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The 2024 Nosferatu turns the themes of anxiety, of fear, present in the German version, inward. Someone on Reddit said that neither Nosferatu was “terrifying”—that’s relative. In any instance, he definitely came. < Back “He is Coming”: A Nosferatu Film Commentary Maia Zasler February 28, 2025 WARNING: This article contains many spoilers for the film, Nosferatu. Read at your own risk. Also, descriptions of sexual assault. I hate horror movies. Truly, I avoid them like the “ plague .” So, when my friend—who is aware of my aversion to this genre of film—proposed going to watch Nosferatu in theaters, I did not fully register what I would be getting myself into. To be frank, I am still acquiring film cultural capital. The name of the 1922 Nosferatu: A Symphony of Horror , the unofficial adaptation of Bram Stoker’s 1897 novel, Dracula , rang absolutely zero bells. I made the error of assuming that this Nosferatu , packed with an A-list cast and supported by a $100 million USD budget, was actually the (relatively) new Aaron Taylor Johnson (ATJ) film, Kraven the Hunter . Call me shallow if you must, but I agreed to my friend’s invitation without looking into the movie—and without hesitation—because of the prospect of seeing ATJ on the big screen. By the time it became evident that my assumption was, in fact, just an assumption, it was too late. My friend had already purchased the tickets. There were plans in place to watch the original film, and then to drive to the theater to see the recreation of almost 100 years later. I put on my shoes, tried to muster up some courage, and headed out of my house. The original movie was, I must admit, very good… as horror-filled as a horror movie from the beginning of the 20th century could be. I learned that Nosferatu , a German production, was born out of the myriad horrors of World War I. Many film buffs and critics have analyzed the story’s messaging. In both versions, the vampire, Count Orlok (a “copyright-friendly” Dracula), is infatuated with and preys on Ellen, the fiancée of an estate agent, Thomas Hutter. Hutter is dispatched to Transylvania to deal with a peculiar client (Count Orlok), who insists on signing papers acquiring property in person. In their first encounter, it is clear that Count Orlok is something beyond human. What is not initially clear is that this paperwork actually signs Ellen over to him. Through the poisoned consecration of Ellen and Count Orlok’s “bond,” he makes his way over to her village, bringing terror and the plague along with him—to paraphrase, he is coming . In this world, geography doesn’t matter… The vampire, Count Orlok, arrives via ocean from Transylvania (Romania) to Germany—unfortunately, such an ocean in this instance is actually Poland, which is not an ocean at all. This (minor) plot hole was part of the German production’s effort to avoid a lawsuit from the Dracula franchise, as that book is set in England. In 1922, German actor Max Schreck played Count Orlok as an animal-like figure. It was a silent film, so obviously no technical opportunity to play up the plethora of our modern tropes of vampires (e.g., “ bleh bleh bleh ” or “I vant to suck yer blood”). The title, Nosferatu , adds a layer of eeriness. A masculine Romanian name meaning “troublesome” or “unbearable,” the call of Nosferatu brings with it a chill and sourness unmatched by “Dracula.” The 2024 remake leaves little to the imagination. Bill Skarsgard , at this point an expert in playing larger-than-life villains, uses his real voice as Count Orlok, making the monster all that more menacing. And it was, well, epic, when he referred to himself as “an appetite, nothing more.” The Count’s breath became an integral element in the movie. Anytime I heard the heavy wheezing, a call of impending coldness and darkness, I knew to hide in my sweatshirt hood. There were some humorous moments, I will admit. When Count Orlok’s henchman, Knock, played by Simon McBurney , bites off the head of a pigeon in a psych ward, the psychiatrist-doctor-man, Dr. Wilhelm Sievers ( Ralph Ineson ), asks: “Now why did you do that?” Sporadic snorts of laughter speckled the theater room. Being deeply disturbed as a group does promote cohesion, in a way. I will say that the viciousness in which Count Orlok devours the blood of his victims and the immense grief of ATJ (in this film, Friedrich Harding, the friend of the Hutters ( Nicholas Hoult and Lily-Rose Depp )) at his wife ( Emma Corrin ) and daughters’ demise, inflicted collective dismay and disgust among audience members. Depp’s performance as Ellen was truly stellar. I will say that her intense stare and cries, violent shakes and gasps, really called on all of the performances of tortured damsels that have come before her. I felt that the new version of the film made the sexual undertones of Nosferatu ’s storyline, the concept of possession, of assault (of Count Orlok on Ellen), undeniable. This was part of Director Robert Egger’s efforts to give Ellen more of a backstory. The tale is reframed from her perspective. In doing so, the allegory for assault, clearly present in the case of Ellen, is also echoed by the ultimate death of Anna Harding, who is consumed by rodents. The rodents serve as the furry, flea-ridden entourage of Count Orlok who sets them on the Harding family when Ellen refuses his advances. As the IMDb “Parents guide” phrases it: “ Lengthy & explicit female breast nudity with graphic bloody sucking by a male beast. Female breast nudity of a woman being ravished by rodents.” I felt that this exposure was almost gratuitous in its attempt at accomplishing a not-so-subtle allusion to an act of rape. That being said, I can understand how this originally “adjusted” Dracula story emerged, rendering the life-altering (and, for millions, life- ending ) events of World War I. I don’t think that either film ended up being derivative, and despite my initial aversion—and maybe my better judgments—I would recommend a watch. I find it interesting what we humans deem “horror.” Why would we want to be scared… together? Why create a mirror of certainly grotesque real-life occurrences? Well, “art imitates life,” as they say. Perhaps it is easier to grasp, to accept the impossibility of making sense of awfulness when it is played back to us. It may be less painful to experience these horrors, the warped histories and folktales that have kept humans entertained for centuries, when together, and when a wall is up between us and the narrative. The 2024 Nosferatu turns the themes of anxiety, of fear, present in the German version, inward. The bottled-up darkness and apprehension for further social change or upheaval are packaged in a more fleshed-out Ellen character. She asks : “Does evil come from within us, or from beyond?” The shame or fear, the sin , that Count Orlok embodies is found within Ellen, pushing the boundaries of remakes and the horror we may experience ourselves. Someone on Reddit said that neither Nosferatu was “terrifying”—that’s relative. In any instance, he definitely came . Photo credits: J.-H. Janßen, 2019

Dans son discours d’investiture du 20 janvier 2025, Trump, acteur autoproclamé du renouveau civilisationnel, appelle les Américains à agir « avec le courage, la vigueur et la vitalité de la plus grande civilisation de l’histoire. » Et, comme tout bon pays prétendument civilisé, il faudrait évidemment montrer l’exemple à ceux qui seraient restés dans la barbarie, ceux qui n’auraient pas encore « évolué. » < Back De l’autre côté du mur : voix arabes face à la mission civilisatrice Selma Boufaroua Dans son discours d’investiture du 20 janvier 2025, Trump, acteur autoproclamé du renouveau civilisationnel, appelle les Américains à agir « avec le courage, la vigueur et la vitalité de la plus grande civilisation de l’histoire. » Et, comme tout bon pays prétendument civilisé, il faudrait évidemment montrer l’exemple à ceux qui seraient restés dans la barbarie, ceux qui n’auraient pas encore « évolué. » C’est exactement ce qu’avaient fait au XIXᵉ siècle la France en Algérie, les États-Unis aux Philippines, ou encore la Belgique, le Portugal et le Royaume-Uni en Afrique. De la « mission civilisatrice » au « fardeau de l’Homme blanc, » de la « Destinée manifeste » au « lusotropicalisme, » chacun a trouvé la formule parfaite pour emballer son projet colonial selon l’époque. Un projet censé lisser des populations jugées trop bruyantes, remettre dans le droit chemin des destinées qui, sans cela, dévieraient naturellement. Le racisme, la haine de l’autre et le désir de « civiliser » ceux qui ne le seraient pas n’ont pas disparu : ces mêmes idées ressurgissent dans les discours de bien des chefs d’État qui se prétendent pourtant modernes. Un schéma colonial qui persiste : l'exemple sioniste Ainsi, l’État d’Israël, proclamé en 1948 et contesté jusqu’à aujourd’hui, s’inscrit lui aussi dans le sillon de cette mission civilisatrice européenne : « nous formerions là-bas un élément d’un mur contre l’Asie, ainsi que l’avant-poste de la civilisation contre la barbarie. » Cette phrase ne vient ni d’un extrémiste marginal, ni d’un provocateur isolé : elle est tirée du Der Judenstaat , rédigé par Theodor Herzl lui-même, fondateur du sionisme moderne. Le projet même d’État se verrait alors légitimé, en partie, parce qu’il constituerait un rempart face à un monde arabe présenté comme sauvage et dangereux. Mais que se passe-t-il de l’autre côté du mur ? Dans ce monde qualifié de barbare, colonisé durant des siècles et surreprésenté dans les médias ? Comment réagit-il à cette mission censée le « civiliser, » lui qui ne souffrirait, selon cette logique, que d’une différence perçue comme une malédiction le vouant à une éternelle décrépitude ? La réponse n’est pas uniforme : le monde arabe n’est pas une entité homogène suivant une pensée unique et ordonnée. Ce qui est sûr, c’est que se rassembler et se battre pour affirmer un héritage commun ont été des idées mobilisatrices dès les débuts de la ‘mission civilisatrice’ imposée à ces populations. Les nationalistes arabes défendent alors l’idée d’une seule nation, de l’Atlantique au Golfe, affranchie de toute dépendance. En Occident, ce nationalisme est perçu comme une réaction « contre un état de fait colonial, » surgissant dans les années 1930. Il prône ainsi un État fort, soutenu par un sentiment patriotique fondé sur une langue (l’arabe) et une religion (l’islam). Zyad Hafez, dans La Résurgence du nationalisme arabe , explique que le sentiment nationaliste est profondément ancré : interrogées sur leur identité, de nombreuses personnes dans différents pays arabes affirment que leur identité arabe prime sur toutes les autres (pays, communauté voire religion). C’est un sentiment d’unité avant tout, qui précède les régimes, les institutions ou les confessions. Sati’ al-Husari (1880-1968) voyait d’ailleurs dans la nation arabe une entité vieille de plusieurs millénaires : « la langue est son âme et l’histoire sa mémoire. » Un nationalisme inclusif et démocratique ? Contrairement à certains nationalismes du XIXᵉ siècle, les fondateurs du nationalisme arabe soulignent que leur projet repose sur le « refus de l’exclusion et l’ouverture à tous les courants. » La CNA, Conférence Nationaliste Arabe, fonctionne comme un véritable parlement du nationalisme arabe moderne, où se côtoient anciens baassistes, nassériens, marxistes, chrétiens et musulmans, tous invités à débattre. Le Centre d'études de l'Unité arabe (CEUA), qui lui est rattaché, organise des colloques et propose des solutions concrètes à des questions telles que : « Comment faire la démocratie dans le monde arabe ? » L’objectif est d’adapter la démocratie aux réalités diverses du monde arabe, un défi devant lequel les États-Unis par exemple ont largement échoué. On pourrait presque s’attendre à ce que les Occidentaux applaudissent cette prouesse intellectuelle, digne de ces élans romantiques exaltant l’âme unique de chaque peuple. Ne laisserait-on pas volontiers les Arabes clamer « !أمتي » (“ Ma Ummah ”) comme les Italiens s’écriaient « Patria Mia » ou les Argentins « ¡Viva la Patria ! » ? Mais le littératurisme, cette sacralisation de la forme littéraire au détriment de toute autre préoccupation, est bien souvent dépassé par les intérêts. Les menaces sont nombreuses : selon Zyad Hafez, par exemple, l’intérêt même d’Israël résiderait dans « la désintégration de la région arabe pour mieux asseoir ses propres ambitions hégémoniques. » Une région, rappelons-le, délimitée non par des cartographes neutres, mais par des diplomates guidés par les intérêts européens, impériaux et stratégiques. Michel ‘Aflaq souligne d’ailleurs que le colonialisme européen est directement responsable de cette division « artificielle et provisoire » du monde arabe ; il ajoute qu’une volonté claire existait : « détruire l’espoir d’unité des Arabes. » Le nationalisme arabe devient donc dangereux car il remettrait en cause la légitimité même de ce découpage et l’influence qui en découle. Les raisons d’inquiétude ne manquent pas. Qui imaginerait une seule seconde un nouvel épisode de l’embargo pétrolier de 1973, où une coordination pleine et entière des pays arabes ferait de cette menace une réalité ? Répétée, la situation de 1973 deviendrait un état de fait, un cauchemar pour quiconque tient à préserver son hégémonie économique. Le nationalisme arabe n’est donc pas exactement le mouvement le plus accommodant pour l’hégémonie occidentale : il s’est bâti en grande partie sur sa critique. « La souffrance en commun unit plus que la joie », écrivait Ernest Renan, écrivain français du XIXème siècle. Cet ennemi est mobilisé à travers le temps pour forger un sentiment d’appartenance et de lutte commune. Dans les cas extrêmes, l’exemple du nazisme illustre cette dynamique : Hitler érigeait le ‘Juif’ en source absolue de tous les maux, tout comme l’immigré italien avait été désigné bouc émissaire dans la France du début du XXᵉ siècle. Cependant, Zyad Hafez précise un point essentiel : l’ennemi du nationalisme arabe est l’impérialisme, pas l’Occident en tant que civilisation. L’opposition vise d’abord les anciennes puissances coloniales (France, Grande-Bretagne), puis plus récemment les intérêts des États-Unis, ainsi que la menace que représente l’État d’Israël. » Autrement dit, la confrontation repose sur une relation de domination, d’occupation et d’agression, jamais sur une haine de ‘l’Occidental’ ou du ‘Juif’ en soi. Cette conscience arabe, en plus d’être un projet politique visant à protéger la région contre les rapports de force occidentaux, se veut aussi une réponse existentielle. En 1939, Constantin Zureik publie La Mission arabe , où il affirme que chaque Nation contribue à la civilisation mondiale en apportant un message particulier. Dans cette perspective, l’unité arabe redonnerait aux peuples une fierté brisée par la colonisation et leur permettrait de retrouver le rôle qu’ils occupaient autrefois dans l’histoire (transmission des savoirs antiques, avancées scientifiques majeures…). Le sentiment d’union deviendrait ainsi un antidote à un mal-être profondément ancré : celui de l’humiliation née de l’agression, de la spoliation, du mépris. Les limites internes du projet nationaliste Cependant, certains aspects du nationalisme arabe porté par Gamal Abdel Nasser et Sati’ al-Husri présentent des limites, des contradictions, parfois des visions trop simplistes. Elias Murqus, intellectuel et écrivain syrien, souligne par exemple que lorsqu’ils dénoncent la ‘parcellisation’ imposée par le colonialisme européen, ils placent sur le même plan l’Égypte (dotée d’une histoire plurimillénaire) et la Transjordanie, création politique récente. Deuxième erreur : nier purement et simplement l’existence politique des nations issues de Sykes-Picot, accords secrets signés entre la France et le Royaume-Uni en 1916 pour décider du découpage du Proche-Orient à la fin de la guerre. En procédant ainsi, les nationalistes arabes de l’époque se sont coupés de la réalité concrète : ils ont ignoré l’émergence de nouvelles institutions, le développement d’intérêts propres à ces États, et surtout les nouveaux sentiments d’appartenance nationale qui s’y formaient. Quoi qu’il en soit, les points de vue sur le nationalisme arabe, ou plus largement sur les différents mouvements arabes, qu’ils reposent sur la religion, la nation, la lutte contre la dictature ou l’impérialisme, continuent d’alimenter des débats houleux et complexes dans le monde occidental. Si les questions liées au panarabisme semblent s’être effacées derrière le nouvel enjeu majeur du XXIᵉ siècle qu’est l’islamisme, la volonté de « civiliser » cette partie du monde, elle, n’a pas disparu. Et le monde arabe n’est pas le seul concerné : l’Afrique devient elle aussi le terrain d’un débat semblable. Qui sait, peut-être que Donald Trump, à la manière d’un Saint-Simon moderne, aurait croisé en songe John O’Sullivan, le père de la « Destinée manifeste ». Ce dernier l’aurait investi d’une nouvelle mission civilisatrice indispensable au XXIᵉ siècle : celle de devenir le missionnaire attitré des chrétiens d’Afrique, présentés comme ayant désormais besoin de la protection de ‘ l’Élu de Dieu’. Source : Hossam el-Hamalawy, flickr , Leave You Agent of the Americans!

