” could depreciate the diplomas obtained from state universities, as well as “reduce” the effort that students put in, in order to get into university. As far as the value of the diploma goes, so far having graduated from a state university has been appreciated more than graduating from a private one. Do you think that this law would deteriorate public higher education, or do you consider that certain progress might come out of it? I personally believe that it’s extremely important that as a country we have maintained and protected our right to free higher education for all. Also, it is true that students put in a lot of effort to get into university and the depreciation of their diploma is a real risk. However, it’s possible that more international students might choose Greece to study thanks to the availability of English taught classes. Even if universities such as UoA already have classes taught in English, these universities might have a more organized approach. Problems might arise however, if the State reduces even more the funding that it provides to public universities, in order to benefit foreign ones. While this law remains extremely contradictory, it is important to highlight the fact that having branches of foreign universities and non-state ones, could contribute to the effort of reducing the Brain drain that the country has long suffered, by attracting international students and foreign investments. However, could this necessarily be considered the best solution, considering state universities in Greece are already facing numerous problems, such as a lack of funding and academic staff, hampering their ability to meet the demands of students seeking quality higher education?

Secularism is a valid outlook and a reality for many 21st century states; however, we often fail to consider the fact that states in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia can have a different perspective on this separation, with different traditions and political systems. This creates the question of what is and what should be the role of religion in the world of politics. < Back Religion and Politics: Always at War By Angeliki Vytogianni October 30, 2021 The topic of religion is always a hot one, fueling debates and conversations both in politics and in individuals’ behavior. For many with European and North American influences, the answer is easy: religion should be 100 percent separate, never involved in domestic politics or international relations. Secularism is a valid outlook and a reality for many 21st century states; however, we often fail to consider the fact that states in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia can have a different perspective on this separation, with different traditions and political systems. This creates the question of what is and what should be the role of religion in the world of politics. Religious extremism and fanaticism around the world have sparked many tragedies throughout the centuries. From the Crusades in the 11th to 13th century, to European wars on religion in the 16th to 18th centuries, to the Indo-Pakistani wars, to the Israeli-Pakistani conflict, to the Sudanese conflict, to Bush’s “war on terror,” religion is a common denominator in almost every conflict, the dividing factor, an urge to extremism and the development of paramilitary groups. We have seen the extent to which terrorist organizations like the Islamic State (ISIS) and Al Qaeda will go in order to fulfill their religious/political aims. We have seen the number of countries divided not because of nationalities, but because of religion, or religious branches, denominations, movements. We’ve seen the damage done by religion-related hostilities. So why are we not abolishing religion completely? Why not ban its involvement in foreign and domestic politics? Separate the Church from the State, should we not? For a historian studying these events, religion seems like the absolute worst subject to include in policy drafting, as it has made the people, the land, and the army suffer in every case it was involved. However, this view is rather ignorant for countries that have religion at the heart of their organization and their identity. Until the era of imperialism, most parts of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia organized themselves into groups according to religion. Religion was the most significant part of their identity and culture. To this day, it plays a much bigger role than the West understands. After the Second World War, the decolonization period brought several changes to most former colonies and/or occupied territories of the Great Powers. To avoid and contain uprisings or conflicts that developed, artificial borders and states were created. A prime example of the West’s treachery and imperialism, the areas were divided according to such preferences rather than the will of the people. Especially because of the Cold War and conflict occurring primarily through proxy, areas of great geopolitical importance such as the Middle East, Africa and Asia (Yemen, Afghanistan, Vietnam, Myanmar in particular) became the tennis courts for a match that never truly mattered to them. In most cases, the borders do not even come close to the pre-existing divisions between ethnic, cultural, and religious distinctions in the area. The political and humanitarian crises, civil wars, and uprisings the world faces today are results of those deep-run divisions. Many conflicts have arisen due to religion-fueled hatred that spiked when distinct groups were forced to co-exist within specific borders. Those who drew the lines between the artificially created states failed to consider the pre-existing conditions in the region and placed power interests above the locals’ right to self-determination. Many groups place religion at the core of their identity and culture, so it is inevitable that it should play a role in politics and international relations. We cannot ban or prohibit something so fundamentally important for these people, nor should we really try to. There is a way to meet in the middle and respect the traditions in every part of the world. It is the only way to hold effective negotiations and resolve the apparent issues. The first papal visit in Iraq, back in March, gives a hint of hope, pushing tolerance, understanding, and inclusion of different cultures. A historic moment for the Christian and Muslim communities, Pope Francis’ visit to the former Islamic State occupied territories should not be a symbol of Christian saviors healing the land and the people, but rather an act of co-operation, a step towards mending the conflict. 2021 also brought the re-establishment of Taliban rule in Afghanistan. An oppressive, authoritarian regime that uses its own interpretation of religious beliefs to persecute women, erase their accomplishments, and forbid their existence. How does the world deal with these violations of rights and freedoms in the name of religion? And how does one find the balance between preventing this oppression of the people but also practicing religious tolerance? Since offensive and aggressive behavior occurs both in the name of religion and in the name of secularization, it is imperative that we work on such issues collectively, and not solely through a Western point view. Only by listening to the people and the countries involved can we reach a point where politics, religion, and different forms of self-determination can peacefully coexist.

