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But what do I consider anomie in city life? A lack of disruption from daily routines and rigid adherence to rules almost renders life austere and unbendable, this strict regulation leaves any rule breaker into a lawless reality. < Back Anomie in Urban Life (A Rant from Amsterdam to Athens) By Rosie Betrosian January 31, 2024 I recently had the opportunity to explore Amsterdam, and when asked about my impressions, I found myself wrestling with the urge to rant about the inescapable canals, marijuana-smelling corners, or the labyrinth layout of the city. I tried to find the closest square for a view of the city, perhaps catch a glimpse of a mountaintop, but that was impossible. I knew the city's structure lacks open spaces; instead, streets are simply connected to each other with no square or notable monument in sight. I suddenly felt like Fran Leibowitz – a major cynic about urban culture. "One day I heard that the subway had been closed due to a sewage smell. Seriously? Can the subway smell worse than usual?..." “If I complain about the things I complain about, will they change? Not so far” – Fran Leibowitz That only proved to me that I am not alone in nagging about urbanism; a whole field is dedicated to the analysis of city structure and its relative effects on social and cultural life. Stereotypically, I marvel at the fast-paced environments where everyone seems to be fully immersed and appears to run on efficiency. People in fast paced cities remind me of “The Wolf of Wall Street,” which left me wondering about the effects of urban structure on daily life and people’s mental health; can people truly keep up with a fast paced environment without becoming outsiders? Often, such cities entail “neighborhood elements” such as social cohesion, pleasantness, and safety, which are associated with lower levels of depression. Specifically green spaces, active spaces, social spaces (e.g., benches), and safe spaces (i.e., with reduced crime rates). According to a study by Rebecca Johnson in “Main Street: How a City’s Heart Connects Us All,” these public places ameliorate mental health and communal living. This is validated and repeatedly corroborated through science. Exercise is essential for producing serotonin, boosting self-esteem and stress resilience. However, I have found that even perfect cities following Johnson's list stimulate a feeling of anxiety and loneliness. One may wonder what prevents anomie-inducing feelings. Living in a city entails the elements of anonymity and community. Anonymity permits movement in public settings without scrutiny from a tight-knit community; this independence might be liberating, or the absence of a close-knit community might be isolating. Anonymity is preserved in public places through the right to be forgotten, etc. Cities are primarily hubs of social relations and social cohesion where communities form this expectation and, together with the danger of loneliness, render cities susceptible to anomie. But what do I consider anomie in city life? A lack of disruption from daily routines and rigid adherence to rules almost renders life austere and unbendable, this strict regulation leaves any rule breaker into a lawless reality. I find that cities, planned with town squares and cultural centers, help combat feelings of anomie, a sense of normlessness, or disconnection that arises in urban environments. Town squares and cultural centers serve as vital components in mitigating anomie by fostering social cohesion, community engagement, and a sense of identity. It would be the height of hubris to disregard Athens from my analysis of cities. I have heard people claim “there is no place like Greece.'' This is arguably biased coming from Greek people. This statement, however, does not refer to the Greek mountains, sea or architecture. It refers to a very specific way that Greeks lead their 9 to 5 lives… Commonly ruled by messiness and instability, these elements themselves make Greek urban life less anomic. Disruptions in the metro, traffic, and buses full of people, as well as inaccurate public transport schedules, all create a lively day to day– which some may call chaos. This chaos adds some excitement to each day and allows for more interaction between people in public. This liveliness is also reflected in the city structure, organized around churches and public spaces indicating the prioritization of a community avoiding anomie. Overall, urban life is influenced by factors beyond the visible cityscape, it includes complexities of city life such latent socialization, commuting, work schedule and all details that account for daily working life that can often lead one to feel anomic.

After a lamented farewell to our beloved Edwige Coffee’s previous owners, students at Sciences Po Menton are rummaging through the city for a new favorite bakery and study spot. Since beginning my first year at Sciences Po, I have always aimed to diversify my go-to study space or occasional pause salée ou sucrée. < Back A Complete Review of Menton Bakeries and Study Spaces By Catarina Vita September 1, 2023 After a lamented farewell to our beloved Edwige Coffee’s previous owners, students at Sciences Po Menton are rummaging through the city for a new favorite bakery and study spot. Since beginning my first year at Sciences Po, I have always aimed to diversify my go-to study space or occasional pause salée ou sucrée. So although the departure of Edwige Coffee owners was one of the most heartbreaking pieces of news in Menton I’ve heard over the previous weeks, I have a few notable croissant alternatives that can hold me up during class, besides other relaxing study spaces that are ideal for desperate S ciences Pistes that cannot focus at their homes or the campus library. This review will analyze affordability, tastiness, location, and overall service. Noailles - 15 Av. Félix Faure When you are in the old town and rushing towards the train station, you usually spot a big, red café with chalkboard menus, but never take the time to give it a try. I tried this bakery and was surprised to find an amazing brunch and study spot. They generously served bagels with fries and fillings such as chicken or salmon, a phenomenal selection of teas (orange is my go-to), and — yes — chai lattes! In a frappé form, Noailles can serve chai cold. Besides bagels, some other lunch options include salads, omelets, poke bowls and club sandwiches, not to mention their array of sweet and savory patisseries. Noailles has a wide space with various tables, and it is often empty with surprisingly fast Wi-Fi, making it an optimal place to study. The prices are relatively high, but in relation to the general Menton price range, I would describe Noailles’ prices as one or two euros above average. However, if you just order a tea and a croissant and spend the entire day at the place, they will not kick you out — speaking from personal experience. Caffè Italiano - 1 Av. Félix Faure Returning from a tedious meeting with Societé Generale in September 2022, I spotted a different coffee shop from the ones I had already seen during my short stay in Menton. I wanted something energizing and cold to revitalize me during the scalding Riviera summer. Originally planning to get a bottled iced tea, I decided to get one of their coffee frappés. Simply one of the best decisions I have ever made in Menton so far. Sadly, their frappés are only available during summer and spring, meaning you can get a frappé again starting April or May 2023. When I returned to get a frappé recently, however, I was unfortunately surprised by the change of taste from September to early April. I would like to assume that it was just bad luck, and the Caffè Italiano still serves the best coffee frappé in Menton. Although Caffè Italiano is spacious, it is consistently full, so I have never tried their Wi-Fi or studied there. I would describe their prices as a little more accessible than other Menton coffee shops and bakeries. Atelier Boulanger - 49 Rue d'Adhémar de Lantagnac Once when I was walking towards U-Express near the train station, I saw two women with Atelier Boulanger bags, exclaiming in between large croissant bites: “c’est la meilleure boulangerie de Menton!” I could not agree more. Home to the best croissant in Menton, Atelier Boulanger never ceases to amaze me. If you ever need a quick lunch by the beach, try to get a hold of their fantastic chicken burgers or wraps with goat cheese. However, what makes Atelier Boulanger different from any place in Menton is their caramel lattes. If you ask for a splash of caramel syrup with your latte, you will be surprised with a Starbucks-level drink without Starbucks-level prices. Besides caramel, there is also the option of Speculoos syrup, but how the caramel harmonizes with the latte macchiato is simply remarkable. If Atelier Boulanger had Wi-Fi and a proper place for studying, be sure that I would be seen there constantly. However, Atelier Boulanger is not the best place to study, given its tight space and few tables. Vanilla Bakery - 3 Av. Félix Faure If my emotional attachment to Atelier Boulanger never existed, Vanilla Bakery would be my favorite boulangerie in Menton. Supplied with an endless array of pastries, from the biggest to smallest croissants you’ve ever seen in Menton, Vanilla Bakery will give you anything to satisfy your cravings. They also have the best-iced coffee I’ve tasted in a while, especially if you ask for a dash of vanilla and a good amount of sugar. The staff is also the kindest I have experienced in Menton, and they will let you enjoy their sofas, tables, and fast Wi-Fi whenever you have to cram for a midterm or finish up a presentation. Il Capriccio - 26 Rue de la République Ideal for a quick lunch or coffee date, but not a study session, Il Capriccio is my go-to place. With amazing outdoor tables and a cozy indoor atmosphere, Il Capriccio is the perfect place to enjoy a 12 Euro carbonara, one of the best, if not the best, of Menton’s restaurants. Their espressos and cappuccinos are well done, and their croissants and pastries complement perfectly. Although their space and food appear ideal for a study session, the staff will ask you to leave if you pull out your computer and eat nothing.

About two weeks ago, blissful and ignorant, I decided to research the upcoming Lemon Festival. Immediately, I found a stream of articles announcing the revolutionary involvement of non-fungible tokens (NFT) in this Mentonese tradition. After a couple more searches, I found myself on the official page for the sale of John Lemon NFTs; it was horrifying. < Back The NFT-fication of La Fête du Citron Spells Environmental Disaster By Saoirse Aherne February 28, 2023 As February approaches, those familiar with Menton wait in anticipation for the event of the year, a UNESCO recognized expression of Intangible Cultural Heritage, a citrus celebration like no other: La Fête du Citron. Since 1934, the Lemon Festival has drawn in visitors from far and wide. In typical fashion, this absurd carnival began as a cash grab. Back when Menton was a popular winter getaway for the European bourgeois, a group of local hotel owners decided to host a Menton carnival to entertain their wealthy clients. This first Menton parade in 1875 was a great success, but it was not until 1929 that the humble lemon got involved. That year, an exhibition of citrus fruits and flowers was showcased as part of the festivities. By 1928 the Menton area was the biggest lemon producer on the European continent, even acquiring the nickname “Rocher du citron.” Quickly, the lemon became the star of Menton’s annual parade and in 1934 the city officially named the event “La Fête du Citron.” Today, the Menton lemon proudly claims protection of geographical indication (PGI) — official recognition at the European level of its unique properties. Menton’s micro-climate makes it the perfect place to grow this golden fruit, which is said to be larger and less bitter than the standard. Currently, there are 15,000 trees which produce lemons that meet the PGI requirements, though this number is swelling with the help of the Association for the Promotion of Menton’s Lemons (self-explanatory organization, very specific mission). Presently, the lemon festival hosts 240,000 spectators each year, with 100 percent of tickets selling out in 2021. The event uses 140 tons of citrus fruit to adorn floats, decorations and gardens. Best of all, a charming character by the name of John Lemon has become emblematic of the event. But this year, for Menton’s 89th Fête du Citron, our favorite yellow mascot has had quite the digital facelift. Menton 3.0 - NFTs, Holograms, and Crypto: Oh my! About two weeks ago, blissful and ignorant, I decided to research the upcoming Lemon Festival. Immediately, I found a stream of articles announcing the revolutionary involvement of non-fungible tokens (NFT) in this Mentonese tradition. After a couple more searches, I found myself on the official page for the sale of John Lemon NFTs; it was horrifying. Unsure whether to laugh or cry, I scrolled through page after page of John Lemon NFTs; chunky yellow ovoids wearing stupid little top hats, ugly goatees pasted on their non-existent chins, strumming poorly rendered electric guitars. It was sick. The entire collection includes 5,000 designs — so far 18 have been purchased. The standard John Lemon NFTs are priced at 0.02 Ethereum coin, the equivalent of 30 euros. If you have even less self-respect and taste, however, you can purchase rare animated (moving) versions for 60 euros. Rock-Opera John Lemon will also perform every evening on the facade of the Palais de l’Europe in the form of a hologram. According to Nice Matin, this will mark the first NFT concert in the world. It will also apparently “enrich the intangible heritage of the city of Menton.” I'll just leave that there. Why? How? Why? This scheme is the brainchild of Mayor Yves Juhel and Stephanie Jacquot, second assistant to the mayor and deputy of events. Ms. Jacquot seems to be especially invested in the project, and reasonably so; on the Menton municipal council website, the description of her projects reads “city of tomorrow” and “digital.” According to Jacquot, incorporating modern technologies into the Fête du Citron will demonstrate that Menton is dynamic and innovative. A bold rejection of the image Menton has long cultivated as a quaint Riviera town frozen in history, Jacquot wants to revolutionize this “sleeping beauty,” as she puts it. The enthusiasm for NFTs is perhaps inspired by a project recently carried out by another Riviera town, the city of Cannes. In June of 2022, Cannes sold at auction 10 “digitized versions” of real locations within its jurisdiction. The event brought in 330,000 euros and marked the first sale of real estate through NFTs. According to Arnaud Oliveux, the auctioneer of the digital property, this opens the door to a future where buyers and investors can truly “live in the metaverse.” Whatever Jacquot and Juhel’s motivations, the duo were not alone in the mission to digitize Menton. The 5,000 rock-opera John Lemons were designed by a street artist from Nice who goes by the name Faben. The artist, whose real name is Benjamin Fabris, has recently engaged in a number of NFT-related projects and believes his work will “take the mascot of the Lemon Festival into the metaverse.” The other actor responsible for this dystopian saga is MyHologram, a company founded by Vanessa Rigaud. MyHologram has worked on a number of collaborations with museums, and has notably already collaborated with Faben to release a line of NFTs in September of 2022. For the Lemon Festival, MyHologram has worked closely with Faben, creating digital sculptures of his designs. MyHologram is also responsible for marketing the NFTs, however, they remain the city's property until sold. According to Yves Juhel, this is just the beginning. When speaking to Nice Matin, the Mayor promised many more NFT-related projects to come, declaring, "We already have ideas for next year... We will reveal the theme of the next edition at the end of it." “We must not be afraid of NFT’s” announced Stephanie Jacquot to the Nice Times. Controversy! Beyond aesthetic sin, this project is also an “ecological disaster,” according to a representative from the Menton-based group Stand up for the Planet. In a rant posted to Facebook, this association proclaimed that “A single NFT represents a journey of about 800 km by car,” which is equivalent to 200 kilograms of carbon dioxide. The environmental impact of NFTs is mainly due to the large amounts of electricity required to facilitate Blockchain, the technology through which NFT transaction and ownership is recorded. However, identifying the exact carbon footprint of an NFT is quite difficult as each time an NFT is produced or sold, another carbon cost is endured. Digiconomist estimates that one Ethereum transaction demands 33.4 kilograms of CO2, though an NFT can undergo infinite transactions over its lifetime. Artist and programmer Memo Akten calculates that an NFT transaction produces 14 times more emissions than mailing a piece of artwork. With regards to the John Lemon collection, I have high doubts that all 5,000 will sell. Nonetheless, the carbon footprint of their creation — or “minting” as it's called — was significant in and of itself. If adding one NFT to the blockchain uses about 83 kilograms of CO2, as many cryptoblogs have informed me is the case, then this collection is already responsible for 415,000 kilograms of carbon emissions. That is the equivalent of flying from London to New York about 421 times . The looming threat of climate change has been more evident than ever over the past year, especially in the Cote d’Azur. Droughts across the region during the summer stunted the local lemon crop, and many citrus farmers will thus not be able to claim official Menton lemon status for their fruit. In the coming years, rising sea levels will pose significant challenges to this coastal town as increasingly heavy storms will bring about landslides. The city itself recognizes the need for environmental action, having recently pledged to transition Menton into a “Green city.” In light of this, the creation of John Lemon NFTs is not only unnecessary and laughable, but it is also a sign of the city’s hollow commitment to environmental action. La Fete du Citron is already wasteful by many metrics. The festival consumes a sizable chunk of the city budget on displays and decorations, purchasing thousands of fruits which are often destined to rot rather than be eaten. At a time when such events should be reimagined in a more sustainable fashion to preserve both tradition and the environment, it is disappointing to see the city of Menton do quite the opposite.