Despite its widespread popularity, I’ve grown a bit skeptical of this expression, or at least how it is often expressed. < Back Rethinking ‘Living in the Moment’ By Maria Eirini Liodi April 30, 2024 Living in the moment is a great life approach to have. In a fast-paced world of busyness and distraction, we can all use this stance to help immerse ourselves in our reality, as opposed to continuously rushing ahead, or lingering in the past. If you read any sort of wellness article nowadays, it will list an abundance of reasons why you should ‘live in the moment’ - focusing on the small things, on the here and now, can make you happier. However, despite its widespread popularity, I’ve grown a bit skeptical of this expression, or at least how it is often expressed. Oftentimes, it appears to be a pretty and simplistic way to disguise the evasion of responsibility and the avoidance of adult challenges. For instance, I’ve heard people use this catchphrase to justify why they stop putting effort into sustaining friendships over a physical distance, or failing to plan ahead for their career. That got me thinking: could this philosophy be detrimental to one’s happiness by putting too much pressure on the present? Beyond that, could it be an oversimplification of the human experience? In this day and age, social media enables us to be interconnected across space and time. So, in that sense, living in the moment ceases to be defined by solely geographical parameters, confining ‘the present’ to where you live and the periphery within that. Modern technology’s benefits allow us to essentially exist in multiple realities that all come together to create the present. Moreover, technology as a means of bridging communication allows us to arguably be more present in more places and for more people in our lives, contradicting the frequently asserted notion that ‘living in the moment’ necessitates an all-embracing approach to the here and now, in geographical terms. It seems that technology does not inherently make us live less in the present, how we make use of it, though, can. Therefore, ‘living in the moment’ can be less about ‘soaking up’ every moment — because it is kind of impossible to do so anyway. It can instead be more about acknowledging the multiplicity of our presence, which can extend to our digital interactions, thereby broadening the scope of what ‘living in the moment’ means. In contemplating this, I’ve also come to realize that we actually pressure ourselves to be in the moment. For instance, when preoccupied with a difficult task or facing a personal challenge, people often tend to guilt-trip themselves for escaping into these parallel realities, rather than being actively engaged ‘in the moment’. Even then, one must once again step into their head to have that inner dialogue rather than just accepting the moment for what it is; be it good or bad, immersive or disconnected. This unrealistic expectation-setting can inadvertently lead to stress and guilt, as opposed to understanding of the nuanced reality of being human, which naturally comes with feeling disconnected or distracted from time to time. With this line of thought, we can naturally consider the pressures constructed — or rather reinforced — by social media. Living in the moment often takes on a renewed, glamorized version on social media, whereby the streams of curated content we consume make us feel as though every moment is a memorable one and should be savored and shared in the public sphere. Perhaps we can alleviate this pressure by acknowledging the subtle balance that exists between the normal, everyday, mundane moments, and the fleeting ‘Instagrammable’ moments. This way, sharing our lives on social media, can seize to be just performance for public consumption and personal capturing of highlights. Moreover, a simplistic interpretation of ‘living in the moment’ can risk overshadowing the importance of planning ahead and goal-setting. People advocating for this life-approach may say that thinking about the future ‘robs’ you of the present, or that it is not useful to plan ahead since those plans are subject to unpredictability anyhow. Despite the truth in the latter idea, planning ahead can help construct a life with direction, meaning and hence, greater fulfillment. Ultimately, ‘living in the moment’ should not be about idealizing and relentlessly chasing camera-worthy moments. It can be more about accepting the intricacies of the human experience - the dull and the exhilarating, the disconnected and the engaging moments.

The question of immorality does not pertain to the act of thrifting itself, but how the thrift environment has been redesigned to serve corporate interests at the expense of those it was initially designed to support. < Back Thrifting and the Price of Exclusion: Gentrifying Secondhand Stores in Toronto Téa Breedon April 30, 2025 In Toronto, thrift stores have recently introduced a collection of higher-end, thrift “boutiques.” These boutiques sell name-brand clothing at marked-up prices to attract a wealthier crowd and drive in profits. Value Village —a for-profit thrift enterprise popular among thrifters in Canada—has replaced its former thrift stores with thrift “boutiques,” limiting its clientele to upper-class individuals and neglecting those who formerly relied on secondhand stores for everyday essentials. The shift to luxury retail symbolizes not only the gentrification of thrift stores but also a broader trend of sidelining the economically disadvantaged in favour of company interests. With real estate prices skyrocketing in Toronto due to high mortgage rates and low property supply, coupled with the homeless population quickly growing by 25 percent between 2023 and 2025, it becomes clear that thrifting corporations are exacerbating a trend of urban inequality. Toronto is aptly fit for examining broader patterns of urban inequality, as it is exemplary of spatially visible class differences. The city has experienced a trend of growing affluence among the wealthy that juxtaposes deepening poverty and growing unaffordability felt by the lower- and working-classes, culminating in an economic landscape that disproportionately disadvantages economically marginalized groups. The gentrification of thrift stores—now evident in the shift from affordable inventory to high-end and luxury brands—is thus symbolic of this landscape, reflecting how sanctuaries of sustenance once rooted in accessibility are being reoriented toward the spending capacity of wealthier consumers. Aside from this trend of gentrification, thrift stores have also increasingly become concentrated in various regions of the city, attracting consumers with large spending capacities. This process is characterized by the strategic situation of thrift stores in middle- and upper-class neighborhoods, making them inaccessible to those who need them the most. Moreover, a majority of these stores are located in downtown Toronto, just minutes away from the city’s major tourist attractions. The top recommended Google search when inputting “Toronto thrift stores” is “Toronto thrift stores downtown,” illustrating how thrift enterprises increasingly cater to a clientele of tourists looking for vintage and secondhand stores in downtown Toronto. As such, by clustering in Toronto’s primary tourist district, these thrift stores function more as curated attractions rather than a resource for the economically disadvantaged. But what is it, besides the profit motive, that is so appealing to thrift corporations about strategically leasing buildings in upper-end and tourist-dense neighborhoods or converting former thrift stores into thrift “boutiques?” Shouldn’t they worry about losing a significant portion of their clientele by catering to a social class that is less reliant on secondhand shopping? Unfortunately, thrift enterprises are no longer alone in recognizing the value in reselling used items at an elevated price. Online resellers have capitalized on this same logic, carefully picking out name and designer brands from thrift stores to mark up for a profit. Thrift enterprises find—or, at least, found —their clientele in lower-income populations, tailoring to individuals who relied on affordable clothing as a necessity rather than a fad. Today, online resellers—found on Depop, Etsy, Vinted, and Poshmark—use reselling platforms to allure a clientele of trend-driven consumers seeking secondhand luxury items that they may not be able to find at their local thrift stores. Online resellers are therefore following the path paved by thrift enterprises, recognizing the potential in the business of reselling items at marked-up prices. By tailoring to those who can afford elevated prices, resellers generate demand for high-end pieces from thrift boutiques, contributing to a cycle that favors a curated inventory over affordability. As a result, traditional thrift stores are being converted into thrift boutiques, distancing themselves from lower-income communities not just spatially, but also through rising price points that compromise affordability. It is in this sense, then, that the shift from affordable thrift corporations to high-end boutiques is driven both by the motive of profit and that of a guaranteed clientele. The recent trend of reselling has provided thrift corporations with a reliable flow of buyers, sustaining their operations while fueling demand for boutique-style stores. Similarly, independent online resellers find their consistent clientele of buyers in trend-chasing consumers who are able to afford their elevated prices. This domino effect, triggered by thrift enterprises, thus entrenches a market dynamic that prioritizes profit and resale value over accessibility. Is all this to say that thrifting is immoral, betraying the initial ethical purpose of thrift stores? Of course not, as it remains more environmentally and financially sustainable than buying first-hand. What is immoral is how thrift stores—operating within a for-profit framework—capitalize on an increasing demand for high-end clothing by jacking up the price s of donated items and orienting their inventory toward wealthy consumers. The question of immorality does not pertain to the act of thrifting itself, but how the thrift environment has been redesigned to serve corporate interests at the expense of those it was initially designed to support. Thus, in rebranding necessity and affordability as a fad, the modern thrift landscape has s hown how the thrift industry can be morphed into a mechanism that reproduces the very inequalities it sought to confront. Photo source: Rob Durdle on Flickr

At the end of the day, the issue of migration should not be one of big theories and political instrumentalization, but one about the migrants themselves, and how and why there is immigration in Europe. We must recentralize the discourse of migration on the personal stories of migrants. < Back Ella Waja Bou Ntoute, Tey Deguelou Bou Barey By Elian Jorand “ Let us think about it: the Mediterranean has become Europe’s largest cemetery.” With these bleak few words, Pope Francis in Marseille succinctly summarized the current state of migration in the Mediterranean Sea. According to the United Nations, since the beginning of 2023, there have been 186,951 sea arrivals on the continent and 2,517 deaths. On average, in 2023, 11 children die per week attempting to reach the northern shore of the Mediterranean. This summer alone, nearly 1000 people died. Amidst such tragedy, European opinion has been sharply divided. The instrumentalization of migration to achieve political aims has created a national ‘macro-debate’, an obsession for the public about migration and the big consequences such a process carries. The far right and neo-fascist parties form a spurious front against an ‘invasion’, threatening the tradition and customs of old Europe. Opposing the far right,those who call for uncompromising humanity and solidarity with those in need, welcoming migrants and helping them on their trek across Europe. Both sides generate substantial public debate, with far-fetched theories such the “ Grand Remplacement ” popularized by Eric Zemmour, or the left parties pushing forward with humanitarian and anti-racist policies. Today, 75 percent of French people are in favor of a public referendum to decide on a national migration policy. However, with the current political atmosphere, we must be able to rise above the noise and tribulations and pay attention to what is important. At the end of the day, the issue of migration should not be one of big theories and political instrumentalization, but one about the migrants themselves, and how and why there is immigration in Europe. We must recentralize the discourse of migration on the personal stories of migrants. During my travels in West Africa, stories of migration came to be of regular occurrences — the youth trying to escape the lack of opportunity in Africa for Europe, in the hope of a ‘better life.’ I remember a distinct conversation with a friend and her family in an old West African style “ dibiterie ” in Saint-Louis. While eating a yassa, Leila talked about her hopes of leaving Senegal to pursue her education in a business school in Nancy, France. She spoke fondly about how this opportunity would allow her to get her dream job and lead the life she had always aspired to have. Yet, this was now only a dream, since her visa application to enter France had been rejected. Leila is only one among thousands of people immigrating out of Africa with the hope of a better life in Europe, whether their expectations are true or false. When they are denied the opportunity, people are often forced to go about it in an unofficial and dangerous way. The case of Senegal clearly demonstrates this. Hailed as a bastion of democracy and stability in a continent riddled with political insecurity, Senegal is nonetheless one of the countries which generates the most migrants from West Africa, with 25,000 people emigrating outside of the country, compared to only 12,000 people from neighboring war-torn Mali. Poverty, amongst other factors, is a primary driver for migration. Looking at the different factors and theories, whether important or completely absurd, helps us understand the process in relation to the different actors. However, such a political approach dehumanizes a very human process. Migration is a fundamental process for humanity. Our story, that of the human species, started precisely with a worldwide migration. We must bring back this humanity to the process of migration. Stories like Leila’s are true for many thousand other humans, each one with their own specifications, making their story of migration unique. If we are to find a solution to migration, one of balance between migrants and host-nations, we must change our current approach which has only led to hate and death for the many actors. We must move away from big characterization and systematic categorization, and instead take a more humane approach, however hard that may be. Only when we take the steps towards understanding the stories behind migration, the reasons, the causes and the motivations, will we be able to tackle the issue. Now that the talking has taken place, and in the hope of finding a solution, we must listen to these stories.

