As the conflict in Ukraine persists, the analysis of historical environmental warfare tactics is all the more relevant. Even though the  front lines remain relatively unchanged, it is no secret that the ecological destruction and death toll have had irreversible repercussions. < Back Manifestations of the Environmental Consequences of Warfare By Alexandra Iliopoulou and Christopher López Rodríguez for Environnementon October 31, 2023 Many of us attended the Ecological Literacy course last semester, which detailed the basic tenets of the ecological question based on Sciences Po Paris professor Pierre Charbonnier’s book Culture Écologique . However, one aspect of environmental disturbance, the environmental implications of warfare, was largely excluded from the course’s curriculum. Considering the Menton campus’ focus on Mediterranean and Middle Eastern politics, there is a vast range of historical examples to draw from regarding environmental warfare, such as the Islamic State’s weaponization of water and seizure of oil fields or deforestation as a result of Turkish efforts to control rural territories amidst the rise in Kurdish insurgency activity; highlighting the pertinence for the Menton campus. As the conflict in Ukraine persists, the analysis of historical environmental warfare tactics is all the more relevant. Even though the front lines remain relatively unchanged, it is no secret that the ecological destruction and death toll have had irreversible repercussions. This past June, the destruction of the Kakhovka dam unleashed pollutants and agricultural chemicals into the local ecosystem, contaminated water supply, destroyed farmland, and eradicated villages, resulting in over 100 deaths. These effects – stated environmental activist Greta Thunberg– are ecocide, characterized by severe long term environmental impact as a result of human activity, and may end up warranting prosecution in the International Criminal Court (ICC). Using destructive force to purposefully harm and destroy ecological habitats for strategic gain is not new to military campaigns. In his paper The Environmental Effects of War , Philip Swintek describes how “throughout history, armies have burned enemy crops and fields, rivers have been dammed, and water supplies have been poisoned, all in the name of war.” Yet, it was not until the introduction of modern technological methods in warfare that this phenomenon manifested in a newer, more dangerous light. From the use of chemical weapons to intensify the risk of fatality to the use of flamethrowers and napalm to expel camouflaged combatants from forests lit ablaze, many modern war strategies have been crafted with the specific purpose of destroying the environment to neutralize opposing forces. When paired with the notion that wealthier countries have significant advantages in military investment capabilities and generally larger budgets to mitigate or control such environmental damage, the inequity in the creation and alleviation of this environmental damage also becomes clear. Russia’s purported role in the dam’s destruction serves as an example of a tactical justification of environmental damage, as outlined in Anna Feuer’s framework that details the various incentives that mold the practice of environmental warfare. In these cases, actors cause environmental damage to directly support military operations against strategic targets. The other five justifications that Feuer details include political, ideological, cultural, technological, and strategic motivations. Cultural incentives include narratives that perpetuate colonial ideas that “uncivilized” countries cannot provide proper stewardship of their land. These arguments are often weaponized to justify environmental destruction where the local populations might have a tactical advantage. The use of cultural motifs present in the environment should also not be remiss; the Israel Defense Forces disregarded the cultural value of the olive tree, a longstanding symbol of national identity to the Palestinians, when they uprooted olive groves during the First Intifada to build infrastructure and increase visibility in conflict zones. Among the most common justifications are strategic incentives that militaries exhibit, such as deforestation to increase the visibility of militant targets. The ongoing Kurdish-Turkish conflict serves to illustrate the strategic incentive behind ecological destruction. With the origins of the insurgency beginning in the 1970s, the conflict has been fought in mostly rural areas. Through an environmental lens, Dr. Mehmet Gurses has analyzed the response of the Turkish government , asserting that the practice of deforestation in a rural landscape is “ a direct result of the [Turkish] state’s deliberate policies to undermine rebels’ ability to operate.” Environmental damage materialized in various ways, but mainly through the direct targeting of flora, with the aim of rendering targeted vegetation fruitless. This, in turn, destroyed the agriculturally reliant economies of the southeastern regions of Turkey. Furthermore, Gurses claims that the decimation of natural habitats as deliberate targets, especially considering the devastation in economies that rely on agricultural production, has hindered the preservation of peace following the war. Overall, the evolution of warfare has surfaced unique worries and new capabilities for ecological destruction. Knowledge of frameworks such as those created by Feuer is instrumental in analyzing modern conflicts such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the Kurdish-Turkish conflict, as well as for recognizing a need to create legal guidelines to prosecute these crimes. A proposal has been brought forth to the ICC to include ecocide as a fifth crime, eligible for prosecution by the ICC, but it has yet to be adopted into the Rome Statute, the text that established the ICC. Such an amendment would require the proposal to amass a two-thirds vote of the signatories. Even then, experts express that there are various constraints and limitations to the efficacy of international law and its clash with state sovereignty. Nonetheless, the statute would have the potential to deter corporations and state actors from committing ecocide and create a legal classification for explicit crimes of ecocide to be prosecuted.

“La seule manière de sortir de la violence consisterait à prendre conscience des mécanismes de répulsion, d'exclusion, de haine ou encore de mépris afin de les réduire à néant grâce à une éducation de l'enfant relayée par tous.” < Back Les enfants dans la guerre: un enjeu pour la paix By Salomé Greffier for UNICEF November 30, 2023 Le 7 octobre 2023 au matin, des milliers de roquettes déchirent le ciel entre la bande de Gaza, en Palestine, et le territoire israélien. Un mois après l’opération “Déluge d’Al Aqsa” perpétrée par le groupe terroriste du Hamas, l’escalade des hostilités a provoqué la mort de plus de dix mille personnes, majoritairement des civils. Cette nouvelle déclaration de guerre entre Israël et Palestine s’ajoute à la liste trop longue des conflits de notre siècle. Des guerres habitées par des divisions ethniques et religieuses, opposant des Etats souvent déliquescents à des groupes armés terroristes ou non, sur un fond d’inégalités profondes imposées par la mondialisation. Ainsi, Bertrand Badie et Dominiques Vidal dans “Nouvelles guerres, Comprendre les conflits du XXI° siècle” (2016) soulignent les changements de nature des conflits actuels. Asymétriques, transnationales et commercialisées, les violences se dirigent principalement vers les civils, en dépit du droit international humanitaire. En effet, la quatrième convention de Genève de 1949 énonce des principes tels que la distinction entre civils et combattants, la proportionnalité et la précaution dans l’attaque ainsi que l’interdiction des maux superflus et la protection des bâtiments civils. Alors que ce texte de loi dénombre 196 parties, soit 196 pays l’ayant reconnu et/ou ratifié, la guerre (que l’on pourrait adjoindre d’un pluriel) israélo/palestinienne témoigne de sa violation; les civils demeurant toujours les premières victimes du conflit. A l’occasion de la journée internationale des droits de l’enfant le 20 novembre, l’exposition des mineurs à la brutalité de la guerre retiendra notre attention. Pour Antonio Guterres, secrétaire général de l’ONU, Gaza “devient un cimetière pour enfants” et réitère ses appels à un cessez-le-feu immédiat. Dès les premières heures du conflit, l’organisation internationale et son agence, l’UNICEF, ont appuyé la nécessité de l’arrêt total des attaques armées, de l'acheminement de l’aide et de la libération des enfants enlevés. Malgré ces cris d’alerte, au 5 novembre, le bilan faisait état d’au moins 4 008 enfants décédés dans la bande de Gaza, 7 695 blessés et 1 150 portés disparus. Cela représente 400 enfants tués ou blessés par jour sous seulement 25 jours de conflit. Du côté israélien, les otages toujours retenus par les forces du Hamas comptent de nombreux enfants. Au delà de ce conflit, entre 2005 et 2020, les Nations Unies ont vérifié plus de 266 000 violations graves contre des enfants commises par des parties lors de conflits en Afrique, Asie, au Moyen-Orient, en Amérique latine et récemment en Europe avec la guerre russo-ukrainienne. Tués, mutilés, enlevés, violés, exploités sexuellement, les enfants sont touchés dans leur chair. Nous pensons dès lors aux enfants-soldats du Libéria, de Sierra Leone ou encore du Népal. La prostitution infantile touche tous les continents et particulièrement au Pakistan, Inde, Kenya ou encore le Brésil. De plus, il est nécessaire de considérer les impacts psychologiques relatifs aux violences commises envers les enfants, qui les suivent dans leur vie, comme un rappel constant des actes qu’ils ont subi. De même, l’accès à l’éducation, à l’eau, à la santé, sont des défis à relever pour les organisations internationales et associations. Enfin, les déplacements migratoires d’enfants restent une problématique pour l’UNICEF. Le Soudan demeure ainsi la plus grande crise de déplacements d’enfants au monde, avec 3 millions de mineurs fuyant la violence généralisée. Au total, ce sont plus de 43,3 millions d’enfants qui se trouvent forcés de quitter leurs domiciles. La majorité sont déplacés à l’intérieur de leurs pays d’origine. Le rapport de l’UNICEF “25 years of children and armed conflict: Taking action to protect children in war” (2022), traduit, selon Catherine Russell, directrice générale de l’organisation, de “l’incapacité du monde à protéger ses enfants contre les violations graves commises en période de conflit armé ”. Un aveu de faiblesse, rappelant à chaque partie leur responsabilité dans les conflits. Cette culpabilisation engage non seulement les Etats, mais aussi les organisations non gouvernementales et groupes armés à se soucier davantage des risques qu’ils pourraient encourir à l’avenir en sacrifiant des générations. Porter atteinte à l’intégrité des enfants met en péril la paix, la stabilité et la sécurité future globale. Construire la paix à partir d’un cercle de violences intégrées dans les représentations individuelles semble être vain. Néanmoins, si l’on en croit les mots de Françoise Héritier, l’éducation et la considération de l’autre en tant qu’être digne de respect et de considération, propose une issue à ces trappes de brutalités: “ La seule manière de sortir de la violence consisterait à prendre conscience des mécanismes de répulsion, d'exclusion, de haine ou encore de mépris afin de les réduire à néant grâce à une éducation de l'enfant relayée par tous. ”

Essentially, the work that Jean-Luc Godard accomplished transcends cinema. < Back The Children of Marx and Coca Cola: The Life and Work of Jean-Luc Godard Beyond the Aesthetics By Ecesu Basara for Cinémentongraphe December 31, 2023 "The philosopher and the filmmaker share a certain way of being, a certain view of the world that is that of a generation.” - Maurice Merleau-Ponty Jean-Luc Godard is perhaps the most iconic figure in cinematic history; he is the first name every person who calls themselves a cinephile should know. His name reverberates with such significance that its absence from one's cinematic lexicon may induce shaming by others. The French-Swiss film director, known for his contribution to the New Wave movement of the 50s and 60s, pioneered new narrative structures, innovated and developed filmmaking techniques and produced many masterpieces, some of which you may all have heard of, such as Pierrot Le Fou or Breathless ( À bout de souffle ). Yet, we tend to ignore Godard's impact beyond his cinematic aesthetics and his role as a political activist who used his art to articulate his socio-political convictions. A period of civil unrest and social upheaval took place in France, particularly in Paris, during May and June of 1968. Mai ‘68 started as a series of student protests but quickly escalated into a widespread movement involving millions of people from various societal sectors. This upsurge symbolized defiance against established authority, denounced the suppression of academic freedoms within universities, and later gained the support of labor unions. Artists joined this vibrant societal movement, among whom Godard's stance was particularly significant: the director got the world-renowned Cannes film festival canceled, his impassioned words —"I talk to you about solidarity with students and workers, and you talk to me about tracking shots and close-ups! You're idiots!"— showed his commitment to sociopolitical justice and solidarity over formalities such as film festivals. His activism also took more implicit forms as he communicated his political views through his films. In Masculin Féminin , based on two short stories by the great French author Guy de Maupassant, the story revolves around the romantic relationship between Paul, a young man who is looking for a job and protesting against the Vietnam war, and Madeleine, an aspiring pop singer. The film captures the essence of the youth in the 1960s; Godard shows the youth’s raw struggles, relationships, and opinions during the period. He uses the characters' dialogues and interactions to reflect the political apathy and growing shift away from traditional political ideologies. He states in an intertitle that, “This film could be called The Children of Marx and Coca Cola,” confirming his efforts to portray the political climate of the time through a cinematic lens, illustrating the romantic lives of young Parisians, busy signing petitions against restrictions of freedom of speech and quoting philosophers such as Maurice Merleau-Ponty. Essentially, the work that Jean-Luc Godard accomplished transcends cinema. He manages to depict a moving history of social revolutions and reflect the dynamics of political dissent and periods of social change. His legacy lives on not just in the frames of his many films but also in his ever-present dedication to promoting social change and expressing his beliefs through the medium of film.