A town that I have learned to love and maybe sometimes to hate, but one that I will certainly miss when I have to leave eventually. This petite town of citrons has seen many generations of the Ummah pass through it. I think it holds a special place in our hearts. I hope you will feel the same way! < Back Tips To Survive Sciences Po Menton Eleni Dimitropoulou April 29, 2025 The end of the second semester is approaching, marking, for me, the end of a whole year in the magical Menton—the “pearl” of the French Riviera—as a first-year student. A year ago today, I learned that I had been accepted to this university, situated in a foreign country whose language I did not speak, miles away from my home. I believe that thousands of other students are in the same situation right now. That is why, in this article, I will act as a big sister who will answer in advance to all the possible concerns you, 1As probably have about the Menton campus. I will offer you some advice. Here is everything you need to know: from how to find a house to where you can eat, at which beach you will tan the fastest and at which bar you will find the best drinks. Let's start with the simplest. Menton, my favorite city and the one I now call home, is located on the French Riviera, 40 minutes away from Nice, fifteen from Monaco and ten from Italy. Yes, it sounds crazy that you can cross the border on foot—but a word of advice, don't try it alone or during the night. The landscapes will enchant you, along with the indisputably blue waters, unparalleled sunsets, colorful buildings and smells from different restaurants. This description sounds like it comes from a tourist guide, but Menton is not only that. The Ummah , from the Arabic word “ أُمَّة” meaning identity, nation and community, is the spirit of the student community, which is what differentiates us from other campuses. From the first moment of integration week, you will notice it immediately. The people you will know here will mark you, even if you are bored of seeing them every day, in whatever alley you are in. Being Greek and having a special relationship with food, I would like to continue with my favorite restaurants. Although quite unhappy that I can't enjoy a souvlaki , I can say that I am stunned by the sushi that you can find in Ventimiglia at Sushi Iyo with unlimited top-ups for fifteen euros. It is the first thing I show to any friend visiting, as if it is a sight. Of course, I could not forget the beloved pizza Vesuvio that we usually take and eat on the rocks overlooking the sea and the flying seagulls. Also, there is Pad Thai Express , which satisfies two people and is quite economical. Of course, Monaco, as the center of luxury and well-being, is quite expensive. However, I have to say, some restaurants there balance price and quality, such as Sushi Planet next to the beach with a view of the yachts, or the beautiful Maya Pasta near the city center. In Menton, if you are ever looking for a pastry or an early brunch option, Lagom and L’Atelier Boulangerie never disappoint. When it comes to nightlife, do not expect much from our small town—the exception being the bar Le Retro , where every Thursday is a student night. Unfortunately, it lasts only until midnight, before the elderly residents get angry and start throwing water or pots from the windows because of the noise. The service provided by Anto is one of a kind, the drinks at ridiculously low prices and enjoyable with the Ummah around you. There are, of course, other bars at Sablettes , the beach below our university, which we use mostly for events organized by the association of the campus, like the Bureau Du Sport (BDS), the Bureau Des Élèves (BDE) and Sciences Alcoolemiques . But if you are going there by yourself or in a group, I would not recommend it: the age groups frequently found there tend to be on the older side and the music is average. Nice, however, offers a wide range of nightlife, both bars and clubs, which are worth visiting, such as the Opera , the High Club —which has ladies’ nights with free entry before 01:00 at night—and the Waka Bar , with great music and many surprises reminiscent of a Greek festival with people dancing on the bar and the tables. However, be mindful of the train schedules, especially on weekdays and Sundays, where the last train leaves at 10:30 or even earlier. On Saturdays, fortunately, it is 01:25, so it is easier to reach the centers of nightlife. Otherwise, if you miss it, you will have to wait for the next train at 05:00 in the morning or take a taxi, which costs about 40 euros. In Monte Carlo, like in Jimmy’s , things are a little more complicated since some taxis will not cross the border, so there is a possibility that you will need to walk for 15 minutes to the famous bridge border crossing. Of course, some of our fellow students have cars, but they are few and in demand, so if you need them, you should inform them in advance. However, for the entire year, I would suggest that you buy your ZOU card online , which costs 90 euros from September to August and you can travel with it, without additional charge, on routes from Ventimiglia to Marseille. Now, regarding supermarkets in Menton, the most popular ones are Carrefour-City and U-Express . Carrefour-City is open every day until 22:00 except on Sundays when it opens until 21:00, so after several classes that finish at 7:45, you can go there. While U-Express is a bit further away from the city center, it is bigger and thus less expensive, having a larger selection available. In Picard , there is a wide variety of frozen foods suitable for students who are just learning to cook or don't have that much time to prepare food. The university cafeteria is only open for one hour from 12:15 until 13:15, which might be too early for students who come from Mediterranean countries, with limited choices and relatively expensive prices of 5 euros regardless of what you buy. The vending machines have mainly sweet treats, as do the bake sales organized by associations. However, coffee can only be found in the cafeteria for a low price of 50 cents if the machine is working. Regarding finding a house, I know the process is quite stressful, especially when your first language is not French and you are abroad, as you cannot see the house in person. So, I suggest you search on the Sciences Po housing website or contact a real estate agency. Personally, I think the best option is to send a message or join the groups that exist on Facebook. In this way, you could also come into contact with second-year students who are leaving their homes, giving you a guarantee. The price of the rent can range between 300 and 1,200 euros, depending on your requirements, location and whether you will be staying with a roommate. Just be aware that Garavan is 15 minutes from the university but far from the city center—25 to 30 minutes—but the prices are much more affordable. Dorms are also available in Villa Jasmin for the girls and Menton Plus for the guys. However, spots are limited to around 30, and priority is given to exchange students. Just so you know, they do not have the vibe of American dorms or sororities—you are not allowed to bring your friends in, you need to pay 10 euros for the laundry and the rooms can be empty and cold. However, if you want to be part of a close-knit community and make new friends straight away, it is not a bad option for the first year or couple of months. Some of you might be eager to continue their gym rat era or just feel healthier. In our small town, despite its size, we have quite a few options available. First and foremost, we have the Stephy’OM gym two minutes away from the university, although you have to pass through the stairs of hell (you will understand the name once you have to walk over them during Aparathon - a night were you, the freshcomers go around the famous collocations of Menton playing games including alcohol). It is 45 euros per month, there is an open salle from 08:00 until 21:00 on weekdays, but also group classes such as T-Rex, Cardio, Zumba, Yoga, etc. However, you need to book beforehand through the app, which is without any extra cost. Another gym many Sciences Pistes prefer is Narev’s club, which is a bit further away. It is more of a hardcore gym with weights and a wide variety of equipment and machines. If you want to stay in form, you can also join one of Sciences Po’s sports teams, ranging from volleyball to cheerleading and from rugby to boxing; you are welcome in any team. But I won't go further on that as I don't want to steal the BDS’ job. Concerning the hot question of whether you need to speak French, the answer is simply no. Almost everyone on campus speaks English and there are many tourists all year round, so shop owners are familiar with that language as well. But do not think for a second that you can escape it. Sciences Po has everyone take French classes, ranging from two to four hours per week, unless you have at least a B2 level, the same being true for English. If you have met the above requirements, you can take up to two other foreign languages such as Spanish, Italian, Arabic, Persian, Hebrew and Turkish. I left the worst for the end. Menton can be really rainy, especially in the winter, so do not forget to pack your umbrella and warm clothes. I think these are the main points I would have liked to know before coming to Menton. Keep in mind that the BDE uploads a lot of useful information before your arrival and also has an open poll with questions and answers on their Instagram page. This is Menton through my eyes. A town that I have learned to love and maybe sometimes to hate, but one that I will certainly miss when I have to leave eventually. This petite town of citrons has seen many generations of the Ummah pass through it. I think it holds a special place in our hearts. I hope you will feel the same way! Photo source: Mia Battaglia on Flickr

< Back When the ‘Military Mission is Over’: The Taliban’s Ascendancy to Power By Luca Utterwulghe October 31, 2021 The United States’ military forces withdrew from Afghanistan in late August 2021, putting an end to two decades of presence in the country, an occupation which 69% of Americans found to be a failure. Thousands of Afghans crowded the Kabul airport in hopes of leaving the country to avoid the imminent Taliban takeover. Following the U.S. troop pullout, U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken articulated America’s new policy of diplomacy, noting that “the military mission is over.” Several polling results have indicated that Americans generally supported U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan prior to the decision by President Joe Biden. However, according to an NBC poll, only 25% of Americans “approve of the way Biden is handling the Afghanistan situation.” Several American politicians have criticized Biden’s withdrawal, stating that the removal of troops should have been more intentional in “prevent[ing] instability and violence,” while others have argued that the timing of the administration’s decision was off. Republican pollster Frank Lutz suggested in an article in Time that the development of Americans’ opinions depends largely on how the Taliban will operate moving forward, particularly concerning its impact on terrorism targeted at American nationals and its treatment of women. Days after U.S. troops withdrew, the Taliban took several major Afghan cities, including the capital, Kabul. Afghan President Ashraf Ghani fled the country “to prevent bloodshed.” What does the Taliban government look like? The new Taliban government is composed entirely of men, many of whom are “veterans of their hard-line rule from the 1990s” as well as former combatants in the fight against the U.S. Around 90 percent of the cabinet comes from one particular ethnic group in Afghanistan. It is clear that the Taliban has not changed in its ambitions since its inception and it is logical that “leaders of the insurgency are going to find themselves with top positions in the government,” as reported by a Vox article. Overall, it can be said that the government is fundamentally homogeneous and hard-line. Taliban Geographic Control As of September 3, the Taliban took total control of Afghanistan when it defeated a rebel stronghold in the Panjshir valley (Reuters). A Brookings article explained how the Islamic State Khorasan (ISK), one of the Taliban’s main enemies, “could become an envelope for future defections” within the Taliban due to political or ideological divides or other infighting. At the moment, though, internal opposition to Taliban rule looks relatively feeble. Human Rights The Taliban stated that women would be allowed to enroll in universities, but would be separated from their male counterparts, indicating a reversal of the incremental gender equity gains made in previous years. Reports from the ground suggest a completely alternate reality: “Women have already been turned away from schools and universities, ordered not to leave their homes without a male guardian, and flogged for breaching Taliban-imposed rules” (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace). Fawzia Koofi, an Afghan woman who has played a part in peace talks, noted that “people are killed without accountability” and that there are “extrajudicial killings, trials without courts.” While some commitments made by the Taliban seem to have been moderated, enforcing compliance with these ideas across all towns is not feasible. Decisions on respect of human rights seem to be made largely by leaders of localities. Interviews conducted across Afghanistan have indicated minimal school attendance levels for girls. Moreover, women were harassed and abused for protesting for greater women’s representation in the government. The Economy and International Relations The Taliban regime will likely lose billions in international aid from the IMF, World Bank, EU, and United States due to its international illegitimacy and persistent abuse of human rights, and because the country’s opium industry, among others, cannot ensure economic stability in the long-run. According to the Congressional Research Service (CRS), 90% of the Afghan population lives under the poverty line. The CRS further explained how foreign “engagement” in the economy will likely decline following U.S. military pullout. Economic prospects in Afghanistan do not look promising. The rise of the Taliban has influenced the geopolitical dynamics of the region, as Pakistan sees the Taliban as “a relatively friendly and reliably anti-India element.” Brookings argued that instead of imposing economic penalties on Afghanistan, which would “worsen the suffering of the Afghan people,” the West ought to mandate the minimization of extreme human rights violations. The international response to the developments in Afghanistan will depend largely on how the situation continues to unfold, particularly regarding the protection or regression in the domain of human rights. Will the Taliban make concessions on these issues or will it continue to rule in a way reminiscent of its domination in the 1990s?