A town that I have learned to love and maybe sometimes to hate, but one that I will certainly miss when I have to leave eventually. This petite town of citrons has seen many generations of the Ummah pass through it. I think it holds a special place in our hearts. I hope you will feel the same way! < Back Tips To Survive Sciences Po Menton Eleni Dimitropoulou April 29, 2025 The end of the second semester is approaching, marking, for me, the end of a whole year in the magical Menton—the “pearl” of the French Riviera—as a first-year student. A year ago today, I learned that I had been accepted to this university, situated in a foreign country whose language I did not speak, miles away from my home. I believe that thousands of other students are in the same situation right now. That is why, in this article, I will act as a big sister who will answer in advance to all the possible concerns you, 1As probably have about the Menton campus. I will offer you some advice. Here is everything you need to know: from how to find a house to where you can eat, at which beach you will tan the fastest and at which bar you will find the best drinks. Let's start with the simplest. Menton, my favorite city and the one I now call home, is located on the French Riviera, 40 minutes away from Nice, fifteen from Monaco and ten from Italy. Yes, it sounds crazy that you can cross the border on foot—but a word of advice, don't try it alone or during the night. The landscapes will enchant you, along with the indisputably blue waters, unparalleled sunsets, colorful buildings and smells from different restaurants. This description sounds like it comes from a tourist guide, but Menton is not only that. The Ummah , from the Arabic word “ أُمَّة” meaning identity, nation and community, is the spirit of the student community, which is what differentiates us from other campuses. From the first moment of integration week, you will notice it immediately. The people you will know here will mark you, even if you are bored of seeing them every day, in whatever alley you are in. Being Greek and having a special relationship with food, I would like to continue with my favorite restaurants. Although quite unhappy that I can't enjoy a souvlaki , I can say that I am stunned by the sushi that you can find in Ventimiglia at Sushi Iyo with unlimited top-ups for fifteen euros. It is the first thing I show to any friend visiting, as if it is a sight. Of course, I could not forget the beloved pizza Vesuvio that we usually take and eat on the rocks overlooking the sea and the flying seagulls. Also, there is Pad Thai Express , which satisfies two people and is quite economical. Of course, Monaco, as the center of luxury and well-being, is quite expensive. However, I have to say, some restaurants there balance price and quality, such as Sushi Planet next to the beach with a view of the yachts, or the beautiful Maya Pasta near the city center. In Menton, if you are ever looking for a pastry or an early brunch option, Lagom and L’Atelier Boulangerie never disappoint. When it comes to nightlife, do not expect much from our small town—the exception being the bar Le Retro , where every Thursday is a student night. Unfortunately, it lasts only until midnight, before the elderly residents get angry and start throwing water or pots from the windows because of the noise. The service provided by Anto is one of a kind, the drinks at ridiculously low prices and enjoyable with the Ummah around you. There are, of course, other bars at Sablettes , the beach below our university, which we use mostly for events organized by the association of the campus, like the Bureau Du Sport (BDS), the Bureau Des Élèves (BDE) and Sciences Alcoolemiques . But if you are going there by yourself or in a group, I would not recommend it: the age groups frequently found there tend to be on the older side and the music is average. Nice, however, offers a wide range of nightlife, both bars and clubs, which are worth visiting, such as the Opera , the High Club —which has ladies’ nights with free entry before 01:00 at night—and the Waka Bar , with great music and many surprises reminiscent of a Greek festival with people dancing on the bar and the tables. However, be mindful of the train schedules, especially on weekdays and Sundays, where the last train leaves at 10:30 or even earlier. On Saturdays, fortunately, it is 01:25, so it is easier to reach the centers of nightlife. Otherwise, if you miss it, you will have to wait for the next train at 05:00 in the morning or take a taxi, which costs about 40 euros. In Monte Carlo, like in Jimmy’s , things are a little more complicated since some taxis will not cross the border, so there is a possibility that you will need to walk for 15 minutes to the famous bridge border crossing. Of course, some of our fellow students have cars, but they are few and in demand, so if you need them, you should inform them in advance. However, for the entire year, I would suggest that you buy your ZOU card online , which costs 90 euros from September to August and you can travel with it, without additional charge, on routes from Ventimiglia to Marseille. Now, regarding supermarkets in Menton, the most popular ones are Carrefour-City and U-Express . Carrefour-City is open every day until 22:00 except on Sundays when it opens until 21:00, so after several classes that finish at 7:45, you can go there. While U-Express is a bit further away from the city center, it is bigger and thus less expensive, having a larger selection available. In Picard , there is a wide variety of frozen foods suitable for students who are just learning to cook or don't have that much time to prepare food. The university cafeteria is only open for one hour from 12:15 until 13:15, which might be too early for students who come from Mediterranean countries, with limited choices and relatively expensive prices of 5 euros regardless of what you buy. The vending machines have mainly sweet treats, as do the bake sales organized by associations. However, coffee can only be found in the cafeteria for a low price of 50 cents if the machine is working. Regarding finding a house, I know the process is quite stressful, especially when your first language is not French and you are abroad, as you cannot see the house in person. So, I suggest you search on the Sciences Po housing website or contact a real estate agency. Personally, I think the best option is to send a message or join the groups that exist on Facebook. In this way, you could also come into contact with second-year students who are leaving their homes, giving you a guarantee. The price of the rent can range between 300 and 1,200 euros, depending on your requirements, location and whether you will be staying with a roommate. Just be aware that Garavan is 15 minutes from the university but far from the city center—25 to 30 minutes—but the prices are much more affordable. Dorms are also available in Villa Jasmin for the girls and Menton Plus for the guys. However, spots are limited to around 30, and priority is given to exchange students. Just so you know, they do not have the vibe of American dorms or sororities—you are not allowed to bring your friends in, you need to pay 10 euros for the laundry and the rooms can be empty and cold. However, if you want to be part of a close-knit community and make new friends straight away, it is not a bad option for the first year or couple of months. Some of you might be eager to continue their gym rat era or just feel healthier. In our small town, despite its size, we have quite a few options available. First and foremost, we have the Stephy’OM gym two minutes away from the university, although you have to pass through the stairs of hell (you will understand the name once you have to walk over them during Aparathon - a night were you, the freshcomers go around the famous collocations of Menton playing games including alcohol). It is 45 euros per month, there is an open salle from 08:00 until 21:00 on weekdays, but also group classes such as T-Rex, Cardio, Zumba, Yoga, etc. However, you need to book beforehand through the app, which is without any extra cost. Another gym many Sciences Pistes prefer is Narev’s club, which is a bit further away. It is more of a hardcore gym with weights and a wide variety of equipment and machines. If you want to stay in form, you can also join one of Sciences Po’s sports teams, ranging from volleyball to cheerleading and from rugby to boxing; you are welcome in any team. But I won't go further on that as I don't want to steal the BDS’ job. Concerning the hot question of whether you need to speak French, the answer is simply no. Almost everyone on campus speaks English and there are many tourists all year round, so shop owners are familiar with that language as well. But do not think for a second that you can escape it. Sciences Po has everyone take French classes, ranging from two to four hours per week, unless you have at least a B2 level, the same being true for English. If you have met the above requirements, you can take up to two other foreign languages such as Spanish, Italian, Arabic, Persian, Hebrew and Turkish. I left the worst for the end. Menton can be really rainy, especially in the winter, so do not forget to pack your umbrella and warm clothes. I think these are the main points I would have liked to know before coming to Menton. Keep in mind that the BDE uploads a lot of useful information before your arrival and also has an open poll with questions and answers on their Instagram page. This is Menton through my eyes. A town that I have learned to love and maybe sometimes to hate, but one that I will certainly miss when I have to leave eventually. This petite town of citrons has seen many generations of the Ummah pass through it. I think it holds a special place in our hearts. I hope you will feel the same way! Photo source: Mia Battaglia on Flickr

La situation dans laquelle nous nous trouvons aujourd’hui alimente les peurs de certains que ce régime, où la figure du président est si forte, ne lui donne un pouvoir trop personnalisé; ce qui pourrait s’empirer avec l'avènement d’un ou une président.e populiste et autoritaire. < Back Vème République, une expérience défectueuse? Anna Halpern November 30, 2024 La France sous la Vème République est le porte-drapeau par excellence de son régime politique semi-présidentiel. Le pays de la Révolution française a longtemps été fier de porter haut les couleurs d’une démocratie parmi les plus fortes au monde—se plaçant en 23eme position sur l’index démocratique du classement EIU . Mais avec la fin du second mandat d’Emmanuel Macron, les critiques se multiplient, et il semble pertinent d'évaluer si ce régime est vraiment adapté aux demandes démocratiques de la société civile. Mais qu’est ce que le semi-présidentialisme? Il s’agit d’un régime hybride combinant une élection au suffrage universel du président, typique d’un régime présidentiel, et des éléments du système parlementaire tels que la responsabilité du gouvernement devant le parlement. Il est important de noter que ce système hybride a tendance à créer une surpuissance de l'exécutif; en France cela se manifeste par le chef d'Etat démocratique le plus puissant du monde, sauf en cas de cohabitation. En effet, le président préside le conseil des ministres, ce qui laisse douter de la séparation entre chef de gouvernement et chef d'Etat. En outre, il jouit d’une quasi irresponsabilité sauf en cas de « manquement à ses devoirs manifestement incompatible avec l’exercice de son mandat » ce qui justifierait une destitution, mais cela n’a encore jamais été le cas, bien qu’une tentative déposée par Mathilde Panot ait récemment été abandonnée . De plus, pour ce qui est de la responsabilité du gouvernement devant le parlement, une seule motion de censure spontanée a réussi depuis 1958, année de l’adoption de la Vème République, et aucune depuis 1962. Depuis, il est apparu que le gouvernement est devenu plus responsable devant le président, ce qui démontre un aspect unique de la culture politique française. Par ailleurs, en France, le Premier ministre est nommé par le président et non par l'Assemblée nationale, ce qui explique le fait qu’une figure telle que Michel Barnier, qui ne représente aucun des trois programmes ‘gagnantes’ de l'élection parlementaire, puisse former un gouvernement technocratique fortement critiqué par l'opposition pour son manque de légitimité au vu du résultat très bas de son parti LR. L'Assemblée nationale qui n’a donc que peu de pouvoir sur le gouvernement et qui peut être dissoute par le président semble très affaiblie. Néanmoins, il est possible d'espérer que grâce aux résultats divisés des élections législatives de 2024, le parlement reprenne de ses responsabilités en s’opposant plus fortement aux décisions présidentielles, une occasion qui ne s'était jamais présentée depuis le référendum de 2000 qui a écourté le mandat présidentiel à cinq ans et l’a fait concorder avec les élections législatives. De cette façon, les deux élections n’avaient que peu de chance de faire gagner un différend parti. Mais il est tout aussi possible qu’en choisissant un gouvernement bien a droite Barnier essaie de assurer l'acquiescement non seulement du parti présidentiel, mais du RN aussi et que la dynamique d’opposition reste un compromis entre chefs de partis et n’impliquent pas les députés de l'assemblée. Dans ce contexte, il n’est pas surprenant d'entendre des voix dissidentes. En effet, voir l'inégalité des pouvoirs entre l'Assemblée nationale et le Président dans un pays dont la tradition et les pays voisins sont majoritairement des régimes parlementaires peut faire douter de la viabilité de cette ‘exception’ française. Ce mécontentement a été très audible cette dernière décennie; cela a été mis en avant par les campagnes présidentielles de 2017 et 2022 où LFI a largement porté l'idée d’une VIe République. Cette proposition établirait un régime parlementaire stable rendant le pouvoir au peuple et mettant entre autres fin à la « monarchie présidentielle » et à l'utilisation de mesures de « vote forcé » tels que l’article 49.3. Mais les propositions concernant la VIème république existent dès 1961, avec l’article dans l’Express de Pierre Mendès France en faveur d’une VIème république, et ont fait l’objet de discussions jusqu'à nos jours. Mais à travers les mandats d’Emmanuel Macron, et surtout depuis son second mandat et la dissolution de l'Assemblée, les questions sont devenues encore plus pressantes, et se sont recentrées sur la figure du président. En effet, Macron a souffert d’une très mauvaise image avec une cote de popularité de 25% et se fait souvent caricaturer comme voulant être le nouveau Napoléon ou encore un « président jupitérien . » La nomination de Michel Barnier et la composition de son gouvernement n’ont fait qu’aggraver ces accusations, le faisant paraître d’autant plus sourd à ce que le peuple a exprimé par les votes. Après avoir choisi seul de dissoudre l'assemblée et ayant refusé de nommer Lucie Castets, candidate du NFP, à Matignon, le président semble avoir perdu tout contact avec le peuple. La situation dans laquelle nous nous trouvons aujourd’hui alimente les peurs de certains que ce régime, où la figure du président est si forte, ne lui donne un pouvoir trop personnalisé; ce qui pourrait s’empirer avec l'avènement d’un ou une président.e populiste et autoritaire. Il semble donc que la démocratie française se trouve à un moment critique où la légitimité de son ‘exception’ est mise en doute, et où l'on se demande si la désillusion et la « crise démocratique » que nous traversons ne viennent pas d’un régime créé à une époque où la stabilité manquait grandement. Il n’est plus adapté aux demandes démocratiques et à la société d’aujourd’hui.

It is a sequence of events Europe has seen before. A firebrand — either of humble, apolitical origins or from a generations-long political dynasty to uphold — rallies their formerly left-voting, working-class base who feel alienated by the establishment. < Back Rise of far right in Europe By Colin Lim October 31, 2022 It is a sequence of events Europe has seen before. A firebrand, — either of humble, apolitical origins or from a generations-long political dynasty to uphold — rallies their formerly left-voting, working-class base who feel alienated by the establishment. On a continent that aspires to be — and is widely lauded for being — tolerant and open to the rest of the world, the far right has attained an incongruously high standing in recent years. In addition to the more established Fidesz Party in Hungary, the UK Independence Party, and the Law and Justice Party in Poland, the recent electoral success of the Sweden Democrats and Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy have added momentum to the populist machine. Fueled by the increased flow of refugees and migrants from the Middle East and North Africa region and the broader Global South since 2015, such political actors have relied heavily on the othering of those whom they perceive as dangerous to and incompatible with European society. The European Union is also presented as a faceless, bureaucratic and undemocratic institution whose sole goal is to over-regulate citizens’ lives and to tear asunder their individual national identities. The omnipresent menace of the “globalists,” chief among them Hungarian-American philanthropist George Soros, is also a common feature in extremist rhetoric. Many of these parties have roots in neo-fascism or neo-Nazism, which remain persistent political entities despite their often highly public rebranding efforts. For instance, the recently elected Brothers of Italy, headed by Giorgia Meloni, has often been described as neo-fascist, and despite the party’s attempts to soften its positions to appease more moderate voters, its stances on the EU, the Russia-Ukraine war, reproductive rights and LGBTQ equality, among others, have alarmed people across Italy and the world. The line between ostensibly moderate right-wing parties and more extreme ones has been severely blurred. As radical parties occupy a non-negligible number of seats in legislatures, it becomes increasingly difficult for center-right parties to govern without cooperating with extremists, or at least strategically adopting some of their stances. Emmanuel Macron, as the head of his self-created centrist Renaissance party, has adopted stricter stances on border control, migration and secularism, all in an attempt to lure would-be Reconquest or National Rally voters and avert a complete usurpation of power. Bulgarian second year, Sara Kovacheva asserts that the renewal of her country’s right-wing in October 2022 parliamentary elections makes her “terrified” that the political right has gained too much power in recent years. “I really wouldn’t want to live in a far-right Europe,” she passionately declared. The recent trends across Europe make it “feel like we are only going backwards,” she continues. The vision of a united Europe is threatened by the rise of the right, but it is not a uniquely European phenomenon. The factors behind this emboldened far-right ideology — migration, Euroscepticism, wars in Europe’s neighborhood — are uniquely European, but the rightward and nativist shift is a global phenomenon that will hopefully be resolved before extremism has a chance to cement itself in the mainstream.