Just months ago, famed campus dweller, Ollie, was your average street dog in Greece. No longer. Ollie is better traveled than most of his human counterparts. From Greece, he made his way to the sunny Côte d’Azur. He spends his days lazing about the illustrious Sciences Po Menton campus — a university that, with a less than 20% acceptance rate, many of us struggled to get into. But Sciences Po is just a temporary stop on Ollie’s journey to New York City, where he will ultimately reside. < Back From the Streets of Greece to the Côte d’Azur: A Canine Success Story By Celeste Abourjeili and Ata Tezel April 30, 2022 Just months ago, famed campus dweller, Ollie, was your average street dog in Greece. No longer. Ollie is better traveled than most of his human counterparts. From Greece, he made his way to the sunny Côte d’Azur. He spends his days lazing about the illustrious Sciences Po Menton campus — a university that, with a less than 20% acceptance rate, many of us struggled to get into. But Sciences Po is just a temporary stop on Ollie’s journey to New York City, where he will ultimately reside. Ollie is many things: he is a chronic gnawer, a frequent park-goer, a champion hide-and-seeker, and a people person — though he’s still shy around other dogs. But these skills are not just any canine hobbies, according to his owner, professor Daniel Traficonte. These tendencies stem from the survival skills Ollie developed living on the streets and were essential to his escape. “He used his cuteness to survive in the streets and get fed by locals,” said Traficonte. One part of the strategy is that Ollie never barks and is tame around people. Anyone kind enough to pet him may even bear witness to his go-to two-legged dance move. Though Ollie refused to comment on this, Traficonte asserts that a main cause of Ollie’s success had to do with his breed and size. “He’s small enough to fit easily on a plane but also looks big enough to give a big dog vibe,” said Traficonte, describing the compromise he had to make with his wife to meet their differing desires in a dog. In fact, the couple had to do an intensive internet search to find a dog fitting this vision. The Kokoni, a native Greek breed, was the solution they found on an obscure Facebook group. They journeyed to Greece. The rest is history. “I want to breed these in New York,” said Traficonte, arguing that if Americans knew about these perfect house dogs, everyone would own one. Though Traficonte’s career as a future dog breeder is up in the air with his wife opposing the career choice, one thing is certain: Ollie is going to love New York, and New York is going to love him back. “We haven’t told [Ollie] yet,” Traficonte said regarding the family’s eventual move to the Big Apple. There, Traficonte will commute upstate to work as a tenured professor at Syracuse University one season per year.. Nevertheless, we asked Ollie whether he was excited for New York. He answered with an inquisitive stare, eyes wide open and tail rapidly wagging — a fitting response for the Odysseus of dogs. With a brand new chapter on the horizon for Ollie, the Mentonese are bittersweet about his upcoming departure. “It’s tough to see him leaving just as we became so close,” said one emotional Sciences Piste. “Nonetheless, it will be incredible to watch him live the American Dream!” Only time will tell what Ollie will achieve in New York, but for now, he wishes for nothing but friends and trips.

If you recall Integration Week, you would remember yourself in lots of crowded places, with a drink in hand, moving to some song that you were told was a “Mentonnaise classic,” and the following day, being asleep during some presentation about French health insurance or some administrative procedure. < Back Integration Week 2021 By Viola Luraschi September 30, 2021 Now that classes have started, Integration Week seems like a very distant memory. In reality, it was only about a month ago that some of us were meeting each other for the first time, exploring the town whose streets we now know by heart, and navigating our way through administrative procedures. If you recall Integration Week, you would remember yourself in lots of crowded places, with a drink in hand, moving to some song that you were told was a “Mentonnaise classic,” and the following day, being asleep during some presentation about French health insurance or some administrative procedure. In fact, for the week beginning the 23rd of August and ending the 28th, the BDE organised events day and night to facilitate the integration of the first years into the Mentonnaise community. You will remember the speed dating on Monday, a great way to meet new people; the discovery of Menton (which some groups took more seriously than others); the iHome Family Feud on Friday, where we learned more about Menton; and of course, kebab lunch and the hike on Sunday with Environnmenton. Arguably, some of the highlights of Integration Week were the MEDMUN party on Tuesday, where different teams competed in drunk games, the BDA artist party on Wednesday at Soundproof, and the MentonLoves party at Monkeys with the monochromatic theme. It was between conversations, hookups, and drunk moments that strangers became friends. While we got to enjoy the week, behind the scenes stood the hardworking Integration Week Committee made up of members of the Bureau des Eleves (BDE) and other second year volunteers. The BDE, whose President is Ada Baser, is made up of a Vice-President, Owen Sircelj, a Treasurer, Raphaël Phanor, and four poles: On-Campus events, Off-Campus events, Communications and Logistics, and Social Service. The BDE was first created with the intent of connecting administration to the student body, but over the years, the BDE’s role has become much bigger. The BDE has shifted from a simple bridge to a complex organization that is now a vital part of the campus. Most student events and initiatives are coordinated by the BDE and its members, without much recognition. They not only provide the basis of the Mentonnaise social fabric, but also meet with the administration regularly. Additionally, they take on some of the administrators' burden of managing campus events and other on-campus initiatives. In essence, the role of the BDE goes much deeper than what most may think. The four poles each tackle different parts of the job: Communications and Logistics works on designing and promoting events and initiatives, their role focuses on achieving maximum outreach on campus; On- and Off-campus poles have an overlay as both deal with the organization and coordination of events — On-Campus is more specific to daytime events dealing with life on campus, while off-campus has its focus on evening events that deal more closely with student life on a more social and less academic level; Social Service, on the other hand, was first created last year due to the COVID pandemic in an attempt to improve safety and security in the community, though this pole has now developed into focusing on the outreach with the local community. The Social Service pole has started an initiative called Pizza et Parlare which consists of distributing pizza to those without a home once a week and understanding their needs. The BDE urges all of you to participate, connect with the community, understand realities different from ours, and learn how we can help those around us. The BDE has lots of fun initiatives and events for the upcoming year, so make sure to stay tuned!

The Soviets needed a new way into the United States and Israel’s passport system was a ticking time bomb. Ultimately, the Law of Return, which was supposed to attract Jewish people from all over the world, became a golden ticket. The leniency offered by the law welcomed opportunists from the Soviet Union as well. < Back The Secret Backdoor Isabella Suels for Sciences Defense February 28, 2025 Israel stands as one of the United States’ strongest allies. Since its creation in 1948, Israel and the United States have enjoyed a strong bilateral relationship where the United States provides exceptional amounts of financial support. In return, the small nation-state conducts joint military exercises and military research alongside the United States. However, the military alliance between these two countries, which dates back to the mid-twentieth century, also served as a backchannel for Soviet espionage during the Cold War. During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union were two of the most advanced intelligence centers in the world. The race for intelligence gathering during the Cold War became known as Cold War espionage. Although this act relied mostly on military and civilian agencies in their pursuit of information, the young state of Israel unknowingly became a tool for the Soviet Union. Upon the creation of Israel in 1948, Zionist leaders wanted to attract Jewish populations from around the world, and in order to encourage Jews from around the world to come to Israel, the state needed to make immigration as accessible as possible. This is why the Law of Return, which grants every Jew in the world the right to settle in Israel, has been regarded as an easy pathway to citizenship. To be eligible for Israeli citizenship under the Law of Return, an applicant must meet the following requirements: (1) be a family member of someone recognized as Jewish who entered Israel before March 19, 1970 and received a permanent residence permit, (2) not be registered as "Jewish" in the Population Registry, (3) not have been granted Israeli citizenship through naturalization. In order to flee from the repressiveness of the Soviet Union, many Jewish immigrants migrated from the Soviet Union to Israel seeking protection. Israel was an accessible option because initially, when applying for citizenship, under the Law of Return, there was no explicit definition of Jewish identity. This was until the Knesset amended the law in 1970 by adding the definition that, “for the purpose of this law, a ‘Jew’ means a person born to a Jewish mother or converted to Judaism and who is not a member of another religion”. However, this definition falls short of addressing what kind of conversion is necessary to be considered Jewish. Unfortunately, the lack of specificity opened the door for abuse, as among the Jewish migrants seeking a better life, there were others who took advantage of the ease of gaining an Israeli passport and migrated to Israel under false pretenses, specifically on the Soviet front. Even before the Cold War, Russian migration into Israel had been fairly common, but following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the number of migrants pouring into Israel skyrocketed. However, there was a negative side to this immigration—the arrival of the Russian mafia. Benefiting from a prosperous economy, Israel attracted the attention of foreign investors, including illegal actors. Unfortunately, as a result, Israel became a prime target for Russian criminal elements because it easily bestowed citizenship on anyone who could show documents proving they were Jewish. Israel became a safe haven for organized crime as a result of a controversial law passed in the Knesset. This led to a negative stereotype of Russian immigrants in Israel, but the increased Russian immigration posed a threat to one of Israel’s closest allies, the United States. Alongside members of the Russian mafia migrating to Israel, members of Russian intelligence, or the Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezopasnosti (KGB), were also migrating to Israel in hopes of infiltrating the political system—giving them easier access to the United States. From 1954-1991, the KGB, also known as the Committee for State Security in English, was the main security agency of the Soviet Union. This agency was responsible for gathering information both domestically and internationally. While the KGB conducted most of its activities domestically on Soviet soil and targeting citizens, they would also operate internationally by posing as journalists or even businessmen. Specifically, Soviet records confirm the existence of an extensive Soviet spy ring in Israel that included Knesset members, senior IDF officials, engineers and members of the Israeli intelligence community. One of the prime goals of the Soviets was to penetrate the Israeli political system . To infiltrate the Israeli political system, the KGB had to get soviet nationals into Israel first— a task made easy due to the fluidity of the Law of Return. Once in the system, these spies could begin recruiting officials already entangled in the Israeli political system or even climbing the ranks themselves. Now that the spies were granted Israeli citizenship, the world truly was their oyster, and the path into the United States was no longer plagued with obstacles. Hiding behind Israeli passports, spies had a direct line to infiltrate the United States. While there is a shortage of direct evidence that Soviet spies used Israeli citizenship as a way to gain access to the United States, it is undeniable that arming loyal Soviet agents with Israeli passports allowed the KGB to disseminate spies worldwide with ease. While regular Soviet migrants were usually turned back, because Jewish people were one of the ethnic groups most prone to facing persecution under the Soviet Union, their path to the United States was easier. However, an Israeli passport provided an easy way to bypass American authorities and gain easy access to the country. The conflicting priorities during the Cold War culminated in the perfect opportunity for espionage. While the paranoia of the United States experienced during the Cold War led it to turn away Soviet Jews fleeing persecution, there was innovation on the Soviet front. The Soviets needed a new way into the United States and Israel’s passport system was a ticking time bomb. Ultimately, the Law of Return, which was supposed to attract Jewish people from all over the world, became a golden ticket. The leniency offered by the law welcomed opportunists from the Soviet Union as well. All in all, this law made Israel vulnerable to Soviet intelligence operations and in put the United States in the crossfire, as Soviet agents gained a new identity and a new passport to help fuel their missions back home. Photo credits: Swapnil1101, 2022

The year is coming to an end and each one of us, whether 1A or 2A, English or French track, dual degree or three year program, is looking back on the year. We are making a mental account of the events, the ups and the downs, the achievements, and the instances of growth. So is Comprendre la Mafia, Menton’s young anti-mafia association, founded only two years ago. < Back Association Feature: Comprendre la Mafia By Greta Murgia April 30, 2022 The year is coming to an end and each one of us, whether 1A or 2A, English or French track, dual degree or three year program, is looking back on the year. We are making a mental account of the events, the ups and the downs, the achievements, and the instances of growth. So is Comprendre la Mafia, Menton’s young anti-mafia association, founded only two years ago. Between interventions in Italian and French schools, articles, conferences, debates, and bake sales, the association is now organizing a joint weekend with the youth group of Libera Bologna to be held in Menton between the 23rd and 24th of April. During this weekend, the unifying force will be the anti-mafia resistance and the determination to spread knowledge to render people conscious of the presence of mafias — not only in the movies or in rural southern Italy, but also, and especially, in our idyllic Franco-Italian Riviera. After Saturday’s events, which will take place in Menton, the two associations will meet the president of Libera Imperia, Maura Orengo, in the city of Imperia. The president will hold a speech about the mafia in the Ligure Ponent, which will be followed by a lunch on the beach to conclude the weekend. Students from Sciences Po and the Università degli Studi di Bologna will come together as one to discuss the mafia from its birth to its globalization and internationalization, to the daily civic engagement exercised by non-profit associations dedicated to the sensibilization of citizens and the condemnation of the mafia on local and national territory. One example of this civic engagement can be seen in Libera. Born as an association unifying the survivors of mafia and relatives of victims of organized crime, Comprendre la Mafia is now the most important and vocal association engaged in the fight against the mafia, not only in Italy, but in all of Europe. On the 21st of March, Comprendre la Mafia celebrated mafia victim Remembrance Day by organizing a march from the Sciences Po Menton campus to the Italian border. There, followed by Nice-Matin and Sanremo News, it met members of Libera Ventimiglia, Sanremo, Imperia, and SPES of Ventimiglia, an association dedicated to helping people with disabilities. Several other Mentonese associations joined the march, such as the Feminist Union, Sciences Po Refugee Help, UNICEF, Environnementon, Alwanat, Union de la Gauche et des Ecologistes, and Bureau Des Arts. On the border, the names and lives of some mafia victims were honored.Memorials were handwritten on the road to immortalize the mafia victims upon entry into Italy. The Italian, French, and European anthems were then played in a sign of cross-country solidarity. To conclude, a lunch was held, hosted by the SPES of Ventimiglia and its director Matteo Lupi. Present were personalities such as the Tribunal Court Attorney in Imperia, Alberto Lari, Imperia’s Prefect, Armando Nanei, the Police Commissioner in Imperia, Giuseppe Felice Periore, the Director of Public Safety, Giuseppe Cucchiara, the President of Caritas Ventimiglia-Sanremo, Maurizio Marmo, the Witness of Justice Rocco Mangiardi and Colombian clergyman, Don Rito Alvarez, who is one of the main figures engaged in providing aid to migrants in Ventimiglia. With more events to come and awareness to be spread, Comprendre la Mafia can consider itself satisfied with its successes this past year. Its members are looking forward to seeing what the future holds for the association and for the Mentonese community.