< Back How a Dispute Over Fuel Prices Set Off the Largest Protests in Kazakhstan Since 1989 By Saoirse Aherne January 31, 2022 Though Daniyar Khassenov has dedicated much of his life to monitoring the Kazakh government's consistent violations of human rights, the young activist is now far from home, residing in the Ukraine. It is from there that he joined me over zoom to provide insight into the recent unrest in Kazakhstan; a nation long heralded as the most stable in Central Asia. Khassenov did not leave Kazakhstan by choice, but rather was driven out due to his attempts to bring attention to its repressive regime. In 2019, the Khazakh government began to target Khassenov. In May of that year, a criminal case was launched against him for supposed participation in the activities of the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DCK) opposition movement. Then 23 years old, Khassenov was a student of medicine and a volunteer with the Italian Federation for Human Rights. Almaty police claimed that Khassenov actively participated in DCK rallies, though Khassenov was not present at any of the events in question. Khassenov was detained numerous times throughout 2019. One day before his criminal case was launched, he was banned from leaving Kazakhstan by Almaty Police. In June of 2019, police imposed restrictions on his and his family’s bank accounts. These restrictions were lifted due to pressures from NGOs and the international community. Rather than face continual persecution, and fearing future threats to his safety, Khassenov fled the country. Now 26 years of age, Khassenov is based in Ukraine and continues to work with Human Rights organisations across the world. He is unable to return to Kazakhstan, where, according to the activist, there is “No openness for criticising the government”: Indeed, the mere act of protesting is illegal. Khassenov’s experience as a young Kazakh activist, while tragic, is not uncommon. Yet the political repression endured in Kazakhstan over the past 30 years has rarely resulted in significant protests. That is until January of this year, when a series of demonstrations erupted across the nation. This unexpected turn of events is clearly of great interest to Khassenov, and it quickly became the focus of our discussion. On the second of January, the Kazakh government removed a fuel cap on liquified petroleum gas (LPG), causing prices to spike. Many people in Kazakhstan use LPG to power their vehicles and, according to Khassenov, the financial implications of rising fuel prices inspired the initial protests. Demonstrations were first carried out in the oil-producing city of Zhanaozen, however they spread across the nation and quickly reached Almaty, the former capital of Kazakhstan. It was there that protests escalated into violent clashes, leading Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to declare a state of emergency and shut down internet services nationwide on January 5. This decision came after President Tokayev’s Almaty home was surrounded by thousands of angry protesters and set aflame, as reported by Time magazine. On the 5 of January, President Tokayev also dismissed his cabinet and removed former President Nursultan Nazarbayev from his post as head of the security council. Tokayev appealed to the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) to send military forces to help deal with the protests. The CSTO is an intergovernmental military alliance between Russia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Tajikistan. In a bid to appease protestors, Tokayev reinstated the fuel cap on January 6. However, on the 6 of January, there were also heavy police crackdowns reported in Almaty by the BBC, as protestors attempted to take control of the police station. Demonstrators faced tear gas and stun grenades. Dozens were killed and hundreds were injured. The president insisted that the protests were led by foreign-backed bandits and terrorists, according to The Guardian. Russia announced the deployment of paratroopers through the CSTO to help stabilise the situation. In a televised address on January 7, Tokayev ordered security forces to “use lethal force without warning” against demonstrators. Over the following days, violence continued in Almaty. The full extent of the bloodshed is unknown. The BBC reported that internet access was restored to the city on January 10. Yet when Khassenov and I spoke on the 11, he maintained that access was only awarded for “one, maybe two hours a day.” Citizens are trapped in an “Information black hole,” said Khassenov. Families and friends are desperate to contact loved ones in Almaty, but this has become close to impossible due to the unpredictable internet restrictions. Moreover, Khassenov notes that these conditions posed a huge obstacle to organising protests as “coordination requires communication.” After over a week of unrest, the protests came to an end on the 11 of January and Russia announced that its troops had begun to withdraw on the 13. What do protestors want? Though the rise in fuel prices sparked the initial protests, demonstrations continued even after Tokayev reinstated the fuel price cap. Khassenov described how the nature of the protests changed abruptly and “in one day, demands became political. Suddenly, protestors were chanting ‘Old man go away.’” The “Old Man” to which protesters were referring is Nursultan Nazarbayev: president of Kazakhstan from 1989 until 2019, when he stepped down from office and appointed Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to take his place. While Tokayev was acting president of Kazakhstan, Nazarbayev retained a lot of practical control over the country as chairman of the security council and “Leader of the Nation:” a constitutional role that granted him immunity from prosecution along with many policymaking privileges. Nazarbayev no longer holds these positions having been ‘removed from government’ on the 5 of January. Khassenov asserted that protesters were not simply expressing discontent with Nursultan as an individual, but rather with his legacy and the system he represents. Protestors have “democratic aspirations” the activist stated. They are tired of the old regime controlling the country, tired of having no say in how their nation is governed. Khassenov reported that on the 3 of January, the Democratic opposition movement became involved in the protests — a further demonstration of the ideological currents driving the upheaval. When asked whether the dismissal of Nazarbayev and the dissolution of the Kazakh cabinet would satisfy protesters, Khassenov could barely hold back laughter. “The Government is a façade,” he said with resignation, maintaining that Nursultan is still in control behind the scenes. According to Khassenov, Tokayev cannot truly remove Nazarbayev from power without making constitutional changes. Beyond this, Nazarbayev’s economic and political ties run deep into the foundation of Kazakhstan as a Nation; to remove his influence would require the country to be rebuilt from the ground up. Khassenov reiterated that the people want “whole regime changes, not just cosmetic changes”. Unfortunately, the new cabinet that has been created in the wake of these protests is merely “a reconfiguration of the old.” Until the “Old Man” and the old system that he represents is removed from Kazakh politics, the unrest will continue. Khassenov is adamant that “In weeks, or maybe months, people will realize that nothing has changed.” What should the International Community be doing at this time? According to Khassenov, around ten thousand people were arrested in the protests. It is unclear where these protesters are being held, when, and if they will be released. One thing of which Khassenov is certain is that detainees are being subjected to inhumane conditions. He expressed worry for these civilians, many of whom were peaceful protesters simply expressing democratic aspirations. When asked what the international community ought to be doing with regards to Kazakhstan, Khassenov recommended an inquiry into the murders and detentions led by an intergovernmental organization such as the United Nations. “We cannot trust our own security organizations” he stated. He also felt that powerful players, such as the United States, “should be doing more to promote human rights in Kazakhstan.” According to Reuters, the State Department confirmed the "United States' full support for Kazakhstan's constitutional institutions and media freedom and advocated for a peaceful, rights-respecting resolution to the crisis." The reticence of the US government to definitively condemn the actions of Tokayev’s regime could be rooted in the fact that Kazakhstan sits atop some of the largest hydrocarbon and mineral reserves in the world along with the fact that it is the key to having a “business footprint in Central Asia, and a soft power presence,” according to Forbes. Washington sees Kazakhstan as the most developed former Soviet state in central Asia and is invested in maintaining positive relations; a US-Kazakhstan Business Council was even established in September of this year. Khassenov stated that perhaps the most important move the international community could take is the introduction of “personal sanctions,” as Kazakh politicians and elites hold their money in Western banks. The most effective way to compel them to respect human rights would be via restriction of their economic power. Khassenov also commented on the failure of many Western media sources to properly characterise the protestors, whom he said can be split into three groups. Firstly, there are peaceful protestors — most demonstrators fall into this category. The second group is made up of looters and criminals. They are responsible for causing much of the violence that has been reported. According to Khassenov, this group was organized by the state. Seeing that they could not control the large gatherings of pro-democracy protesters, the Kazakh government hired people to incite chaos thus justifying a violent police crackdown. Finally, the third group described by Khassenov is made up of poor and marginalized people who joined the looters out of desperation. Khassenov made sure to underline that these protests were intended to be peaceful and only became violent due to government interference. What these protests mean for the future When asked, Khassenov seemed to think these protests have yet to become a movement. He described them as somewhat random and lacking a central leader or mandate. Though certain political organizations became involved in the demonstrations, they remained unstructured. This lack of coordination was exacerbated by the internet blackout and other government interferences. Moreover, the activist stated that the protests have led to no actual regime change. On top of that, Khassenov worries that Russian involvement has set a “precedent which undermines international security.” The deployment of Russian troops via the CSTO is illegal and constitutes a “Russian invasion” stated Khassenov. The CSTO “can only act together if there is foreign threat.” Domestic political protests are not a legitimate cause for the deployment of CSTO troops. It is for this reason that President Tokayev accused “20 thousand international terrorists” of causing the unrest, though he failed to provide proof. By Khassenov’s account, the president went as far as to say that terrorists were “breaking into morgues and stealing the bodies of their comrades” to erase evidence of their involvement in the conflict. The false claim that the protests were foreign-backed provided an excuse for Russian intervention, and Khassenov now fears that the Russians will not leave. Though Russia has announced the withdrawal of its troops, it also claims its “soldiers are not in Ukraine:” Khassenov has no trust in a nation which continues to interfere with the affairs of former Soviet states, aiding in the preservation of an oppressive regime in Belarus, threatening Ukrainian sovereignty, and now, helping to put down pro-democracy demonstrations in Kazakhstan. Nonetheless, these protests were the largest in 30 years, since Kazakhstan first gained independence from the Soviet Union. Though they may not have achieved their democratic aspirations, they are certainly significant. With the eyes of the world finally on this often-forgotten nation, there is potential for the Kazakh government to be held accountable for its numerous violations of human rights and freedoms.

J’ai beaucoup apprécié les valeurs transmises par le Parcours Civique, des valeurs indispensables dans la société : l’aide directe à la personne, la responsabilité sociale et collective, l’assiduité et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’engager dans un travail à temps plein. < Back La Volonté d’Aider et d’Interagir: Une Réflexion sur un Parcours Civique à la Croix-Rouge Monégasque By Lilou-Ornella D’Inca September 27, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? J’ai effectué mon Parcours Civique auprès de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque, principalement au pôle Migration de la Section Humanitaire Internationale de cette organisation. Mon rôle consistait principalement à créer des activités pour les migrants se trouvant dans le centre pour mineurs non accompagnés (MNA) de Menton. Par conséquent, j’ai été impliquée dans la mise en œuvre d’ateliers éducatifs et ludiques, spécifiquement pensés et élaborés pour cette catégorie d’âge. J’ai également pris part à la préparation et la distribution de repas, et au tri et à la mise à disposition de vêtements au centre Caritas à Vintimille. Enfin, mon rôle couvrait aussi d’autres responsabilités, telles que l’aide donnée aux infirmiers lors des permanences sanitaires au centre pour MNA, et la gestion de tâches administratives (comptes-rendus, communications par courriel, etc.) au siège de la Croix-Rouge à Monaco même. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? Mon intérêt pour la Croix-Rouge Monégasque est né de la volonté d’aider et d’interagir avec des migrants et des communautés vulnérables dans la région, ayant été témoin des obstacles non seulement physiques mais aussi sociaux, auxquels ces personnes sont confrontées chaque jour à la frontière franco-italienne. Les principes de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque — la neutralité, l’impartialité, et l’humanité entre autres — englobent toutes les valeurs qui me paraissent essentielles pour approcher un thème compliqué comme l’immigration avec un œil impartial et dépourvu de militantisme, bien qu’emphatique. Cette organisation permet d’être au contact direct avec les migrants et de compléter des activités très variées avec des tranches d’âge différentes, ce qui m’a tout de suite semblé une opportunité unique pour mon développement en tant que citoyenne responsable. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? Je suis rentrée à connaissance de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque à travers le forum organisé par Sciences Po lors de la semaine d’intégration, où des représentants de cette association avaient été invités. Le programme de Sciences Po m’a donc beaucoup aidée pour trouver mon Parcours Civique, d’autant plus que l’administration m’a fourni le contact direct avec une des responsables de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque. Cependant, ce contact a été envoyé assez tard dans l’année (30 mars), alors que ma lettre d’engagement avait déjà été écrite et que ma recherche de stage avait déjà commencé ; afin d’obtenir un stage dans les temps requis, il est convenable de contacter la Croix-Rouge déjà pendant le premier semestre, sans attendre de recevoir les contacts envoyés par l’administration. J’ai obtenu mon stage seulement début mai, car — étant encore mineure — les autorisations parentales à obtenir et les démarches à effectuer sont assez laborieuses. Il est bon de noter que j’ai essuyé de nombreux refus de la part d’autres organisations en raison de mon jeune âge, et il m’a fallu patienter plusieurs semaines avant de recevoir une réponse définitive de la part de la Croix-Rouge. Mon conseil pour les étudiants mineurs est de commencer la recherche de possibles organisations dès le début de l’année. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? Le stage n’a pas été rémunéré. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? Mon Parcours Civique a été une expérience incroyablement enrichissante à plusieurs niveaux. Tout d’abord, j’ai rencontré des migrants provenant de nombreux pays d’Afrique et — la plupart d’entre eux étant disposés à raconter leur histoire, leurs rêves et espoirs et leurs impressions sur leurs conditions de vie en Europe — j’ai pu réellement comprendre les raisons qui poussent certaines populations à quitter leur pays natal et leurs familles, ainsi que la différence entre leurs attentes et la réalité de leur expérience en Italie ou en France. Ces connaissances sont non seulement d’une grande valeur pour mon bagage humain et culturel, mais elles me permettent également d’analyser les pays étudiés à Sciences Po avec de nouvelles clés d’interprétation. En outre, j’ai beaucoup apprécié les valeurs transmises par le Parcours Civique, des valeurs indispensables dans la société : l’aide directe à la personne, la responsabilité sociale et collective, l’assiduité et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’engager dans un travail à temps plein. Je pense que ces principes sont une constante dans tous les stages de 1e année, mais ils ont été particulièrement significatifs à la Croix-Rouge, où chaque stagiaire est poussé à prendre des initiatives et à réfléchir sur les valeurs du volontariat à travers les comptes-rendus rédigés après chaque activité. Je considère donc que le programme de Sciences Po est une expérience instructive et très intéressante grâce à laquelle il est possible d’explorer un secteur qui nous passionne ou que l’on désire découvrir, et qui permet d’acquérir de nouveaux enseignements et valeurs. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? Essayez de trouver un organisme qui vous offre l’opportunité d’être au contact direct avec la communauté de votre choix. Bien que j’aie beaucoup apprécié mon temps au bureau de la Croix-Rouge pour la partie administrative du stage, c’est sur le terrain que j’ai le plus appris et que j’ai pu sortir de ma zone de confort. N’ayez pas peur de vous engager concrètement, même dans des secteurs dans lesquels vous manquez encore d’expérience ! Et, bien évidemment, n’hésitez pas à me contacter si vous avez des questions relatives à la Croix-Rouge, à votre lettre d'engagement, ou à tout autre doute !