It was then that the ceremony began with the traditional words, “we are gathered here today... ” but it wasn’t before long that a telenovela unfolded on the steps at Bastion. < Back Weddings: A Menton Tradition By Viola Luraschi September 29, 2021 If you were to walk past Bastion on Tuesday the 7th of September at around 9pm, you would notice a large group of people suddenly go quiet and arrange themselves in two neat rows. At this odd time of the night, the formally dressed rows lined with students and wine bottles appeared eager and impatient. It was not until the arrival of Jessica Cheng and Stavriana Delipetrou that “Dancing Queen” began to play, initiating an upheaval of excitement. Confused, Jessica and Stavriana were led down the aisle and placed in front of Ada Başer, the officiant for the night. It was then that the ceremony began with the traditional words, “we are gathered here today... ” but it wasn’t before long that a telenovela unfolded on the steps at Bastion. Lilinaz Hakimi and Barbara Kuza Tarkowska were the first to interrupt the ceremony. Yelling at the top of their lungs, they declared their love for each other in front of the whole crowd. This was followed by the intervention of Nikola Avramovic and Frida Hellen, who played the roles of parents deeply opposed to the marriage. Luckily for the reader, the story would not end there. The plot later thickened. First, it was revealed that Stavriana and Jessica had a hidden child. This news was met with a great deal of shocky by the crowd, but by no means did it receive the loudest reaction from the crowd. The interruptions continued with an astrologist objecting to the match, and Jessica’s mother revealing her affair with Stavriana. Regardless of all the scandals that unfolded, the night came to an end with a newly-wed couple: Stavriana Delipetrou and Jessica Cheng, along with some empty bottles of wine and a group of drunk students screaming and moving to the rhythm of the music. The night not only marked the wedding as a Mentonnaise tradition, but also the final opportunity for many to say goodbye to an important member of the Menton family: Stavriana, or “the queen of Menton.” Jessica only stayed in Menton for a short amount of time last year, and she was Stavriana’s iDaughter. She was married to Stavriana because of the stark contrast in their Mentonnaise experiences, with Stavriana being one of the longest student-residents of Menton as a 3A, and their completely incompatible star signs. While this wedding was a new tradition for the 1As, those who were in Menton last year will remember the two weddings organized by Ysabella Titi, a current 3A student. After contracting COVID-19 and quarantining with her two roommates, Audrey Kost and Olivia Jenkins, Ysabella decided to bring an American university tradition to Menton with some added Mentonnaise drama in order to celebrate the end of isolation. So nearly a year before this year’s wedding, on the 21st of September 2020, a group of people, unsure of what to expect, gathered together at Bastion and surprised Audrey and Olivia into a marriage. At the wedding, Ysabella explained that although in reality the American tradition isn’t quite as chaotic as that which she set in Menton, since the Menton campus never has a quiet week, it just didn’t seem right to have a standard wedding without any drama. The wedding was therefore nothing short of chaotic, with shouting and arguing between groomsmen and bridesmaids, familial disputes, clothing and spouse choice disapproval. There were even drinks thrown in people’s faces. Because the wedding took place on the 21st night of September, the night couldn’t end in any other way than with Lilinaz, Lena, Moira and Zain singing “September” by Earth, Wind, and Fire. Ysabella organized a second wedding after this one, uniting Nour Aljowaily and Joseph Moussa. Combining cultures in creating the Mentonnaise wedding tradition, this wedding was conducted in the Arab tradition. Due to their brother-like relationship, described by Ysabella as a love/hate relationship, the wedding was “chaotic and amazing.” The way I see it, this Mentonnaise tradition stands as a representation of our community — one big dysfunctional family that, through thick and thin, will always choose itself.

Despite their multiculturalism and being accustomed to living far from home, several third-culture kids expressed that moving to Menton provoked a closer connection to their culture of origin. < Back Third-Culture Kids Navigate Identity in Menton By Sarina Soleymani “In Sciences Po, your nationality becomes your entire personality.” This is a phrase I have heard ceaselessly throughout my first year in Menton; it is one I relate to as I started to embody the title “Iranian girl.” I became e ager to share our culture, whether by constantly discussing Iranian cinema or by sharing our food on rare occasions where I have the energy to spend four hours in the kitchen making our khoresht stews but, more realistically, just bringing Shirazi salad to potlucks. Holding onto my heritage began to have the utmost importance, manifesting in small ways. For instance, I noticed myself listening to Persian music alone for the first time as I performed mundane tasks. The specific moment I realized the growth of my ties to Iranian culture was during Nowruz, or Persian new year. All my life, Nowruz was just another holiday that I would celebrate with my parents and the Persian community of the country we lived in. Despite moving to different places, we were grounded by tradition; we would still set up the haft sîn (the seven objects starting with an “s,” each with their own signification) and call our extended family for hours. Yet, I never put much thought into the holiday. This year, however , I began counting the days, nervous about how I would spend it and carefully discussing how to make it special. As time passed in Menton, I began speaking up more about my hometown, our double lives, the small resistance, the restrictions, the role of religion and more. I would try to share insights on my country's political situation or its history while depicting my experiences or observations within my homeland. I started informing myself more and more about our history and politics, and, ironically, as I frequented more sources, the reality that I had lived abroad for most of my life began to unnerve me. I questioned this strong link that I adapted towards my Iranian heritage and whether or not my insights — based on the summers and winters spent in Tehran and the stories ingrained in our family — were enough to realistically embody the “Iranian girl” I felt I had to be. In reality, my upbringing was not strictly Persian but had influences from the Chinese and French cultures that were present in my youth. This shift in my perception of my cultural identity led me to ponder the experiences of other students on campus — whether those living in the diaspora for the first time or other third-culture kids. To better understand the factors leading to my cultural identity crisis, I started having various entrancing conversations and interviews with the student body, which I would love to share. It is no secret that Menton is a multicultural hub, with students coming from across the globe. This makes each of us stand out; we each have our specificities which we are excited to share. Simultaneously, we are curious about the various lifestyles, art, language, food and traditions across the differing seas. In such an atmosphere where everyone has something to offer, we bow to the fate of distinguishing ourselves as the Iranians, the French, the Lebanese, the Moroccans, the Italians… Indeed, despite the amazing opportunities created through the diversity of this campus, one can also recognize that — as expressed by an anonymous 2A, “It's a lot of weight to represent a whole country, especially if you're the only one or one of the only ones from there.” As pointed out by an English track 1A, our field of studies — such as political science or sociology — brings a hyper-awareness regarding national and cultural identity questions. This sense of awareness extends the boundaries of the classroom, as she brilliantly pointed out, and lingers within the student body, whether through discussions, parties and cultural events. As she expressed, “You’ll always see a flag somewhere in Menton.” The authentic experiences of the student body give a glimpse into the effects of our Mentonnais culture on an individual level. For many, moving to France was the first time they lived abroad, leaving the place from which they were part of the predominant culture and entering Menton, where they hold a unique identity within this mix. As beautifully expressed by a Moroccan student, “As many international students, I’ve felt more connected with my culture than ever since I came to Menton. I think it’s partly due to the fact that in your home country, you’re just a regular kid (...), and this homogeneity kind of makes your culture’s presence or effect imperceptible.” Moving away makes the particularities of your culture stand out, leading many students to feel an increased attachment to their culture of origin. Several students expressed that they missed aspects that reminded them of their home: noise, hospitality, food, music, language, etc. This nostalgia inspires efforts to reconnect with our origins, whether by cooking or listening to music — two of the most cited activities by students. Indeed, sometimes it is also reflected in participating in traditions of your culture which you may have only done during childhood. This idea was highlighted by a Spanish student who expressed that he re-started participating in the practice of Lent — a Catholic tradition where, within the 40 days between Ash Wednesday and Easter, you do not eat meat on Fridays — since moving here. Others talked about culture shocks; one instance was an Egyptian student speaking about how she was surprised to see the difference in attitudes surrounding Ramadan in Egypt compared to here. She explained how in Egypt, Ramadan is a central tradition that transforms the entire city, how every night for iftar the entire family gathers around and how she feels nostalgic once the month ends. This made her eager to share her Egyptian culture with others celebrating Ramadan, whether by cooking complicated meals (which she claims have been a success according to everyone who had the chance to try them) using ingredients she brought from home or bringing a fanoos and khayameya from Egypt to ensure that she stays connected with her culture. The latter two objects are a chandelier and a traditional fabric with long histories associated