Dune, c’est de la science-fiction réfléchie, qui existe en dehors de son genre. Dune, c’est une tirade de questionnements, c’est une tragédie grecque dans un univers lointain qui combine émotions et pragmatisme. Dune, c’est une passion débordante que l’on a polie pour en faire un diamant. Épice et tout. < Back Le Diptyque DUNE: la voix d’un autre monde Montaine Barreau for Cinémenton October 31, 2024 Le mystère de la vie n'est pas une question à résoudre mais une réalité à vivre (Dune, tome 2). Cela s’applique également à Dune (I/II), diptyque réalisé par Denis Villeneuve, adapté des romans éponymes de Franck Herbert sortis de 1965 à 1985, référence dans le monde de la science-fiction. Pour tenter d’en apprécier le visionnage, se laisser porter est la première étape. Comprendre tous les enjeux et détails de la trame ne serait que contre-productif. Car Dune, c’est une masse qu’il est difficile de définir. Il y a le sentiment que ce monde est plus grand que ce qu’on en voit, qu’il existe en dehors de notre histoire, que sa morale ne se résume pas en quelques mots. Il serait par conséquent malheureux de vouloir retransmettre une expérience si riche et multiple en quelques lignes, je vais pourtant tenter de le faire. Il était Dune fois, une planète, connue sous le nom d’Arrakis. Cette planète est la seule détentrice de l’épice, une substance qui améliore la conscience et permet le voyage spatial; en d’autres termes, elle est fondamentale à la survie du monde conscient. Lorsque l’Empire, qui règne sur le monde conscient, confie à la maison Atréides la charge d’Arrakis, il est connu de tous que cette offrande n’est pas de bon augure, amplifiant les tensions avec la maison Harkonnen, précédente maîtresse d’Arrakis. On suit donc la tragédie de la maison Atréides, incarnée par son héritier Paul, qui trouvera son salut dans le désert, habitat des Fremens, peuple autochtone en attente du messie censé venir changer le destin d’Arrakis. I. Arrakis, ou la forme Ce qui saute aux yeux, c’est la singularité de l’œuvre. Le style marqué de Denis Villeneuve, démesuré, vide et presque brutaliste, ne laisse pas indifférent. Le monde est placé comme un personnage auquel on accorde de l’importance. De nombreux plans larges donnent cette impression de gigantisme, mettant en lumière la taille des vaisseaux, des planètes, en comparaison avec celle des individus, écrasés sous le poids des installations, écrasés par le poids de l’histoire. C’est donc un récit de personnages, mais aussi un récit des masses, impulsés par de grands mouvements. Chaque plan est réfléchi et les mouvements de la caméra restent plausibles, ce qui donne une impression de réalisme. Tout est naturel, au service de l’histoire, des personnages et, dans le cas présent, du film lui-même. Chaque plan est magnifique et nous dévoile la beauté singulière de la nature. Le travail des costumes, qui semblent presque historiques, des décors et des couleurs est également à souligner, retranscrivant avec brio une hybridation des cultures terrestres dont sont issus les peuples de Dune. Jessica, mère de Paul, arbore ainsi de sublimes parures et drapés qui conviennent à son rang de dirigeante politique et religieuse, tandis que les Fremens portent le distille, une combinaison qui recycle leur eau et leur permet de survivre. Le code couleur est réfléchi, associant les couleurs chaudes à la guerre, comme on le retrouve dans l’Histoire, le rouge étant associé à la guerre sainte. On associe le vert au passé de Paul, à l’emblème de sa maison, tandis que l’ orange et le rouge sont associés à son futur. On peut de même coupler le bleu avec l’espoir, qui n’apparaît que rarement. Le monde nous semble vivant, on peut le sentir et le toucher. Le premier volet du diptyque a par ailleurs remporté un oscar pour ses effets spéciaux. Le film ayant été tourné dans le désert du Wadi Rum en Jordanie, mais aussi en Norvège, à Abou Dhabi, et enfin dans les plateaux intérieurs et extérieurs de Budapest. On ressent le vrai du décor, qui nous procure une impression familière. Tout est très tactile, profondément émouvant et viscéral. Les personnages ressentent les mêmes choses que nous, elles touchent le sable, peinent à marcher dedans et sont confrontées aux rafales qui giclent sur les dunes. Villeneuve a utilisé de multiples tonnes de poussière pour retranscrire l’ambiance du désert. La lumière est réelle, ce qui apporte du contraste impossible à recréer en post-production. Villeneuve joue d’ailleurs sur l’obscurité des bâtiments conçus pour se protéger du soleil mortel d’Arrakis, avec le soleil de plomb de l’extérieur qui aveugle le spectateur dans la salle obscure. En studio, cela consistait à utiliser des écrans de couleur sable à la place des fameux écrans verts traditionnels pour rendre la lumière du désert plus réaliste et pour éviter la contamination des couleurs. On la découvre ainsi sous toutes ses formes, que ce soit par des rayons dans les tempêtes de sable, sous un teint orangé par temps d’éclipse ou brûlante au zénith. Dune est vivante, elle n’est pas un décor, un fond vert qui sert de lieu où se tient l’intrigue. La musique apporte également beaucoup à l’atmosphère créée par Villeneuve. Hans Zimmer est en effet grand passionné de la saga de livres Dune et s’est donc attelé à créer un mélange d’étrange et de familier pour plonger le spectateur dans ce monde. On retrouve ainsi des échos de cornemuse, instrument emblème de la maison Atréides, mais surtout des voix. La seule chose qui, selon moi, serait vraie pour n'importe quelle civilisation sur n'importe quel monde est la voix , des voix gutturales pour les Harkonnen, des voix envoûtantes ou guerrières pour les Fremens. La musique devait avoir une spiritualité… une qualité sanctifiée […]. Quelque chose qui élèverait l'âme et aurait l'effet que seule la musique sacrée peut produire. La musique rend sacrée l’histoire, et contribue à l’élever au statut de mythe, le mythe de la tragédie Atréides. Dune utilise aussi des milliers de sons de la vie courante, familiers, travaillés à la façon d’un documentaire. II. Shai-Hulud ou le vecteur Dune, dans sa forme, est magnifique. Cependant, ces procédés cinématographiques ont un objectif, donner à voir une histoire complexe. Les deux parties forment un tout, le rythme allant crescendo pour finir en apothéose. Inspirés de la tragédie Shakespearienne, le film met en scène des personnages nuancés, qu’on apprécie pour leur faillibilité et parfois leur bassesse. Le film commence comme tout voyage du héros jusqu’à emprunter une voie alternative. Au fil des films, on se rend compte qu’on tombe dans le piège. On veut la réussite de Paul, on le suit, on devient son fidèle. On s’enfonce de plus en plus jusqu’à comprendre que l’on ne peut plus reculer. C’est la complexité des relations entre les différentes maisons et factions, loin de placer l’un comme le bon et l’autre comme le mauvais, qui nous rend sensibles aux destins de chacun et chacune. Ils luttent pour leurs intérêts. L’un veut conserver son trône, l’autre laver l’affront qu’il a subi, le suivant se venger. Ton père ne croyait pas à la vengeance. Eh bien moi j’y crois. Le jeu des acteurs phénoménal ne fait qu’amplifier cette idée. Paul, incarné par Timothée Chalamet, gagne en prestance au fur et à mesure, tandis que Jessica, mère de Paul incarnée par Rebecca Ferguson, perd petit à petit de sa rationalité, de son contrôle. La lutte pour le pouvoir outrepasse toute considération morale, les complots se dessinent au fil du film. Le réalisme de la construction de l’univers et du déroulement de l’histoire permet également cette impression de tableau global. Diverses cultures nous sont présentées, chacun avec leur mode de vie et leurs coutumes. Par exemple, le peuple Fremen est divisé selon la géographie, le nord s’oppose au sud, où se trouvent les fondamentalistes qui vénèrent l’arrivée du messie, tandis que le nord se moque de ce fanatisme. Pour cause, le sud est la partie la plus hostile de la planète, toujours soumise à des tempêtes de sable, terreau fertile au développement de croyance dans la difficulté. De même, la peau translucide des Harkonnens est pâle à cause de leurs conditions de vie. Sur Giedi Prime, leur planète, seul la lumière blanche passe à travers l’atmosphère, ce qui cause un monde en noir et blanc, représenté par Denis Villeneuve grâce à des caméras infrarouges à haute résolution, et contribuant à nous dépayser davantage. L’œuvre, à travers cette histoire, aborde de plus de nombreux thèmes qui sont encore d’actualité, bien que le matériau d’origine date de 1965. Herbert considérait en effet que même un roman de science-fiction devait porter un message aux lecteurs. Son travail n’est pas un pur divertissement. On retrouve par exemple l’idée d’émancipation des peuples colonisés, mais aussi le danger que représente l’alliance entre politique et religion: l'aliénation du pouvoir religieux, sur la colonisation religieuse et sur les dangers de marier la religion et la politique , ou bien l’avertissement face aux personnalités charismatiques. Bien qu’évoluant dans un espace et un temps lointain, Dune apporte des leçons qui s’appliquent à nos sociétés, telles que la lutte pour le pouvoir, que ce soit l’empereur Padishah Shaddam IV, le baron Harkonnen, ou même Paul Atréides qui n’a pas de fins moralement plus hautes que les autres acteurs. Cette lutte se retrouve dans l’impérialisme pratiqué par ceux-ci pour contrôler Arrakis et son épice, qui crée des dépendances et apporte le pouvoir, métaphore d’un pétrole que tous s’arrache et qui justifie l’interventionnisme. Le thème de l’écologie est également majeur, puisque l’eau et sa préservation est absolument fondamentale dans cette Arrakis hostile, que les Fremens veulent transformer en paradis vert. Enfin, la religion et le mysticisme, conditionnent une grande partie des actions des personnages. Le monde est régi par un obscur ordre de femmes, les Bene Gesserit, qui conseillent les pouvoirs et y exercent leur emprise. Elles veulent atteindre un but bien plus grand: guider l’Humanité vers l’évolution prospère. Pour ce faire, elles usent de manipulations génétiques pour faire naître un jour un être qui serait capable de créer un pont entre le temps et l’espace: le Kwisatz Haderach. Elles disséminent dans l’univers des prophéties, qui leur permettent de contrôler la population. Arrakis n’en est point exempte. Il est ainsi toujours ambigu de discerner si ce qui arrive à Paul relève de miracles, ou d’influences extérieures. C’est cette complexité qui fait de la fable Dune un produit humain et nuancé, duquel peut résulter des questionnements fondamentaux. III. L’épice, ou le fond Dune pose par conséquent de nombreuses questions que nous allons essayer de développer. Tout d’abord, il développe une nouvelle idée du progrès. Dune, serait-ce une science-fiction sans science ? Dans ce monde, le Jihad Butlérien a été mené contre les machines qui conduisaient à la crise de l’humanité. Tu ne feras point de machine semblable à l’esprit humain. Pour contourner cet interdit, c’est l’humanité qui a été développée dans une sorte de Transhumanisme, à travers l’eugénisme des Bene Gesserit et le conditionnement, des mentats (stratèges, gestionnaires et calculatrices humaines). Cependant, toute transformation entraîne immédiatement une faiblesse. Les Bene Gesserit échouent et engendrent un être supérieur incontrôlable, les mentats peuvent être dupés grâce aux ruses. La force de Dune, c’est de nous mettre face à nos contradictions. En somme, l’homme parviendra-t-il à ses fins par le progrès, ou au contraire doit-il le limiter ? De plus, il aborde la question du lien entre la politique et la religion. Dans ce monde, les puissances sont conseillées par un pouvoir religieux, et la place du mystique y est très forte. Sur les planètes, on attend la venue d’un messie, qui porte plusieurs noms, le Kwisatz Haderach, le messie des Bene Gesserit, le Lisan-Al-Gaib ou Madhi, messie des Fremens. L'œuvre est bercée de termes connotés, comme le Jihad, ou de nombreuses religions, comme le catholicisme zensunni, le saari de Mahomet, produit d’hybridations millénaires. Mais Dune, c’est un paradigme plus singulier. C’est un monde sans Dieu saturé de religion, pour Maxence Collin, journaliste. Cette idée, d’une religion qui a pris l’ascendant sur le progrès est à contre-courant de l’époque positiviste très développée dans la science-fiction. On assiste ainsi à des manipulations pacifiques avec la création de la Bible Catholique Orange qui fusionne les principes des différents courants spirituels pour mener à la paix entre croyants. Mais aussi à des manipulations plus insidieuses, avec la Missionaria Protectiva des Bene Gesserit qui implantent des superstitions. Cela mènera à la Guerre Sainte, 61 milliard de morts que même le messie ne peut arrêter, et que l’on verrait mieux mort et statufié. Dune avertit donc sur la place des croyances dans la politique, qui sont utilisées cyniquement par les puissances et qui contrôlent les populations. Dune, c’est donc le résultat de la passion du réalisateur, Denis Villeneuve. Dune c’est un sursaut dans le monde du cinéma, rongé par les blockbusters sans saveurs, qui insuffle de nouveau de la poésie dans les salles obscures. Dune, c’est de la science-fiction réfléchie, qui existe en dehors de son genre. Dune, c’est une tirade de questionnements, c’est une tragédie grecque dans un univers lointain qui combine émotions et pragmatisme. Dune, c’est une passion débordante que l’on a polie pour en faire un diamant. Épice et tout.