Qui sont ces étudiants, et comment leurs actes du 17 novembre 1973 ont-ils acquis une portée profondément démocratique et déterminante pour l’avenir du pays? En quoi ces réponses nous illuminent-elles quant au rapport contemporain de la société et de l’univers politique grecs vis-à-vis des valeurs démocratiques et des mouvements étudiants? < Back « Pain, Éducation, Liberté! » Un Regard Sur Le Soulèvement De Novembre 1973 En Grèce Margarita Kopsia January 31, 2025 Qu’est-ce que, vraiment, résister ? Et quelle signification ce mot acquiert-il en fonction du contexte socio-politique d’où on se place? Si les réponses qu’il est possible d’apporter à cette question sont nombreuses, la position de la Grèce en la matière mérite d’être étudiée. Sujet d’abord sanglant et délicat, le soulèvement de l’université polytechnique d’Athènes du 14 au 17 novembre 1973 est progressivement devenu une commémoration nationale, célébrée chaque 17 novembre. Moment violent, il fut aussi—et demeure—un événement profondément symbolique et porteur d'espoirs; à présent honoré, il est impossible d’en parler sans l’associer à la fin de la dictature militaire qui était au pouvoir depuis le coup d’État du 21 avril 1967. Mais plus qu’emblème de résistance face à cette parenthèse dure et autoritaire pour le pays, agissant en tant que catalyseur du démantèlement de la dictature des colonels, le soulèvement du 17 novembre est aussi celui d’un profond renouveau . Car luttant pour « le pain, » « l’éducation » et « la liberté, » le combat acharné des étudiants a aussi signé l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère démocratique, marquée par une meilleure ouverture politique, ainsi que par un développement plus conforme au respect des droits et libertés de la population grecque. Qui sont ces étudiants, et comment leurs actes du 17 novembre 1973 ont-ils acquis une portée profondément démocratique et déterminante pour l’avenir du pays? En quoi ces réponses nous illuminent-elles quant au rapport contemporain de la société et de l’univers politique grecs vis-à-vis des valeurs démocratiques et des mouvements étudiants? La démocratie, confisquée et asphyxiée En plein cœur de la guerre froide, le contexte politique de la Grèce est extrêmement agité; suite à la victoire des forces royalistes lors de la guerre civile grecque de 1946 à 1949, opposant les dirigeants soutenus par le Royaume-Uni et les États-Unis aux grecs communistes, plusieurs gouvernements instables se succèdent. Les « élections législatives anticipées » qui étaient censées avoir lieu en 1967 sont la conséquence directe de la dissolution parlementaire qui était entraînée par le manque de soutien à M. Canellopoulos, nommé par le roi suite à l’échec des accords législatifs et gouvernementaux passés entre celui-ci et les autres partis majoritaires. L’avenir politique du pays se voit particulièrement menacé par le putsch du 21 avril 1967. Réalisé par trois militaires—les colonels Georges Papadopoulos , Nicolaos Makarezos et le général Stylianos Pattakos—l’épisode est intimement lié à l’appartenance de la Grèce au « bloc de l’Ouest » dans le contexte des alignements géopolitiques de l’époque. Le coup d’État est ainsi réalisé sous prétexte de protéger le pays de la « menace communiste » et afin de préserver l’alliance du pays avec les États-Unis, sachant que la Grèce avait rejoint l’OTAN en 1951. Il faut noter cependant, que la présence de cette « menace » est largement injustifiée, ce que n’ont manqué de préciser de nombreux médias de l’époque, y compris a l’international. Ainsi, Le Monde déclare dans ses publications datant de l’année 1967 que « l’intervention [...] allait au-delà du but invoqué au début, » cherchant notamment à assurer la victoire de la droite malgré l’ascension de l’Union du centre. Pour le journal L’Humanité , il s’agit même d’une « dictature absurde et criminelle qui s’est imposée par peur des élections. » Car sur la période 1967-1973, la vie sociale et politique du pays est « paralysée . » « Rythmée » par l’« enfermement » et la « torture » dont les opposants politiques sont systématiquement victimes, la dimension autoritaire du régime écarte la perspective d’un espace de dialogue ouvert, pluriel et engagé. Parallèlement, l’emploi généralisé de la censure constitue une autre sombre réalité, entravant les libertés d’expression et d’opinion des citoyens. Avec l’arrivée au pouvoir des colonels, « les garanties constitutionnelles des droits de l'Homme sont suspendues, » obstruant toute tentative de critique du régime et interdisant même les « grèves . » Mais si la majorité de la population grecque est poussée à la « passivité » par le régime des colonels, les voix des opposants exilés continuent de retentir et alimentent fortement les animosités populaires envers la junte, ainsi que l’opposition de divers gouvernements de l’étranger. Pour certains exilés, il est même question de « militer contre la junte sur le territoire français » à travers leur implication dans des « réseaux de la résistance, » à l’instar de Melina Mercouri —ancienne ministre de la Culture grecque—et Mikis Théodorakis, célèbre compositeur et futur ministre d’État grec de 1990 à 1992. Étudiants: voix ou moteurs légitimes de la construction démocratique ? Pendant la junte, les étudiants souffrent tout particulièrement. Leur sévère manque de représentation se matérialise tout d’abord à travers « l’ impossibilité » pour les étudiants « d'élire des représentants au sein des institutions universitaires. » Sont mis également en place des « tribunaux de discipline, pouvant expulser tout étudiant ayant des activités jugées non convenables, » tandis que la loi 1347 oblige « au service militaire immédiat » tous ceux qui s’organisent et s’engagent au sein de syndicats. La forte présence syndicale dans l’enseignement supérieur grec fait par ailleurs que, selon un point de vue sociologique, les universités grecques deviennent des « institution[s] sociale[s] » à « caractéristiques politiques. » Bénéficiant d’un « statut symbolique comme espaces de défense des valeurs démocratiques, » cela explique en grande partie par les dynamiques de rassemblement et de politisation des étudiants qui se sont progressivement construites et exacerbées depuis 1973. La vague de manifestations s’opposant à la junte militaire est entamée par les étudiants de la Faculté de Droit d’Athènes le 21 février 1973 , date à laquelle ceux-ci se barricadent à l’intérieur de leur établissement pour appeler à la fin de la dictature. L’insurrection des étudiants de l’école Polytechnique qui survient quelques mois plus tard s’étend jusqu’à d’autres universités telles que celles de Patras ou de Thessalonique, entraînant également de nombreux autres civils désireux de décrier les modalités d’exercice du pouvoir du régime en place. La création d’une station de radio étudiante, adressant « un appel [...] à la population » participe également à la propagation de leur message, tout en cultivant un profond sentiment de solidarité parmi tous ces manifestants. L’occupation de l’université polytechnique elle-même fut aussitôt sévèrement réprimée par l’armée, dont l’intervention consista notamment en l’envoi de chars militaires. Le bilan est celui d’au moins 27 morts et de dizaines de blessés, faisant de cet épisode une véritable « plaie » de l’histoire contemporaine grecque. Son sillage, celui de la ‘ Metapolítefsi ’—soit la transition démocratique grecque qui s’en suivit—rappelle néanmoins les mérites du fervent maintien et de la défense des idéaux démocratiques, notamment au vu des difficultés que ces derniers ont eu à s’imposer et à véritablement former part de la réalité politique et constitutionnelle grecque. Cela ferait-il des étudiants les « garants » de la démocratie en Grèce à l’époque contemporaine, régime ayant su s’extraire de sa trajectoire fragile, tumultueuse et menacée? Les étudiants sont-ils capables de changer le cours de l’histoire? Jour partiellement férié, durant lequel les établissements scolaires restent fermés, le 17 novembre constitue aujourd’hui un moment de « fierté nationale. » Les étudiants ayant participé aux soulèvements de novembre 1973 s’étaient auto-proclamés ‘ Eleftheroi Poliorkimenoi, ’ soit une référence directe à la lutte pour l’indépendance grecque et à l’œuvre de Dionysios Solomos—poète dont émane l’hymne national grec. Sous la plume de nombre de poètes et d’écrivains tels que Pour Yánnis Rítsos—poète et militant du Parti communiste grec, emprisonné pendant la dictature des colonels—les étudiants du 17 novembre deviennent des figures héroïques et inspirantes, portant en elles les fruits et les symboles de la bravoure et de la détermination. À eux seuls, les soulèvements du 17 novembre n’auraient pas entièrement rétabli le sort démocratique du pays, mais il demeure que les efforts des étudiants y ayant pris part aient été des mécanismes déclencheurs de la ‘ Metapolítefsi. ’ Portant avec ardeur et conviction l’ espoir et la promesse démocratiques, le pouvoir qu’a eu la jeunesse à influencer le cours de l’histoire en 1973 reste incontestable.

If you still want to buy your groceries at Carrefour, go ahead. But, keep in mind that with one shopping trip after the other, your credit card is being further exhausted, the numbers in your account are declining, and your leisure opportunities are diminishing. < Back Eats With Angela: A Comparative Analysis of Menton Grocery Stores By Angela Saab Saade September 30, 2022 Sciences Po Menton is a diverse campus. Its students are unique. We all have distinguished characters and varied interests. We all carry our own historical package and view the world differently. However, if there is one certain commonality among all students, it is our need to buy groceries. Whether one opts for pre-planned deliberate and habitual grocery shopping or resorts to the New Asian store for midnight ramen with a side of crisps and candy, the heavy burden of walking to the store, picking up items, waiting in line, paying and returning home certainly resonates with all of us. Throughout my time in Menton, I have had quite an adventurous relationship with grocery shopping. I have tried shopping at Ventimiglia’s infamous Lidl, the several branches of U-Express and Carrefour City respectively, Aldi, Picard (big mistake), the multiple Casino stores around Menton, the local Italian shops, the farmers markets and the New Asian Store. I can safely say that almost every time I purchase an item from any of these establishments, I (sometimes, regrettably) run into at least one Sciences Piste. Despite these numerous grocery store run-ins, it appears to me that students on campus are not well-informed about the purchasing choices they make. How well do you really know your grocery stores? Aside from the obvious advantage of going to Carrefour at night, as it is the only store in Menton that stays open after 7:30 p.m., there are perks that I bet you have never heard of that will inevitably revolutionize your shopping experience. Research has shown that financial stress has contributed to the failure of students at university. I do not want you to fail. For that reason, I took the time to visit the following stores in Menton: Aldi, U-Express and Carrefour. Based on my data collection and thorough comparative analysis, I hope to provide you with information that will save you from financial distress and pave the way for your success at Sciences Po. Tip #1 : Eat, plan, then shop. If you felt personally targeted when I mentioned buying ramen, crisps and candy for dinner, this tip is especially for you. To first, save up on cash and, second, spare yourself continuous trips to the store, plan a grocery list. Make sure you eat and are full prior to writing your list and shopping, or else you may find yourself hungrily shoving items into your cart that you would soon enough regret purchasing. It could also help to set a budget for yourself before going to the store. Then, in the market, prioritize your purchases by paying for the more essential items first and letting go of anything unnecessary once you have reached your budget. Indeed, do not deprive yourself of the food you need and/or want to buy! I am not encouraging any form of restrictive behavior. However, set a realistic budget and ask yourself the necessary questions before shopping for groceries. If you properly economize, you will save enough for your next trip, be it to nearby Italy or faraway Jordan. Tip #2 : Always opt for store-branded items. In Carrefour, look for the Carrefour logo; in U-Express, look for the letter U; either way, purchasing items branded by their respective stores rather than branded goods is a wiser choice. Not only are they much cheaper, but they also usually do not differ in quality. Tip #3 : Only go to Carrefour for corn and jam If on a regular afternoon, I spot you in Carrefour instead of U-Express, I will be very disappointed. Fruits, vegetables, yogurt, cheese, dairy-alternatives, raw goods, and any other product you can conceivably ingest is cheaper and of comparative quality at U-Express. However, one specific deal always found at Carrefour, but never at U-Express, is their package of three 285 grams cans of corn. If you are like me and pass through days of corn obsession wherein you decide to have corn for lunch, dinner, savory snack and dessert, then this information would undoubtedly be useful to you. Even if you purchase and consume corn within the realm of normal human consumption, then this could be of benefit to you as well. Another advantage of Carrefour is its fair selection of jam. Figuratively, you can pay between 1.12 and 1.75 euros for a jar of jam from either Carrefour or U-Express. However, the latter’s jar has 335 grams of jam, while the former has 370 grams. While that may seem like a minor difference, it is worth noting that Carrefour has much more ‘exotic’ jam flavors and a greater variety in comparison to U-Express. So, if you happen to want a jar of jam and you are already purchasing all your items at U-Express, then go ahead and buy one. But, if you are intentionally walking to the store for jam-stocking, then definitely enjoy a broader and cheaper selection from Carrefour. The last advantage of Carrefour is that it sometimes has unique deals, such as a bag of potatoes, a punnet of cherry tomatoes or 250 grams of mushrooms for one euro. However, aside from those specific deals, corn and jam, Carrefour is not the most financially-friendly grocery store. Tip #4 : Always U-Express U-Express is also more vegan-friendly! It has its own branded milks which include oat milk, almond milk, soy milk, among others, all of which are far cheaper than those offered in Carrefour since Carrefour only has ‘bio brands’ that are unnecessarily more expensive. Also, while both arguably have great deals for a large selection of canned goods, U-Express offers an even greater variety of canned food (for example, ‘Paëlla Royale’ and ‘Chili con carne’). The latter store equally has better deals for glass-canned goods. But, U-Express is not just better for canned food. Egg-lovers benefit too! U-Express has an exceptional deal that my roommates avail themselves of on a biweekly basis — a crate of 30 eggs for only 3.99 euros. Tip #5 : Shop on Thursday with the U-Express loyalty card U-Express and Carrefour have loyalty cards you can acquire at the cashier for free in a few minutes. However, the advantages of the U-Express card outweigh that of Carrefour’s. Other than the usual function of store loyalty cards, which allow customers to collect points, the U-Express membership grants you access to some offers and discounts that other customers are denied. Those are especially visible on Thursdays. In case you have not noticed yet, every Thursday, U-Express is abuzz with customers filling up their carts before their fellow card-holding counterparts purchase all the great deals. So, next time you want to go grocery shopping on a Wednesday afternoon, give it a few more hours and go to U-Express the day after. Tip #6 : Just walk to Aldi, man. Now that we have established that U-Express is objectively better than Carrefour in almost all ways, allow me to introduce you to the world of Aldi, Menton. Herbes de provence for 0,44 euros (unreal deal), an avocado for 0,99 euros, three frozen margarita pizzas for under three euros, one kilogram of bananas for 0,99 euros (1.65 euros everywhere else), two kilograms of pears for 2.99 euros, one kilogram of tomatoes for 1.69 euros, 500 grams of quick oats for 0.95 (exceptional deal), two 200 gram slabs of tofu for 2.59 euros … is this grocery store paradise? Indeed, it is. Aldi has far cheaper and better produce than the other stores. The price-quality ratio of fruits and vegetables in Aldi exceeds those of local markets, Carrefour, and U-Express. So, while Aldi (two branches in Menton, located in 80 Avenue des Alliés and 563 Avenue de Saint Romain, respectively) may be further away from some of you, it is certainly worth the extra walk, especially if you want to stock up on fruits, vegetables, spices, sauces, animal-based products, as well as vegan alternatives (which are, unfortunately, quite rare in other supermarkets in France). Make sure to check their catalogs online first for their weekly deals! If you still want to buy your groceries at Carrefour, go ahead. I personally love that store, especially for late-night snacks. But, keep in mind that with one shopping trip after the other, your credit card is being further exhausted, the numbers in your account are declining, and your leisure opportunities are diminishing. At the end of the day, however, your choices depend on your circumstances. For some of us, time is a more valuable resource than money. In that case, surely spend more money at your nearest store instead of taking the trek to Aldi. For others, life is an adventure; thus, taking the train to Ventimiglia to shop in Lidl seems like a great way to plan a simultaneous trip to Fujiyama for 15-euro open-sushi. Grocery shopping, just as cooking, is a subjective experience. It requires an open mind and an open heart. Thus, try different stores and look for what suits you best. For example, I have realized through exploring the local store directly next to Carrefour that I can quickly purchase 100 grams of almonds for 0.50 euros from a compassionate small family business. There’s a different sentiment that one gets from every purchase they make and from every provider they choose to patronize. Nonetheless, if you were looking for simple and effective ways to reduce your financial spending, I hope this article has supplied you with the resources to help you reach your goal!