with Ramadan. An American student, expressed, “I enjoy the slow life in Europe, but sometimes I miss the fastness of the US.” This dichotomy of the yearning to maintain your culture while living elsewhere leads to the growth of the attachment that international students feel to their motherland. What about the students who always witnessed their culture through an outsider’s perspective and seldom lived on their own soil — the third culture kids? These students lived abroad for extensive periods, yet moving to this lemon town has still affected their relationship with the culture they most identify with. In terms of prior experiences, several third-culture students I had spoken with agreed on a homogenous culture specific to international schools abroad. They observed the emergence of a new culture confined to the walls of these international schools, often involving a vast majority of third-culture kids. This creates an atmosphere where many are less attached to their culture of origin but rather adapt it to their domain. Others expressed that their school was centered around a culture different from their own or even the country they lived in; as one Turkish student told me, “I attended a French school in Bosnia which made it so that I knew more about, for instance, the geography of France as opposed to either Bosnia or Turkey.” All those interviewed expressed how they grew up in a melange of cultures, whether by having parents from different countries or due to their experiences abroad and efforts to integrate into those cultures and/or schooling. One student stated, “I learned so much about other cultures that I don’t feel fixed to one,” “Being a third culture kid, or being from four different places, you’re always a part of them, but you never blend into any country. People can exclude you: I’m not Chinese enough for my Chinese heritage or American enough for my American heritage….” Another student also expressed that he feels like a tourist when visiting his home after moving abroad, creating a situation where nowhere is really “home” He explained that he feels a larger connection to students who grew up in the Arab diaspora due to their mutual understanding of each other's experiences. In another interview, we discussed whether one could even qualify another person as Turkish, Iranian, or Chinese enough. In this sense, does the fact that I lived abroad for most of my life diminish my Iranian identity and devalue my memories of my country, thoughts and contributions? Despite their multiculturalism and being accustomed to living far from home, several third-culture kids expressed that moving to Menton provoked a closer connection to their culture of origin. One student shared that she felt more Spanish since coming here, whereas in Thailand, where she used to live, “(she) didn’t feel Spanish at all.” She explained that she had never met other students who were Spanish before moving here, and creating these new bonds with other Spanish students allowed her to reconnect with this side of her identity. The importance of a community in allowing third-culture students to reconnect with their origins was also highlighted by another student who emphasized the influence of the large Turkish community on campus in enabling her to discover more about her culture. She reminisced about their coffees, where they discussed Turkish politics, their references that only Turkish people understand and the food they shared, which increased her fondness for her culture. The regional focus of the campus is another factor for students of the MENA region, highlighted by a student who believes this atmosphere incited her to explore her Tunisian identity and another Jordanian student who underlined the role of learning Arabic in strengthening his ties with his culture. The Jordanian student also spoke of Babel — an association aiming to understand the diverse cultures of the MENA region through conducting first-hand research in a selected country every year, this year being Jordan. “I was very scared for the Babel trip. It felt like if people didn’t like it, it was a reflection of me,” he explained. Yet, fortunately, the trip was a complete success! All of these students expressed that despite the difficulties of being far from home or not feeling as though they belong entirely to any particular culture, globally, the experience of third-culture kids is a special and positive one. As an encouraging note, they told fellow third-culture kids to remember the privilege of having these eye-opening experiences immersed in various cultures. We are given the chance to choose aspects that we especially appreciate in differing cultures to bring together in a way mirroring the best of various worlds. In this kaleidoscope of backgrounds, with some moving away for the first time and others re-discovering their origin, one finds superfluous similarities. In these exchanges, most students conveyed that connecting or preserving your culture is highly accessible in Menton, allowing it to play an integral role in our identities. They revealed that they listen significantly more to their ethnic music and devote heightened effort to cherish their exquisite cuisine. Language was deemed crucial, referred to as a code created over centuries to reflect their culture. The appreciation for our campus’ diversity in allowing us to learn about other cultures was noted by each of these individuals. Within this domain, a takeaway message is to find a balance between maintaining the link to our own culture and integrating into the one that we have the chance to live in.

For Iran it was an illegal assassination of a national hero; For the United States a justified pre-emptive attack on a terrorist. For the millions of civilians who reside within the Gulf region, it meant fear of what could be a death sentence by two powerful states in their unending quest for hegemony. < Back Iran and the United States: Fighting for Hegemony at the Cost of Civilian Lives By Emilia Kohlmeyer January 30, 2022 For Iran it was an illegal assassination of a national hero; For the United States a justified pre-emptive attack on a terrorist. For the millions of civilians who reside within the Gulf region, it meant fear of what could be a death sentence by two powerful states in their unending quest for hegemony. For the international community, it is a painful reminder of its continuous failure to uphold international law. January 3 marked the two-year anniversary of the US-led assassination of Iranian military commander Qasem Soleimani. Soleimani was commander of the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and on a diplomatic mission in Baghdad when he was killed by a US drone strike on the 3rd January 2020. This triggered counter strikes by Iranian forces on US bases in Iraq, injuring thousands of military staff. In Iran, thousands of mourners have marched in protest to what their government deems as “military adventurism”or reckless military strategies by the United States within the region. This is accompanied by Iraqi demands for the final withdrawal of US forces from their territory. The States legally justified the strike as anticipatory self-defense, however it was immediately disputed that the danger Soleimani represented was “instant, overwhelming, and leaving no choice of means, and no moment of deliberation.” They failed to provide concrete evidence of an imminent threat, in effect failing to justify the principle of self-defense. The United Nations special rapporteur for investigating extrajudicial and summary executions, Agnes Callamard, concluded, “Even at the most basic level, the U.S. did not demonstrate that striking Suleimani was ‘necessary.’” Furthermore, Iraq did not consent to the strike; therefore it concretely violated its sovereignty. Two years later, Iran’s continuous calls for action to the United Nations and Interpol sanctions on those responsible remain unanswered. International law should exist to provide a set of rules by which everyone is required to abide, despite one’s power or influence. It sets the basis for equality amongst states and their people, which is the foundation of conflict-resolution between multiple parties. When there is no consequence to the violation of said law for states which are considerably more powerful, international law fails to address its entire purpose:equal accountability. The assassination of Qasem Soleimani therefore set a dangerous precedent, highlighting that if powerful states such as the U.S. desire to bend the law according to their interests, they face no consequences. Why should other states therefore abide by the law at all? It could neither be considered fair nor necessary. This neglect of an accepted set of rules can endanger millions of civilian lives. In this particular instance, with the increasingly downright insulting rhetoric of both Iran and the States towards each other, armed conflict did not seem unlikely. Maybe Iraq would once again become the playground of the powerful – after all, strikes from both sides took place there. The ones who bear the burden of transgression from either side are innocent civilians, who are not even citizens of the perpetrating countries. They would share the same fate as Syrians, whose home is subject to a pissing contest between powerful states. The dangerous consequences of this fight for regional hegemony indicate that the current global mechanisms which are in place to protect civilians have failed to fulfill their duty. The pick-and-choose of which nation receives sanctions for its actions continues to allow a disproportionate exercise of power — often by countries that do not even lay within the region they seek to control. The guise of spreading human rights and global peace by such states can no longer serve as justification for foreign intervention. The international community cannot continue to accept it as such. Therefore, it is of increasing importance to hold officials of our own countries — and the organizations in which they participate – accountable. For too long this region has been a playground for the powerful at the expense of innocent lives. Two years have passed, and I am back in Qatar sitting in conversation with friends who have seen their homes fall victim to this power play. With the turbulence of COVID-19, many people abroad have forgotten how January 2020 felt. But we still live between 11,000 U.S. troops on the Al-Udeid base mere kilometers from our homes and our neighbor Iran, separated by a flight less than an hour. We joke about the time there was almost a war, but entrenched in our subconscious is the knowledge that any diplomatic misstep can claim our next home.