Despite the danger the diversity of factions poses to Brazilian states in different degrees, the PCC is still the most feared. This is not due to the large member count and aforementioned history of domination— it is due to their ability to have a presence all across South America and even in parts of Europe. < Back From Misdemeanors to World Domination: How Brazilian Faction PCC Threatens Global Security By Catarina Vita for Sciences Défense November 30, 2023 One of the most predominant artistic expressions in Brazil is street art. From the outskirts of Bahia to São Paulo’s most metropolitan areas, sentences ranging from “Maria, I love you!” to “Free Lula!” are printed on all town surfaces. What was more noticed throughout the years, however, was the surging popularity of initials and enigmatic sentences. “Everything 3,” “CV,” and “PCC,” took over the sentimental and political declarations as street art. What these three terms have in common are their connections to Brazilian factions, which terrorize civilians inside and outside favelas and quickly wage wars in prisons, both defying police officers and provoking divisions within prisoners. The Primeiro Comando da Capital (translated to First Command of the Capital), or the PCC, is often considered Brazil’s most notable criminal faction, especially when considering its 29,400 member count and its overarching presence in 22 out of 29 Brazilian states. In the Brazilian context, a faction consists of a group of criminals with a set ideology and aims, driving their crimes and modus operandi , and they are usually formed inside prisons. Before the emergence of the PCC, factions were already rampant in the Brazilian carceral system. The first faction created was the Red Command (or CV, Comando Vermelho ), which aimed to forge a union between different classifications of prisoners, such as ones convicted for political and federal crimes. CV, through their crimes, aims to promote prisoner’s rights and banish police officers and people in power. Factions in Brazil, for the most part, specialize in drug trafficking and crimes such as kidnapping and murder. The PCC, created after the CV, has similar ideologies and operational methods, but functions on a much greater scale. PCC: Its Emergence and Crimes The PCC was formed during a soccer match in São Paulo, Brazil at what is considered to be the safest detention center in the state: The Custody House of Taubaté. Eight members of the center expressed their anger at the Carandiru Massacre in another prison in São Paulo. The massacre began as an attempt to resolve an ongoing animosity between two groups of prisoners, and resulted in the killings of 111 prisoners at the hands of police officers with 87 more injured. No officers were hurt. Using the Chinese yin-yang symbol to represent their ideology, the PCC established that “good and evil will be balanced wisely,” according to the Brazilian International Police Association . Ever since the PCC’s emergence, the faction was responsible for the rebellion of over 20 detention centers in 2001 due to the transferring of various faction leaders and members. The collective of rebellions inside these centers are called the Levantes , and PCC leaders got access to cell phones and organized simultaneous insurrections at detention centers, resulting in 16 dead and 77 injured, among those prisoners and police officers. In 2006, the PCC was responsible for another widespread insurrection, arguably due to the transferring of various faction members to other detention centers and the kidnapping of the PCC leader’s stepson. Over 500 people were executed only from May 12 to 21, 2006 across various detention centers in Sao Paulo. The organization of the PCC distinguishes it from other factions in Brazil since it divides itself into political and economic branches. With their initial purpose of avenging a massacre committed against prisoners, the PCC establishes that crime is within their ideology as long as it defies the oppressive state. The faction’s economic branch acts by engaging in drug trafficking and other actions in the criminal market and, in return, provides the faction with everything from funding for armed robberies to food granted from the outside for the incarcerated. PCC soon migrated from paulista detention centers to being omnipresent in southeastern Brazilian favelas . Ever since their strengthened economic branch and the presence of narcotics in Brazil, the PCC soon transitioned into land domination. Rio de Janeiro’s favela Rocinha, which the Red Command previously controlled, was taken over by the PCC, motivated by the large drug trafficking market and the prospect of new alliances with smaller criminal groups to ensure even further expansion. The PCC formed alliances with factions in Rio de Janeiro, which ensured them complete control of the inflow and outflow of drugs in the Rocinha favela, which has 70,000 inhabitants, according to a Brazilian census conducted in 2010. In the present day, the PCC is still rampant in Brazilian detention centers and favelas . They still largely engage in drug trade and trafficking, making close relationships of alliance or animosity with various factions in all of Brazil. Furthermore, the PCC today has an infamous blacklist that includes political officials that the faction aims to exterminate. One of the members of the blacklist is Sergio Moro, a federal judge that was responsible for impeaching Dilma Rousseff , the first Brazilian female president. Despite the danger the diversity of factions poses to Brazilian states in different degrees, the PCC is still the most feared. This is not due to the large member count and aforementioned history of domination— it is due to their ability to have a presence all across South America and even in parts of Europe. PCC and the International Sphere Paraguay, which shares borders with some of the strongest South American economies, including Brazil, swiftly noticed a rising presence of the PCC in their drug and weapons trade markets. The Santos Port in Brazil, located in Sao Paulo and crucial for trade, became largely used by the PCC for drug transportation since their May 2006 insurrection. European mafias and organized crime factions consider the port as a hub for drugs and arms, which increased the PCC’s notoriety globally. According to Carolina Sampo for BBC , a researcher at the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research, “baptisms” — rituals of entrance to the PCC followed by an admissions process — were increasingly noticed in Paraguayan prisons, enhancing the faction’s presence in a second country. Organized crime promoted by the PCC did not stop in Paraguay. Another South American nation with a notable PCC presence is Bolivia, in which there were also insurrections in detention centers similar to the ones during PCC’s genesis. According to Bolivian authorities also for BBC , an explosion in a Bolivian prison resulting in three prisoner deaths was attributed to a PCC member, but the authorities admittedly requested more investigation and information on the case before releasing an official statement. According to the Portuguese Intelligence Service for CNN , there are 1,000 PCC members in the country, more specifically in the Lisbon region. Portugal is considered to be a relevant drug passageway to Europe, considering the river Tejo’s accessibility. There are 20 PCC members imprisoned in Portugal, the majority of them due to drug trafficking. More than 100 members of Italian mafias are also connected to the PCC and have been imprisoned for trafficking cocaine to South America. The Future of PCC’s Influence and Actions PCC’s expansionary character, spreading from detention centers to favelas with greater populations than some big cities, will only let it become a bigger threat to global security. Its current monopoly on drug trade in Rio’s largest favelas, alongside its undeniable impact in South American countries and prisons, reveals that PCC’s most prominent aim today is ascending their economic presence to continue to perpetuate their crime and fund greater criminal actions. Considering that the PCC functions as an organized group with political and economic branches, in addition to having clear rules, punishments, and ideologies, the faction is, unfortunately, likely to worsen drug trafficking and widespread violence in South America. Brazilian intelligence forces, namely police officers, often engage in operations in favelas and detention centers, disregarding that the PCCs profit largely comes from drug trade from the Santos Port and their overarching global presence. The PCC has undeniable hegemony in the south and southeast Brazil, but their presence in the north is not as noticeable as some of their other rival factions. Therefore, the faction aims to attempt domination in the Amazonian region, especially due to their possible easy access to other neighboring South American countries, such as Venezuela and Peru. To properly counter this security threat, Brazilian and international intelligence forces should recognize the economic presence of the PCC and its impact on security – not only their constant threats of insurrections in prisons and favelas . Due to the multimillion-dollar business of the drug trade, it is likely that the majority of PCC’s funding comes from drug trade. If intelligence forces worldwide recognized PCC and other worldwide factions, then Brazilian street art would illustrate more love declarations and less enigmatic initials that indicate faction domination and violence.