Welcome back, fellow eaters! Last month, I promised you exciting traditional recipes that are quick, easy to make and delicious. Today, I shall fulfill my pledge. Let us celebrate Lebanese independence, acquired on Nov. 22, 1943, with two meals prepared straight from my grandma's kitchen, who, like her fellow Arab grandmothers, does not joke when it comes to food! < Back Whipping Up Lebanese Dishes Has Never Been Easier By Angela Saab Saade November 30, 2022 Welcome back, fellow eaters! Last month, I promised you exciting traditional recipes that are quick, easy to make and delicious. Today, I shall fulfill my pledge. Let us celebrate Lebanese independence, acquired on Nov. 22, 1943, with two meals prepared straight from my grandma’s kitchen, who, like her fellow Arab grandmothers, does not joke when it comes to food! Essential kitchen appliances: One medium or large pot Strainer Knife Wooden spoon Cup (for measuring purposes) Ladle (for serving purposes) “Mdardara” مدردرا Also known as mujaddara in other colloquial Arabic dialects, such as Syrian Arabic, “mdardara” has been one of my favorite meals, especially after transferring to a more vegetarian diet. “Mdardara” is a protein-dense plant-based meal that is convenient to prepare, and it involves lots of lentils, one of my favorite ingredients to cook with (after corn, obviously). Ingredients: One cup of lentils Half a cup of rice Two cups of water One big (or two medium-sized) yellow onion Two tablespoons of olive oil Salt Pepper and curcuma (optional) Recipe: Soak the rice and lentils together in water for 10-20 minutes. Meanwhile, chop your onion into cubes. Add a tablespoon of olive oil in the pot and place it on the stove over low-medium heat. Add the chopped onion cubes and occasionally stir for five to ten minutes. The goal is for the low heat to facilitate an onion-sweating process which should render them slightly translucent. Once your onion is ready, strain the rice and lentils and add them to the pot. Put another tablespoon of olive oil in the pot with the onion, rice and lentils and sprinkle some salt, pepper and cumin to taste. Stir all ingredients together, add two cups of water and bring to a boil. Once the water reaches boiling point, reduce the heat to low, and allow everything to cook slowly. Do not cover the pot or stir the ingredients! Check up on your “mdardara” every few minutes. Once the water is absorbed, give it a taste test and either add some water if the lentils and rice are not fully cooked or turn the heat off. “Mdardara” may be consumed on its own — cold or warm, and it may also be served with your choice of salad or “laban,” a fermented dairy product that I am obsessed with. Sadly, it is unavailable in the stores of Menton. For a “laban” alternative, you can use plain kefir or greek yogurt with a dash of olive oil and salt. “Rishta” رشتا Aside from meaning marriage proposals in Urdu and Hindi, “rishta” also refers to my grandma’s favorite childhood meal, which makes it very dear to my heart. I only learned about it recently over the autumn break, which was the perfect timing for me to be able to share it with you! Is that not truly heartwarming? I can certainly feel our beautiful friendship blossoming with every passing Menton Times Issue. A fellow Sciences Piste brought to my attention that “rishta” is similar to a traditional Italian dish — Pasta e lenticchie. Like its antecedent, “rishta” includes a healthy dose of lentils. Ingredients: One cup of lentils One-two cups of spaghetti (I use tagliatelle, but any kind of pasta works) Six cups of water One large (or two medium-sized) yellow onion One large (or two medium-sized) red onion Two cloves of garlic (or more or less, based on preference) Half a lemon or two to three tablespoons of lemon juice Olive oil Salt Pepper and cumin (optional) One bunch of cilantro leaves (optional) Vegetable broth (optional) Recipe Soak the lentils in water for 10-20 minutes Meanwhile, chop your onions into slices and press two cloves of garlic. Add a tablespoon of olive oil to the pot and place it on the stove over low-medium heat. Add the chopped onion cubes and occasionally stir for five to 10 minutes. Allow them to sweat and transform into slices of translucent joy. Once your onion cubes are ready, strain the lentils and add them to the pot. Add another tablespoon of olive oil, and sprinkle some salt, pepper and cumin to taste. Stir all ingredients together, add six cups of water, and keep the temperature high. You may add less water, depending on the end-result texture you want. The less water, the less soup-like the “rishta” will be. You may also add vegetable broth and cilantro leaves for additional flavor. Once the water begins to boil, bring the heat to a low so that everything slowly cooks. Once the lentils are fairly cooked, in about ten-fifteen minutes, break up about a cup or two of spaghetti and put them into the pot. Depending on personal preference and the desired lentil-pasta ratio, more or less spaghetti may be added. You might also have to add more water to cook the pasta if the lentils have already absorbed too much of it. Once the pasta is cooked, turn the heat off. Estimated Price Calculations: Aldi sells five hundred grams of raw lentils for under one and a half euros. This means that a cup of lentils, equivalent to roughly two hundred and fifty grams, costs between half and two-thirds of a euro. Slightly cheaper calculations apply to rice purchased from any of the three big stores, making our rice costs equivalent to about a quarter to half a euro. As for the pasta, the relative quantity used prices under half a euro. The onion(s), olive oil and salt should not amount to more than one and a half to two euros, making each of the aforementioned meals cost under three euros for quantities yielding two to three servings! Fellow eaters, whether my favorite meal or my grandma’s seems more tasteful to you, I hope you give at least one of them a try. It is not common to find traditional Lebanese recipes that do not require long hours of preparation, so I encourage you to seize the opportunity. If any questions or comments should arise in your Lebanese cooking journeys, do not hesitate to contact me or the Google search engine, preferably). Next month, we shall draw inspiration from holiday joy and prepare sweet treats adequate for our seasonal celebrations. Until then, eat up and sahtein !

Western commitment to freedom of expression, an internationally-recognized human right, is embedded deep in its political culture. Nonetheless, for many of us coming from countries with questionable guarantees for freedom of speech, disillusionment upon arriving in the West – the supposed haven of political activism – is not an uncommon experience. < Back Free Speech in the Western World: Campus Activism, Hypocrisy and Tolerance By Lara Harmankaya November 30, 2023 In the West, the most important rights are those of the individual. However, in light of recent global developments, the paradoxical nature of Western free speech has been exposed yet again. Western commitment to freedom of expression, an internationally-recognized human right, is embedded deep in its political culture. Nonetheless, for many of us coming from countries with questionable guarantees for freedom of speech, disillusionment upon arriving in the West – the supposed haven of political activism – is not an uncommon experience. Fear of backlash and permanent repercussions caused by speaking out are likely to silence many of us, even right here in Menton. Outside of our campus, commentators have argued that the Western world is experiencing a creeping phenomenon of censorship that is reminiscent of the McCarthy era during the early Cold War. Yet, this is not to say that the free speech absolutist view espoused by many liberals is morally sound either; free speech has been used as a cloak of justification in many instances to defend offensive and bigoted remarks. As contention and disagreements aggregate in the emotionally and politically charged atmosphere of our time, the importance of noting the thin line between free speech and hate speech is becoming all the more clear. But is silencing university students through fear and intimidation the right way to do so? At what point do we begin condemning free speech? It appears that the West is not always the safeguard of rights it proclaims itself to be. Freedom of speech breaches in the West take on a different form – they are not expressed in the form of imprisonment and overt government censorship – but have a more clandestine outlook. Recently, Harvard students who published a controversial pro-Palestinian statement following the October 7 attacks have been met with doxxing, in the form of a billboard truck displaying their faces and labeling them as “Harvard’s Leading Antisemites,” online intimidation and publication of their personal information. As a result of the doxxing, a group of CEOs asked for a list of their names to not “ inadvertently ” hire them, in the words of billionaire Bill Ackman, in the future. Columbia University has also made public its decision to suspend the activities of two of its student associations, Jewish Voice for Peace and Students for Justice in Palestine, following their violation of “university policies related to holding campus events” by holding unauthorized campus protests. David Polk, a top law firm in the US, has rescinded job offers to three students at Harvard and Columbia for their alleged involvement in the open letters criticizing Israel. At the University of California, Berkeley and other campuses across the U.S., students have begun wearing masks during protests to avoid being identified and harassed. However, one does not need to look beyond the Atlantic Ocean to see the extent of this contention. In France, pro-Palestine protests have been banned (not outright but on a case-by-case basis) due to their potential to “generate disturbances to public order,” according to the French Minister of Interior Gerald Darmanin. Closer yet, at Sciences Po Menton, student association Palestine: Understanding the Struggle (formerly Sciences Palestine) has been forced to cease most of its activities following contestations from politicians in the French Riviera. Similarly, a group of Science Pistes from our campus have been subject to harsh words and harassment by political personalities for a video expressing solidarity with the Palestinian cause that was taken out of context on social media. One student has communicated her feelings through the following words: “When joining Sciences Po, I truly thought that I would be able to express my ideas freely. Nevertheless, in light of recent events, I faced pressure from the administration and felt real censorship regarding my pro-Palestinian stance.” Without taking a stance on whether these actions are justified or not, one must acknowledge that such restrictions by parties in the Western world have blurred what is entailed by freedom of expression and opinion. Even before the Israel-Hamas conflict, certain measures that contradict freedom of speech have been setting a gloomy precedent for the future of such rights. In the U.S., the passage of Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” bills, along with 175 bills in 40 state legislatures that have been introduced over these past two years, promise to dictate and restrict what teachers and students can discuss in schools. This issue is compounded by a number of books being banned in educational institutions; gag laws that target race theory, gender studies and history have also been put into effect. It appears that the public sphere of discussion is today’s target. In times like these, it is often pertinent to revisit the contributions of philosophers. John Stuart Mill and his harm principle prove to be more relevant than ever when trying to distinguish between the demarcations of hate speech and free speech. His utilitarian argument asserted that freedom should be granted unless or until its actions cause harm to another individual: “The only freedom which deserves the name is that of pursuing our own good in our own way, so long as we do not attempt to deprive others of theirs, or impede their efforts to obtain it.” The distinction between speech that appeals to reason and empathy against speech that vilifies and fuels hateful sentiments is self-evident in most cases. When it is not, measures such as the United Nations Rabat threshold test, are helpful in clarifying the fine line between the two. Moreover, in the United Kingdom, Canada and in France, acts are penalized and prohibitions are made to preempt hateful, discriminatory or blasphemous speech. Decisions to restrict pro-Palestinian voices, based on the conviction that it perpetrates antisemitism, can be judged through this lens. Do pro-Palestinian supporters that demand ceasefires for the people of Gaza violate the principles above? With the exception of hate crimes committed from both sides, in most cases, it can be argued otherwise. The undeniable fact is that all populations, including the Jewish, the Palestinian and those who convey support for either, should be protected. Countering hate speech without compromising free speech is possible. Silencing student activists goes against the spirit of free inquiry that is crucial to educational institutions. When the fine line of empathy is transgressed, punishment is justifiable. However, at the same time, support of a cause should not be misconstrued as hate speech. The aforementioned cases of online harassment for both Harvard and Sciences Po students unfolding recently evince the need for regulation and limits when it comes to free speech in the digital world. Clearly, there must be limits to free speech, now more than ever. Extremism and populism are gaining momentum and leaving behind sentiments of hate in their tracks. However, the problem lies in the indeterminate selection of what is labeled as impermissible in the West. What is considered ‘outrageous’ and ‘appalling’ appears to be an evolving matter always up-for-debate. Some struggles are accentuated, while others are overlooked. One fellow student argued: “Western free speech is only upheld if the speech doesn’t affect the status quo.” Thus, political motivations and cultural wars that shape rhetoric surrounding free speech must always be scrutinized. We must move beyond binary conceptions and be conscious of the role played by the media, governments and other actors. It is never in our favor to partake in polarizing discourse if the long-term goal we strive for is to create a better society for all of us. From anti-apartheid protests to strikes against the Vietnam War and numbers of sit-ins over a range of socio-political issues, university campuses have long been platforms for activist movements. They have impelled momentum, and inspired solidarity for many causes that we now look back on with admiration. They are ideal locations in which the Socratic method of seeking truth can take place. Through constant debate and questioning of conventional mainstream ideas, philosopher Karl Popper argues that students can eliminate errors and falsehoods. Freedoms of expression and opinion are therefore inextricably connected to university life — they advance intellectual pluralism and affirm the significance of democratic processes by enabling students to engage with ideas that they are not fully aware of, or in agreement with. As George Orwell himself highlighted, “If liberty means anything at all, it means the right to tell people what they do not want to hear.” If all ideas outside dominant hegemonic thought were condemned to the margins of public discourse, the course of history would have remained stagnant. Isn’t debate and the divergence of opinion at the very core of progress? University campuses, historically famous for their political activism, should continue to nurture a spirit of debate. As institutions of education, it is fundamental that they resist the erosion of free speech and promote student’s intellectual enrichment. The Western world should upgrade its efforts to adhere to their very own ideals of democracy, freedom and open-mindedness that are imbued in its liberal constitutions and institutions. Human rights, respect and humanitarianism should remain as the priority, and expressing solidarity and partaking in intellectual debates should not result in students facing punishment with potentially permanent consequences. As university students, we are capable of discerning where the line of freedom of speech ends and where hate speech begins. We must not cross it. Yet, at the same time, we should not be intimidated and silenced for voicing our opinion. The only way towards depolarization is through constructive dialogue. And as history shows, obstructing the path towards it is invariably more detrimental than restorative.

Although, some may look at the involved parties in black and white as either heroes or traitors, it seems far more relevant to see politicians such as Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin as compromising realists.  < Back The Oslo Accords: 30 Years Later October 31, 2023 30 years ago, in 1993, the world was full of hope. A future was being drawn in which a resolution was envisionable in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Oslo I Accords were signed in September 1993, a breakthrough in Israeli-Palestinian diplomatic efforts to find a peaceful solution to a conflict which has lasted from the creation of the state of Israel in 1948 up to this day. In the current context of the Israel-Hamas war, it seems all the more important to reflect on this event. Although, some may look at the involved parties in black and white as either heroes or traitors, it seems far more relevant to see politicians such as Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin as compromising realists. It is impossible to claim that the built-up resentment on both sides from decades of tensions and murderous wars was suddenly eradicated by envisioning the possibility of peace. Quite on the contrary – each party, the Israeli government and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), arrived with personal backgrounds and differing interests. What is crucial to take away from this, and which is still a reason for hope to this day, is that despite resentment and experiences of war, a compromise was reached. It was not perfect in anyone’s perspective, but it gave hope that the Palestinian state could finally be accepted, and gave Israel hope for further security and acceptance. To this day, the Oslo Accords are the closest that Israel and Palestine ever came to peace. In the context we are living in, both sides tend to demonize each other as terrorists and tend to reject the vision of the context which led up to the suffering that we see now. Israel’s right wing extremist government and Hamas both use this suffering in à ‘PR war’ which can know no winner. The reminder of the vision that was held by Rabin and Arafat is all the more crucial in such a context as their message was that for the region to develop peace had to prevail. The Accords came out of a backdrop of instability in the Middle East and in the wake of the First Intifada of 1987 — a series of riots by Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank and Israel against the occupation of Palestinian territory. Most importantly, the Accords came from a notion that the Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts were disastrous for the entire region’s ability to move forward into an era of progress. This conflict was seen by all sides as an ever present fear, hindering the notion of complete unity and stability in the region. Before the Gulf War, king Fahd of Saudi Arabia had referred to the conflict with Israel as a plaguing fear. At the dawn of the twenty first century, peace was no longer simply an option — it was the only way forward. A crucial outcome of this was the mutual recognition of Israel and the PLO, permitting further negotiation and opening up the doors to a future with two recognized states and an open peace process. 30 years later, the Oslo Accords are but a distant memory. In the circumstances we are living through, witnessing the violence and pain that is still a recurring vision in Israel and Palestine, it can be difficult to think that after 75 years of fighting and mutual rejection, there can be a solution. However, it is important to remember that peace processes and accords can still be found. There is more international support for peace now than ever before, and there is a real need on the ground as the current situation is creating unbearable chaos and bloodshed. The governments (from any side) may not be willing to make the steps towards peace now, but it is crucial to remember that this can change, there is nothing predestining this conflict to continue its ravages. On this note, it is important to remember that the most tragic aspect of attacks that target civilians is that those are often the same people who want peace the most and have nothing to do with policies run by Hamas or the Israeli government. As an example we can look at the concert goers and peace activists murdered and kidnapped by Hamas on Oct. 7 whose misfortune is being used as a reason for Israeli bombing when their families express specific rejection of this.