On average, 24% of women within the EU face Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). In Finland this figure rises to 30% with Denmark being even higher at 32%. In the context of the Nordics, 28% and 27% of Swedish and Norwegian women experienced IPV respectively. These relatively high statistics are described as the Nordic paradox, which explores why countries that are often described as models of egalitarianism face the highest rates of IPV. < Back What Women Learn to Endure: How Early Socialization Shapes the Structural Roots of Intimate Partner Violence Elly Loiseau November 26, 2025 On average, 24% of women within the EU face Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). In Finland this figure rises to 30% with Denmark being even higher at 32%. In the context of the Nordics, 28% and 27% of Swedish and Norwegian women experienced IPV respectively. These relatively high statistics are described as the Nordic paradox, which explores why countries that are often described as models of egalitarianism face the highest rates of IPV. Understanding why this contradiction exists requires looking beyond numbers and into the social dynamics that shape behaviour. The Council of Europe defines sex and gender-based violence as “Violence founded on a gender-based power imbalance … deeply rooted in the structures, norms and social and cultural values of society”. Consequently, the coexistence of strong equality frameworks and persistent violence therefore suggests that the roots of IPV lie within these cultural, social, and structural foundations, not simply in the absence of legal progress. Some believe the Nordic paradox may be due to backlash effects, in which progressive gender-equality ideals provoke resistance from traditional norms. Given the comparatively high levels of equality in the Nordic region, this resistance may be magnified, helping to explain the paradox. Conversely, it is suggested that Nordic countries' advanced gender equality laws help destigmatize reporting and thus we see an increased rate of IPV, not due to a true difference between the countries but rather as there are increased reports. This would reveal, however, a darker truth that IPV is more prevalent in other countries, but due to under-reporting, we just remain ignorant of its fact. Devon Buchanan, flickr The existence of the Nordic paradox prompts a larger reflection on the limits of policy. Not just what we as a society put in place to combat inequality but also as to why IPV continues to persist regardless. Similar contradictions appear in global data. For example, studies in low and middle-income countries have found that women's improved economic or educational status can either protect them or increase their risk of IPV victimization, depending largely on cultural and interpersonal context. This supports the idea that IPV's causes are embedded in culture and society regardless of policy changes. These patterns begin shaping vulnerability at an early age. Kelly Liz, a professor of sexualised violence , states that the “underlying theme is that daughterhood as currently constructed sets women up to be victimized”. She emphasizes that vulnerability is not accidental, but produced. Reflecting on this, I first felt men’s eyes on me when I was 12, and by 13, I had already become hypervigilant of my surroundings. At 14, I was catcalled in front of a construction site on my way home from school; to this day, I feel uneasy walking past one. At 15, my friends traded stories about how men had driven by calling them “easy”, or tried to take pictures up their skirts or followed them home. Recently, one of my friends asked me whether it was normal that a guy at the club had put his hands under their clothes and kept touching them despite their objections while holding them in place. I highlight these moments because they are not anomalies; for every second woman, they are simply life. What may appear as isolated incidents for an outsider actually reflects broader patterns that shape how girls learn to move through the world. These experiences impact a woman's sense of boundaries; it warps inappropriateness into a normal part of growing up, and is an infringement of their human rights as women. This normalization of discomfort forms the backdrop against which women learn to manage, rather than confront, danger as it all fades into the background noise of becoming a woman. roga muffin, flickr After interviewing women on their experiences, Kelly Liz concluded that the reason behind women's non-reaction was typically for two reasons: fear of escalation and the inability to think of an appropriate response. I can say from personal experience that the impulse to ignore such behavior is both ingrained and normalized. Living with that persistent sense of fear becomes a form of violence in itself. It degrades boundaries and rewires reactions . The normalization of discomfort in girlhood may shape how women later interpret, tolerate, or respond to controlling behaviours in relationships. If so, these learned responses are not individual shortcomings, but reflections of a social environment and institutional practices that continue to reproduce the conditions for IPV. The West may have seen progress regarding the elimination of discrimination against women within a legal framework, yet, as the UN describes , “it is no accident that family law remains the slowest to change”. Family law shapes women’s rights around marriage and divorce. It is not enough to say that culture alone makes women vulnerable, but rather necessary to look at how institutions themselves reproduce this vulnerability. This gap between formal rights and lived reality. These dynamics become particularly visible when looking more closely at factors that shape a woman's decision to leave abusive relationships and marriages. The liberalization of divorce law is often presented as proof that modern states have already done their part for women. Many countries in the West have seen a shift from fault-based divorce, which studies show has consequently led to a decrease in female suicide, a reduction in reported domestic violence and fewer cases of intimate partner homicide. However, this progress narrative obscures the truth that for many women, the process of leaving remains dangerous and institutionally unsupported. Joelle Hatem, flickr This gap between formal progress and lived danger is echoed in women's testimonies. Kelly Liz observes that leaving abuse is rarely a single event, but rather a process marked by endurance and adaptation. A record linkage study done in Finland strengthens this point: demonstrating that the risk of partner assault was sharply elevated two to three years before divorce, with especially higher rates for women with children under the age of 12. Their risk remains higher even a year after the divorce. Between 2003 and 2013, roughly 65% of women killed in Finland were killed by their current or partner. Mothers face additional vulnerability as joint custody means they must remain in contact with their abuser throughout the process and perhaps the rest of their lives. These statistics are key in seeing how divorce for women in abusive relationships often concentrates the violence rather than ending it. Furthermore, violence often escalates when women attempt to leave their abusive partner. Rane and Holmes describe divorce as one of the most stressful events in someone's life. Women often face cultural pressures to keep families together. These expectations shape how a woman perceives her personal safety. Scientific data suggests that “with the exception of parents faced with unresolvable marital violence, children fare better when parents work at maintaining their marriage”. Although this conclusion explicitly excludes situations of abuse, it reinforces a broader social message that preserving a nuclear family must be prioritised above all else. As a result, many women come to absorb the notion that their own safety is secondary and treated as negotiable rather than an unquestionable human right. Beyond immediate safety, leaving exposes women to steep financial penalties that leave them more vulnerable; women see a 27% decrease in their standard of living as a result of divorce. Additionally, across the EU, women's income dropped by roughly 24%, a figure that can drop to 50% for custodial mothers, while men's losses are smaller. Women ultimately