This is a story of two desires. < Back Lost in Translation in the Mediterranean Sea By Gruffudd ab Owain April 30, 2024 This is a story of two desires. One is a desire to understand others, build bridges, find common ground, and find compatibility. This desire is often satisfied by translation, or at least a search for a word that is close to encapsulating the meaning hidden within the ink of its letters. Another is a desire to appreciate and celebrate difference, to celebrate the nuances, the peculiarities of language. This desire is satisfied conversely by the inability to translate; the search for words whose meaning cannot be encapsulated by means of a word or phrase in another language. I’ve often been confronted with the question: “Are there any words in Welsh that can’t be translated?” The default answer is always the most well-known, ‘hiraeth’. The ability to translate ‘hiraeth’ is debated; whether it may simply correlate to a sense of ‘yearning’ or ‘longing,’ or whether it’s a deeper feeling, or indeed a distinctly ‘Welsh’ feeling. The Mediterranean Sea is quite often described as a space for dialogue between cultures; a ‘crossroads’, a ‘hotbed’ of cultures. Its waves may be visualized in many ways, portraying both desires; flowing in a particular direction from east to west or vice versa, or indeed as a mélange of currents amalgamating into some sort of unity. Such is the joy of multilingualism, as I drop a French word naturally into an English sentence: the ability to appreciate not only a different means of communication but also a different means of thinking. I’m often struck by how a word may have a simple translation in another language, yet it won’t be used in the same way, in the same phrasing, or in the same context. For example, Duolingo may teach you that the French je vous en prie means ‘you’re welcome,’ yet it’s much closer in its root and use to the Italian prego . Evidently, translating meaning is enough of a challenge in itself, in this perhaps surface-level search for corresponding meanings. If we were to delve deeper by looking at the roots of words and phrases, would we get closer to a true understanding of meaning? Let’s take the example of the ummah, washing up on the shores of our campus in Menton. Returning home clad in our fresh ‘ummah Mentoniyya’ hoodies, my explanation of its meaning to inquisitive family and friends was ‘community’, the Menton campus community. Indeed, it is deemed plausible to encapsulate the general sense of ummah as community, as Abdullah al-Ahsan argues , for example: “The general sense of the term, ‘community’ is clear, and an association with the term umm, ‘mother; source,’ is plausible both linguistically and to native speakers of Arabic.” The author attests that this is sufficient evidence to support the hypothesis that the term is not a borrowing from another language. Asyiqin Ab Halim, meanwhile, prefers to translate ummah as ‘brotherhood,’ in discussing the relationship, or lack thereof, as disputed by scholars, with the term ‘asabiyyah’, which can also mean ‘anger’ in some dialects. The root here is again illuminating to comprehension of its true meaning. It is linguistically derived from ‘asab’, which is taken to mean ‘bind’. Not only have the waters of meaning flowed from Arabic to English and other languages with centers further west, but historically they have also flowed in the other direction, for example through the Arab scholars who traveled to France in the 19th century. One is immediately struck in ‘An Imam in Paris’ by Rifa’a Rafi‘ al-Tahtawi (at least, ironically, in Daniel L. Newman’s translation) by a similar search for corresponding meanings, particularly with regards to ‘Rights accorded to the French people.’ See below a few examples: “Article 1. All Frenchmen are equal before the law ( shari’a )” . The literal translation of shari’a is ‘way’ or ‘path’. It’s more recognized as the term for traditional Islam religious law based largely on the Qur'an, which has equality as an intrinsic principle. “ Article 18. The state executes laws only if they have been agreed by the majority ( jumhūr ) of both Chambers” . Jumhūr is derived from ‘crowd’ or ‘public’, but is largely agreed to also mean ‘majority’. “ Article 45. The Chamber is divided into small councils called bureaux ( al-b ūrū ), i.e. offices, whose members are entrusted with examining matters designated and submitted by the king ”. My first impression of this correlation was that they must share a common origin. Yet it seems not to be even a translation, rather a transliteration, transferring this foreign concept to Egypt by keeping its pronunciation as close as possible to the original French. These three examples clearly demonstrate the complexities of this search for correlating meanings. Sometimes, observing the etymology or literal meaning of a word fails to encapsulate its use in context. Other times, it is foreign influence that creates a necessity for a new word. In both instances, translation alone seems insufficient for a full comprehension of meaning. The conclusion I gathered from this very brief venture into the complexities of translation across the Mediterranean Sea is that context is everything. Now, when I come to think about it, this becomes evident frequently in conversation. When someone asks for a translation of a word, and fails at the first attempt to find one, the next port of call is: “Put it in a sentence for me.” More often than not, it becomes much easier to find a corresponding meaning when weaved into a wider context. The Mediterranean may appear as one sea on a map, yet, to quote Braudel: “there are ten, twenty or a hundred Mediterraneans.” With thanks to Dr Alaa Badr for her guidance.

< Back How Many Lives Will Be Lost Before the Ethiopian Government and the Oromo Liberation Army Settle a Peace Agreement? By Vanja Lerch Eriksson December 31, 2023 The conflicts in Ethiopia’s Oromiya region have been ongoing for decades, with several armed groups carrying out attacks towards the public and government authorities simultaneously. Only a few weeks ago, one of the more organised militia groups, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), sat down at the negotiation table with the Ethiopian government. The outcome was unfortunately as disappointing as many expected it to be. The OLA and Ethiopian government have not managed to reach a consensus, thus continuing to put thousands of civilians at risk every day. The OLA is an established militia – they have previously posed as the military wing of the once-banned political opposition group, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). The OLF fought for self-determination for the Oromo people for decades until 2018, when they reached an agreement with the Ethiopian government to lay down arms and reintegrate. However, as these negotiations later broke down in 2019, the OLA also broke ties with the OLF and continued to conduct armed operations under their own leadership. From this point, the Ethiopian federal and regional forces started a counterinsurgency towards the OLA, resulting in serious human rights abuses from both parties. Human Rights Watch has reported that the OLA has carried out killings of several government officials as well as attacked non-military government offices. However, the OLA does not contain their violence to the Ethiopian authorities but also targets the ethnic Amhara minority in the region. There have for decades been conflicts and disagreements in the region between the different ethnic groups living there, and the OLA has on several occasions specifically targeted the Amharan communities. Residents who survived the attacks by the OLA witnessed how the armed men surrounded entire villages and forced their inhabitants to gather in the town centre for mass executions. At the same time as the OLA carries out attacks on civilians, they are also having an armed conflict with the Ethiopian government in the Western parts of Oromiya. Though there are established government forces in the region, they usually take hours to respond to emergency calls from civilians being ambushed by the local militias. There have also been reports of arbitrary arrest and detention of Oromos, as well as summary executions by government authorities. The Ethiopian authorities have killed and injured hundreds of civilians over the last few years, using violence towards peaceful protestors and large gatherings of people which did not pose a security threat on several occasions. For example, this was the case as hundreds of people gathered to honor the killed Oromo singer, Hachalu, at his home in 2020. The gathered group did not carry weapons and did not behave violently, yet, the police and armed forces opened fire and shot several individuals. Thus, it is clear that the government authorities are also perpetrators of human rights abuses. In addition to the mentioned abuses, the Ethiopian security forces have instrumentalized the arrest of Oromos as a way of limiting the group's influence and their ability to exercise freedom of speech. Thousands of Oromos have over the last couple of years been arrested, and many are kept in prison for years without facing trial. The huge amount of arrests could seemingly also be a way of covering up the dozens of arrested opposition politicians. In addition, the Ethiopian government has failed tremendously in providing housing and support for the thousands of displaced people in the region, as many are fleeing more violent areas It is therefore clear that the civilians in the area are the ones suffering the most, as they are attacked both by militias such as the OLA and at times even government authorities. The thousands of people who have been killed so far do thus not make up too big of a cost for either party to yet consider a peace agreement. There are at the moment no further planned negotiations like the ones held in September, making the future unsure for the thousands of civilians living in limbo. At the moment, both parties refuse to acknowledge the other's demands and worries. The Ethiopian National Security Adviser, Redwan Hussein, said that the OLA currently had an obstructive approach and unrealistic demands after the September negotiations. In turn, the OLA accused the government of not dealing with the structural issues regarding the marginalisation of the Oromo people in Oromiya. Thus, the two parties are stuck in this stalemate until further ado, as something needs to change before any party would consider a different path. Organisations like the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), also called the East African Trade Block, have however made efforts to support future negotiations. At the moment there are no signs that their effort is paying off, as both parties continue to engage in violence, both towards each other and the already suffering Ethiopian population.

< Back Supreme Court Spot Opens: Is Progress Possible on America’s Most Influential Bench? By Luca Utterwulghe March 31, 2022 “Founding Father” Alexander Hamilton explains in his Federalist no. 78 that the judiciary is by constitution the weakest of the three branches in the American governmental system. The judicial branch lacks the “sword” of the executive branch and the “purse” of the legislature. Nonetheless, according to Hamilton’s conceptualization, the judiciary normatively plays a crucial role in maintaining the integrity of the Constitution and the superiority of the people. The doctrinal foundations of the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) (and other local/state courts) are today threatened by the politicization of judicial processes and the underrepresentation of certain populations. The SCOTUS’s precarious situation is why we must pay particular attention to the open seat on the bench in light of Justice Stephen Breyer’s recent retirement announcement . Breyer’s exit signals an important choice for President Joe Biden, who has already committed to nominating the first Black woman to the Court. There are currently only two Justices of color on the bench, only one of whom is Black. Moreover, there are only three women (out of nine Justices). Of the candidates Biden is considering, Ketanji Brown Jackson, Leondra Kruger, and Michelle Childs are the most prominent choices; each currently serves on an appellate or state supreme court. The nominated candidate “would be only the eighth person in the court’s 233 year history who was not a white man,” as mentioned in a Washington Post article . While Biden’s intention to nominate one of 10 Black women candidates is a strong step forward for the diversification of the Court, the bench is far from a mirror image of American ethnic and gender demography. Ellie Carter, an American Sciences Po 1A, highlighted that “significant disparities still exist in terms of race, sexual orientation, financial status, and even geographic location, with most justices throughout history being almost exclusively straight, white, wealthy Protestant men from the Northeast who graduated from an Ivy [League Institution].” Further, Carter argued that a critical element in the discussion on racial, ethnic, religious, and geographic discrepancies on SCOTUS is “the high cost of education” in the U.S., especially for law school, for which “average annual tuition and fees… is usually around $50k for three years.” Carter touches on the opportunity cost of pursuing a law degree considering that one “could have otherwise gone straight into a full time job,” especially if burdened by “loans from an undergraduate degree.” An NPR article discusses the barriers to entry to the professional law sphere in noting that “many first generation college grads applying to law school don’t know the ins and outs of the application process” and lack “personal connections” who can help them navigate the system. Carter does not “think it’s a stretch to say that making education more affordable could eventually make these types of [judicial] positions more accessible.” In another sense, Biden’s pick will have significant implications for the Court’s future decisions on major questions relating to the American Constitution. Biden has expressed his desire to select a nominee who values the existence of “unenumerated rights in the Constitution” and thus rejects a textualist approach to jurisprudence. According to NPR analysts , Biden’s pick will likely have little influence on “the ideological tilt of the court,” meaning that the confirmation process in the Senate may be less politically aggressive. Carter noted that “the fact that Biden’s nominee will need to be moderate enough to garner enough support to be confirmed by a pretty divided Senate means that, hopefully, [there] could be a positive outcome.” Celeste Abourjeili, a Lebanese-American 2A at Sciences Po, is slightly less hopeful: “The fact that we are even looking at the political affiliation of candidates and existing justices is already an indication that the neutrality of the court has been compromised.” The overarching issue, however, seems to be that there is a tendency for Justices to make decisions that, as Carter explains, are not “grounded in constitutional reasoning” and are instead based along “ideological lines.” It would be easy to conclude that Hamilton’s conceptualization of the judiciary was overly idealistic and naive to suggest that undoing two centuries of underrepresentation will be a smooth feat. It will take significant effort from all actors in the American political system to ensure that relying on reason, as opposed to partisan lines, remains the core of our judicial regime.