Il y a un siècle les Français et les Allemands se battaient pour déplacer leur frontière, aujourd’hui celle-ci ne semble même pas exister quand on la croise. » raconte Letta à l’ouverture de l’interview. Il faut trouver une histoire globale européenne, et comment cette institution bénéficie à tous les citoyens. < Back « Tombez amoureux de l’Europe ! » Le message d’espoir du président Enrico Letta Luca Palis and Zoé Isbled for the European Society x La Strada April 30, 2025 Près de 65 villes, 27 États et un continent. Enrico Letta, ancien Premier ministre italien, de 2013 à 2014, et président de l’Institut Jacques Delors, a réalisé un véritable tour d’Europe. Conseillé par l’ami et collègue Jacques Delors, il a voyagé en Europe pour rédiger le rapport sur le marché unique, « Beaucoup plus qu'un marché. » Cette recherche a été source de l’œuvre « Des idées nouvelles pour l’Europe. Avec les femmes et les hommes qui la font , » une publication du 30 octobre 2024, présentée par l’auteur à Sciences Po—Campus de Menton le 13 février 2025.Ainsi, La Strada, l’association de culture italienne, en partenariat avec European Society, son homologue européen, ont décidé d’interviewer monsieur Letta pour en découvrir plus sur l’avenir de l’Europe. « Il y a un siècle les Français et les Allemands se battaient pour déplacer leur frontière, aujourd’hui celle-ci ne semble même pas exister quand on la croise. » raconte Letta à l’ouverture de l’interview. Il faut trouver une histoire globale européenne, et comment cette institution bénéficie à tous les citoyens. Il commence par nous partager son histoire européenne de son adolescence à Strasbourg, en tant qu’étranger Italien en France, et son rapport avec la même ville frontalière post-Maastricht, il exhorte que « La beauté du projet européen doit devenir une expérience vécue » en citant sa publication. Toutefois, de nombreux citoyens ne se conforment pas à cette évidence (en 2024 43% étaient opposés). Selon Letta, l’UE est devenue un bouc émissaire dans le XXIème siècle, victime d’une ère de haine et de peur et synonyme de l’inefficacité et la lenteur de la démocratie. Mais il faut remarquer que concrètement tout cela est dû « au manque d’Europe », et à l’incomplétude de la vision des pères fondateurs. Le paysage économique a été bouleversé avec la montée rapide de géants économiques asiatiques. Le même Letta le rappelle, l’Italie dans les années 1980 à 1990 avait à elle seule le même poids économique que la Chine et l’Inde. Aujourd’hui, les puissances européennes sont comme des petits poissons dans « l'aquarium du monde . » Selon Letta, la solution pour faire face aux requins est de se réfugier dans la coopération commune, « bouclier face à la globalisation ». Letta nous invite ainsi à « tomber amoureux de notre marché unique et de notre Union Européenne . » Le programme Erasmus+, visant avant tout à connecter et unir la jeunesse d’un continent fragmenté en États-nations, générant dans les générations futures une conscience européenne enracinée. Toutefois, Letta raconte que l’Europe nous touche tous, en nous assurant le droit de se déplacer autant que de rester, en tant que défenseure de la paix. Cependant, le fait de ne pas « faire l’Europe , » spécialement dans des secteurs clés comme les finances, les télécoms, l'énergie et la défense, nous handicape en terme de compétitivité, explique-t-il en parlant du coût de la « non Europe. » La voie à poursuivre selon Letta serait celle de la coopération renforcée et de l’harmonisation des systèmes légaux dans les sujets au cœur de l’expérience européenne, notamment celui du droit commercial. Au lieu de 27 droits nationaux, il propose de créer un 28ème État virtuel comprenant un droit commercial valable partout en Europe. Cela permettra de diminuer les coûts et les temps de démarche pour les entreprises, tout en gardant une certaine souveraineté des droits nationaux. L’Europe ne peut et ne doit pas permettre le déroulement d’autres cas comme celui de Spotify. Un succès suédois qui, souffrant de la fragmentation du droit commercial en Europe, a immigré à New York à la recherche de fonds. De plus, Letta conseille la création de l’Union des épargnes et des investissements, nécessaire pour remporter les 300 milliards d’euros de capitaux nécessaires pour les grands investissements communs dans l’innovation, la crise climatique et la défense, essentiels pour le continent. Le continent a besoin d’une quantité énorme d’argent pour réussir dans le défi de l’autonomie. L’énergie était outsourced aux Russes, et la guerre en Ukraine a frappé, plongeant le continent dans le chaos énergétique. La finance aussi était outsourced aux États-uniens. La production aux Chinois. Letta se pose donc la question: « qu’est-ce que nous avons gardé en Europe? » La réponse, selon lui, est la créativité, mais dans le monde instable d’aujourd’hui elle n’est plus suffisante. Au sujet des réformes institutionnelles européennes, Mr Letta adopte une posture réfléchie. Il déclare être globalement en faveur de l’élimination de l’unanimité au Conseil de l’UE mais en constatant que « les autres font, et nous nous discutons , » il est clair que cela n’est pas une urgence pour l’Europe. Quand d’un côté un envahisseur impérialiste comme la Russie, mène une guerre féroce aux portes de l’Europe, et de l’autre Trump choque le monde avec sa façon théâtrale d’émettre des ordres exécutifs, en jouant avec les règles de la démocratie, l’Europe échoue sur des subtilités comme le véto. Il est essentiel de reconnaître que si les difficultés internes à l’UE sont à prendre en compte, le contexte international l’est également. Désormais, la lutte culturelle, entre différentes visions du bien vivre, s’est transformée en conflit politique pour ou contre les bases mêmes de la démocratie. La montée du populisme est le tueur de la démocratie, essence même de l’identité européenne. Le déchaînement de la haine détourne l’attention de la politique des problèmes concrets, en jouant avec les émotions, « parce que le populisme n’est jamais tendre » nous raconte Monsieur Letta. L’Europe est perturbée par ces dirigeants extrémistes, qui essayent de trouver leur place sur la scène internationale. Par exemple, Giorgia Meloni, actuelle Première ministre italienne, en profitant de sa proximité avec Donald Trump et Elon Musk et de la crise politique de l’axe franco-allemand, tente de s’imposer comme pont entre les deux rives de l’Atlantique. Le 4 janvier 2025, lors d’une visite de Meloni à Trump, avant l’investiture, le président a complimenté son homologue italienne comme « une femme fantastique, qui a conquis l’Europe, » exemple concret du rôle que l’Italie de Fratelli d’Italia voudrait jouer dans les nouvelles relations euro-américaines. Selon Letta, l’avenir de cette Union doit être celui de la fédération d’États nations , respectueuse de la multi-identité européenne et puissante de sa devise « in varietate concordia », « unie dans la diversité. » Il est remarquable que même si la démocratie du continent est sous pression et l’UE constamment attaquée, les souverainistes et les nationalistes, historiquement eurosceptiques, se sont redécouverts « souverainistes européens, » surtout au vu des conséquences du Brexit, en reconnaissant que l’UE est devenue incontournable. Pour clôturer l’échange, les équipes de La Strada et de European Society ont demandé des conseils pour un ou une jeune qui veut se rapprocher de l’Europe. Il conseille à la jeunesse de profiter de la chance de pouvoir étudier. Spécialement pour les élèves de Sciences Po, il nous exhorte à faire le maximum d’expériences possibles. Dans l’avenir, quand nous serons employés, les opportunités de voyager autant, de connaître et d’évoluer se développeront de manière différente et seront plus faibles, sous les poids des responsabilités croissantes. Un profond remerciement pour Monsieur Enrico Letta de nous avoir accordé ce temps d’échange ensemble et pour ses précieux mots sur l’avenir du Vieux Continent. Photo source: Wikimedia commons

Préserver les traditions ou changer ? C'est le thème qui est devenu de plus en plus récurrent lors de notre séjour à Kakuma et de nos échanges avec les étudiants résidents du camp. Cette tension entre la tradition et l'universalité des droits humains est ressentie dans l'environnement, en espérant qu'un équilibre puisse être trouvé entre les deux concepts pour assurer la sécurité et le bien-être de l'individu. < Back Es-tu gay? By Amalia Heide for Sciences Po Refugee Help November 30, 2023 "Es-tu gay ?” Cette question a été posée par l'étudiant qui se trouvait à mon côté dans mon cahier de notes il y a quelques semaines dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma. À partir de cette question, une discussion écrite de quarante minutes sur l'homosexualité a commencé. Ecrite parce que, simultanément, un migrant géorgien queer a témoigné de son expérience et de son travail de recherche sur le thème de la migration LGBTQ+. Cette discussion a été retranscrite en partie : Amalia : Tu détestes ça ? Lui : L'homosexualité est contraire à notre culture. NOUS le détestons. Le pronom " nous " dans ce cas fait référence à la communauté. Mon interlocuteur se présente, pendant toute la durée de la conversation, comme un porte-parole de la vision générale de la communauté. Lui : Nous n'aimons pas les gays et les lesbiennes. C'est un crime ici. La société vous maudira si vous vous engagez dans cette voie. Les LGBTQIA+ sont-ils autorisés en Argentine ? Amalia : Nous croyons (j'ai également décidé de prendre le rôle de représenter la culture hégémonique de mon pays) que chacun est libre d'aimer qui il veut. Le mariage gay est légal. Lui : Je n'ai jamais vu de joueurs argentins se marier avec des joueurs masculins, par exemple Messi, Aguero, etc. C'est un manque de respect d'épouser un homme quand on est un homme. Amalia : Pourquoi ? Lui : Dieu a créé Adam (l'homme) et Eve (la femme). Pourquoi Dieu n'a-t-il pas créé le même sexe ? Amalia : Il est peut-être préférable de considérer la création du monde comme une légende, créée dans une société où les LGBTQIA+ n'étaient pas bien vus, comme c'est le cas aujourd'hui au Kenya. Mais si la légende était vraie, pourquoi cela signifierait-il que Dieu est nécessairement CONTRE les LGBTQIA+ ? Ne peut-il pas soutenir les deux? Quelle est la corrélation entre le fait qu'Adam soit un homme et qu'Eve soit une femme et le fait que Dieu ne puisse pas nous aimer tous, peu importe notre sexualité ? Lui : Le mariage est destiné à mettre au monde des enfants, mais les personnes du même sexe ne peuvent pas mettre au monde des enfants. Autoriser les LGBTQIA+ revient à aller à l'encontre de l'œuvre de Dieu. Pourquoi s'engager dans une relation si l'on ne peut pas avoir d'enfants? Nous pouvons nous aimer les uns les autres, mais pas nous engager dans des actes sexuels avec le même sexe. Adopter des enfants est une bonne chose [...] mais il faudrait savoir aussi à quoi ressemblerait ton produit (le bébé). J'ai estimé qu'il était important de transcrire cette conversation afin de contextualiser l'environnement dans lequel la communauté LGBTQIA+ est contrainte de se développer. Afin de ne pas baser ma déclaration uniquement sur une conversation, je voudrais souligner que la Commission nationale des droits de l'homme des gays et lesbiennes (NGLHRC) et Amnesty International ont publié cette année un rapport conjoint sur les expériences des réfugiés LGBTQIA+ vivant à Kakuma, au Kenya. Ils qualifient cette situation extrêmement dangereuse, caractérisée par des crimes de haine, des discriminations et d'autres violations des droits de l'homme. Malgré cet environnement hostile, il existe dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma un collectif LGBTQIA+ extrêmement actif qui cherche à sensibiliser les gens à leur statut dans le camp. Il s'agit de Free Block 13 Kakuma. Leur site web ( Free Block 13 - Free the LGBTQIA+ community from Kakuma ) contient des informations sur les activités du Pride month, une section "dons" et une section "histoires". J'ai pris le temps de lire plusieurs témoignages poignants et je vous invite à faire de même. Cependant, j'aimerais mettre en lumière l'histoire de Kevin, un homme transgenre qui a subi plusieurs attaques de la part de la communauté à Kakuma sans recevoir d'aide de la part du HCR. Kevin raconte que "le 25 juin 2020, des homophobes ont mis le feu à notre clôture, qui s'est propagée à notre maison malgré la présence de la police, aucun effort n'a été fait pour arrêter les agresseurs et, à ce jour, personne n'a jamais été appréhendé et les mêmes agresseurs jurent toujours de nous attaquer et de nous tuer pour mettre fin à la malédiction qui pèse sur nous, les LGBTQIA+ de Kakuma au Kenya". Une malédiction, c'est la même expression que celle utilisée par mon interlocuteur pour décrire cette communauté. Il est évident que cette série de discriminations doit être comprise à travers l'intersectionnalité. Prenons le témoignage de Shifra: sa mère, qui est homosexuelle, a dû fuir avec Shifra son pays d'origine, l'Ouganda, après avoir été victime de violences physiques et mentales. Elle et Kevin ont tous deux été victimes de mariages forcés parce qu'ils étaient des femmes et étaient incapables d'imposer leur volonté. Ainsi, le statut des femmes en matière de droits de l'homme est une question centrale dans le camp de réfugiés. Lors de la conférence internationale sur les mobilités et les immobilités à Kakuma, un groupe d'étudiants du camp a présenté le projet sur la santé et les droits des représentants sexuels. Composé de deux femmes et de quatre hommes, le groupe vise à sensibiliser les femmes (mais aussi les hommes) à leurs droits sexuels.En effet, l'une des fondatrices du projet a raconté, avec beaucoup de tristesse dans les yeux, comment plusieurs de ses camarades de classe ont dû épouser des "hommes de plus de 60 ans". Une autre a raconté comment l'absence d'éducation sexuelle a conduit des adolescentes à tomber enceintes contre leur gré. Cette initiative étudiante est rejointe par d'autres, comme dans le cas d'Amina Rowimoh Hortense. Amina est arrivée au camp de réfugiés de Kakuma en 2004, fuyant le conflit en République démocratique du Congo. Elle n'avait que 17 ans. Elle a réussi à suivre une formation de cinéaste grâce au HCR et réalise aujourd'hui des films pour sensibiliser à la situation des femmes dans le camp. Son dernier film traite par exemple des mutilations génitales féminines et l a été projeté dans le camp, incitant les femmes et les hommes à remettre en question cette pratique, toujours ancrée dans la société. Préserver les traditions ou changer ? C'est le thème qui est devenu de plus en plus récurrent lors de notre séjour à Kakuma et de nos échanges avec les étudiants résidents du camp. Cette tension entre la tradition et l'universalité des droits humains est ressentie dans l'environnement, en espérant qu'un équilibre puisse être trouvé entre les deux concepts pour assurer la sécurité et le bien-être de l'individu.

Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. < Back The Menton Times: A Year in Review By Celeste Abourjeili April 30, 2022 Mentoniya, Mentoniya. Last summer, I was struck with a vision for a newspaper that would synthesize campus discourse and bring all student events together in one collective monthly recount. Though I was committed to bringing it to life, I never foresaw the scope or size that it would reach in just one year. Mentoniya, on behalf of the Menton Times, I thank you for your readership and a successful first year together. The trials and tribulations of just one year at Sciences Po have filled the pages of our newspaper with fresh opinions, breaking news, sparkling student features, and insightful coverage of sporting events and local arts. The journey of creating a newspaper from scratch was filled with the unexpected — it was a turbulent yet irreplaceable experience. I got to watch our designer and my dear friend, 2A Ada Baser, create a layout template from scratch. She pieced together over 30 articles worth of content into one digital masterpiece each and every month. “Starting the design of a paper from scratch wasn’t the easiest experience… [but] at the end of the day, it’s been a pleasure to work with the many different members of the team, because designers need to communicate with reporters, photographers, and the editorial board,” said Baser. “I hope I have been able to bring their amazing works to life.” Her clean-cut designs have been praised by Mentonese students. “I really like the mise-en-page,” said 1A Amira Zargouni, “it’s really easy to read.” Our editorial team, made up of 1A Ayse Lara Selcuker, 1A Lara-Nour Walton, 2A Morgane Abbas, and myself, has had to edit just as many articles to fulfill our three-step editing process. “Editing felt special to me because journalism has been a really formative source for me,” said Walton. “To make this newspaper a reality was genuinely so fulfilling.” My role as Editor-in-Chief, besides managing and organizing the team, consisted of a wondrous albeit time-consuming process by which I had to review each article that was ever published. I knew that I was collecting stories from the students, combining them in one collective and polished form, and sending them back to the student body for all to read, and I wanted to do them justice. I grasped the significance of my job in qualifying the words our students were entrusting to the paper to send out to the world. Our photography team, led by 1A Hugo Lagergren and composed of 1A Emilia Kohlmeyer and 2A Wang Di, has brought each and every story to life with its talent and eye for the camera. “ The staff reporters and guest reporters, without whom this paper would not exist, made the decision to share their stories with us and with you — a decision for which we are endlessly grateful. “Writing for the Menton Times has been incredible! I joined the team with little writing experience, but I saw my skills improve through the feedback and support of our editors, and my articles allowed me to further immerse myself in the topics I am most passionate about,” said 1A Magdelena Offenbeck. Over the course of one year, we have worked with a team of about 20 people and around 39 guest writers. We wrote articles in collaboration with a variety of associations, ranging from Sciences Alcoolémiques to the Stone Skipping Society to the BDS to Babel, MEDMUN, TedX, Environnementon, and the list goes on. 2A Isabella Aouad, who contributed to the newspaper as a guest reporter, noted, “It was very impressive how, in one year, the Menton Times became a real thing. It was very consistent and rigorous and featured really high quality articles.” 1A Joudi Arafa, who claimed she was proud to contribute as a guest reporter, affirmed, “The Menton Times is a big campus name.” I’m proud of our team for creating a shared vision out of what started as a small idea. The process behind the paper starts with our monthly meetings, which take on the form of a team brainstorming session, to choose article topics for that month’s issue. “I really enjoyed the flexibility of choosing my topics instead of having them assigned,” said 1A staff reporter Luca Utterwulghe. I’ve always trusted our writers with the topics they chose, and I was ecstatic that they matched my trust with passion and motivation for the job. Besides our partnerships and guest articles, we try to include everyone on the campus by including student quotes and opinions in each article. “It’s fun interviewing people to get quotes for my articles,” said Utterwulghe, “I learned a lot from this past year at the Menton Times.” I am grateful to you, Mentoniya, for electing our association to be an official student initiative this past semester, opening up doors of opportunity for us with your trust. With the exception of the godforsaken month of February, we upheld our promise to you to publish each and every month. For the first year, our 7-1 success rate makes me quite proud. I recognize that our process wasn’t perfect. This was just the start of an association that I hope will live on for years after my departure. I believe in the future leaders of the association to not only enhance our process, but establish additional projects and events to make campus life even more robust. I am proud to announce that the association will be carried on by Lara-Nour Walton as Editor-in-Chief, Magdalena Offenbeck as Managing Editor, Hugo Lagergren as Head of Photography. I originally intended for the Menton Times to be a route for students to be heard by their peers, an opportunity for one to collect their thoughts before making them public, and to bring attention to a particular experience or event. It was supposed to serve as a chance to create change in our small, cozy Mentonese ummah. My goal, above all, was to bring students closer together. In my original “Letter from the Editor” in our very first issue, I wrote that journalism is a pillar of democracy, a chance to touch the hearts and minds of those around us and change the course of history for the better. Here in Menton, I hope we’ve done that on a personal level — if nothing else, I hope we’ve helped you better understand and resonate with the going-ons of our little community. I hope we’ve informed you. Thank you for your attention, and for the last time this year, happy reading! Sincerely and with love, Celeste Abourjeili Founder & Editor-in-Chief Menton Times 2021-2022

Australia is a nation in which the interrelationship between the people and our Naval forces has come to play a pivotal role in shaping national identity. < Back Our Military Are Our Mates! By Lucy Lönnqvist for Sciences Defense December 31, 2023 Australia is a nation in which the interrelationship between the people and our Naval forces has come to play a pivotal role in shaping national identity. Australians hold an inexplicable appreciation for our island continent's safety and good fortune, guarded by the devoted efforts of our naval and maritime powers, the Royal Australian Navy (RAN). On the surface level, the RAN is known by Australians for its defense of civil liberties and national sovereignty against external threats. In another vein however, a more fundamental yet subtle duty of the Navy that often lies unspoken, pertains to its role in fostering a strong sense of harmony, trust, and connectivity within the social fabric of all residents who call Australian soil home. It is this latter principle which the essence of this article will focus on, in order to demonstrate precisely why Australians call the military our mates. The nature of Australia’s coastal geography positions the naval and maritime at the nexus of the country’s defense strategy. While Australia has come to be founded in the archetype of the ‘ Lucky Country ’ and ‘ Land of the Fair-Go, ’ through an examination of the military forces’ relationship with the Australian community, the answers as to why Australia has come to be characterized by these legends and how our naval powers have perpetually assured the prosperity and support of Australian people, are revealed. Australia’s reputation as a land of safety and abundance is by no means the product of a draw of luck, rather, these norms have been sowed into the attitudes of trust and reciprocity between Australian society and the Navy as a respected institution. This deeply rooted trust has perpetuated since the Royal Australian Navy was first titled in 1911, and today has proven difficult to invalidate through experience. As a liberal-democratic island situated in a region of growing momentum for military attention, the capacity of the country’s Naval powers to protect its people is a question occupying political agendas. Australians today are vesting their trust in the country’s naval and maritime powers as a politically neutral institution they believe will continue to safeguard the security of the land we seek to reconcile and the prosperity of living standards we relish in. Trust is an essential component of any sustainable relationship between a nation’s military power and the society at large. Arguably, much of the conflict in the world today can be explained by the lack of mutual confidence between the society and its governing authority, with the military serving as the third-party mechanism for social control bridging between. Thomas Hobbes sheds light on this arrangement in his solution to the dilemmas of collective action in saying “ If both parties concede to the Leviathan, their reward is the mutual confidence necessary to life .” That is to say that the naval forces of Australia acting as the third-party enforcement allows the state and its citizens to trust one another. In the absence of trust, there can be no guarantee over a population’s security, nor hope for prosperity of the nation; thus, the society would effectively be reduced to a state of lawlessness and self-interest, opening the gates for tensions to boil and even a breakout of a civil war. There is a psychological component to the legitimacy of trust in a nation’s defense powers. For Australia as a seaborne nation, trust towards our sea powers have a greater grip in the minds of Australians than other military branches, as we depend on the good order at sea to secure trade and maritime resources as well as uphold the territorial integrity of our state and homes. Unlike most global powers across the world, Australian society is fortunate to have fostered a relationship of reciprocal trust towards the heroism of our naval servicemen. It is not often Australians look towards our maritime powers in fear, but instead view the body as a kind of moral sage, a guardian for the protection and wellbeing of our community, one that allows Australians to thrive in a state of amity and non-violence. There are several reasons for this, including the important pillar of neutrality of the RAN. The Royal Australian Navy operates substantially removed from the whimsical affairs of day-to-day politics, acting as a somewhat invisible power in the minds of many Australians who often aren’t reminded of the gravity of its value in underpinning the harmonious culture of our daily lives. The invisibility of the RAN in this sense is productive, as the actions of a state’s military service should not occupy space in the minds of civilians, but instead operate in the background of the state. Many Australians appear unaware of the extent to which the service of our naval powers reinforce the prosperity of our day to day lives because Australians have largely flourished in an environment of peace and liberty since the inception of the RAN. This is not to say the country is without inequality or flaw, rather to highlight that our land has not been threatened by foreign powers for as long as our national naval and maritime services have operated. In recent years, the Royal Australian Navy has stepped into the vision of the Australian public during times of national emergency. A particular example to illustrate is the evacuation of Mallacoota in Operation Bushfire Assist 2019-2020 whereby the Navy conducted itself with sincere compassion and open communication with evacuees. This demeanor ensured that people felt accommodated and safe onboard, no doubt reinforcing internalized norms of trust towards RAN as an institution among the Australian public. This example proves the RAN is more than a purely militant institution; it is a public good serving to cultivate a communal culture of trust and mateship to be shared evenly by Australian people. The security and prosperity enjoyed by all Australians as a courtesy of our naval efforts are not the private property of any person, but the communal gift to the entire nation. While the actions of the RAN may not be expressly seen by Australians in their daily lives, the equal opportunity to join the Navy is accessible to all citizens. Australia employs a policy of optional military service as opposed to one of national service, testament to the working environment of the Navy as an attractive institution of community and trust whereby Australians elect to enter on their own accord as opposed to serving by compulsion. It is the nature of voluntary subscription to the Navy that enhances its capacity to better guarantee the security and prosperity of Australian people because the risk of betrayal or defection is lessened. The achievement of Operation Tonga Assist 2022 illustrates how Australia’s policy of voluntary inscription promotes efficiency in the work ethic of naval personnel, allowing the RAN to respond to crises with seamless coordination. The navy was able to deliver 417 tons of equipment and relief supplies, conduct reconnaissance operations and assist with damage assessment following the undersea volcanic eruption and subsequent tsunami. This operation serves to prove that a fleet in which sailors consciously choose to serve in, is able to accomplish more than a comparable group lacking trustworthiness between members thereby enhancing the success of the fleet in guaranteeing the island’s security. The relationship of reciprocal trust between the people of Australia and the RAN is a matter of attitudes, behaviors, and feelings. An inextricably difficult phenomenon for countries abroad to engrain between their citizens and military institutions because it cannot simply be uplifted and transplanted into another context. Rather, it must be bred overtime. Building reciprocal trust is not easy, and this trust is so finely thread within behaviors, attitudes and national institutions that it can be difficult to identify and eulogize as a nation. Recognizing it, however, allows us to see ordinary Australia in intimate detail, drawing on a seemingly limitless depth of commitment towards each other which binds our sense of safety and mateship for eternity. The Royal Australian Navy champions representations of Australian national identity by upholding the country’s security and prosperity which is presented as attainable for everyday Australians.

The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. < Back Renewal of the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding Rose Harrill December 5, 2025 On Nov. 2, the 2017 Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding on migration cooperation automatically renewed for three more years, despite heavy pushback from various human rights organizations. The agreement is between the Italian government and the United Nations (U.N.)-backed Libyan Government of National Unity (GNU), one of two rival authorities competing for control of the country. It is sponsored by the European Union (E.U.) and aims to strengthen Europe’s borders by preventing the arrival of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers via the Mediterranean Sea. The memorandum requires Italy and the E.U. to provide technical and financial support to Libya in order to strengthen its Coast Guard; in return, the Libyan Coast Guard must intercept anyone embarking on trips across the Mediterranean Sea to prevent them from reaching Europe. In practice, the memorandum has disastrous effects for migrants, refugees and asylum seekers attempting to cross the Mediterranean. The International Organization on Migration (IOM) defines the Central Mediterranean route, which passes through Libyan waters, as the “world’s deadliest migratory sea crossing” due to its dangerous waters and the scarce number of search and rescue operations. In 2022 alone, 1,417 people departing from Libya died along the route, while an additional 56,515 people were intercepted and returned to Libya. Migrants detained and brought to Libya face blatant human rights violations and horrifying conditions in detention centers for indefinite periods of time. The centers are often controlled and managed by unaccountable local non-state actors and armed militia groups, making them almost impossible to effectively monitor. In these centers, migrants are often arbitrarily detained , exploited, abused and even tortured to the point of death. Migrants can face dehumanizing treatment, sexual and physical violence, and forced labor. The living conditions in these detention centers are also extremely degrading. Often overcrowded, migrants are packed into tiny spaces, deprived of food and water, denied access to medical care, as well as the right to legal counsel. Despite clear evidence of the disturbing abuse faced by migrants and inhumane conditions in these detention centers, the E.U. and Italy continue to support the Libyan Coast Guard in its efforts to detain migrants. The E.U. and Italy have both provided the Libyan Coast Guard with millions of euros dedicated to migration control since 2015, along with vessels and aerial surveillance used across the E.U. border. This mistreatment of migrants explicitly violates international human rights law. Although Libya is the state directly committing these atrocities, Italy is complicit and should also be held accountable. According to the International Law Commission and its Draft Articles on State Responsibility, Italy is responsible for Libya’s maritime seizures and human rights violations in detention centers, as Italy “ aids or assists” Libya in committing these crimes. Under the 1976 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Libya violates Articles 6 and 7, which prohibit subjecting any person to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Article 2 in the 1987 Convention against Torture and Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights also forbid the practice of torture, meaning that Libya infringes upon these statutes as well. Furthermore, Libya breaches Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court which defines rape, forced prostitution, sexual slavery, forced sterilization, or other acts of sexual violence of that nature, as crimes against humanity. The U.N. has found evidence of collusion between the Libyan Coast Guard and trafficking networks. Thereby demonstrating that Libyan state forces and armed militias have likely committed crimes against humanity including sexual slavery and rape against the migrants brought to Libya. Libya also violates the Common European Asylum System, which establishes guidelines on the proper procedure for processing asylum seekers and ensures their personal rights are protected, as the Coast Guard is intercepting people at sea and returning them without following the correct processing measures. While not perpetrating these crimes or transgressing these international human rights laws directly, Italy can be held accountable for Libya’s illegal actions in the Mediterranean because of its financial backing of the Libyan Coast Guard. The horrific abuses and violations of human rights by the Italian and Libyan governments have received backlash from various human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch has called for the end of the memorandum between Italy and Libya. Judith Sunderland, associate Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch, declared that Italy’s “continued support for abusive, unaccountable forces in Libya is indefensible” and called for the E.U. to stop “financing and legitimizing violence against migrants” and to “fundamentally reorient its Mediterranean policies to prioritize rescue at sea and safe and legal pathways for migration.” The human rights organization “Refugees in Libya,” founded by migrants who survived abuse in detention centers in Libya, is also mobilizing against the memorandum. They have requested that the E.U. suspend all migration cooperation with Libya. Despite worldwide condemnation, Italy and the E.U. continue to ignore these blatant human rights violations committed by Libya in the Mediterranean. When asked about their continued support for the Libyan Coast Guard, the European Commission insisted that it would continue to aid and assist the Libyan authorities. This was after an incident on Aug. 24 where a Libyan Coast Guard patrol boat opened fire on an SOS Mediterranee rescue ship. They claimed that “to improve the situation, we need to remain engaged.” The E.U. and Italy consistently choose to protect their own interests in securing their borders by providing Libya with more funding, vessels and aerial surveillance, rather than prioritizing the protection and safety of people whose biggest crime is seeking a better life abroad. Libya’s control over the Central Mediterranean route, combined with its own internal political instability and corruption that allows for the mistreatment of migrants to persist unchecked, has made this stretch of sea one of the deadliest migration paths in the world. If allowed to renew, the memorandum will only result in more deaths, more torture, more trafficking. The continued cooperation of Italy and the E.U. with the Libyan Coast Guard only makes it easier for them to commit these heinous violations of human rights. To ensure the protection of human rights of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers, it is clear that the Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding must be revoked. The E.U. prides itself on promoting justice and defending the human rights of those around the world, and yet it continues to work with the Libyan Coast Guard. The E.U. has a moral duty to protect those attempting to cross the Mediterranean, and should therefore no longer promote, fund and enforce an agreement that results in such a blatant violation of human rights. Photo Source: Tim Luddemann, flickr