When Luffy’s Jolly Roger was hoisted from Nepal’s Singha Durbar palace, it instantly became a symbol of something larger. Over the past few months, a wind of protests has swept across the globe. From Nepal to Madagascar, Kenya to Peru, Indonesia, the Philippines and Morocco: the youth, unwilling to inherit a broken system, have taken to the streets to prove that their future is daring and won’t be silenced. < Back #GenZ 212 Ibtissem Remdane When Luffy’s Jolly Roger was hoisted from Nepal’s Singha Durbar palace, it instantly became a symbol of something larger. Over the past few months, a wind of protests has swept across the globe. From Nepal to Madagascar, Kenya to Peru, Indonesia, the Philippines and Morocco: the youth, unwilling to inherit a broken system, have taken to the streets to prove that their future is daring and won’t be silenced. Nepalese Gen Z protesters in front of Bharatpur Mahanagarpalika Office हिमाल सुवेदी, Wikimedia Commons Unlike previous waves of political mobilization, the Gen Z protests distinguish themselves through their decentralized organization, digital coordination, and symbolic creativity. Simultaneously emerging across several regions of the world, they reflect a generational response to deep structural crises like economic precarity, political disillusionment or the distrust in traditional institutions. What really makes them Gen Z though, is the fact that these movements are enabled and amplified through social media platforms such as TikTok or Instagram, where humor becomes a political language. By September 2025, these protests became a transnational phenomenon. Although each local movement addresses specific national issues such as political corruption in Kenya or the restriction of free speech in the Philippines, they all share a common logic: the rejection of hierarchical authority and the demand for accountability in governance. Something else they have in common, is the means of transmitting symbolic messages. Young women protesting the increase of period products in the #RejectFinanceBill2024 in Nairobi, Kenya author:, Egotieno, Wikimeda commons Gen z’s the first generation to grow up fully online and has had a worldview shaped by an infinite access to information. Unlike previous generations, I believe our political awakening did not occur only through party affiliations or ideological schools but through our feeds. Many before now have witnessed global tragedies through media – from the TV broadcast of the Resistance War Against America in Vietnam to seeing 9/11 live in their living room. What differs for Gen Z is not exposure itself, but the proximity, the pace of it, and the line between those watching and those living the events becomes thinner. The result of this hyper-connected daily-life isn’t simply “more exposure to suffering,” but a system where this very suffering is always available to be seen, directly, at all times: close enough to tap into, and just as close enough to scroll past. For some this information overload fosters apathy, and to some extent, really does numb us to violence. But for some others it sparks indignation, because what this really means is injustice is never distant; it’s chronically always in our pockets. Since these movements are leaderless, they are also difficult to suppress. There is no single figure to arrest, no headquarters to shut down. Their anonymity democratizes participation: anyone with a smartphone can join. Only it is not without consequences, as governments, along with the protesters, have adapted. Affiliation alone can become grounds for punishment, such as in the US where supporting the Palestinian cause publicly has led students to face disciplinary action, surveillance or even barriers like visa denials. Still, this particular humor Gen Z has adopted online disarms power, and it transforms fear into creativity: because beneath the irony does lie a sharp moral core. Again, the memes are not just jokes; they are tools of political literacy. The use of images drawn from pop culture such as animes like One Piece, where a young pirate challenges the authority of the corrupt Marine Forces, or movies like The Hunger Games truly demonstrate Gen Z’s ability to merge digital culture with political activism. This led to the creation of a shared dissident language, and a sense of community despite the geographical distance. Within this wave, Morocco’s Gen Z #FreeKoulchi movement stands out as one of the most relentless. The word koulchi means “everything” in Arabic, which all of it then means “Free Everything.” Born after the tragedy at Hassan II Hospital in Agadir, where eight women died in childbirth after failed C-sections, what began as outrage over poor healthcare quickly evolved into a broader social movement. By the end of September of this year, Moroccan cities saw the emergence of a decentralized protest network. In a statement published on its official accounts and Discord server, the movement calls on “all Moroccan youth, as well as all citizens,” to gather “in large numbers.” while emphasizing the nonviolent nature of the demonstrations: “The protests are peaceful and civilized. Order and responsibility must be maintained.” The movement had no formal leaders or party affiliations, yet its organization was remarkably efficient. Teenagers and university students used TikTok, Instagram, and Discord to coordinate marches, share safety tips, and amplify testimonies of hardship. The digital sphere became both a meeting place and megaphone. Protests in Rabat Mounir Neddi, Mounir Neddi, Wikimedia commons The initial grievances were clear, such as collapsing public services or youth unemployment exceeding 25%. Later on, it gradually broadened to challenge the fact that national wealth was concentrated in the hands of a few. Many criticized the government’s investment in grand infrastructure projects for the Africa World Cup, AFCON, while hospitals and schools struggled to function. Phrases like “No World Cup, health comes first" and "We want hospitals not football stadiums" could be heard in the streets. Later, as the movement progressed and protesters were being massively repressed, arrested and prosecuted by the Moroccan police, the phrase “Free Koulchi” appeared. It called for the release of the peaceful protesters who exercised their right by coming to the streets. It thus became not only a slogan but a diagnosis, everyone and everything needs to be freed because everything feels trapped. Emotionally, the movement was fueled by hogra : a dialectal Arabic term used to describe humiliation and injustice. It’s the feeling of being ignored, of existing within a context that perpetuates oppression. For many young Moroccans, hogra had become a national condition. As a response to the uprisings, the Moroccan government, accustomed to containing dissent through a mix of reform and restraint, initially downplayed the protests. But as #FreeKoulchi gained visibility and international attention, the official rhetoric shifted. On 10 October 2025, King Mohammed VI delivered a rare televised address urging his administration to act “with greater speed” on healthcare, education, and youth employment. Days later, Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch’s government announced a package of social reforms: investment in hospitals, teacher recruitment programs, and targeted job creation schemes. Finance Minister Nadia Fettah Alaoui promised to redirect budget funds from luxury projects toward essential services. Yet these promises were met with skepticism. Many activists viewed them as performative gestures from Akhannouch aimed at cooling tensions rather than systemic change. The AMDH (Moroccan Association for Human Rights) reports around 2,068 arrests, intimidation, and police violence continued to surface, prompting condemnation from organizations such as Amnesty International. So while the government’s reformist language was conciliatory, its security practices remained repressive, a dual strategy that seems to have long characterized Moroccan governance. Still, the movement achieved something significant: it disrupted the narrative of Moroccan youth apathy. It revealed that beneath apparent stability lies a generation increasingly unwilling to accept a political order that limits them to symbolic participation. GenZ 212 demonstrations in Rabat , Mounir Neddi, flickr #FreeKoulchi encapsulates many features of Gen Z activism worldwide: decentralization, digital organization, and moral clarity. It demands dignity, opportunity and concrete actions. What sets Morocco apart is how these universal frustrations intersect with local realities: a constitutional monarchy balancing modernization with control, a rapidly urbanizing youth population, and stark inequalities between coastal elites and rural communities. The AFCON preparations have also exacerbated these disparities, making many Moroccans feel the government’s priorities are misplaced . The protest thus reflects both a national crisis and a generational awakening. For Moroccan youth, #FreeKoulchi is not only and solely about policy failure; it’s about belonging. Although the movement initially focused on social and economic rights rather than challenging the political system itself, it was later associated with broader democratic aspirations. It asserts their right to shape the country’s future rather than merely inherit it. In that sense, Morocco’s movement joins a larger global pattern: the rise of “connected dissent”, where young people mobilize simultaneously as citizens of their nations and participants in a transnational digital public sphere. Yet, the power of digital protest contains its own contradictions. The same algorithms that connect youth also fragment their attention. Sustaining momentum beyond the viral moment remains a challenge, one that many Gen Z movements from #M66 in Togo to #MilkTeaAlliance in Asia, have confronted. Indeed in Morocco too, sustaining #FreeKoulchi beyond the online moment remains a challenge. Without formal organization or negotiation structures, translating demands into policy becomes difficult. But its legacy may not lie in immediate reform; it may lie in the cultural and psychological shift it triggered. Milk Tea Alliance: Group called Humanity Beyond Borders distributes free Tiananmen cookies author: Prachatai, flickr The #FreeKoulchi movement in Morocco is both a symptom and a signal. For thousands of young Moroccans, protest is no longer taboo. It is part of civic life. Today, our generation does not seek revolution in the old sense. It seeks renewal of trust, of accountability, even of hope. Its politics are not about overthrowing systems but about demanding that they finally work, that the citizens can be heard. In Morocco and beyond, these protests announce a truth that governments keep on ignoring– not without cost– the youth are not the future, we’re the present. #FreeKoulchi

With the coming of age comes individualization and a desire to break away from conformity. As rationality develops, it becomes more comprehensible that there is no need to be ashamed of or cringe at things either you or someone around you partakes in. This, in turn, eliminates the desire to conform to societal norms. < Back Is the Mean Girl Living Inside of Us Dead? The Possible Fall of Cringing Melissa Çevikel January 31, 2025 Musical.ly archives, “6 years ago today” Snapchat memories and recollections of my adolescence by family members at reunions…looking back at times when I wasn't fully self-aware and conscious causes a sharp pain in my chest. This is also largely because I am not able to fully remember what I did and didn’t do, leaving me with the burden of having to fill the gaps with my now much more developed frontal lobe and creativity. This creativity inherently leads to the phenomenon of cringing, which, in its most literal sense, means to “shrink in fear or servility” or “to draw in or contract one's muscles involuntarily (as from cold or pain).” There exists a third definition, however, which combines both the physical jerk element and the emotional aspect of the phenomenon: “so embarrassing, awkward, etc. as to cause one to cringe”. Though there clearly is a universal understanding of what cringing means, the phenomenon is not manifested in the same way for everyone. Not only do the things that trigger this sensation change based on our interpretations of events—and, more broadly, the world— but our reactions to it may also differ, ranging from slight discomfort to mental breakdowns. As I was thinking about the concept of cringing in general, I came to realize that I had stopped cringing, or at least having such a strong reaction to things that seemed embarrassing for me or any party involved. After asking around, most people who I talked to—though it must be noted that all of them were my peers—related to my realization and similarly noted that they had embraced most “cringe-worthy” things they or those around them engaged in. I wondered: had this change occurred simultaneously with our shift in interpretations of the world around us? Our interpretations of the world, for the sake of this article at least, can be identified based on age and the environments we socialize in, including social media. Age being a defining factor in this was the first thing that came to mind. With age comes maturity, with which comes acceptance. “And it makes no difference whether they (young people) are young in years or immature in character. The defect is not a question of time. It is because their life and its various aims are guided by feeling, for to such persons their knowledge is of no use any more than it is to persons of defective self-restraint” is a quote from Aristotle's “The Nicomachean Ethics.” The key idea here is that when you are young and lack maturity, your actions are guided by feelings. Though this is not a scientifically backed argument, the fact that many things are taken much closer to the heart than they should have been when younger can’t be denied. As we grow older, we gather different experiences and meet different people, which presents us with different pathways we can take and may even potentially inspire us. This builds confidence, mainly to pursue the things we enjoy regardless of whether we get judged for it or not. Without these experiences, it's difficult for us to accept criticism, since we’re not sure whether they are or aren’t worthy of being taken into consideration. As a result, most judgments received when younger are taken literally and hurt our self-esteem. Source: Melissa Çevikel, 2025. With the coming of age comes individualization and a desire to break away from conformity. As rationality develops, it becomes more comprehensible that there is no need to be ashamed of or cringe at things either you or someone around you partakes in. This, in turn, eliminates the desire to conform to societal norms. I asked some people (who wished to remain anonymous) about their interests which they thought were cringy and were ashamed of partaking in before coming to terms with them, focusing on what changed their minds. Interviewee No.1, a long-time K-pop stan, said that even though initially people made fun of it when they found out she enjoyed the music, the pleasure and enjoyment it brought her was greater than any of the criticism she had endured. Interviewee No.2, who enjoyed watching anime and reading fan fiction—both of which she was teased for—told me that she simply gradually realized the value of storytelling they held. She said that they even pushed her to study animation at university. Others told me about how they felt insecure about certain clothing and make-up items they owned since the brands they owned had come to be labeled as cringy. They told me that they did not let this stop them from using them because, after all, they had paid for them and someone’s opinion was not a valid reason to waste their money. The people I interviewed were around the age of 20 and were all university students. When I was at the end of my senior year of high school, I had doubts about whether I would be able to find a group of friends with whom my interests aligned. Almost every university student I talked to comforted me saying that university was a very diverse environment where it was impossible not to meet people who think alike. While this turned out to be true, there was a huge difference compared to high school. As they mature, people not only start being more accepting towards themselves and those around them but also create spaces where they can share and enjoy these. These create environments where these ideas are socialized and inherently accepted by a wider community who don’t necessarily partake in these interests. In contrast, high school students don’t feel as free to share their interests mostly since these kinds of spaces aren’t available. To compare the number of things people in earlier years of high school found to be cringeworthy to people in their early 20s, I interviewed a high school junior about the things she thought to be cringy. She presented me with a long list of things that included Victoria’s Secret pajama sets, cussing, fake smiling, smiling too much, young boys and girls, people filming TikTok vlogs, people who think of themselves as nice, old people acting young, etc. This was overwhelmingly long compared to what I had heard from older interviewees. It wouldn’t be right to say that maturity is what causes university students to be more accepting than high school students and vice versa because one summer isn’t that long of a period to allow students to undergo such great change. However, being surrounded by new people and tasks does leave much less space for judgment since new worries take up that space. This might be why people eventually reduce the strength of emotions they associate with second-hand embarrassment and cringing. Source: Melissa Çevikel, 2025. Another factor, however, in why today's young adults cringe less compared to high school students can be tied to the pandemic. The quarantine was a time when social media flourished—not necessarily for the best—and everyone was suddenly very involved with sharing their interests online and trying new things. As people began to share their interests, the already existing, yet not crowded, online communities began to grow, with people who would’ve been too ashamed to partake in these interests in real life joining them. This created safe spaces—similar to those I mentioned that occurred in universities—hence why this generation of young adults was able to experience such acceptance much earlier. Lastly, it's important to think about where the line between judgment and cringing is drawn. While cringing at something is a very human response, what it triggers in turn must be reconsidered. There lies a very thin line between borderline bullying and expressing how you find something cringe, and that negativity is quite unnecessary in our day-to-day lives. As we transition into newer phases and slowly mature, we gradually come to realize that nothing truly is that deep, and that this passage prepares us for adulthood. Unfortunately, adulthood is full of tasks and errands, leaving us with little to no time to critically analyze others’ actions enough to cringe at them. Maybe in 50 years me and cringing will meet again at sunset as I watch my grandchildren film music videos for random rap songs…but for now we have parted our ways as I’ve grown up.