< Back Choose Your Fighter: Dual Degree Edition Pracheth Sanka “Are you in a dual?” are words any Sciences Piste is sure to encounter, filling the air during Integration Week activities or while at any inter-campus interaction. They are, of course, referring to one of the staples of Sciences Po’s undergraduate course: the dual degree programs. Partnered with nine of the most prestigious universities in the world, both secondary school applicants and second-year students can try their hand at admission into these rigorous courses of study. The dual degrees entail spending two years at a Sciences Po campus and continuing for two more at a partner university, concluding undergraduate studies with the conferring of two Bachelor’s degrees. Often, that question, especially at the English-speaking campuses, is followed by “Which one? Columbia or Berkeley?” as if they are the only two options. But it seems in many ways that they are. Columbia is by far the biggest dual degree cohort represented at Sciences Po, in large part due to being the oldest of the nine. Berkeley has large name recognition among students and has a strong presence at Reims, Menton, and Le Havre. Both are powerhouses at Sciences Po and for good reason. Columbia’s Ivy League status makes it a coveted place for students to break into politics and finance, and its strong Core Curriculum is both a complement and supplement to Sciences Po’s interdisciplinary focus on the humanities. Likewise, Berkeley is the flagship of the University of California system, and its prestigious undergraduate program is a prime location for those looking to work in the American West, where it sends more aspiring workers to Silicon Valley than any other school in the nation. If you can bear the cost (not speaking to you, in-state Californians), both duals offer an amazing educational experience that top students around the world long f or. Though they are both great, one has to be better, right? Is being a Lion superior to being a Golden Bear? Are the views of the Bay more attractive than the sights of the Big Apple? Let’s start with the important stuff: the lifestyle. Berkeley, with a thousand-acre campus situated in sunny Northern California, can satisfy those who wish to get the best out of the typical American university experience. With over 30,000 enrolled in one of the nation’s top public universities, the calm life of the college town still has much to offer, with Pac-12 athletics and strong student traditions that are sure to excite anyone. If you get bored of the college-town life, San Franciso is less than an hour away by train, making it a popular weekend destination for students. While Columbia is not necessarily known for its school spirit, the 10,000- strong undergraduate population lives in New York, having the world’s most important city as its extended campus. When finding any break during their busy studies, students can explore each and every corner of Manhattan by way of the Metro or perhaps by cutting through Central Park. But be careful! While the streets of Menton may have prepared you, you don’t want to end up as one of the crime alerts that crowd LionMail! It’s not like Berkeley is much better—with crime considerations of its own—but either way, you should be fine, as no criminal could compare to the gun-wielding guys of Rue Longue. Academics—while undoubtedly always a secondary factor in searching for higher education—can still be somewhat important when it comes to your choice of dual. Though in some lists, Berkeley edges out Columbia in terms of institutional ranking, both schools stay firmly in the upper echelon of global academics. Columbia has had a strong top-ten presence in U.S. academic rankings for years, and Berkeley’s position has been growing fast compared to its elite private school competition. Relatively, Berkeley has strength in STEM-based subjects, while Columbia holds the upper hand in most humanities and social sciences. Both schools hold top-ten programs in economics and political science, two of the majors of choice for many dual degrees. In any case, you won’t go wrong, and academic fit rather than ranking will be more important. Do you favor Berkeley’s large campus size and typically larger class sizes? Or would you rather fit into Columbia’s liberal arts framework, with a strong focus on the humanities and where three-fourths of your classes may be smaller than 25 students? For some Science Pistes, their choices were easy decisions, and for others, weighing the two options of application took much deliberation. Pedro Meerbaum, a second-year student who applied through the third-year process, was captivated by the program during his first year at Sciences Po. “I had many people in my close circle who were in the dual so I inevitably looked into it, and the details and structure of the course aligned with my personal and professional goals,” he says. These goals, as he further explained, were not as present in just a Bachelor’s at Sciences Po, prompting him to apply when he got the chance. Meerbaum also appreciates Columbia’s smaller feel and support systems, saying “Columbia might be better prepared to take on students, us being at GS means that we have a whole administrative body that is dedicated to accommodating us properly.” GS refers to the School of General Studies, the undergraduate college that dual degrees are a part of during their time at Columbia. It hosts a range of students, from professional dancers and actors to military veterans, and even those who took gap years or deviated from the traditional four-year pathway; this diversity was another draw for Meerbaum. While he does appreciate Berkeley as an institution, he says, “The dual people are thrown into a huge student body, and I doubt there is the same support system as in Columbia or even the same amount of dual degree people in the same situation.” His plans to major in Comparative Literature on a pathway to the Graduate School of Journalism further attracted him, both of which Columbia excels at due to their strong humanities focus. For 1A Mia Rivas, applying to the dual program with Berkeley was a difficult choice, but she ultimately believed it would expand her horizons while also granting her an American degree. She also reaps the benefits of being an in-state California student, meaning she pays much less tuition than had she been an international or out-of-state applicant. Berkeley, as part of the University of California system, is a public school, meaning that it is operated and partly funded by the state. Since her family already pays the state taxes, the school subsidizes tuition for her and other California residents. Out-of-state students are typically not entitled to these benefits and pay much higher tuition fees, akin to Columbia’s steep private school tuition. While Rivas admits Columbia’s prestige was tempting, she believes that Berkeley was an overall better fit. “There’s obviously a certain vibe associated with Berkeley, and I do like it, but I was more drawn to the opportunity of finding groups with my vibe, one [group] I like ‘cause how could you not at such a big school?” For Rivas, the vast number of people draws her in, but so does the vast choice of majors. With Sciences Po’s clear lack of science-based courses, Berkeley’s program in cognitive science was a deciding factor for her. While I, as an American citizen, regret not applying to the Berkeley program in addition to Columbia, I firmly believe that the latter is a stronger choice, especially for international students, and I feel I made the right decision. While it is no Harvard, Columbia definitely has more European recognition, and its established support system and vast dual-degree alumni network make it more appealing. For internationals, these benefits seem to outweigh the cost, especially if you are paying the same price for Berkeley for less added value. But part of me feels like I am missing out on the typical American experience that Columbia so clearly lacks, and Berkeley’s stronger science program allows for more academic freedom during your two years there. Though I am inclined to Columbia, Berkeley still stands as a strong option, especially if you feel it is a better personal fit. In whichever path you choose, you will join the elite few who have had the opportunity to meaningfully study at two well-renowned universities for your undergraduate studies, and no choice can be the wrong one. Photo source: Menton Times designed Previous Next

Bien que l’élection présidentielle de 2027 soit encore lointaine, Gabriel Attal semble actuellement bien placé dans la course à la succession d’Emmanuel Macron. < Back Gabriel Attal ou l’art de la communication By Jonathan Smidtas Schalita À seulement 34 ans, Gabriel Attal est le plus jeune chef de gouvernement de la Ve République. Encore inconnu du grand public il y a peu, il a réussi en seulement quelques mois à s’affirmer comme une figure centrale de la vie politique française. Depuis sa prise de fonction le 20 juillet au ministère de l’éducation, sa capacité à réagir de manière proactive à l'actualité et à transformer les défis en opportunités a rapidement attiré l'attention. Son premier fait d’arme ne se fait pas attendre. À la veille de la rentrée scolaire, la polémique enfle sur le port de l’abaya à l’école. Dès son arrivée en poste, Attal marque sa présence en se présentant comme le défenseur de la laïcité et déclare qu’ « on ne pourra plus porter d'abaya à l'école .» Alors que la controverse sur l’abaya s’apaise, le pays est bouleversé par le suicide, le 5 septembre, d’un adolescent harcelé de 15 ans. Tandis que la presse soulève les failles de l’administration, Attal annonce un plan anti-harcèlement à l’école incluant la création de cours d’empathie et d’une cellule dédiée au harcèlement dans chaque rectorat. Le mois suivant, la question du mal-être à l’école disparaît des médias tandis que les attaques terroristes du Hamas contre Israël le 7 octobre rappellent au monde le danger jihadiste. La France est attaquée le 13 octobre par un terroriste islamiste qui assassine dans une école Dominique Bernard qui tentait de protéger ses élèves. Alors qu’un hommage est prévu dans chaque classe, Attal exprime une fermeté notable et annonce l'exclusion des élèves perturbant l'hommage au professeur. En outre, l’image de réformateur d’Attal est renforcée lorsqu’il déclare en novembre qu’« il faut revoir le tabou du redoublement » , quelques semaines avant la parution du classement PISA qui évalue les performances scolaires des élèves de 15 ans des pays de l’OCDE. Le 5 décembre, le classement PISA révèle une baisse significative du niveau des élèves français, particulièrement en mathématiques et en français. Sans attendre, le ministre de l'Éducation nationale tient le jour même une conférence de presse pour présenter une série de mesures visant à rehausser le niveau des élèves. Parmi celles-ci figurent la création de classes de niveau, le retour du redoublement sur décision des professeurs ou encore l'exigence d'obtenir le brevet pour accéder au lycée. Sa stratégie, consistant à occuper l'espace médiatique et à multiplier les annonces, s’est avérée d'une grande efficacité. Le baromètre politique Ipsos-Le Point le crédite en décembre de 40% d'opinions favorables, le plaçant ainsi en tête des personnalités politiques préférées des Français, devant Édouard Philippe (39%) et Marine Le Pen (37%). Le 8 janvier, le président Macron nomme son ministre de l’Éducation nationale Premier ministre. Il explique son choix à des proches en mettant en avant sa popularité, sa jeunesse et ses aptitudes pour conduire la bataille des élections européennes, selon des propos rapportés par le journal satirique Le Canard enchaîné. Bien que l’élection présidentielle de 2027 soit encore lointaine, Gabriel Attal semble actuellement bien placé dans la course à la succession d’Emmanuel Macron. S’il reste Premier ministre jusqu’à la fin du quinquennat, il lui reste trois années pour obtenir des résultats et relever le pays. Le défi est cependant de taille dans un contexte économique dégradé et en l’absence d’une majorité nette à l’Assemblée Nationale pour voter ses futures lois.

‘’Existing means "being able to choose"; indeed, to be a possibility. But this does not constitute man's wealth, but rather his misery.’’  < Back Navigating the Paradox: Kierkegaard's Philosophy of Choice in an Age of Wellbeing Anxiety By Francesca Di Muro November 30, 2023 ‘’Existing means "being able to choose"; indeed, to be a possibility. But this does not constitute man's wealth, but rather his misery. His freedom of choice does not represent his greatness, but his permanent drama. In fact, he is always faced with the alternative of a "possibility that yes" and a "possibility that no" without possessing any criteria for choice. And he gropes in the dark, in an unstable position, in permanent indecision, without being able to orient his life, intentionally, in one direction or another.’’ Søren Kierkegaard, a 19th-century Danish philosopher, delved deeply into the human experience, particularly the complexities of choice and decision-making. His exploration of existential themes, such as the nature of individuality and the anxiety inherent in freedom resonates strongly in today's society. This article will examine Kierkegaard's theme of choice and its relevance in contemporary times, with a focus on the "fear of best option" and the challenges posed by the abundance of choices, well-being, and privilege. Kierkegaard's philosophy emphasizes the paradox of human freedom – the simultaneous burden and blessing of having the power to choose. In a world where choices abound, individuals often find themselves paralyzed by the fear of making the wrong decision. His notion of choosing in life extends beyond the conventional understanding of decision-making as a mere selection of positive alternatives. He introduces the concept that every authentic choice involves not only saying 'yes' to a particular option but simultaneously saying 'no' to other possibilities. This dual nature of choice emphasizes the inherent exclusivity and commitment that accompanies genuine decision-making. In choosing one path, individuals inevitably reject alternative avenues, and Kierkegaard argues that this negation is an integral aspect of the human experience. By acknowledging the necessity of both affirmation and negation in the act of choosing, Kierkegaard introduces a nuanced understanding of decision-making that encapsulates the complexities and sacrifices inherent in the pursuit of a chosen path. For Kierkegaard, the tension between 'yes' and 'no' in choosing is not a source of despair but an opportunity for authentic self-expression. Choosing involves taking a stance, making commitments, and embracing the responsibility that comes with saying 'yes' to a particular way of life. Simultaneously, the act of saying 'no' reflects an individual's willingness to forego other possibilities and accept the limitations that define their chosen path. Kierkegaard's philosophy encourages individuals to recognize the dialectical relationship between affirmation and negation in the process of choosing, fostering a deeper understanding of the profound impact that decisions have on the unfolding narrative of one's existence. In the 21st century, technological advancements and socio-economic progress have exponentially increased the number of choices available to individuals. From career paths to relationships, and even trivial daily decisions, the fear of making the wrong choice can be overwhelming. This fear is further compounded by societal expectations and the constant comparison facilitated by social media, contributing to decision paralysis. Kierkegaard's insights into choice gain additional relevance when considering the role of privilege and well-being in decision-making. In societies where individuals are blessed with numerous opportunities and resources, the fear of squandering these privileges can be paralyzing. The weight of responsibility in making choices that align with one's well-being and privilege adds an extra layer of complexity to the decision-making processes. In a society where choices proliferate and opportunities abound, those endowed with privilege often confront a unique set of dilemmas. The fear of the best option, as conceptualized by Kierkegaard, becomes particularly pronounced for these individuals. The weight of societal expectations, coupled with the fear of squandering their advantages, can render these individuals incapable of taking decisive action. This paradoxical situation leaves them in a state of indecision, as the fear of making the wrong choice hinders their ability to engage authentically with the possibilities before them. In the realm of privilege, Kierkegaard's philosophy reveals a profound irony. While possessing the resources and opportunities to shape their lives in ways that many others might envy, these individuals find themselves ensnared by the fear that the best option might elude them. The privilege that ostensibly offers freedom becomes a double-edged sword, amplifying the anxiety associated with decision-making. This paradoxical struggle to choose is symptomatic of a broader societal issue where the abundance of choices, combined with the pressure to make optimal decisions, results in a form of decision paralysis. Kierkegaard's insights thus serve as a poignant reflection on the challenges faced by those who, despite their privileged positions, find themselves incapacitated by the very abundance of options that their status affords. "When you choose one way out of many, all the ways you don't take are snuffed out like candles, as if they'd never existed. At the moment of choice, each one of them is the one and only way of salvation. Then, as soon as you've chosen, the doors of all the other ways close on you. They were and remain nothing. But this one way is more than enough. It goes on infinitely. Along its path, the way you chose and the one you didn't will merge. Or not. Because each way is unique, and every difference is different." Kierkegaard's philosophy encourages individuals to confront the anxiety of choice head-on, advocating for authentic, subjective engagement with one's existence. In a society that often values external success metrics, Kierkegaard's emphasis on individuality and authenticity provides a counterpoint, urging individuals to look inward and prioritize personal values over societal expectations. To navigate the fear of the best option, Kierkegaard suggests embracing the reality of human existence, which includes the inevitability of making mistakes. Acceptance of this inherent imperfection liberates individuals from the paralyzing fear of making the wrong choice. Kierkegaard's philosophy invites a shift in perspective, encouraging individuals to view choices not as burdens but as opportunities for personal growth and self-discovery. Søren Kierkegaard's exploration of choice, the fear of the best option, and the challenges posed by well-being and privilege resonate deeply in today's society. As we navigate an era of unprecedented choices and opportunities, Kierkegaard's philosophy serves as a valuable guide, urging individuals to confront the anxiety of choice with authenticity and self-reflection. By embracing the imperfections inherent in the human experience, we can move beyond the fear of making the wrong decision and forge paths that align with our true selves.