bear the brunt of the marital loss in a divorce, creating a level of economic dependence that makes the decision to leave far more complicated. Compounding this, criminal justice institutions systematically fail to act on reported violence. Data from the UK shows that while reports of rape have reached record highs, the number of prosecutions has fallen by around 70%, with many women withdrawing their cases due to exhaustive and hostile interrogation. Sexual and domestic violence remain among the only crimes where the victim is routinely treated as the main object of suspicion, showing that women continue to be held responsible for male aggression. Taken together, these dynamics show that IPV cannot be understood merely as individual behaviour or legal failure; there is a level of complexity that goes beyond equality clauses. The question “why didn’t you just leave?” overlooks how women have been culturally taught to absorb harassment, take responsibility for others’ actions, and endure. This continuity is the thread that ties private experience to institutional behaviour. It is necessary to see how these traditions shaped institutions put in place to protect women, and how history continues to repeat itself. Until institutions stop mirroring the culture that harms women, the promise of equality will remain only partial. Photo Source: Chase Carter, flickr

< Back An Ode To Menton: Notes From the Edge of France Maria Eirini Liodi Moving to Menton has been a crazy journey (to say the least), most akin to a fever dream. Living in l a perle de la France looks a little like this: swarmed by tourists in-season, and then left mostly empty for the rest of the ye ar, minus the retirees, bored teens and of course a bustling couple of hundred Sciences Pistes. I wanted to write this little article, partly for myself, partly for Sciences Pistes (old and new) and partly for Menton. As we 2As prepare for our departure, I wonder what my biased memory will frame my time in Menton to be. Is living in the Côte D’Azur really as luxe as Instagram stories sell-it to be? This is my little reflection to remember the highs and the lows while they're still fresh in my memory. Here are ten lessons (from the 100s) from Menton: 1. Small town life Living in a quaint little French town is cute and memorable. Small town gossip, also very real. With the windows open in an apartment overlooking Rue Longue, all sorts of news reverberates in the silence, and any tea you may be spilling will likely be overheard by your (probably also student) neighbors. As reflected in last month’s article on the romantic realities of this little town—the pool of young people in Menton is saturated—welcoming boredom, hence gossip, messy love triangles, and well, situationships you can’t escape when walking home from Carrefour. An additional plus is bumping into peers whose texts you haven’t responded to in days on your way to the gym… Love when that happens! 2. 5’ away Small town life isn’t all bad. Especially for those living in the vielle ville, rolling out of bed and into class within minutes has never been easier. I haven’t taken for granted that it is not the norm to live three minutes from campus and at most a five to ten minute walk from your friends. It’ll be difficult transitioning to a long-distance friendship routine where time differences and Google Calendar invites replace the daily: “I’ll be there in 5!” Also, I can’t skip the perks of proximity when it comes to our uni group chat—texting in the “Sciences Po Menton Communities 2024/2025” on Whatsapp to ask for virtually anything—to borrow a baking tray, a screwdriver, glue stick or someone to come over and kill a spider and actually getting a response? A rare and beautiful thing in my book. 3. Three countries in a day Being based in Menton comes with the bonus of casually crossing into another country after a 2km leisurely stroll by the beach in one direction and hopping on a train 10’ in the other direction into another. So, croissants in France, pizza in Italy and dinner in Monaco—100% doable. While cool, this reality also reveals deeper contradictions. Just a few hundred meters away from the glamor of Mirazur, you have borders that are open for some and violently closed for others—a harsh reminder of the uneven freedom of movement that defines the region. 4. Twelve km from ‘paradise’ to poverty Working with Sciences Po Refugee Help has been an important wake up call to the harsh humanitarian crisis at the Franco-Italian border, bringing me close to scenes that don’t make it into travel blogs and insta stories. The border, just minutes away from Menton’s colorful skyline and overpriced restaurants, is the site of daily pushbacks, systemic neglect and abandoned hopes. Studying refugee law in parallel made things even more jarring. While political rhetoric in Europe often speaks in ideologically-charged extremes of ‘illegal’ immigrants, the reality is far more nuanced. Refugee camp closures post-COVID have resulted in even harsher conditions for people on the move, with many sleeping under bridges and relying on food from local organizations offering support. The securitization rhetoric of politics often distorts, what is at the core, a much more complex, human story. 5. Multilingualism Arabic, Spanish, Italian, French, Greek, English, Hebrew, Turkish—just a few of the languages you’ll hear on an average day while walking out of class. I’ve never been in a consistently multilingual and multicultural environment like that of Sciences Po Menton. Conversations blend between languages, cultural references overlap and slowly your world expands without you realizing it. If any place has taught me about different cultures, perspectives and ideas, it’s been this campus. 6. 365 sunsets by the beach Living by the beach is so cool. Simple. Bad days, post-midterm cries, or existential breakdowns are a whole lot more poetic when you're sitting by the beach, gazing at the glistening water of the Mediterranean with the sublime backdrop of the Italian mountains. Problems don’t disappear, but perhaps feel slightly more manageable with the sound of the ocean in the distance. 7. The French uni system is hardcore Should I have been more mentally prepared coming to Sciences Po Menton? Probably. Transitioning from an Anglo-Saxon education system to a blend of the French system rigor and a more Western-interdisciplinary approach has been a process for sure. Unlike the typical Anglo-Saxon approach, attendance is strictly mandatory with little margin of error. No lecture recordings, limited extensions, and regular 8-10 hour work days that make the live, laugh, love mindset a little more challenging to embody. Has it made me more resilient, organized and better at working under (a lot of pressure)? Yes. Has my Google Calendar looked like an overflowing rainbow with minimal blanks? Also, yes. Would I do it again? 100% Being booked and busy is the Menton student default, but so is balancing multiple extracurriculars for fun, Thursday Retro nights, culture days and jam sessions! Work-hard play-hard as they say. 8. Fake it till you make it? When I came to Menton I told myself that I wanted to push myself outside of my comfort zone, but not merely in the academic domain. I started performing (singing!) live for the first time, became the head of the music club and worked with so many talented musicians. I took tango classes, explored international security, met professionals and heads of states, made my case for the CROUS scholarship in broken French, and spoke on national TV through a student initiative that brought me back home to Cyprus (Babel!). My time here was one of many firsts—a place of gentle chaos and a small, often comforting community that welcomed my trials, failures, experimentation and growth. 