Amid Egypt’s recent moves to assert itself as an eco-friendly regional power, it is fitting to explore key examples of green development initiatives spearheaded by the country in the last years. < Back Is Egypt a Model for Green Development? By Katie-Anne Harris November 30, 2022 Egypt’s national objectives for 2030, known as Vision 2030, have been implemented to meet the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals. One of this strategy’s major aims is to ensure that 15% of government investment goes into green development projects, and this figure is set to increase to 50% by 2025. This is not the first time Egypt has made its aspiration to be the voice of Africa clear. The country just hosted the United Nations Climate Change Conference — popularly referred to as COP27. In September, Egypt organized the meeting of African ministers of finance, economy, development and environment to formulate a unified vision for funding a transition to a greener economy. Amid Egypt’s recent moves to assert itself as an eco-friendly regional power, it seems fitting to explore key examples of green development initiatives spearheaded by the country in the last years. Renewable Energy in Egypt Egypt has invested in a multitude of renewable energy sources. The International Trade Administration reported that the government’s strategy is to make renewable energy generate 42% of energy by 2035, with wind energy making up 14%, hydroelectricity accounting for 2% and solar energy accounting for 25% of electricity generated by renewable resources. An example of a development project putting Egypt on track to meet these goals is the Benban Solar Park, which was completed in 2019. It has 32 solar plants with four substations, holding up to 1.65-gigawatt capacity, making the Benban plant one of the largest solar power sites in the world. This development project illustrates the Egyptian government’s capability and commitment to meet its sustainable development goals. Another example of successful green energy projects in Egypt is its biogas units which convert waste into electricity. Through this Fayoum-based project, biogas is obtained from the fermentation of organic waste. These units will provide a renewable energy source for household cooking and will also be used to produce organic fertilizer to improve soil properties in the region. Cairo’s Monorail Egypt is experiencing a rapid rate of urbanization, thus, augmenting the importance of transportation. To help prevent congestion and alleviate pollution, Egypt’s National Authority for Tunnels awarded a 4.5 billion dollar contract to UK Export Finance to build, operate, and maintain a monorail system for 30 years. It is set to become the world’s longest monorail while producing zero emissions and almost no noise. This project helps reduce emissions, lessen sound pollution and provide important public infrastructure for the population of Cairo. Green Cities Kharga has been declared the first green city in Egypt. There is no industrial pollution in the city due to the absence of industrial factories. Moreover, the city depends on renewable energy sources to generate government agencies, streetlights and places of worship and to extract water from irrigation wells and homes. There are monitoring stations for air quality, water quality, and noise pollution to ensure the city complies with environmental laws and legislation. Finally, the city holds many bike lanes to encourage zero-emission transportation. There has been a plan to build 45 new cities in Egypt to accommodate its growing population. These cities will be developed in line with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development’s Green Cities Program. There is no doubt that Egypt can build new green cities when looking at the successful green transformation of Kharga. Green Bonds Egypt is the first country in the Middle East and North Africa region to issue green bonds. Green bonds are financial instruments that are used to fund new environmental projects while returning fixed income to investors. These bonds offer investors the opportunity to mitigate the climate emergency while receiving returns like those expected from traditional investments. A report by Crédit Agricole claims that there is 1.9 billion dollars in green bonds that can be used to fund green projects. 16% of these bonds are for renewable energy projects, 19% for clean transportation, 26% for water and wastewater management and 39% for pollution prevention and control. Takeaways These examples of green development projects indicate that Egypt is on track to reach its sustainable development goals in line with the goals set out by the United Nations. These projects not only contribute to ensuring environmental integrity but also help meet goals to improve the quality of life of Egyptian citizens. The economic and sustainable benefits of these development projects generate jobs, improve public infrastructure and help combat pollution, all of which contribute to the well-being of Egyptian citizens. It is essential to look back on successful development projects in Egypt to understand why the country is eligible to be the voice for other African nations during COP27.

This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. < Back Liar Liar Pants on Fire: Biden's Willow Project By Lilith Springer September 27, 2023 “No more drilling on federal lands. Period.” Those were President Biden’s exact words before the election in 2020. This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. The news is especially disappointing considering the Climate Report 2023, recently published by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Over the past eight years, scientists worldwide worked on an assessment for policymakers, including statistics and research concerning climate change and its calculated effects on the planet. The results are alarming. The report highlights that it seems highly unlikely that global warming will be kept below the critical 2 degrees Fahrenheit if emissions keep rising at the current rate, leading to irreversible damages, and putting millions of humans at risk in the near future. While the report highlighted extremely worrying statistics, it also underlined that stopping the worst-case scenarios, which will make the planet quite unlivable for a large population of the earth, is still possible if politicians take immediate action. And what does Joe Biden, probably the most senile president the United States has ever had, do about this? He takes the report, throws it in the bin and implements the Willow Project. What is Willow? The Willow Project is a multi-billion-dollar project to drill gas and oil on native lands in Alaska. Over 30 years, this project will produce 629 million barrels of oil (95 billion Liters) and 287 million metric tons of carbon dioxide. For comparison, this equals the emissions of two million cars in the same timeframe or 76 new coal-fired power plants operating in one year. It will be carried out by the corporate group Conoco Phillips. It is said to help create jobs, fight rising gas prices during soaring inflation and lead to American independence from Russia and Saudi Arabia. What are the Environmental consequences? The environmental impact of this one project is of an unimaginable scale. Scientists worldwide stress that Willow will irreversibly damage the planet and lead the climate crisis to the point of no return. Global warming will become unstoppable, ecosystems will disappear entirely, and species will become extinct at an uncontrollable speed. Building the infrastructure required for the project will harm the already highly fragile Alaskan ecosystem even before Conoco Phillips starts to drill. Moreover, the project’s carbon emissions will seriously threaten the local population’s respiratory, cardiovascular and kidney health. For example, the construction of oil wells currently being carried out in the Alaskan village of Nuiqsuit has already led to a 20% increase in respiratory diseases since the project’s beginning, putting numerous children whose schools are located right next to those wells at extreme risk for chronic illnesses, bone deformations and even cognitive malfunctions. But Willow is not only an environmental disaster. Alaska is home to countless native villages where indigenous communities whose traditional way of living will be severely disrupted by Willow’s impact on wildlife and nature reserves. Rosemary Ahtuangaruak, mayor of Nuiqsuit, states: “As oil is exported and sent around the globe, our communities in the Arctic are left to contend with the health impacts of pollution as well as the devastation that comes from dramatic changes to the land like sea ice melt, permafrost thaw, and coastal erosion.” Native communities are expected to suffer from sick fish, toxic air, disappearing grazing areas and much more. More than 70 percent of indigenous households are expected to lose at least 20 dollars due to food purchases due to this decline in substitute resources. It is unsettling that the indigenous quote, “When the last tree is cut down, the last fish eaten and the last stream poisoned, you will realize that you cannot eat money,” is now as relevant as ever. It is infuriating that the indigenous communities themselves first suffer this dystopian reality. If you ever feel like having a good laugh – or cry – I invite you to filter your search engine to show only results that have been published before 2020 and go on joebiden.com/climate-plan to read all about how sad he was that vulnerable communities are disproportionately impacted by the climate emergency and pollution and how you can trust him to become the world’s next big visionary in combating climate change. However, I take no responsibility should you impulsively throw your laptop against the wall. But what about profits? Of course, this is all worth it, right? It will boost the economy, fight inflation, and create jobs which is formidable because we love money, right? Okay, let’s talk money. Aside from the fact that Willow is only expected to start showing profits after 2035 and will thus not help with current inflation, experts state that the oil reserves will not suffice to make the United States independent from Russian oil. Also notable is that the oil found in Alaskan reserves differs significantly from Russian or Venezuelan oil and will need to be blended with Russian oil to enter domestic refineries, revealing that the United States cannot gain independence from oil simply by producing more oil. When you are already the highest oil-producing country in the world, and it is still insufficient to meet your needs, maybe it is time to look inside and reevaluate your needs and priorities. Willow is not a desperate measure to soften the economic cost of current crises as Biden makes it out to be, but a simple profit project that might not positively impact the American economy. This is partly because Conco Phillips can use a loophole in Alaska’s tax law to write off its expenses for this project against the taxes the company pays on its other oil developments in the state. So, while the average American struggles to pay their electricity bills and taxes in light of soaring inflation, oil and energy corporations like Conco Phillips barely give back a cent to the state. Infuriated yet? Conco Phillip has made record profits in the past few years, which have not benefited the American population, and those profits are diverted into wealthy private shareholders and executives. The corporation has made a higher profit in the last year alone than the local and state governments are estimated to gain from taxes on 30 years of drilling at Willow. Not even the Alaskan cities suffering the immediate effects of Willow will make large profits. Nuiqsut has received only $600,000 from drilling in the Western Arctic over the past ten years, equivalent to what Conoco Phillips earns in Alaska in a little more than two hours. It is estimated that the project will lead to 3.9 billion dollars in alleged new federal revenue. This number is a joke compared to the approximately 19.8 billion dollars Willow is expected to cost the United States climate-related damages. But it will create countless jobs for Alaskans, right? Currently, only one percent of employed Alaska North Slope residents work in the oil industry, and it is estimated that most of the new jobs will be filled by people from outside Alaska. Also, more and more studies show that young people do not want to work in the oil sector but would instead pursue a job in the sustainable energy sector. Another reason why the profits of Willow are not as great as they seem is that most of the oil extractions are intended for internal use, especially in California, Oregon, and Washington, three states where the oil demand has been plummeting where demand for green energy has been skyrocketing. According to the Federal Bureau of Land Management’s investigation, it is estimated that by 2030 the majority of cars there will be driven with renewable energy and that the need for such extreme extractions will not be as high as anticipated. Furthermore, several economists in this Federal Bureau expect global oil prices to sink by only 20 cents per barrel due to Willow, and only if it operates at peak capacity. Other economists say it is hard to determine whether Willow will influence oil and gas prices. In short: Willow represents a sad political failure to take the opportunity to move away from Russian oil by investing in green energy and not disastrous oil projects. Millions of young Americans ask themselves: how dare this hypocrite co-opt the climate narrative for his political gains and throw away his promises the next second? How dare he tell us climate action is too costly when billions are available for disastrous oil projects? How dare he look desperate children who will feel the effects of Willow long after his death in the eyes and lie to their faces? The only thing worse than boomer politicians blatantly ignoring the populations’ eager calls for immediate climate action are boomer politicians who use the youth’s anxieties and spit on them. Thus, what is worse than apathy? What is worse than politicians who openly do not care about the climate crisis? Lies. Lies are worse.