The political co-opting of the hijab has a long and violent history. As the French governmental and social domains continue to politicize Muslim head-coverings, it is vital to examine it. < Back The Hijab Is a Hot Political Topic for Islamists… but Also the Secular West By Ghazal Khalife November 30, 2022 Hijab is an Arabic word that translates to “curtain” or “covering.” It is now commonly used to refer to the headcovers sometimes worn by Muslim women. A lot of questions surround the hijab: Why is it worn? Is it a sign of oppression — an archaic symbol of patriarchal traditions? Does it fit in modern societies? What should we do about it? The fact that the hijab has become such a controversy shows how it has long left the private realm and become a matter of public debate and politicization. In Iran: From a symbol of protest to a symbol of oppression In its modern history, Iran has had a complicated relationship with its religious identity and, thus, the role of the hijab. Reza Shah Pahlavi, who ruled Iran from 1925 to 1941, to abandon backwardness and tradition and promote modernization, issued the decree, “Kashef-e Hijab,” which banned all head coverings for women as well as the “chador,” a full-body Iranian covering. Unsurprisingly, this decision, which was swiftly and strongly enforced across the country, was not received well by the more conservative population. The ban restricted women’s freedom of movement, as many stayed at home or came out at night when they could hide from police, who were instructed to resort to physical violence to unveil hijabi women forcibly. The shah’s decree adhered to the premise that the hijab is antithetical to modernity and women’s integration into society, a view that resonates to this day. During the ceremony in which the shah announced “Kashef-e Hijab,” he stated that women “should stand out in society the same way they stand out in their homes.” Fast forward to the years leading up to the Islamic Revolution, the hijab resurged in the social and political spheres as a sign of protest against westernization and the Pahlavi dynasty’s attempt to repress Iran’s cultural and religious identity. It is worth noting, however, that at that point, wearing the veil was a choice, an expression of disenchantment with a regime that dictated women’s clothing. After the Islamic republic was established, veiling became mandatory and violently enforced by the morality police. Post-Revolution leader Ruhollah Khomeini described women who did not veil as “naked.” Consequently, the veil became a symbol of the resurrection of Islamic values and strict interpretation of the Quran. Women have been protesting the hijab mandate for decades in Iran — a movement that culminated in the recent and ongoing protests . The hijab is simply another manifestation of the Islamic state’s political oppression; it is a reminder that the Islamic Republic can and will dictate the public’s life choices, that it does not tolerate diversion from its interpretation of religion and that its version of society is the right one. The affiliation of the hijab with a political movement is not exclusive to Iran, however. The idea of the hijab was also politicized in post-colonial Arab liberation movements and their competing ideologies, most notably the Muslim Brotherhood. During the early period of decolonization (1930s-40s), Muslim women wore the hijab to reaffirm their pride in their heritage and Islamic identity, especially since European colonial soldiers unveiled indigenous women during “civilizing missions.” In Algeria, the veil became a focal point of the War of Independence as there was strong resentment against the French for their unveiling and sexualization of Algerian women. Unveiling ceremonies were popular, but the obsession with the hijab took on an even more sinister undertone. To many, it hid mysterious sexual objects cloaked beneath a layer of modesty, begging to be seen by the male gaze. This is epitomized by the school of French photographers who took photos of unveiled women and hypersexualized them; some of these images were even used in French postal cards. In France: The symbol of a struggle with religious diversity In contemporary France, the hijab remains a contentious topic in government and public realms. Despite being worn by less than 2% of France’s population, the hijab dominates political discussions about secularism, immigration and Islam. Under the pretext that it violates France’s sacred principle of “laicité,” a specific interpretation of secularism that guides French society, many lawmakers, even those affiliated with the centrist party, have fervently supported strict regulations on veiling. These include banning the headscarf in public schools and prohibiting citizens working in the public sector from wearing it. In February 2022, the French senate voted 160-143 in favor of banning the wearing of the hijab: “an ostentatious religious symbol” in sports competitions. How do these regulations fit into the larger context of French politics? The prevalent argument is that the hijab is an “ostentatious” religious symbol and, hence, incompatible with “laicité.” Many hijabis have countered this assertion by pointing out that the hijab is a religious obligation and a commitment to modesty as opposed to being an inherent symbol of faith. As such, the rhetoric in support of restricting the hijab in favor of laïcité minimizes its significance for hijabi women and is sometimes used to emphasize the “otherness” of France’s Muslim population. France, like many Western countries, has undoubtedly struggled with its increasing diversity in the post-colonial context, especially with recent migratory waves from predominantly Muslim countries. Since hijabi women are easily identifiable as Muslim, they have been subject to the most scrutiny and discrimination. When asked how wearing the hijab changed people’s perceptions about her in France, an anonymous Menton first-year answered that “people’s perceptions definitely changed towards me as I started wearing the hijab because I was no longer seen as (who I am), but as ‘the hijabi girl.’ I particularly noticed (this) when people confused me for another hijabi girl or when the first interaction I had with a stranger would be regarding my hijab.” Another angle from which to examine this issue is a more subtle extension of the “civilizing mission” justification in which the hijab is considered a symbol of patriarchal oppression and incompatible with modern society. This may also be interpreted as an argument that encourages Muslim women to abandon a potentially important element of their identity in order to be accepted into French society. The fundamental problem with this “savior complex” narrative is that it assumes that all women are forced or even conditioned into wearing the hijab and not wearing it out of their own free will. While this unfortunately, can be the case in many Muslim communities, it cannot be generalized. Moreover, instead of empowering women, banning the headscarf could inhibit many Muslim women from integrating productively into society since many civic and educational doors would be slammed shut for them. The hijab: An individual experience Ultimately, politicizing the hijab reduces women’s bodies to social matters; it risks ridding them of their bodily autonomy, as observed in both extremes of hijab regulations. Every Muslim woman experiences the hijab differently, and while it is normal and even vital to discuss the motivations behind wearing the hijab, employing it as a political tool to control women, garner votes or advance a political agenda constricts not only Muslim women but also distorts the deeply personal nature of this religious practice.

Whether it’s a $300 white noise machine that is advertised to put you to sleep within 10 minutes, or a $500 ring that will track all your bodily functions, which will most likely not be accurate, all the problems you can’t even imagine having have been solved for you. You are no longer only overwhelmed but you now also live in an overcrowded space. As if being exposed to advertisements of these isn’t enough, you also have the opportunity to buy them and test them out. Because investing in yourself can’t be a bad thing, can it? < Back FOMO (Face Yoga, Overwhelming, Maintenance and Overconsumption) Melissa Cevikel April 29, 2025 Missed Retro night or MEDMUN party? Tried writing your midterm paper on your train back from a weekend trip with friends and it didn’t go well? Stuck in a 14.05 km² town in your 20s where you feel like you’re missing out on classic college experiences? The early 20s are often advertised to be the most carefree and, according to clinical psychologist Meg Jay, the most defining years of one's life. But what exactly are these years defining if most youth navigating through them are battling with FOMO and are chronically overwhelmed? And how is this being used against us? In her book The Defining Decade: Why Your Twenties Matter and How to Make the Most of Them Now, Jay argues that the biggest factor shaping young adults is entering the workforce. Citing this, she mentions that she refuses to work with 20-something-year-olds who are not under stress while at work. “ If my 20-something clients aren’t on a steep learning curve at work, I would rather they get another job because it’s really about skill building,” she told UVA Today . “If you’re not feeling stressed and anxious at work as a 20-something, you’re probably not learning enough.” But who is this mindset serving? A 2023 American Psychological Association study on stress levels in young adults in America, defined as 18-34 year olds, revealed that 24% rated their stress level between 8 and 10 out of 10. An increase of 8% in overall stress levels was also observed compared to 2019—a change the APA linked to COVID-19. It should be noted that these findings most likely do not correlate with those in the Global South, for which statistics aren’t widely available. Looking at the data, it’s clear that people in their 20s are stressed and overwhelmed. So, where does the general stigma of Gen Z being careless, yet overly sensitive, come from? A 2023 Dazed article titled “Everyone needs to grow up” explains this phenomenon, noting: “Most complaints about the infantilism of young people have typically come from the right, which has pointed to safe spaces and trigger warnings as evidence that Gen Z and millennials have been coddled to the point of softness. The right-wing critique of infantilism usually contends that, due to a vague decline in moral fibre, young people aren’t willing to embrace the mantles of adulthood, like moving out of the family home, entering into a stable career, getting married and starting a family.” This right-wing idea of “softness” has not come alone—it has also brought justifications and cures to overwhelming stress with it. For some, the reason why people under 25 engage in behaviors that aren’t ideal can be explained by putting the blame on the frontal lobe. A popular belief—that has especially flourished on TikTok—claims that the age of 25 is the milestone at which life choices become clear, and henceforth, the feeling of overwhelmedness induced by decision making is no longer present. But how true is this? In an interview with Dazed, the head of the University of Edinburgh's Psychology Department, Dr. Sarah MacPherson, highlighted the wide misconceptions surrounding frontal lobe development. She stated that although it is true that frontal lobe development ends at 25, this doesn’t determine a clear and strict distinction between choices made before that age. Up until the early 2010s, the age of 16 was seen as the milestone age. Movies such as Sixteen Candles showcased characters hitting all their teenage milestones at 16. The idea of “sweet sixteen” being the perfect dating age during the 60s also signified the importance of the age in relation to transition into adulthood, especially for young girls. This age of “self fulfillment” kept being pushed further and further as many of today's young adults spent their critical ages of 16,18 and 21 in quarantine, without any chance of experiencing young adult milestones. Whatever was missed out on during the three years when COVID-19 was declared a health emergency is, in turn, being made up for right now. As we all know, we can’t make up for all the teenage and young adult experiences missed: attending high school house parties, carelessly drinking on a weekday or declaring “Euro summer” the minute we’re done with midterms. Responsibilities persist, but so does FOMO. This FOMO gradually grows as we see people who are, in fact, able to do all these things and balance it out with their academic life, and this subsequently turns into the feeling of chronic overwhelmedness. Feeling overwhelmed can be caused by many different factors, and frontal lobe development can’t always be blamed for it. Common symptoms of overwhelm include irritability, hopelessness, lack of motivation, panic and anxiety, low appetite and even problems with the immune system. And while the best way of solving this would be to take some time off and take everything one day at a time, social media’s obsession with self-care would beg to differ. As our problems became more complex, the market economy has presented us with more niche solutions. You can buy hormone balancing supplements (with no medical oversight), a new body lotion with 10% niacinamide and 1% zinc, a new workout set and a pilates subscription and sip on your green juice all at once! If you instead prefer to focus on your education and lock-in, you can purchase ten different highlighters, a laptop stand to help your posture and a subscription to an app that manages your screen time. A lymphatic drainage massage might help with muscle relief (because muscles “hold trauma”) and a foot mask just might be the purchase standing between you and solving your actual problem of procrastination. Whether it’s a $300 white noise machine that is advertised to put you to sleep within 10 minutes, or a $500 ring that will track all your bodily functions, which will most likely not be accurate, all the problems you can’t even imagine having have been solved for you. You are no longer only overwhelmed but you now also live in an overcrowded space. As if being exposed to advertisements of these isn’t enough, you also have the opportunity to buy them and test them out. Because investing in yourself can’t be a bad thing, can it? Our chr onic overwhelmedness has reached new heights. We are no longer overwhelmed by our tasks, relationships and responsibilities. We have entered a new era where we are overwhelmed by our purchases and the possibilities of them. AI is thinking—and most recently creating—in our place, so that we have fewer things to worry about. Yet the feelings of FOMO persist, no matter how much time we save not doing a reading for class or not editing an application. We still get bummed out when our friends post stories from a night out we had to sit out on, and are haunted by the regret of leaving our assignments to the last minute. Our overwhelmedness seems to connect us to our irreducible humanity more than any emotion can. We stress about jobs, money, friendships and grades—because we’re human enough to understand that there is no definite solution to any of it. We continue to go out the night before the exam, knowing that we will regret it, and we do things knowing they will overcomplicate our relationships. We make mistakes, partly because some of us have the privilege to do so and partly because there is no other way around being human. We get overwhelmed and feel like the end of the world is around the corner, yet we wake up the next morning and at least try to be better. Being chronically overwhelmed shouldn’t be normalized, but there isn’t any way not to feel overwhelmed once in a while. And though a pillow spray might seem like just the thing to help let go of everything, there is a very high chance it won't. Not buying into marketing tactics that claim to help with feeling overwhelmed might be one of the most important steps towards breaking free from the “chronic” aspect of feeling so. So can recognizing that our biological development most likely isn’t the reason for all our recklessness. People over 30 get overwhelmed, and so do people over 50. We will hopefully be surviving at least 50 more years of feeling overwhelmed and missing out on things, so no need to waste all our emotions on it now. Photo source: Toni Blay on Flickr