< Back ‘Will this recognition bring back my family?’ Raamin Hamid October 21, 2025 On Sept. 22, French President Emmanuel Macron declared at the United Nations (U.N.) General Assembly in New York that France recognizes the State of Palestine. This declaration is among statements from other European leaders who have also recognized Palestine as a state. This announcement followed the United Kingdom (U.K.), Canada, Australia and Portugal. The State of Palestine is now recognized as a sovereign nation by 157 UN member states — 81% of all members. At the UN General Assembly, Macron said, “The time has come to stop the war, the bombings of Gaza, the massacres and the displacement.” The recognition of the State of Palestine by France is not a sudden decision, influenced by other nations; rather, it is one that the state has been working towards since July. On July 24, Jean-Noël Barrot, the Minister of Europe and Foreign Affairs delivered a speech during the plenary session of the High-Level International Conference on the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution, addressing why it is important for Palestine to be an independent state. “Recognizing a state of Palestine today means standing with the Palestinians who have chosen non-violence, who have renounced terrorism and are prepared to recognize Israel. It means creating the possibility of an alternative for the Palestinians. It means categorically rejecting and permanently isolating Hamas,” said Barrot. Quoting Emmanuel Macron, Barrot said, “France is prepared to fully recognize the State of Palestine, and will do so in September.” In the speech, Barrot stated that France has stood with Israel, believing in the right of its people to self-determination. He also said that France maintains the same belief for the Palestinian people, stating, “That is why France believes that the only alternative to the infinite cycle of violence in the prospect of these two peoples [is] having two states, living side by side in peace and security.” As part of the 1948 Partition Plan , Palestine was not declared a state because the “Arab side” opposed the plan and objected to the creation of Israel. The Palestinian Arabs refused to recognize Israel as they believed that the creation of the state was unfair to the Arab population and favorable towards Jewish people. In Barrot’s speech, he encouraged the Palestinian people to recognize the state of Israel and for both nations to respect each other’s rights. The speech was immediately condemned by Israel and rejected by the United States. This response is unsurprising, given that the administration under Donald Trump has been the most hostile in the history of the U.S. towards the demands of Palestinians. Since the speech in July, the relations between Israel and France have deteriorated , and Benjamin Netanyahu, the Prime Minister of Israel, accused Macron of contributing to the increase of antisemitism around the globe. Last month, the announcements of recognition by Canada, Australia, the UK and Portugal were met with criticism across Israel’s political spectrum, and Netanyahu vowed to retaliate. “I have a clear message to those leaders who are recognizing a Palestinian state after the horrendous October 7 massacre: You are rewarding terror with an enormous prize. I have another message for you: It’s not going to happen. There will be no Palestinian state to the west of the Jordan River,” said Netanyahu in a video released on Sept. 21. The recognition of the State of Palestine has come after two years of war, which began after Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7, 2023. In the view of the Palestinian people, the recognition of the State of Palestine by France and other European countries has come too late and seems pointless, especially considering that the UN Human Rights Council commission maintains Israel is committing a genocide in Gaza since September. “While Palestinians welcomed the recognition of their state by a slate of European countries, others are angry at what they see as the international community’s complicit or passive stance toward Israel,” said Gilles Paris, a columnist and former correspondent in Jerusalem and Washington for Le Monde . In an interview with Le Monde , Dr. Hani Badrane, a Palestinian cardiologist who lost all of his children and most of his extended family before being driven out of Northern Gaza City, said that the recognition “will do nothing for me.” “You, France, you, the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia, you’ve been silent for two years, you didn’t say a word, you did nothing. What does recognizing a Palestinian state mean? And what will I gain from it as a citizen? Will this recognition bring back my family? My job? My name and the scientific standing I had before the war,” said Badrane. The sentiments from both Israelis and Palestinians are polarizing. While some Palestinians celebrate, others are critical and even cautious of this decision. The negotiation and the logistics of the implementation of the State of Palestine are yet to be established. On Thursday Oct. 9, France hosted foreign ministers from Arab and European countries to talk about the future of Palestine and how to help the Palestinian people. Top diplomats from the five key Arab states were present: Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Present European countries included Italy, France, Germany, Spain and the U.K. At the U.N., Macron said that he would make the release of hostages by Hamas a precondition for opening a French embassy to the Palestinian State. France’s recognition of the State of Palestine points to the growing support for a two-state solution. By joining other countries like Canada and the U.K., France opposes the U.S. and Israeli stance on the conflict. Photo Source: Jacques Paquier, Flickr

En ayant tout ce passé pour nous prévenir, comment n'avons nous pas vu Musk venir? Certains disaient encore en 2022 que son rachat de Twitter n'était ni grave ni dangereux! Comment laissons-nous faire ses rachats progressifs et la transformation de de chaînes d'information en usines d’opinions essentiellement d'extrême droite? Est-ce que les magnats des médias d’aujourd’hui sont destinés à choisir—ou du moins influencer—les dirigeants de demain? < Back Les Milliardaires, La Politique et Les Médias Anonymous January 31, 2025 En suivant l’actualité, beaucoup d’entre nous observons la montée en puissance d’Elon Musk avec effroi, entrevoyant déjà un monde où sa plateforme X et son pouvoir du haut de ses centaines de milliards de dollars influencent les élections—non seulement aux Etats Unis, avec son soutien affiché à Donald Trump, mais à travers le monde. En effet, en Allemagne il clame haut et fort son appui à l'AfD; aux Royaume Uni il soutient le parti d'extrême droite Reform UK; à travers l'Europe il affiche une sympathie claire pour les partis populistes. Dans ce contexte, il semble donc important de nous remémorer la réalité historique des magnats des médias sous la forme notamment de deux exemples très différents: Randolph Hearst et Alfred Hugenberg. Dans un deuxième temps, il est aussi important de constater les risques que représentent des monopoles médiatiques privés ici en France, spécifiquement ceux qui tournent le dos à la liberté de la presse dès qu’il s'agit de respecter sa pluralité. Je ne vous apprendrais rien en vous parlant de Musk ou de Murdoch, car leurs noms sont omniprésents, mais connaissez-vous William Randolph Hearst? Ce Millionnaire qui a inspiré le personnage de Citizen Kane est en effet l’un des premiers magnats de la presse, ayant assis son emprise sur la fin du 19e et le début du 20e siècle américain. Cet homme a fini par posséder une trentaine de journaux à travers les Etats Unis dont certains des plus importants de l'époque, notamment The Examiner en Californie et The Journal à New York. Il a largement utilisé ces journaux pour promouvoir des idées xénophobes, et est tenu en partie responsable de l'intervention américaine à Cuba par ses efforts en ce sens dans ses publications. Je voudrais ici faire un parallèle avec l’implication d’Elon Musk dans la guerre en Ukraine que ce soit par le rôle critique que joue Starlink , tel qu’on a pu le constater quand il a retiré son soutien à une opération ukrainienne en 2022, ou par sa communication avec les dirigeants Russe et Ukrainien. Hearst a aussi grandement soutenu la candidature de Roosevelt et s’est lui-même investi en politique en tant que représentant puis en tant que candidat à l'investiture démocrate. On remarque ici de clairs parallèles avec les pires prévisions des risques du pouvoir des géants des médias aujourd’hui. En effet, Hearst est reconnu comme l’un des pionniers de la presse à scandale, et surtout du fake news, qu’il a manipulé au long de sa vie pour promouvoir un point de vu xénophobe et interventionniste. Les risques que comportent de telles techniques aujourd’hui sont décuplés à travers des réseaux comme X et ceux de Meta qui peuvent atteindre le monde entier. C'est pourquoi la fin du fact checking de Meta est si grave dans un contexte où nombreux sont les pays « très vulnérables à la désinformation, qui engendre de l’instabilité politique, des ingérences dans les élections, de la violence de masse et même des génocides » selon l’International Fact-Checking Network . Développons donc cette idée de l’impact du soutien médiatique à des candidats extrêmes. Ce qui est peut être le plus effrayant pour bon nombre d’entre nous au sujet de Musk, c’est son ambition de pousser des idées et des candidats d'extrême droite et, au risque de vous sembler pessimiste, il semble important de souligner un parallèle historique qui résonne avec ces peurs. Alfred Hugenberg, grand homme d'affaires Allemand propriétaire de journaux et chef du Parti populaire national allemand a pour un temps prêté main forte à Hitler, au point d'être dans son premier cabinet. Bien que n'étant en rien le seul responsable de la réussite du parti NSDAP, le soutien de l’empire économique et médiatique de Hugenberg a certainement joué un rôle. Il était non seulement un grand propriétaire de média, mais il avait aussi un studio de cinéma et une agence de presse. Son soutien à Hitler n'était pas désintéressé, ayant espéré jusqu'au dernier moment pouvoir se servir d’Hitler. Mais en fin de compte, ce que l’histoire doit retenir de lui c’est qu’il a mis sa fortune et sa notoriété au service d’un politicien d'extrême droite qui est devenu l’un des pires dictateurs. Nous pouvons malheureusement aujourd’hui tracer un fort parallèle avec les 260 millions de dollars et la puissance médiatique que Musk a mis au profit de la campagne de Donald Trump, mais aussi à son ambition politique en tant qu'allié de Trump et membre de son nouveau gouvernement. Ces magnats ne sont pas que des stars internationales de la propagande politique. E n effet, nous avons nos magnats home grown . Les médias français sont largement détenus par quelques milliardaires , notamment Rodolphe Saadé, Bernard Arnault, Xavier Niel et Vincent Bolloré. Ce dernier va nous intéresser tout particulièrement, car son empire médiatique, qui comprend notamment Canal+, CNews, Europe 1 et le JDD a une tendance très notoire à imposer une ligne éditoriale très à droite. Les critiques de son empire médiatique sont multiples. Il s'agit d’une part d’une fragilisation de l'indépendance des médias dans lesquels il investit, faisant ce que certains appellent un ‘nettoyage’ au moment du rachat pour ne garder que ceux qui soutiennent sa vision. En effet, dans le plus récent de ces rachats, celui du JDD en 2023, un agenda politique transparaît à travers le choix de Geoffroy Lejeune en tant que nouveau rédacteur en chef, juste après que le magazine très à droite Valeurs Actuelles le licencie car trop extrême. D’autre part, Bolloré est reconnu comme le plus redoutable magnat français car il s’attaque aussi aux individus et aux organisations qui s’opposent à lui, les traînant en justice et les menaçant selon un reportage mené par RSF System B , qui explore largement les méfaits de l’empire Bolloré. En 2019, ses tentatives pour empêcher la sortie du livre « Vincent tout-puissant » lui ont même valu une condamnatio n pour « procédure abusive ». Il apparaît donc raisonnable de s'alarmer de la situation en France quand nous voyons tous ces fâcheux parallèles plus ou moins lointains. Je voudrais donc finir sur une note non pas conclusive mais plutôt interrogative. En ayant tout ce passé pour nous prévenir, comment n'avons nous pas vu Musk venir? Certains disaient encore en 2022 que son rachat de Twitter n'était ni grave ni dangereux! Comment laissons-nous faire ses rachats progressifs et la transformation de de chaînes d'information en usines d’opinions essentiellement d'extrême droite? Est-ce que les magnats des médias d’aujourd’hui sont destinés à choisir—ou du moins influencer—les dirigeants de demain? Photo credits: DonkeyHotey on Flickr

Facing the familiar blue light of my computer screen—SkyScanner displayed in my Chrome browser and the threat of several four hour final exams looming over my head—I booked a flight to Paris. < Back Another American in Paris By Maia Zasler December 31, 2023 Facing the familiar blue light of my computer screen—SkyScanner displayed in my Chrome browser and the threat of several four hour final exams looming over my head—I booked a flight to Paris. Apart from the excitement of anticipating a change of scenery in this beautiful, historic destination, I embraced the vision of feeling like a native as I would wrap my wool scarf around me and sip coffee in a Parisian cafe far from the tourist sites. Alas, that dream has long since vanished. As much as I have immersed myself in the French language and culture since arriving in Menton last August, my experience in Paris remained internally a French Sciences Po Menton student, yet externally… sigh …just a girl almost always put in her place as yet another “American in Paris.” This trip in December 2023 marks my third visit to the Île de la Cité . At this point, I feel fairly proficient in the “Parisian way.” I am not deterred when, following a brief exchange of “bonjour(s),” I am answered in English (and met with the occasional pitying, pedantic smile). I persist; I insist on responding in French. I know that athleisure is an absolute no-go (I apologize for even including the word in this article), and that a sturdy umbrella is a must (if it's black, you get bonus points). I will not attempt to go to any museum past 3pm (15h, if you will) lest I have some sort of odd proclivity towards waiting in an infinitely long line that particular day. I could deliver a dissertation on the distinction between a “pain-au-chocolat” and a “chocolatine,” and I know to never order an iced coffee. Yet, my knowledge might as well be utterly useless. To an extent, I understand. American tourists don’t exactly have a great reputation, and perhaps that is rightfully so. France, being the world’s most visited country, definitely has some real, negative experiences to draw from. I will not contest any evidence put forth… but I will say, when I was walking in the 8eme arrondissement—in a long black coat, dark jeans, boots, and a maroon sweater, mind you—and a French man bumped into me and said “excuse me,” I was absolutely demoralized. How did he know?? How do they know??? I don’t get it. Does my American-ness radiate from the back of my head? “Pardon” is so much more fun to say, anyways. It rolls off the tongue much quicker than the clunky “excuse me.” This extra effort and somehow psychic knowledge leaves me gobsmacked. Even the Paris weather seems to go above and beyond to make it clear that I am not completely welcome. The crisp cold and incessant rain are the least of it; strong winds that render my feeble umbrella pointless by ultimately inverting it and snapping the little metal legs leave me susceptible to further frigid unpleasantness. With external elements like this, I can comprehend the desire to make Mondays slightly more bearable by shutting down ostensibly every store. I can also better wrap my head around the Parisian tendency to speak in the negative—when your jeans are wet and stick to the crevices in your legs with an anxious attachment style, one becomes much less optimistic or loquacious. On the rare occasion that I am able to blend in—and I’m not violently shaking my umbrella to get it to right itself—I truly enjoy observing the interactions between the French / Parisians and the many tourists. But, more often, I am—or am adjacent to—the source of fascination in such interactions. For example, during our first dinner together in the lovely Marais district, my roommate, Marly Fisher, got her finger stuck in the loop of her hot chocolate mug handle. How she managed to squeeze her finger through the loop in the first place, I do not know. The issue was, she could not get it back out. As tears gathered in the corners of her eyes—fueled by intense laughter and mixed with profound panic—I could not help but burst out laughing, too, at her repeatedly failed retractions. I attempted to pull the mug off her finger (which was gradually swelling), but to no avail. This, one can imagine, was quite the scene. Our little tug-of-war attracted quite a few looks and chilling, disapproving glares from the servers. I have no adequate defense. Side note: It may be a good thing, then, that water in restaurants is so difficult to come by. We, as Americans, would most likely topple the glass over. The smells of Paris tend to bring out the American in me as well. Now, I would not dare to claim this phenomenon endemic to Paris, but seriously…every time I walk past a metal sidewalk grate I am greeted with a whiff of a warm, pungent odor. I find myself dodging dog feces scattered on the sidewalks or praying I don’t spot a rat scurrying across the metro tunnels. Despite it all, I do truly enjoy Paris, and I love France. I would not have committed myself to studying here for at least two years if I did not. I feel fortified, and I will continue to brave the cobblestone and concrete streets, gradually improving my French thanks to the generous corrections natives kindly provide (without my asking!). While in Paris, I will own up to my identity as an “American tourist,” but, I’d prefer to publicly propagate “je suis étudiante à Sciences Po.”