9. The grass is always greener on the other side If you go back to my first article of the semester (an interview with our director, Mr Halaoua) there’s a section where we discuss the ‘unlucky’ nature of not having as many opportunities as students based in Sciences Po Paris when talking about conferences, networking events, career fairs etc. His response was that the essence of the grass is always greener on the other side. Honestly, he wasn’t wrong. Sure there are the pros of being on a bigger campus in a capital, but every place has its pros and cons. At Menton I’ve attended a series of incredible events—conferences on Palestine, anti-Semitism, Gulf economies, international security, and more. For all those dreaming of escaping the anonymity of the city, or the individualism plaguing modern capitalist metropoles, studying in a little French town isn’t all soft girl era and sunset journaling . Don’t get me wrong, it has been an absolute blessing to live here, however small town life has also felt limiting, constraining and a little boring at times. Menton taught me that even the prettiest places hold an ugliness within them. Ultimately, it is up to us what we make of it. 10. French boulangeries are elite With the recent I don’t wanna be French meme (insert Lady Gaga’s ‘Bad Romance’) taking the internet by storm, I want to focus on the unequivocally incredible things I’ll miss when I leave France. French boulangeries. The effortless chic of carrying a baguette in your tote. The joy of a fresh croissant in the morning. The delight of moules frites paired with a local white wine—pretty awesome if you ask me. Say what you want, but this part of French life? Iconic. I’ll miss it dearly. Menton, thank you for being the birth of my love-hate relationship with France, which as I depart is leaning more towards love <3 Cheers to Mitron’s supreme medialunas (top tip: go before 10:30am as they usually sell out), O Recife ’s iconic coffees and Sciences Po’s insane schedule (and honorable mentions to Narev’s for being the gym all of Sciences Po suddenly goes to when summer’s around the corner, Vulcano for bearing with our crowding outside for take-away pizza and of course, Demontis for bringing the most delicious ice-cream I have ever tried to this little town). It’s been an unforgettable ride. À bientôt! Photo source: Maria Eirini Liodi Previous Next

When conflicts arise, the most vulnerable members of society—women and children—are impacted disproportionally. As a global society, global organizations such as the United Nations need to ensure that every person within the Sudanese community is protected and their rights are upheld during such conflicts. < Back Women in Sudan Caught in Conflict Nil Çelik September 30, 2024 “My family did not leave. I was sleeping with a knife under my pillow for months in fear of the raids that lead to rape by RSF. Since this war started, it is not safe anymore to be a woman living in Khartoum under RSF.” Reports from Human Rights Watch and the UN indicate that during periods of conflict and mass displacement, the risk of gender-based violence, sexual exploitation, issues concerning sexual and reproductive rights (SRHR) and the concern regarding access to education increases in drastic amounts. The ongoing conflict in Sudan began on April 15, 2023, in its capital, Khartoum. A sequence of armed confrontations between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has incurred at least 14,600 deaths and 26,000 injuries. Nearly eight million people have been displaced , and more than 19 million children are out of school. UNICEF describes the deteriorating situation as the “world's largest child displacement crisis.” Based on the findings of the UN Population Fund, more than three million women in Sudan are at the moment under threat of sexual violence and exploitation. This has disrupted women from accessing fundamental medical care such as reproductive health assistance for pregnant women. There has been extensive raiding of healthcare buildings and humanitarian organization storage impacting the availability of medical resources. It has been found that 28 medical buildings have been targeted and demolished, resulting in eight fatalities and 18 injuries. Approximately 479,000 women need immediate and fundamental reproductive health assistance. The lack of services has led to pregnant women and their babies facing vital threats to their well-being. The fatal strike of the maternity hospital in Khartoum indicates the destructive consequence of the conflict on Sudanese women. Furthermore, the attacks have led to a shortage of medical supplies and a blockage of international aid. Healthcare facilities in Khartoum are in extreme lack of medical supplies, consisting of medications for life-threatening conditions and chronic diseases. The expansive devastation of healthcare facilities in the capital of Sudan, the blockage of medical aid, and assaults directed toward health professionals have significantly played a role in delaying survivors of sexual violence from receiving the necessary care. Human Rights Watch issued a statement by a 20-year-old woman in early 2024: “I have been living in this RSF-controlled area since the war started.” Women, girls and occasionally men and boys have been subject to sexual violence, mostly by the RSF in Khartoum, who are in control of residential areas throughout the city. Human Rights Watch interviewed 18 healthcare providers from the emergency response units. Numerous interviewees have stated that survivors who had been raped by the SAF seemed more hesitant in reporting incidents involving the SAF. The interviewees stated that they supplied direct medical care, offered psychosocial support and oversaw individual cases. Between April 2023 and February 2024, these 18 aid providers delivered assistance for 262 survivors of sexual violence. The majority of the sexual assault victims revealed being raped and sexually violated by the RSF. Also in 2024, nine cases of rape by the SAF were disclosed when the SAF seized possession of regions of Omdurman and North Bahri. Human Rights Watch stated in a report released on July 28, 2024, that the RSF in Khartoum perpetrated widespread acts of rape, such as gang rape, and enforced illegal marriages such as forcefully marrying women and young girls without their consent in order to maintain control of the areas. Remaining in their own homes does not ensure security for women, as some families have been removed from their own houses by soldiers. Simultaneously, some members of the community who have been displaced in Khartoum have been obliged to share their houses with RSF fellows. These RSF members are exposing women and girls to potential abuse. This case of armed groups engaging in violence, as previously mentioned, is constructed from the historical use of CRSV in Sudan when the country faces conflict, notably the use of rape as means of war. Specific groups such as young girls are at an extremely heightened threat of gender-based violence and further infringements on human rights. The following groups comprise IDPs and refugees residing in overpopulated, insufficiently lit housing centers with minimal security. The conflict's impact on access to education has raised the risk of early marriage and gender-based violence for young girls. Despite the fact that health risks are rising, including the present cholera outbreak, women and girls face a decline in access to fundamental healthcare. The lack of menstrual hygiene products also harshly impacts their dignity. The ongoing conflict in Sudan has profoundly influenced the safety and health of women and girls, and has also resulted in notable shortages of critical resources like medical supplies, fuel and life-saving medications. This has caused delays in providing healthcare and protection for women, leading to major healthcare risks that could cost them their lives. Similar challenges can be seen in Gaza where women are faced with risks to their wellbeing due to the ongoing conflict between Palestine and Israel. In Sudan the international community has been more dominant since there has not been such a powerful blockage to aid coming in, and because the borders of Sudan have not been closed off. Although women have been faced with obstacles that acutely affect their bodily and mental health and development during the conflict in Sudan, they have not given up fighting for their rights and are still striving for peace. 49 women-led peace, humanitarian, and civil initiatives have been developed, named the Peace for Sudan Platform , in reaction to the civil war. This initiative is supported by the UN Women Sudan office which establishes communication for women-led advocacy movements. When conflicts arise, the most vulnerable members of society—women and children—are impacted disproportionally. As a global society, global organizations such as the United Nations need to ensure that every person within the Sudanese community is protected and their rights are upheld during such conflicts.