Behind the curtain of seemingly increasing stability in Syria, out of the eye of Western press and politics, a deplorable crime is being committed against Syrian nationals: the expropriation of their heritage. < Back Turkey Is Waging War on Syrian Heritage By Emilia K September 29, 2022 Behind the curtain of seemingly increasing stability in Syria, out of the eye of Western press and politics, a deplorable crime is being committed against Syrian nationals: the expropriation of their heritage. Syrian heritage is one of the oldest and richest, providing invaluable insight into our past, with some of the best-preserved sites in the Middle East dating back thousands of years. Syria was the birthplace of sedentarization and agriculture; the first complex societies, writing systems and sciences emerged there. However, for several years, Syrian heritage has suffered immeasurable damages under various factions of the Syrian National Army (formerly known as the ‘Free Syrian Army’). Funded, trained and supplied by Turkey, which has established de-facto control over areas in Northern Syria, these armed opposition groups have looted and bulldozed numerous essential heritage sites. The theft of integral parts of Syrian history is happening against the backdrop of increasing Turkification of the self-proclaimed “safe zones.” This Turkification includes renaming geography and landmarks (the Saraya square in Afrin is now the Erdoğan Square), the introduction of Turkish in the school curriculums and the ethnic cleansing of a sizable Kurdish population. Heritage represents an indispensable component of the construction of group identity, and the loss thereof has a grave impact on the ability of Syrians to reconstruct their national identity after a traumatic war that has sown great divisions in the nation. By 2020, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights had reported activity at more than 25 archaeological sites, a number which has been continually increasing over the last two years. ‘Ayn Dāra represents the most prominent victim of the numerous attacks on Syrian heritage. This temple was a unique monument with rich sculptural decoration, dating to the 14th/13th century BCE, and — ironically — built by the Anatolian Hittites who had, at that time, conquered large parts of northern Syria. Lying roughly 40km northwest of Aleppo, the archaeological site dates back over 3000 years and bears importance on ancient trade routes between Egypt, Palestine and Anatolia. An airstrike by the Turkish air forces in 2018 eradicated half of the temple structure. However, more recently, Turkish-backed forces have looted both the site and the storage of the archaeological mission, despite repeated warnings by United Nations organizations. The temple of ‘Ayn Dāra is only one of many decimated sites. There have been reports of excavations near the Nabi Huri fortress, an important site on the ancient trade route from Antioch to the Euphrates, containing a 100-meter diameter Roman theater. Furthermore, the Sheikh Hamid shrine and the archaeological shrine of Abdulrahman, both holy sites for Yazidi Kurds, have been desecrated by excavations. Turkey’s role in this is significant: Stolen artifacts have been reported smuggled and sold in Turkey, and Ankara funds the heavy machinery and advanced equipment available to the armed groups. However, beyond the material damage, the loss of Syrian heritage in the Turkish-occupied regions presents an even greater danger to the Syrian identity, particularly to its Kurdish inhabitants. The United Nations reported the displacement of over 150,000 Kurdish residents of Afrin by the Turkish invasion and subsequent prohibition to return, instead promoting Arabic settlements. The remaining Kurdish population has been subject to the expropriation of property, harassment and arbitrary arrests by Syrian National Army factions. Other reports describe the widespread hewing of olive groves, which often represent a source of firewood in cold winters and the sole source of income for the families to whom they belong. While some of the olive trees were burned systematically, others were uprooted and smuggled to sell in Turkish markets. Few conflicts have grown as protracted as the Syrian one. The war has displaced 13 million Syrians since its 2011 outbreak, of which 3.6 million have fled to neighboring Turkey. In 2016, Turkey launched its first military intervention to counteract the Islamic State and the organization of Kurdish groups in Northern Syria. Since then, it has established effective control over an area of almost 9000 square kilometers, referred to as safe zones. These areas are under Turkish military rule and connected to the Turkish infrastructure. In a 2019 policy brief analysis, Engin Yüksel and Erwin van Veen identified that “Turkey has been setting up institutions that mirror Turkish structures and practices, creating favorable conditions for private (Turkish) investment and encouraging refugee return. These institutions also reflect Turkey’s own brand of national Islamism. Nationalism manifests itself in the introduction of the Turkish language in the primary school curricula in the area. State Islamism reveals itself in the 1,472 clerics and 5,686 religious teachers that Diyanet — the government’s directorate of religious affairs — has hired among Syrians to spread Turkey’s political interpretation of Islam among the local population, including anti-Kurdish and anti-Gülenist sentiments.” While establishing these safe zones is primarily interpreted as serving the relocation of the large refugee population in Turkey, the broader context of the occupation offers a different perspective. President Erdoğan’s neo-Ottoman sentiments towards a regional Turkish hegemony are no secret. Before Turkish incursions, the “conquest” Surah of the Quran rang from mosques, and in 2012 he proclaimed, “Inshallah, we will go to Damascus soon to hug our brothers. That day is close. Inshallah, we will read el-Fatiha at the tomb of Salahuddin and pray at the Emevi mosque...” The more control Turkey gains over educational and religious institutions, the stronger its ability to shift the narrative in favor of Turkish expansionism. The destruction of heritage represents the loss of tangible reminders of the nation’s history and heightens the difficulties of returning to unity, a prerequisite to sustained peace. While Western powers continue to support peace-restoration efforts in Syria, their closest ally is diminishing the prospects of their project. How can the North Atlantic Treaty Organization continue its pledges of support to Ukrainian sovereignty while one of its members exhibits such blatant disrespect to the very notion of such?

Situated in a quaint bay amongst sun-kissed houses, Sciences Po Menton is truly a peculiar place to spend two of the most impactful years of our lives. Many of us come here, leaving behind the safety of a familiar environment, to confront both the pleasure and pain of newfound liberty. < Back Reflections on Mentonese Life With Former Student, Professor Ismail Hamoumi By Emilia Kohlmeyer April 29, 2022 Another year at Sciences Po Menton is ending. 2As are passing onto their next journey and 1As are taking on the responsibility of preserving the Mentonese student culture. The legacy of Soundproof, the campus party house, is being transferred to a new enthusiastic quadruplet, and many events, such as the collective chant-writing session, represent a modicum of traditions which are transmitted over generations of Sciences Pistes. Reflecting upon the months since I moved to Menton, I grasped the profound impact our small French Riviera town had on me. I would have never pictured the extent to which this student community would be able to shape us when I first arrived. Situated in a quaint bay amongst sun-kissed houses, Sciences Po Menton is truly a peculiar place to spend two of the most impactful years of our lives. Many of us come here, leaving behind the safety of a familiar environment, to confront both the pleasure and pain of newfound liberty. I was fortunate enough to discuss this strange Mentonese journey into adulthood with one of our very own alumni. Former-student-turned-1A-sociology-professor, Ismail Hamoumi has completed the full circle of the Menton experience and was kind enough to sit down with me to offer his reflections on the student life of his day. The Menton experience could be described as both incredibly intense and influential — a microcosm of around 300 students from all over the world, sharing the same buildings, streets, and social spaces. This has an enormous impact on social relations. Privacy is much more limited, as perfectly exemplified by a 2A warning me not to gossip on Rue Longue in my first week here. Indeed, not much of anything remains private in Menton, as it is routine to run into a minimum of three other students each time you leave your home. Hamoumi emphasized the profound effect this leaves on our process of identity construction. Leaving home as inquisitive and malleable adolescents provides us with the liberty to experiment with new identities – ones that could potentially deviate from our familiar culture. Everything new we experience challenges our perception of self. This is compounded by our numerous daily social interactions with a highly international community. Students leave Menton with a more stable sense of self, remarked Hamoumi. Our identities are only reinforced by the diversity of people and thoughts that can be found on our Menton campus. But not everything has remained consistent. Menton has also witnessed some changes in the six years since Professor Hamoumi graduated. The student body has increased by a third. Many more associations now contribute to the blooming social scene and, to my suprise , even the vivacious nightlife, a pillar of the Menton culture, is a fairly new phenomenon previously limited to Le Retro. In Professor Hamoumi’s era, social life was mostly confined to the outdoors, a few larger apartments, or nights in Monaco on which a memorable part of the night invariably included 3 a.m. bus rides along serpentine roads, causing some alcohol and dizziness induced “incidents.” Conversely, many of the festivities of the last year took place in apartments. An iconic party spot in contemporary Menton is Soundproof — the student residence where wild nights sometimes start, but always end. Professor Hamoumi cited a similar apartment from his time in Menton. But it is yet to be confirmed whether it was in the same building as Soundproof, or if they were just on the same street. However, there remain a few notable constants besides the integral role of the ummah and a lingering separation between the English and French track. It seems that the Mercedes Benz of the owner of the New Asian Store is a product of the sponsorship of generations of Sciences Pistes’ late-night alcohol purchases. The culinary scene of Menton has also not been subject to much change, including the traditional takeout pizza from Volcano or dinners at Marrakech and Al Vecchio Forno. An honorable mention should also be awarded to our very own Michael Jackson, whose effervescent presence is an integral part of Mentonese life and spirit. It is clear that much in Menton seems to remain and accompany hundreds of Sciences Pistes well after their departure. As a rising 2A, it is clearer to me now how much responsibility weighs on us to preserve the community we have created and the traditions that mark our student life. Every generation of students has contributed a little piece of the ummah and once we leave a piece of our life will remain, kept alive by new eager students experiencing their own growth into adulthood and profoundly shaping their own identity.

With 2As increasingly melancholic about their imminent departures, a spirit of contemplation takes hold of the students of the Menton campus. < Back Klimt’s Death and Life: a Perspective on Beginnings and Endings By Lara Harmankaya April 30, 2024 Another academic year nears its end. The approach of the end is marked by the longer hours of daytime and the re-emergence of a softness in the air. With 2As increasingly melancholic about their imminent departures, a spirit of contemplation takes hold of the students of the Menton campus. The fleeting nature of our time here suddenly becomes conspicuous to us; we arrive, build friendships and connections, and leave after two very short years. We leave our mark but ultimately get swept up in the thousands of mosaics that mold the rich history of this institution. The eagerly-anticipated arrival of spring thus becomes a bittersweet reminder of the need to move on and undergo a process of detachment yet again. Quite literally, as this reveals to us, the trajectory of the students of Sciences Po follows a seasonal progression of time – each season symbolic of a beginning and a conclusion. In such a time of reflection, the pertinence of Gustav Klimt’s artwork and the unique outlook it has on ephemerality becomes evident yet again. In his 1911 oil on canvas painting, Death and Life , Klimt reminds us that life continues, even in the face of ‘death.’ In the Sciences Po context I described above, Death can be interpreted as endings in general. It expresses transience and the constraints imposed on us by the cruelty of time. Displayed in the Leopold Museum in Vienna, the almost six-foot-tall Death and Life is a melange of meaning, stages and colors. It appears fluid to the eye, quite like the transitional phases of life it represents through its curvaceous nude figures. The baby, the surrounding young and old women, and the pair of lovers beneath symbolize the many age groups of the human race and are all cocooned in a blanket composed of bright colors. Patchwork designs, floral patterns, circles and geometric shapes all blend together and create images that melt into one another. This contrasts vividly with the solitary, navy figure of Death. He is reminiscent of the night; his robe is embellished with bright crosses erected on a graveyard and star-like speckles of white that illuminate the cool darkness of what appears to allude to the night sky. On the other hand, the embracing figures he is eagerly observing discernibly illustrate the warmness of day, summer and spring. This is a painting with a title as uncomplicated and clear as its metaphors. Its sharp juxtapositions – between soft and hard, nature and abstraction, dark and light, and somber and vibrant – connote an idea that is easily understood by all those who have grasped the concept of mortality. However, looking at it yet again, it evokes an additional element internal to the human condition that no simple life-death distinction can convey with true accuracy. To understand this, we must dive deeper into the historical era in which it was produced. In the early 20th century, a growing fascination with the subconscious permeated the Viennese intellectual sphere following the rising popularity of Freud’s ‘The Interpretation of Dreams.’ The figures, with the exception of one, all strikingly have their eyes closed. The way they clutch one another, therefore, evokes not only intimacy but also a dream-like state that denotes the subconscious. Against the backdrop of World War I and the increasingly prominent academic interest in looking inward, this painting can be analyzed as a reflection of a collective unconscious that wished to escape material reality. Moreover, it was also part and parcel of the broader Secession Movement in Vienna, which marked a radical shift in producing and appreciating art. With an uncertain sociopolitical environment and under the guiding creativity of Klimt, Austrian artists began challenging conventionally accepted approaches to art and incorporated more innovative techniques – among which, of course, were Klimt’s bold colors, sensual imagery and irregular mosaic designs. Observing this painting without understanding the context that spurred its genesis can thereby lead to losing out on the very nuance that makes it exceptional. As with all art, Death and Life was not brought into existence in a vacuum but was very much the product of an age of progress and rising modernity. Yet, the principal meaning of it is tied to the fact that life and death are continuous, cyclical and ceaseless. The painting itself is thus a juxtaposition, signifying the age-old intrinsic dilemma of human nature amidst a time of irrevocable change. Thus, it can be suggested that what Klimt may have desired with this painting was to denote the transcendence of the human experience. Even as many attempted to break with the conventions of the past, one thing remained eternal – the universality of beginnings and endings. Awarded the first prize in the 1911 International Art Exhibition in Rome, Death and Life is said to have been described by Klimt as his “most important figurative work.” Examining the significance of the skeleton personifying Death could help us see why. According to art historians, it is reminiscent of the motif of the ‘dance of death’ / ‘danse macabre,’ which first appeared in the Middle Ages. Serving as an emblem that death comes to all regardless of rank and social status, the historic relevance of the subtly smirking skeleton in the painting itself is a reminder of the sense of succession found in human nature and art history. Examining the history of Klimt’s artwork can also be insightful in discerning the figurative importance of his stylistic choices in this painting. Known for the abundant use of gold in many of his pieces, including in Judith and the Head of Holofernes , this painting – having encountered multiple amendments that removed its traces of gold – can be seen as the outcome of a more mature Klimt who died three years after its conclusion. In 1915, the background was painted over with hues of gray, green and blue, almost as if to mimic a sea of consciousness. This grants the painting a sentiment of reality; rather than washing out the amorphous blocks with gold and lavish, they are given center-stage. Life itself is not glitteringly golden but is grounded in the earth and ambiguous. The overall tone of the painting, despite being conscious of the inevitability of Death and conclusion, is not a grim one. It is hopeful – the entangled figures on the right are able to ignore the disturbing gaze of Death and continue their streaming slumber in peace. They are part of the larger cycle of life, and knowing that life will continue even after their time does not disturb their tranquility. Perhaps that should be the lesson to extract from this painting. There exists the looming threat of termination just a few steps away, but for the time being, we can enjoy the moments we have and keep holding onto each other. Image - Flickr, Frans Vandewalle, Creative Commons