Charlotte Well's work is undoubtedly one of the best releases of the last few years. It is an ode to memory, aging, and above all, an expression of grief. < Back Missing Figure: An Exploration of Aftersun (2022) By Pedro Meerbaum for Cinémentongraphe November 30, 2023 "I think it's nice that we share the same sky." On a 9-hour flight from Rio de Janeiro to Lisbon, my mom unexpectedly decided to watch the newly-released movie, Aftersun . The critically acclaimed A24 picture was one of my favorite movies of the year, which I had rewatched and analyzed thoroughly since its release. I sat in anticipation for her verdict, questioning if she would enjoy the movie's atypical format, or minimum-plot storytelling, let alone if she would cry as I had at the movie theater. She didn't. She only had one thing to say: "If they had made a movie about me and my dad it would have been just as, if not more, desolating." Her comment, albeit simple and short, lingered in my mind for the following 6 hours of the flight. Had my mom understood the picture better than I, seeing as me and my dad have always been close? Did she see herself in the figure of Sophie, a small girl looking back at the time spent with her absent father? Moreover, what was it about Charlotte Well's Oscar-nominated work that made it so relatable? The answer to those questions became clear as I leafed through old family albums: It lies within the universal attempt to reconstruct the puzzle of what, and why, something from our past is now missing in our lives. It lies within the missing figure. Aftersun follows Calum, played by Normal People actor Paul Mescal, and Sophie, played by the child actress Frankie Corio, as they spend a week of summer vacation in Turkey. Calum is a young single father, not older than 35, of Sophie, an 11-year-old who lives with her mom in Scotland. Set in the late 1990s, the week of vacation is often interrupted by short takes of the present, with a 30-year-old Sophie looking back at her vacation in the Mediterranean through tapes. She centers her reflections on Calum, who is often mistaken to be Sophie's brother and is struggling to embody the role of a father. In between swims and trips to tourist spots, Sophie films her dad with a little camera, the same one she would look back on 20 years later. Wells showcases the week of vacation in Turkey without utilising a traditional plot style, playing with mundane dialogues and a realistic story progression. The director herself said in a Vanity Fair interview that the movie "is not easy to describe, but powerful to behold." Through a format where nothing is revealed explicitly, the audience grasps from the get-go that this specific vacation was, the last time Sophie saw her dad. The movie begins with the sound of a camera whirring and beeping. An adjustment of zooms and focus that soon is complemented by a 90s style video recording of Calum folding clothes in the hotel room. The tape is filmed by Sophie, who comments on her recent birthday, and proceeds to ask her dad: "When you were 11 what did you think you would be doing now?" Sophie's camera whirs again and Calum, answerless, fades. The scene cuts and the movie properly begins. It is exposed, from the first scene, that there is a distance between the dad and the daughter, a feeling of nostalgia that is embedded in the faint background song and camera quality. The audience understands, then, that the movie is merely Sophie's memory. As she rewatches the tapes, and those are revealed to the viewer, the frustration of the daughter becomes clear: she desperately wants to peel the emotional layers of their last week together, looking through its content at the same age her father was when he left her. She is realizing things that her younger self would have never placed: she looks for signs of her dad's depression, indications that his well-being was in jeopardy; any warning that he would eventually fade from her life. It is hard to pinpoint within the narrative precisely what is a flashback, a dream, or simply an imagined piece that the narrator has tried to locate in the puzzle of her memory. Sophie sees a hurt father, a figure that spends half of the movie with an arm cast, and the other half with mysterious scars. When she asks him how he hurt his wrist, he replies "I didn't think it was broken." Co-Director Barry Jerkins (known for his work on Oscar-Winning Moonlight) comments that Wells, in Aftersun , is "wading through wells of quiet anguish." Calum's pain is not simply physical; he cries while taking off his plaster, but he does so with a wall dividing him and Sophie; he shows no perspective for the future, in fact, he claims to be surprised he made it to 30; he condemns smokers in front of his daughter, but quietly lights a cigarette in the room balcony as she sleeps. The nuance of his suffering, one that he so strongly tried to conceal from Sophie, becomes clear to her as time passes, and as she reaches the age of 30. There is no explanation for Calum's whereabouts – one could infer that he took his own life, or that he simply left Sophie's life without any explanation. All that is clear is that the girl tries to fill in the blanks not shown by the tapes. When her dad is not found in the room at night and appears in the morning with a huge scar, she imagines him going for a nocturnal swim. When she looks back at his lack of emotion during birthday celebrations on the trip, she pictures him sobbing alone in the hotel room. She produces a film of their vacation with tapes from her actual camera and tapes of what young Sophie jokingly calls "her little mind camera." The film reaches its climax not in any particular point of conflict, nor in any enthralling revelation. Rather it happens as Calum invites Sophie to dance to "Under Pressure" by David Bowie and Queen. As he awkwardly exhibits his dance moves, white lights flash to the sound of Bowie singing " this is our last dance ." Young Sophie dances with her dad, and as the flashes occur we see older Sophie screaming. It is not clear if she is screaming at her dad out of frustration, or at her younger self, who did not realize that was their last dance, their last moment of intimacy. In the last scene of the movie, Calum films Sophie as she enters the boarding area of the airport. He closes the camera and walks into an unknown door. The recording comes to an end. Charlotte Well's work is undoubtedly one of the best releases of the last few years. It is an ode to memory, aging, and above all, an expression of grief. It is through her mundane, but nonetheless anguished and nostalgic portrayal of the relationship between a father and a child that makes my mom, myself, and millions of other viewers consider this movie relatable. Her search for her dad through her memories is a natural reaction, a universal attempt to bring pieces together and seek solace in the unfathomable. As Sophie herself puts it, it is comforting to know "that even if we aren’t in the same place, we kind of are, you know? We’re, like, under the same sky."

Jean Cocteau est inextricable de l’héritage artistique de la Côte d’Azur. Après un brunch dans un des petits restaurants sur le bord de mer, la chapelle Saint-Pierre est un incontournable de toute visite à Villefranche-sur-mer. < Back La Chapelle Saint-Pierre: Un Chef d’Oeuvre à Villefranche-sur-Mer By Maria Azadian April 29, 2022 “Car il ne s'agit plus de créer une belle oeuvre, mais de créer la plus belle des œvres et que sa puissance secrète rayonne avec une douceur pareille aux rages dévastatrices d'un explosif (...) Toutes les courbes doivent être des arcs qui tirent directement leurs flèches dans le cœur." -Jean Cocteau Tout a commencé quand une enseignante d’arts de mon école s’est débarrassée d’un vieux tas de cartes postales. Ayant commencé ma collection depuis quelques semaines seulement , cette pile de supposés détritus m’a attirée. J’en ai piqué deux ou trois, un peu au hasard. L’une des cartes postales représentait l’affiche du Testament d’Orphée : le dernier film du réalisateur Jean Cocteau. Je l’admets, celle-ci est restée affichée sur mon mur pendant quelques mois, sans que j’y pense réellement. Ceci, jusqu’à un fameux jour l’an dernier où j’ai pris la décision que ma quarantaine passée à visionner The Office pour la onzième fois m’ennuyait un peu trop. J’ai jeté un autre coup d'œil à ma carte postale, et j’ai tapé les mots “ Jean Cocteau Orphée” sur le clavier de mon portable. Depuis, comme j'ai eu la chance de m'installer sur la Côte d'Azur, je tiens à visiter ses traces dans la région où il a passé la dernière partie de sa vie. La visite de la Chapelle Saint-Pierre est une étape essentielle pour mener à bien cette mission. Mais qui est Jean Cocteau? Pour commencer, il faut dresser un portrait de Jean Cocteau. Un homme de haute moyenne classe qui a perdu son père par lesuicide, homosexuel dans une societé qui ne l’acceptait pas mais également apolitique pendant une periode où il ne fallait peut-être pas l’être: Cocteau est un personnage compliqué. L'artiste publie son premier recueil de poèmes, La Lampe d’Aladdin , inspiré des Mille et Une Nuits, à l’âge de 20 ans. Au début de sa carrière, il se lie d'amitié et participe à la création des Six, un groupe musical néoclassique d'avant-garde. Cocteau et les six musiciens se font connaître pour passer de nombreuses soirées au cabaret-bar parisien Le Boeuf sur le Toit . Cocteau devient un artiste extrêmement prolifique. Dans ses livres, films, et pièces de théâtre, son style néo-classique le démarque et le révèle comme anti-moderniste. Un thème récurrent dans ses œuvres reste l’intersection entre le désir et le pouvoir, surtout à travers ses représentations de l'homme "idéal", “héroïque” – des représentations naïves – qui font écho à l’art grec classique antique. Il passe également du temps au Moyen-Orient. Sa tournée de trois mois, de mars à mai 1949, pour la représentation de plusieurs de ses pièces l'amène, entre autres, à Beyrouth et en Égypte. Il documente son voyage dans un journal, qu'il publie plus tard sous le titre de Maalesh . Sa trilogie Orphique, composée de Le Sang d’un poète (1930), Orphée (1950) et Le Testament d’Orphée (1960), qui met en vedette Jean Marais, constitue une merveille du cinéma avant-garde du vingtième siècle. Un mélange magistral du mythe et de la réalité au point que l'un ne se distingue pas de l'autre, une étude de la logique du rêve, alliés à une esthétique irréprochable font de ceux-ci des classiques du film français. Cocteau est décédé le 11 octobre 1963 dans son château à Milly-la-Forêt, quelques heures après avoir appris la mort de son amie proche, Édith Piaf. Il est enterré sous la Chapelle Saint-Blaise dans cette même ville. Jean Cocteau à Villefranche-sur-Mer Cocteau a séjourné plusieurs fois à l’hôtel Welcome , à Villefranche-sur-Mer. Son ami Albert Lorent, délégué au tourisme de la ville, l’invite d’abord à exposer une œuvre à l’entrée de la chapelle. Pour ceci, Cocteau dessine un visage en face de la fameuse rue Obscure. Suite au grand succès de ce dessin, Lorent lui offre la chance de décorer la Chapelle Saint-Pierre, qui deviendra par la suite l’une de ses œuvres les plus remarquables pendant ses années sur la Côte d’Azur. Il repeint cette ancienne chapelle de pêcheurs datant de la fin du 16ème siècle en 1957, alors qu’elle était encore utilisée comme remise à filets. Aujourd’hui, à moins d’une dizaine de minutes de marche de la station de train de Villefranche-sur-Mer, elle représente un des plus grands chefs-d'œuvre de la Côte d’Azur. Bien que l’entrée soit quelque peu coûteuse – trois euros pour une visite qui dure à peu près une vingtaine de minutes – soyez rassuré ! Celle-ci en vaut réellement la peine. Malheureusement, vous ne serez pas autorisé à photographier l'intérieur de la chapelle. Par contre, dès l'instant où vous poserez les pieds à l'intérieur, vous serez transporté dans une réalité autre et lointaine, séparé de la rue animée seulement par un mur d’une épaisseur de quinze centimètres. Les yeux dorés et présents à chaque côté de la porte sont répliqués sur deux chandeliers sur l’autel, se trouvant eux-mêmes à chaque côté d’une statuette d’un oiseau en envol. Ils vous donnent l'impression d'être observé pendant que vous vous promenez dans la chapelle. Ils vous tiennent responsable des endroits où vous choisissez de vous arrêter, de ceux que vous choisissez d'examiner plus en détail comme ceux que vous manquez. Les murs sont décorés de fresques représentant des scènes de la vie méditerranéenne et de l’apôtre Saint Pierre. Le plafond, quant à lui, est recouvert de représentations hypnotisantes d'anges. Les couleurs douces et les lignes peu définies des fresques sont intentionnelles, pour donner l'impression d'être dans un paradis nuageux, brumeux - comme dans un rêve. Le style de Cocteau est simple, presque naïf - représentatif de la mentalité de l’artiste. Cependant, il reste évocateur et puissant. Jean Cocteau est inextricable de l’héritage artistique de la Côte d’Azur. Après un brunch dans un des petits restaurants sur le bord de mer, la chapelle Saint-Pierre est un incontournable de toute visite à Villefranche-sur-mer.