October’s association events, summarized for you. < Back October Associations Recap By Celeste Abourjeili October 31, 2021 Cinementongraphe x SPRH “Capernaum” movie screening In a collaboration, Cinementongraphe and SciencesPo Refugee Help hosted a movie screening-turned-fundraiser featuring the Lebanese film “Capernaum” on Wednesday, October 10. Debate Society drunk debates In its second annual drunk debate on Saturday, October 9 the Debate Society kicked off its season discussing the topic of hookup culture in Menton. The opposing side (arguing against hookup culture) won, led by 2A Ada Baser and 1A Felipe Boitard. The society’s drunken spectators eventually ended up at Bastion, and those who lasted till the end of the night found themselves at Sablettes. Philosophical Society discussions The brand new Mentonese Philosophical Society, led by a team of six, kicked off its first year with two insightful events. On October 3, it organized a discussion on personal ethics at student house Soundproof, and on October 24, an investigation of the alt-right at student house Brothel. TASA movie screening The Thracian andAnatolian Student Association screened the mini-documentary “Coğrafya Kader” (Geography is Destiny) on Saturday, October 9 which features the wife Selahattin Demirtaş, a politician in the HDP who is currently incarcerated. Later on, the group discussed the status, treatment, and rights of Turkish Kurds. Amnesty movie screening On Sunday, October 10, Amnesty International held a screening of the movie “l’État du Texas contre Melissa” (the state of Texas vs Melissa). The movie discussed the case of Melissa Lucio, a mother charged with killing her daughter. Melissa was charged with the death penalty and is currently on death row. The movie focuses on the ambiguity of the case and the lack of a concrete story and evidence regarding the crime. The movie was chosen in remembrance of the abolishment of the death penalty in France 40 years ago and focuses on the danger of the death penalty when ones guilt is not fully sure. Environnementon Spa Night Following midterms for 1As and many 2As on Saturday, October 16, Environnementon hosted a spa night at 1A-run student house Gar Hira. Students were able to unwind with face masks and by making their own healthy and sustainable deodorant. La Fabrique Politique: Politiquerie La Fabrique Politique a organisé sa deuxième politiquerie le dimanche 17 octobre. C'était l'occasion fortuite pour échanger idées, réflexions et propositions sur un thème à la couleur chaude, “la cancel culture : une censure bénéfique?” Les participants se sont engagés dans un débat de plus d'une heure, ponctué par deux passionnants et éloquents plaidoyers. Babel Museum The Babel initiative presented the Babel museum: an event to highlight the past trips of the Babel board and researchers on Friday, October 22. The event included the Babel wall, now located in Espace Étudiant, with pictures of these different experiences. Videos showing off the immersive experience of past Babel trips alongside an off-campus MENA bake sale perfectly kicked off the Babel initiative’s cultural events. BDE Halloween Fair As one of the many Halloweekend activities, the Bureau des Élèves held a Fall Festival on the SciencesPo Menton campus on Thursday, October 28. Students were able to play games such as bean bag toss, ring toss, pin the hat on the witch, etc. and partake in activities like pumpkin painting after a few stressful weeks of midterms and projects. SSA: Homesickness The Student Support Alliance hosted an event on homesickness on Thursday, October 7 filled with cozy vibes and autumn treats. The group talked about what it means to be away from home for them, and about the parts of home that they carry with them. October Rose Run (BDS x FU x RacingClub) In a mega-collaboration, the Bureau Des Sports, Feminist Union, and Racing Club brought awareness to the battle against breast cancer on Sunday, October 3. UNICEF On Sunday, October 10, UNICEF held a yoga session on Sablettes to kick off Mental Health Week and help students unwind. The session was led by 2As Lilinaz Hakimi and Daniel Santana.

Be it ‘evil-eye themed parties,’ jam sessions on the beach or ‘Aparathons,’ Sciences Pistes have a way of keeping things interesting. Somewhere along the creation journey, with no definite date demarking it, the Sciences Po Menton wedding tradition was born. < Back The Babel Initiative's 'Big Fat Cypriot Wedding’ By Maria Eirini Liodi February 29, 2024 As the 2As well know and the 1As are surely discovering, Menton is not your conventional university location. Being one of the most charming, crown jewels of the French Riviera, both students and locals are blessed with marvelous landscapes. However, with the buzz of city life only a distant whisper, Sciences Pistes are often tasked with the generation of fun-making, as things can get a bit monotonous around here. Be it ‘evil-eye themed parties,’ jam sessions on the beach or ‘Aparathons,’ Sciences Pistes have a way of keeping things interesting. Somewhere along the creation journey, with no definite date demarking it, the Sciences Po Menton wedding tradition was born. Just like Aphrodite, the tradition emerged amidst the foamy waves, in the sea of Sciences Pistes’ imagination —or excessive boredom. Despite little knowledge as to its exact roots, the whimsical event has been an eagerly anticipated one annually since its creation, adding a touch of humor and celebration to our busy academic calendars. Exclusive, mysterious and exciting, this year’s wedding was one for the books. Two Sciences Pistes were secretly selected, following serious deliberation and thoroughly strategic matchmaking. With a host of flower girls, a priest, family, and even wedding crashers, the Ummah came together to witness one of this semester’s most thrilling, and shocking, events. With the bride and groom only invited to the event merely hours before the ceremony, the suspense was real. Who were the chosen two? Our very dear Leo was the dashing groom, and our bride… Our bride is a person that knows how to make an entrance and steal the show – Kousai. This year's 'Fake Wedding,' hosted by the Babel Initiative took on a unique twist as it embraced the vibrant spirit of a 'Big Fat Cypriot Wedding.' Sablettes was transformed into a lively scene, filled with colorful decorations, traditional Cypriot music, and the unmistakable ambiance of the Mediterranean celebratory spirit. As one of Babel’s central aims is cultural awareness and the bridging of communities in the MENA region, the wedding needed to bring as many real-life elements to the table as possible. We had traditional Cypriot music played live, a Cypriot casted as the parent of the ‘bride’ and the impeccable celebratory spirit necessary. Beyond the entertainment value, the 'Fake Wedding' serves as a testament to the opportunity for diverse cultural experiences on our campus. Such traditions can provide a platform for students to break away from the rigors of academia and embrace a sense of camaraderie while promoting acceptance and diversity within the campus community. As this year’s festivities came to a close, the 'bride' and 'groom' could be found at the post-wedding celebrations at the ‘Black Out’ party at Soundproof. As a cornerstone to the Sciences Pistes of Menton, Soundproof was the perfect location for a Saturday night, post-wedding celebration. Now, as the echoes of traditional Cypriot music fade away, and the Mediterranean breeze continues to dance with the stars, Sciences Pistes are left with more than just memories. The festivities hosted by Babel, served as a vivid reminder of the creativity and cultural richness that define our Ummah, and make our university experience so distinctive. Here's to breaking free from the monotony, embracing diversity, and crafting stories that add a touch of laughter to our academic journey. Until the next whimsical event, cheers to Sciences Pistes and the wonderful memories we weave together!

Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. < Back Why We All Need to Get Our Hands in the Soil Finn Leary for Environnementon December 31, 2024 When I put my hand up to write this article, I initially had plans to write about environmental NGOs and why so many continue to fall short in delivering meaningful change, despite bold, well-intentioned promises. Then, after witnessing the ways in which COP29 again stormed its way into the news cycle, with not much to show, I thought perhaps this was a more important conversation to have. But after an afternoon of getting my hands dirty, pulling out a few weeds in the garden following an obnoxiously boring French class, I decided perhaps this was a ripe place to focus my attention. And a bit more of a hopeful place to dwell. So yep, you guessed it! This article is going to be dedicated to the humble act of gardening. For ease of reading, I’ll be discussing three main ideas: gardening as a profoundly (often unintentional) anti-capitalist act, gardening as self-care and care for the planet, and gardening as a directed political action. PSA: This article is driven in equal parts by my desire to find a lovely human (or several) that are willing to give some love and care to the garden after I’m gone (sounds like I’m dying, I’m just heading back to Australia) but also to convince more of you of the value of gardening and growing your own food. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Profoundly Anti-Capitalist I want to start here with a little story. This past summer, at home in Tasmania, my father, an avid gardener, was blessed with a handful of tomato plants that sprouted naturally from last year’s crop. They popped up in the veggie garden and quickly announced their arrival by growing prolifically. These tomato plants were huge, spreading to cover the whole garden. Hundreds, if not thousands, of tomatoes emerged over the course of the coming months. Dad was so overwhelmed (in the best way possible) by the sheer scale of his tomato success, that he started finding new homes for the tomatoes. Boxes full were given away at the local markets. Handfuls were passed over the fence to the elderly neighbors. Their sweet juicy nectarines were handed back. This quickly evolved into passing over bottled passata and tomato relish for nectarine pie. A local restaurant heard of Dad’s surplus tomatoes, and for the rest of the summer Dad swapped boxes for a meal at the restaurant. Thankfully this extended to his sons whenever they visited. A friend of mine who has her own fermentation and preserves business took buckets full to use in her recipes. A community group in Hobart used kilos of pasta sauce and fresh tomatoes to feed the masses at their weekly gatherings. And still tomatoes went to waste. But that’s the beauty of gardening. Fruit falling to the ground never really goes to waste. Just returning to the soil, seeds aplenty, waiting for the next year to sprout again. Indeed, all of this arose from the seeds that fell to the ground the previous autumn. Just a few months earlier, in a class at university, my favorite professor had been discussing the beauty of seeds and gardening more broadly. For the last class of the semester, he brought in broad bean seeds that were gifted to him by a previous student 15 years earlier. For the past decade and a half, my lecturer had grown broad beans and given the seeds to every class member, asking each student to sow the seeds and to pass on the gesture. It is fair to assume that one handful of beans given 15 years ago had led to the planting and harvesting of hundreds of plants in backyards around Hobart and further afield. I planted mine and they are still growing in my old shared house garden. My lecturer’s point with this act was this: That the beautiful gift of life stored in the form of a seed costs nothing but can generate so much good. And that this gift is exponential. In this sense, gardening is very anti-capitalist. Produce grown in the garden (and the seeds from these plants) are a gift from nature that can be regifted to others, shared and swapped and eaten and celebrated—a liberating and life-bringing act fundamentally rooted in connection to the land and to others. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024. Gardening as Self-Care: Nurturing Ourselves and the Planet Gardening is also fundamentally about returning to something better, something rooted in the past and oriented to the future. It’s about returning to ourselves in new ways (old ways really) and to the natural environment around us. Gardening is good for the body and good for the soul. Getting your hands into some steamy compost and picking out handfuls of weeds is a meditation—a respite from the fast-paced hustle and bustle of our increasingly rushed lives. I have certainly found that it’s very difficult to be unhappy when you’re collecting handfuls of fresh greens for dinner or flicking caterpillars off broccoli leaves. And if you get to share a garden’s produce with others, the happiness surely multiplies. Gardening requires slowing down. It forces us to contend with the seasons, and cycles of death and decay. Gardening makes us more aware of what is happening all around us, from the critters and the pollinators to the amount of rain held in the clouds above. We live such distanced and disconnected lives from the natural world that we are inherently a part of, that simply getting in the garden can be a reclamation, a way to remind ourselves of all we are connected to and the stewardship we must return to. Gardening also fundamentally orients us toward big, important questions: What is our role within the natural world? How do we care for what sustains us? How is food grown, and who grows it? How can individuals and communities take control of their food systems? Gardening as a Political Act Gardening can take so many different forms; it can be as varied as the people who practice it and the environments in which it occurs. Gardening can be a solitary endeavor pursued in private space like a courtyard or a balcony, or it can be a deeply connected act embedded in communities and shared public space. Gardening can differ radically in scale, from a few pots of herbs and greens to bustling community gardens. There lies beauty and value in all these examples. Gardening can also be a rebellious political act that challenges the status quo, as seen in practices like guerrilla gardening and botanarchy. These forms of gardening are premised upon transforming and reclaiming neglected and poorly used public spaces into green, productive areas, often without permission, to challenge private ownership and environmental conservatism. A good friend of mine in Australia started a guerrilla garden in Meanjin (Brisbane) during Covid, turning an abandoned council-owned plot into a thriving communal space where all walks of life from the community would meet and get their hands into the soil, sharing produce and meals. Engaging in guerrilla gardening/botanarchy is an empowering act, a way to push back against systems that aren’t really serving us. With our ecological systems in crisis, political instability growing the world over, and social divisions deepening, it is hard to envision a livable future without radical scaled change—the revolutionary, system-transforming type. I want to suggest that it is too the small battles that can pave the way to new modes of living and relating to each other and the planet. The peaceful revolution of growing something in the garden (whether in your backyard, or in a poorly used public space), in my opinion, is a small but sure step forward out of this mess. Source: Finn Leary, January 2024.

The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. < Back Association Feature: Feminist Union By Zélie Savinien September 30, 2021 The Feminist Union, most commonly known as the FU, is the feminist association on campus. We advocate for better equality between men and women and our aim is also to fight against any kind of violences, whether economic, social, or sexual towards women. To do so, we organize multiple events such as the consent talks at the beginning of the year or octobre rose (Pink October.) We want everyone to feel included in this association, so if you have any questions, do not hesitate to contact us on our social medias!