The rise to popularity of media set outside of the US created a gap for new works which happened to be produced by British and Irish creators and their coming of age stories. While having real world implications such as a shift in university preferences, this also allowed for a generation to realize that the dream of an American teenagehood was as unrealistic as it was unattainable. In their transition to adulthood, many can now better appreciate the coming of age experiences their—or neighboring—countries have to offer, and learn about a larger scope of history and culture. < Back Is Coming of Age Based on Geography? Melissa Çevikel December 31, 2024 I recently realized, after reading Tennis Lessons by British author Susannah Dickey, that I was very familiar with a lifestyle in a distant geography which I have never experienced. The narrator waiting for GCSE scores, attending an all girls Catholic school and celebrating at a pub after a long day of classes seems so dear and attainable despite never being experienced by me or by anyone I know. But what has changed from when the ultimate dream of any non-American teenager was to attend an American small town high school, be asked out for prom and homecoming and drive at the age of 15? Recently, media centering the “British Coming of Age” has become increasingly popular, with shows such as Skins resurfacing during early 2020s. The Irish coming of age has been dominating the media. Writers such as Sally Rooney and shows like Derry Girls gaining popularity have not only made the experience of being a teenager in Ireland more glamorized, but have also shone light on the Troubles, helping them become better understood and portrayed. What pieces of media have contributed to this shift in popularity, and what has helped them become the new young adult dream? I have a theory that the cycle of awe and amazement towards teenage experiences in different countries—for those living outside of the US, UK and Central European countries—happens in three stages, targeting specific age groups. This theory in no way applies to the current generations of pre-teens since televised media targeting this audience is no longer consumed as much as it was during the early 2010s. I would argue that this fascination first begins in one's pre-teen years, where the child is exposed to TV shows and movies mostly broadcasted on Disney Channel and Nickelodeon, featuring vibrant high school lives and diverse friend groups. Shows and movies such as High School Musical , Victorious and I-carly offered a slightly off-feeling transition to adolescence from childhood but also painted an image of a desirable and exciting high school experience which could only be achieved in the US. Decorated lockers, gym classes where everyone wore headbands and seemingly unhygienic and inconvenient lunch trays were not only high school experiences that foreign middle schoolers yearned to experience, but also glimpses of a foreign American life. During the adolescence of those born in early to mid 2000s , while Netflix was gaining popularity, TV shows such as Riverdale , 13 Reasons Why and the Vampire Diaries started to become household favorites. These series portrayed a side of the American high school experience that the aforementioned pieces of media did not, adding an element of mysticism and darkness to the small town American life. While more often than not having supernatural elements, they also spread a more realistic idea beyond the mysticism—that high school life was full of skipping classes, messy school fights and making out with insanely attractive people at house parties with red cups. Author John Green’s books were arguably the segway into this era even before they got turned into movies. The Fault in our Stars , Paper Towns , Looking for Alaska and Turtles All the Way Down were on almost every pre-teen girl's bookshelf and, for most, was the first introduction to mental illnesses and individuality complexes. Finally, in their later teen years, the same teenagers were exposed to American media such as Ladybird , Perks of Being a Wallflower and Edge of Seventeen . These were much less comedic compared to previous works targeting the audience and had much heavier philosophical and psychological undertones. These were not unexpected, since great literary American coming of age works such as The Catcher and the Rye and the Dead Poets Society had similar elements and predated them. They similarly tackled issues of coming of age but in an almost completely different world. I would argue that the release of Euphoria was what changed the narrative for American coming of age media, and the reason for that was how European and British-inspired the show was. Skins , the 2007 British TV show about Sixth Form students in Bristol was the pioneer for seemingly messy, disturbing and gory teenage media. Skins explored themes of drug abuse, sexual assault, teen pregnancy, homophobia and mental illness much more realistically and seriously than any U.S TV show with the same audience ever had. This was all done in a witty and psychedelic manner, without romanticizing the experience and rather showing the disgusting sides of all that was happening. None of the characters were particularly likable, but that didn’t stop many teenagers from glamorizing mentally ill and problematic characters such as Effy Stonem and Cassie, both of whom suffered from mental illnesses. Though presenting such characters to an impressionable audience was not the most pedagogical move, it was undeniably a much more realistic representation of the people one would meet during their high school years in a small town. Though Skins predated almost all of its American rivals, it was not until early 2020s that it started gaining popularity globally. This completely contrasted with the picture American TV shows had painted of the careless high school years with no consequences; it pushed producers to search for messier plot-lines which similarly handled heavy topics. Euphoria , motivated as such, tried to become the American Skins , with a larger emphasis on drug abuse. It was able to encapsulate a more realistic view of American life, similar to On My Block and Moonlight , but also missed the element of realism while portraying a high school experience completely. It was more successful than Skins in creating characters to whom one could relate but was unable to place them into the context of high school life. Before Skins , there was a strong stereotype of elite and poshness surrounding the coming of age experience in Britain held up by American movies like Wild Child , which presented private boarding schools with luxury uniforms and mandatory cricket lessons. On the other hand, Skins was the most extreme of the shows that were portraying the coming of age experience in Britain. It was nothing like what had been shown by the American media to be the said experience, and instead it offered the raw and angst lives of everyday teens. In the late 2010s, the media surrounding Ireland was much more popular than those surrounding Britain. Derry Girls for instance, was a 2018 sitcom that explored the lives of teenagers living in London-Derry, a city in Northern Ireland, during the 1990s amid the Troubles. The show was much less “messy” and did not hold the same emotional weight that Skins had, but nonetheless had a huge political element to it, which was what gave the show its depth. In addition, late 2010s were a time for 80s and 90s nostalgia in the media, with many American shows and movies such as Lady Bird , Call me by Your Name , Pen15 and I am Not Okay With This being set in that era. This nostalgia went beyond the US, and allowed for the creation of revolutionary shows for their respective countries such as Love101 in Turkey and Slova Patsana in Russia, which I could not avoid mentioning while on the topic of coming of age media. They changed the narrative of what TV shows could and could not discuss and explored the countries’ mostly untold pasts. Sally Rooney was a very influential author when it came to supporting the shift of popularity towards the British and Irish coming of age. With all her books set in Ireland, Sally Rooney almost created a new genre of novels—the scenery of which has now become all too familiar to her readers, such as Temple Bar and Trinity College. Her books dive deep into the lives of Irish young adults while discovering themes already conquered by authors such as John Green from a completely different and more mature perspective. This seemingly new genre filled the gap that arose during the transition from young adult books of authors such as John Green and general Wattpad novels, to “mature” literature which I cannot exactly put a finger on. Rooney offers a relatively light-hearted look on love lives and daily struggles of university students in their 20s, without lacking depth. It just so happened that these books were set in Ireland and not the U.S, which strengthened the romanticization of Ireland and Britain as a coming-of-age capital. Interestingly, Trinity College Dublin saw a 10% increase in their applications following the release of Normal People, further demonstrating how powerful this newly discovered coming of age media. Though not much of European media has had a global impact as influential as Skins or Normal People , the Norwegian show Skam had a popularity reign worth mentioning. Despite there being seven remakes , the original Skam was set in Norway and followed the lives of a high school friend group and dealt with themes such as teen pregnancy, drug abuse and Islamophobia. It had fights, club scenes and breakdowns, all of which largely resembled Skins . It had unique elements that Skins had missed to incorporate, such as sensitivity towards the themes that had been discussed and the deterrence of them. In my opinion, there are three stages of televised media consumption in adolescence, and those set in Britain and Ireland can be categorized under the fourth stage. While media produced for pre-teen and early teen years is largely based on the glamorization of the American high school experience, the third stage shifts the tides. This stage is the stage with the largest variety of media consumption options, being the stage of transition from teenage years to adulthood. While there are certain pieces still set in the US, it is much more global. As mentioned earlier, the rise to popularity of media set outside of the US created a gap for new works which happened to be produced by British and Irish creators and their coming of age stories. While having real world implications such as a shift in university preferences, this also allowed for a generation to realize that the dream of an American teenage-hood was as unrealistic as it was unattainable. In their transition to adulthood, many can now better appreciate the coming of age experiences their—or neighboring—countries have to offer, and learn about a larger scope of history and culture.

La construction du "peuple" à travers le spectre d'un ennemi anachronique, en s'appuyant sur la menace de la dictature pour instiller la peur, a démontré son efficacité. < Back Argentina 1985 By Amalia Heide January 31, 2024 Le film Argentina 1985 apparaît comme le dernier ajout à une vaste série cinématographique abordant le thème complexe de la dictature civico-militaire en Argentine de 1976 à 1983. La réception massive de ces films par le public et l'absence de critiques révisionnistes entourant ces productions laissent présager un consensus général concernant les violations des droits humains par les militaires pendant cette sombre période de l'histoire argentine. Cependant, ce consensus social apparent n'est pas nécessairement synonyme d'absence de conflit concernant la mémoire de la dernière dictature argentine. En effet, il existe une reconnaissance largement partagée des disparitions et des tortures envers d’activistes de gauche effectuée par les militaires argentins, leur rôle dans l'enlèvement de bébés issus de familles de gauche et confiés à des familles soutenant les actions militaires, ainsi qu'une reconnaissance collective de l'impératif de localiser et de rétablir l'identité véritable de ces bébés (comme le font l'organisation des Madres y Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo ). Cependant, cette acceptation des faits n'implique pas un consensus sur leurs interprétations. Une tension sous-jacente entre des interprétations historiques peut être instrumentalisée, voire exacerbée, par les politiciens. C'est cette instrumentalisation que nous cherchons à analyser. Nous adopterons une structure chronologique et thématique. Pour ce numéro, nous examinerons comment le régime kirchnériste (2003-2015 / 2019-2023) a marqué un tournant dans l'instrumentalisation de la mémoire de la dictature. Dans le prochain numéro, nous examinerons comment le parti politique de centre-droit "Juntos por el cambio" (au pouvoir entre 2015 et 2019) et à présent Javier Milei l’ont instrumentalisé à leur tour de manière assez originale. Après la crise économique significative en Argentine en 2001, la société civile a complètement perdu confiance en la politique et les politiciens du pays. Cependant, le candidat présidentiel Nestor Kirchner a compris que pour regagner légitimité et confiance, il pouvait aspirer à jouer le rôle d'avocat pour la reconnaissance des victimes de la dernière dictature. Cela impliquait de répondre à des demandes de longue date que les gouvernements précédents avaient échoué à satisfaire. En assumant ce rôle, le mouvement politique kirchnériste en Argentine a utilisé stratégiquement la mémoire de la dictature pour construire son identité politique unique. Alors que l'activisme en faveur des droits humains contre la dictature avait des racines depuis le début de la démocratie en 1983, le discours kirchnériste a embrassé, coopté et monopolisé ce récit au sein de son militantisme. Néstor Kirchner, à son arrivée à la présidence en 2003, s'est identifié comme faisant partie d'une "génération diezmada (génération décimée) punie par des absences douloureuses" . Il a déclaré : "J'ai rejoint les luttes politiques en croyant à des valeurs et à des convictions que je n'ai pas l'intention de laisser à la porte de la Casa Rosada (siège du gouvernement)". Néstor Kirchner a renforcé cette approche sur la scène internationale en se présentant comme le "fils des mères et des grands-mères de la Plaza de Mayo" dans un discours prononcé la même année devant l'Assemblée générale des Nations unies. Ce discours politique a été suivi par des actes symboliques officiels de reconnaissance et de commémoration des victimes du terrorisme d'État. Le 24 mars 2004, à l'occasion du 28e anniversaire du coup d'État militaire, la présidente Kirchner a demandé au chef de l'armée du collège militaire de la nation d'enlever les portraits des anciens dictateurs Jorge Rafael Videla et Reynaldo Bignone, qui étaient toujours accrochés dans l'établissement. Plus tard dans la journée, Mme Kirchner a présidé une cérémonie publique annonçant la transformation de l'École de mécanique navale (ESMA), le plus grand centre de détention clandestin du pays, en "site de la mémoire et des droits humains" . Aujourd'hui, ce site est devenu un site du patrimoine de l'UNESCO. Ces mesures officielles marquent un tournant dans les relations entre l'État et une partie importante du mouvement des droits humains. Cette dernière a rejoint les rangs du kirchnerisme, reconnaissant Néstor et Cristina Kirchner comme les principaux porteurs politiques légitimes de la mémoire de la dictature. Ainsi, Hebe de Bonafini, cofondatrice et principale dirigeante des Mères de la Place de Mai, a intégré l'appareil du parti kirchneriste dans les années 2000 et l'a revendiqué à de multiples reprises : "Notre ennemi n'est plus à la Casa Rosada" . En conséquence, la relation entre le mouvement des droits humains et l'État est passée de la confrontation à l'intégration, différents segments de ces secteurs devenant partie intégrante de l'appareil d'État. Le cas d'Horacio César Pietragalla Corti illustre ce processus d'intégration. Enlevé à sa mère dans un centre de détention pendant la dictature, il a été réuni avec sa famille biologique en 2003 par les Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo. Embrassant le kirchnerisme, il a ensuite été président des archives de la mémoire nationale, puis député, et occupe actuellement le poste de secrétaire aux droits humains de la nation argentine. Ainsi, une fusion entre les sphères politique, publique et militante s'est progressivement opérée. En mars 2018, dans une interview au journal La Nación, Estela de Carlotto, une autre dirigeante historique des Grands-mères de la Place de Mai, résume ce processus politique. Le journaliste lui a demandé si les gouvernements kirchneristes s'étaient "approprié la cause des droits humains" . Elle a répondu : "Non, nous nous sommes approprié des Kirchner" . De ce fait, comme nous le constatons, ces organisations et défenseurs individuels de la reconnaissance des victimes du terrorisme d'État n'ont pas été de simples récepteurs passifs de l'identité kirchneriste, mais ont contribué à la construction et à la consolidation d'une mémoire officielle par le biais de l'appareil du parti et de l'État de la mémoire de la dictature. Ce récit officiel kirchneriste a non seulement incorporé la mémoire de la répression politique sous la dernière dictature, mais l'a également remodelée dans le contexte politique contemporain. En créant un sentiment de continuité entre les luttes passées et présentes, ce récit a encouragé la dichotomie entre "nous" et "eux" pour gagner des partisans à leur cause politique. L'exposition "Le néolibéralisme, plus jamais ça" , présentée en avril 2022 par le déjà mentionné Horacio César Pietragalla Corti , illustre l'instrumentalisation de la mémoire de la dernière dictature militaire (1978-1983). Elle est utilisée pour définir "l'autre", en associant tous les opposants politiques à "l'ennemi" de cette période sombre de l'histoire argentine. L'exposition a été installée dans l'ex-ESMA, le centre commémoratif en souvenir des victimes du terrorisme d'État pendant la dictature. Ce lieu n'est pas une simple coïncidence. Elle démontre une tentative explicite de lier les politiques de la dictature à celles des gouvernements ultérieurs, notamment en critiquant les mesures de libéralisation économique mises en œuvre sous la présidence de Mauricio Macri (2015-2019). Cette exposition présente le "néolibéralisme" comme une continuation du modèle économique de la dictature, créant une antithèse entre cette idéologie économique et la démocratie. Pour rendre cette allusion très claire, le titre de l'exposition emprunte le slogan "Nunca más" (plus jamais ça), une expression très connue en Argentine. Elle a d'abord été employée par les mères et les grands-mères des membres disparus de leur famille sous la dernière dictature et s'est profondément ancrée dans la conscience collective. L'utilisation de cette expression vise à délégitimer le principal adversaire politique de Kirchner à l'époque, qualifié d' "antidémocratique" . L'exposition publique a intégré des discours politiques, comme celui prononcé par Cristina Fernández de Kirchner le 17 octobre 2019, dix jours avant les élections présidentielles qui allaient la couronner vice-présidente du pays jusqu'en 2023 : "Le néolibéralisme plus jamais dans notre pays. C'est la troisième expérience néolibérale subie par le peuple argentin. La première, lointaine, avec le coup d'État du 24 mars 1976, où un projet néolibéral a été installé dans le pays pour la première fois (...) Puis est venue la deuxième expérience, celle des années 1990 (...) Et maintenant cette dernière et troisième expérience néolibérale, nous devons le dire, et je pense que tous les Argentins doivent repenser et se demander pourquoi ces choses nous arrivent (...)". Ce discours adopte une approche clairement populiste. Cristina simplifie un passé traumatisant pour la population argentine, en le formulant en termes économiques, et se positionne comme la défenseuse du "peuple" contre les élites capitalistes et antidémocratiques. La construction du "peuple" à travers le spectre d'un ennemi anachronique, en s'appuyant sur la menace de la dictature pour instiller la peur, a démontré son efficacité.