Search Results All (395) Other Pages (392) Forum Posts (3) 395 items found for "" Other Pages (392) Politics of Art: Greece’s Quest to Reclaim its Parthenon < Back Politics of Art: Greece’s Quest to Reclaim its Parthenon By Barna Sólyom March Since its independence from the Ottoman Empire, Greece has been trying to regain its various historical artifacts from foreign powers that ruled over it. This struggle’s symbolic focus is the main building of Athens’ Acropolis, the Parthenon, specifically its decorative elements and pieces. These statues are up to 2,500 years old and were the fortress’ main sight until the early 19th century. The British Empire’s then-ambassador to Ottoman-controlled Greece was Thomas Bruce, more famously known as Lord Elgin, under whose control around half of the Parthenon was removed and transported to London, where he later sold the marbles to the British Museum. This action was already heavily criticized by his contemporaries, even in the United Kingdom, most famously by Lord Byron, who even wrote a passage dedicated to it in Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (1812): “Cold is the heart, fair Greece, that looks on thee, Nor feels as lovers o’er the dust they loved; Dull is the eye that will not weep to see Thy walls defaced, thy mouldering shrines removed By British hands , which it had best behoved To guard those relics ne’er to be restored. Curst be the hour when their isle they roved, And once again thy hapless bosom gored, And snatched thy shrinking Gods to northern climes abhorred!” Lord Elgin’s action set an infamous precedent, as cultural vandalism --- when cultural treasures are illegally taken from one country to another, was named after him: elginism . His action, of course, was not the first of its kind; for thousands of years, it was a “common” practice during conflicts to pillage. Nor was it the last act of elginism. Why are the marbles not back in Greece yet? When Greece gained independence in 1832, the government immediately started campaigning to retrieve the artifacts, as the Acropolis is one of the most important symbols of the Greek national identity. However, the historical circumstances did not allow Greece to have a large influence on the British Empire, which was in its prime, having the largest overseas empire the world has ever seen. After the two world wars, the balance of power shifted, and the United Kingdom lost a lot of its former might and hard power. However, this change in influence did not change the artifacts’ situation because the British Museum Act of 1963 prevented the institution from permanently removing objects from its collections. Thus, by U.K. law, the museum can not give back the marbles. The 1983 National Heritage Act also considers them national heritage, further strengthening the British side, whose argument assumes that the sculptures were purchased legally. Consequently, the ownership is lawfully under the museum's for 200 years. However, Greece suggests that the sculptures are in the United Kingdom due to plunder and vandalism, as their seller basically took the statues and shipped them away, thereby denying the legality of the museum’s purchase. Greece also commonly refers to UNESCO’s multiple rulings against elginism and cultural vandalism, such as the 1954 Hague Convention, the 1970 Convention, the 1972 Convention, and the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention. International pressure also mounts on the British Museum to return other objects, further strengthening the Greek argument, as other artifacts like the Benin Bronzes have been repatriated. With the Vatican returning three parts of the Parthenon to Greece last December, all eyes are on Britain to make a similar conciliatory move. The debate is not solved yet; both sides defend their argument, not just on the museum level but even in higher political positions. In January, U.K. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak said the country is seeking a constructive solution. However, the government’s position has not changed on the topic, and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis put the Parthenon’s reassembly as one of his primary goals for his re-election campaign this year. The Deutsche Welle reports that discussion between the two parties is open. Still, a sudden position change is unlikely — a short-term loan from the British Museum is the foreseeable solution. Egypt and Israel: Quiet Beneficiaries of the Energy Crisis < Back Egypt and Israel: Quiet Beneficiaries of the Energy Crisis By Noor Ahmad October The global energy crisis began in October 2021 with the backdrop of resurgent demand from the re-opening of economies following the Covid-19 pandemic. In 2021, China’s post-Covid recovery led to a demand for gas that is said to have risen by 8.4 percent. Gas imports are set to increase by 20 percent to satisfy this demand, resulting in less gas available for import to many European countries from gulf countries, such as Qatar, who could not ramp up natural gas supplies to Europe, as they were committed to their long-term contracts with Asian countries. The other major event that undoubtedly catalyzed the energy crisis was the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Russia supplied around 40 percent of the European Union’s gas consumption by pipeline, and the 75 percent cut to supply has significantly affected European countries which have relied on Russian gas for years. Russia started to reduce its supply of gas in 2021 on the pretext of maintenance to its major gas pipelines into Europe. This accelerated in the early part of 2022, when gas flow reduced by about 40 percent through the Nord Stream 1 pipeline, one of the major conduits of gas from Russia to Europe. By July of this year, the flow of gas through Nord Stream 1 was reduced to 20 percent of its capacity. On Sept. 30, a series of under-water explosions damaged both Nord stream 1 and 2 pipelines, most likely the result of sabotage. The union has not published its findings, but many suspect Russia to be the culprit. Amidst this chaos, two unexpected beneficiaries have been Egypt and Israel. The benefits have not only been economic but also political. Egypt, following the major discovery of offshore gas in 2015 by the Italian company ENI in the Zohr gas field, has been investing in its scope for exportation through the development of its gas liquefaction capacity. Liquefied natural gas has become a major method of transporting gas where piping gas is not possible. According to reports, Egypt now ranks in the top ten countries in the world with gas exporting capacity. Part of this success is due to its links with Israel through the Arab Gas Pipeline, which is used by Israel to export piped gas to Egypt for liquefaction and then is re-exported. Israel has become a significant gas exporter in recent years. It relies on its two major gas fields, Tamar and Leviathan, both offshore fields off its coast. Leviathan, which was discovered in 2010, has the capacity to supply Israel’s domestic needs for the next 40 years. Tamar gained significance around the same time. Most recently, in 2022, 60 billion cubic meters of gas was discovered in the Olympus Area, also in the Mediterranean. By some estimates, Israel, which currently exports 10 million cubic meters a year, has the capacity to more than double this in the coming years by investing further. For both countries, the rising price of gas and their export capacity have provided much needed hard currency to support their economies. Egypt’s economy has been severely impacted by rising commodity prices, particularly wheat, which is a mainstay for its population’s bread consumption. At the same time, sanctions on Russia have affected Egypt’s tourism industry, which relies on Russian tourists. In Israel’s case, a recent report published by the Ministry of Energy showed Israel’s profits from natural gas increased by almost 50 percent. Eleven percent of royalties from revenues from natural gas go directly to the treasury to fund state expenditure. Beyond this, Israel set up its own sovereign wealth fund, The Israeli Citizens’ Fund, to benefit from the increase in gas production; it raises its revenues from taxing excess profits. After a disappointing start, the fund, according to the Israeli Tax Authorities, was expected to collect between 300-$500 million dollars a year over the next decade. This turned out to be very conservative given that it raised 500 million dollars in less than three months in 2022. This fund will be invested for future generations, in line with how other sovereign wealth funds operate around the world. Beyond economics, the two countries’ geopolitical situations have also benefited. The European Union signed a trilateral Memorandum of Understanding between Egypt, Israel and itself in June 2022 to increase the export of Israeli gas. What has surprised many has been the union’s silence on the values it has held so dear for many years. Both Egypt and Israel have been targeted for various humanitarian issues – the Egyptian military regime’s treatment of dissenters is well documented. Moreover, the union has been historically vocal about Israel’s settlements and occupation of Palestinian territories and. It has been widely noted that the memorandum signed was the first in which the union failed to mention the Palestinian territories. A question was raised on the matter in the union’s parliament to the European Commission on the subject. A response on July 28, 2022 to the question, given by the Vice-President of the commission, Borrell Fontelles, stated that as this is a non-binding agreement, no territorial clause was deemed necessary. And while the union recommitted to abiding by United Nations Security Council resolution 2334, which calls for its member states to distinguish between the territory of the State of Israel and the territories occupied since 1967, the omission in this instance is unusual. There is no doubt that energy politics has certainly provided a fair wind for both Egypt and Israel. Ressa and Muratov: The Nobel Peace Prize Laureates of Whom the World is in Dire Need. < Back Ressa and Muratov: The Nobel Peace Prize Laureates of Whom the World is in Dire Need. By Georgia McKerracher October We have all heard of the Nobel Peace Prize, whether through an influential historical actor whose name and achievements have popped up in a class, or as a term thrown around to poke fun at a friend. However, while we all know the Peace Prize itself has a long history, this year’s recipients are especially remarkable. We are in an era where freedom of expression is experiencing continuous global challenges, with a divergence between nations where individuals are thought to have too much access to free speech to preach hatred unaccountably, and others in which authoritarian leaders are incrementally increasing their overarching power to repress civil society. Maria Ressa and Dmitry Muratov are the leaders we need to celebrate to understand the fundamental place of free speech in any and all human societies. First awarded in 1901 and 137 times since, the Nobel Peace Prize is one of five pieces established by Swedish entrepreneur Alfred Nobel, bestowed upon individuals who have committed the most to “fraternity between nations… [and] the holding and promotion of peace congresses.” Nobel himself never left provision in his will for the specific peace prize, but as a chemical engineer, the prize areas of physics and chemistry were understandable choices. A committee of five members designated by the Norwegian parliament annually selects the recipient (or in this case, recipient s ), though it remains decidedly unclear why he designated a Norwegian committee to bestow the award in his name. There have been to date 28 organizations and 975 Nobel Prize laureates who have been awarded a prize, the youngest of whom was Mala Yousafzai in 2014 at the age of 17. Only two laureates have declined the prize, including Jean-Paul Sartre in allegiance with his history of revoking all honors, and Le Duc Tho for his role in negotiating the Vietnam Peace Accord with Kissinger. However, only 58 recipients have been awarded to females. In 2021, the prize was jointly awarded to Ressa and Muratov for “efforts to safeguard freedom of expression… a precondition for democracy and lasting peace.” Ressa is a Filipino-American journalist who co-founded the online political journalism company Rappler in 2012 alongside three other female journalists. She had spent almost 20 preceding years as a lead Southeast-Asia investigative correspondent for CNN. Born in 1963, Ressa was raised by a single mother due to her father’s passing when she was only one. Her mother subsequently emigrated to the United States, leaving the juvenile Ressa under the care of her father’s family. Ressa then moved to the US herself at the age of 10, to New Jersey. She attended Princeton and graduated with a degree in molecular biology, topped off with a Bachelor of Arts in theatre and dance. She is also the first ever Nobel Prize recipient from the Philippines. Ressa was announced as Time’s ‘Person of the Year’ in 2018; one of multiple journalists featured for her work combating misinformation and fake news globally. Ressa’s career, however, has not been without hardships. After being arrested in February 2019 by Filipino authorities, Ressa was found guilty in June 2020 for cyberlibel in People of the Philippines v Santos, Ressa and Rappler under contentious Anti-Cybercrime legislation criticized incessantly by human rights defense groups as undermining freedom of the press, a “shameless act of persecution by a bully government.” The judicial decision was both domestically and internationally criticized as a biased and political one due to Ressa’s incessant denouncement of Philippine President Duterte. Former US Secretary of State openly denounced the conviction as something to be “condemned by all democratic nations.” Muratov has by no means taken an easier path within his career. For decades, he has worked ceaselessly to defend freedom of speech within an increasingly restrained Russia. Born in 1961, Muratov studied Philology at Samara State University for several years, to which he attributes his love of journalism. Since as far back as 1993, Muratov has acted as a director of the independent socio-political newspaper Novaya Gazeta, acting as editor-in-chief for an incredible 24 years. Interestingly, the establishment of the organization was aided through the Nobel Prize money received by Mikhail Gorbachev in 1990. The Moscow-published tri-weekly newspaper is known in Russia for its critical investigative coverage of politics. Since 2000, seven journalists have been murdered in connection with human rights and political investigations on behalf of the newspaper. Undoubtedly, the Nobel Peace Prize committee’s statement that Ressa and Muratov have battled a “courageous fight for freedom of expression in the Philippines and Russia” is by no means an understatement. The Committee further stated that the two icons represent on a wider scale “all journalists who stand up” for democratic ideals, under global conditions in which “democracy and freedom of the press face increasingly adverse conditions.” Congratulations have poured in for the recipients, including from UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, urging a continuation of the international struggle to defend the freedom of the press and of expression and recognizing the “fundamental role” of the media in preserving democratic interests. During this global pandemic, numerous self-interested leaders have been offered an opportunity on a silver-platter to implement controls to further their own access to executive powers. Since 2016, the United Nations has published warnings of the serious threats media freedom has been facing, but there has since been a further notable increase in attacks on journalistic integrity, and even personal safety, during the pandemic. According to Freedom House, 2019 marked the 15th year of consecutive decline in global freedom. Military or police in 18 nations have physically abused outspoken journalists. At least 83 governments globally have used the pandemic as direct justification for the violation of the right to free speech, some of which have detained, attacked, prosecuted, or even killed opponents. Hence, it is clear that in the current climate, the decisions of the Nobel Committee have been more relevant than ever. Despite early criticisms of politically-motivated choices, the decision to honor Muratov and Ressa with the award has appropriately come at a time when the world requires journalistic leadership against oppressive governance more than ever. 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