Search Results

< Back How a Dispute Over Fuel Prices Set Off the Largest Protests in Kazakhstan Since 1989 By Saoirse Aherne January 31, 2022 Though Daniyar Khassenov has dedicated much of his life to monitoring the Kazakh government's consistent violations of human rights, the young activist is now far from home, residing in the Ukraine. It is from there that he joined me over zoom to provide insight into the recent unrest in Kazakhstan; a nation long heralded as the most stable in Central Asia. Khassenov did not leave Kazakhstan by choice, but rather was driven out due to his attempts to bring attention to its repressive regime. In 2019, the Khazakh government began to target Khassenov. In May of that year, a criminal case was launched against him for supposed participation in the activities of the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DCK) opposition movement. Then 23 years old, Khassenov was a student of medicine and a volunteer with the Italian Federation for Human Rights. Almaty police claimed that Khassenov actively participated in DCK rallies, though Khassenov was not present at any of the events in question. Khassenov was detained numerous times throughout 2019. One day before his criminal case was launched, he was banned from leaving Kazakhstan by Almaty Police. In June of 2019, police imposed restrictions on his and his family’s bank accounts. These restrictions were lifted due to pressures from NGOs and the international community. Rather than face continual persecution, and fearing future threats to his safety, Khassenov fled the country. Now 26 years of age, Khassenov is based in Ukraine and continues to work with Human Rights organisations across the world. He is unable to return to Kazakhstan, where, according to the activist, there is “No openness for criticising the government”: Indeed, the mere act of protesting is illegal. Khassenov’s experience as a young Kazakh activist, while tragic, is not uncommon. Yet the political repression endured in Kazakhstan over the past 30 years has rarely resulted in significant protests. That is until January of this year, when a series of demonstrations erupted across the nation. This unexpected turn of events is clearly of great interest to Khassenov, and it quickly became the focus of our discussion. On the second of January, the Kazakh government removed a fuel cap on liquified petroleum gas (LPG), causing prices to spike. Many people in Kazakhstan use LPG to power their vehicles and, according to Khassenov, the financial implications of rising fuel prices inspired the initial protests. Demonstrations were first carried out in the oil-producing city of Zhanaozen, however they spread across the nation and quickly reached Almaty, the former capital of Kazakhstan. It was there that protests escalated into violent clashes, leading Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to declare a state of emergency and shut down internet services nationwide on January 5. This decision came after President Tokayev’s Almaty home was surrounded by thousands of angry protesters and set aflame, as reported by Time magazine. On the 5 of January, President Tokayev also dismissed his cabinet and removed former President Nursultan Nazarbayev from his post as head of the security council. Tokayev appealed to the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) to send military forces to help deal with the protests. The CSTO is an intergovernmental military alliance between Russia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Tajikistan. In a bid to appease protestors, Tokayev reinstated the fuel cap on January 6. However, on the 6 of January, there were also heavy police crackdowns reported in Almaty by the BBC, as protestors attempted to take control of the police station. Demonstrators faced tear gas and stun grenades. Dozens were killed and hundreds were injured. The president insisted that the protests were led by foreign-backed bandits and terrorists, according to The Guardian. Russia announced the deployment of paratroopers through the CSTO to help stabilise the situation. In a televised address on January 7, Tokayev ordered security forces to “use lethal force without warning” against demonstrators. Over the following days, violence continued in Almaty. The full extent of the bloodshed is unknown. The BBC reported that internet access was restored to the city on January 10. Yet when Khassenov and I spoke on the 11, he maintained that access was only awarded for “one, maybe two hours a day.” Citizens are trapped in an “Information black hole,” said Khassenov. Families and friends are desperate to contact loved ones in Almaty, but this has become close to impossible due to the unpredictable internet restrictions. Moreover, Khassenov notes that these conditions posed a huge obstacle to organising protests as “coordination requires communication.” After over a week of unrest, the protests came to an end on the 11 of January and Russia announced that its troops had begun to withdraw on the 13. What do protestors want? Though the rise in fuel prices sparked the initial protests, demonstrations continued even after Tokayev reinstated the fuel price cap. Khassenov described how the nature of the protests changed abruptly and “in one day, demands became political. Suddenly, protestors were chanting ‘Old man go away.’” The “Old Man” to which protesters were referring is Nursultan Nazarbayev: president of Kazakhstan from 1989 until 2019, when he stepped down from office and appointed Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to take his place. While Tokayev was acting president of Kazakhstan, Nazarbayev retained a lot of practical control over the country as chairman of the security council and “Leader of the Nation:” a constitutional role that granted him immunity from prosecution along with many policymaking privileges. Nazarbayev no longer holds these positions having been ‘removed from government’ on the 5 of January. Khassenov asserted that protesters were not simply expressing discontent with Nursultan as an individual, but rather with his legacy and the system he represents. Protestors have “democratic aspirations” the activist stated. They are tired of the old regime controlling the country, tired of having no say in how their nation is governed. Khassenov reported that on the 3 of January, the Democratic opposition movement became involved in the protests — a further demonstration of the ideological currents driving the upheaval. When asked whether the dismissal of Nazarbayev and the dissolution of the Kazakh cabinet would satisfy protesters, Khassenov could barely hold back laughter. “The Government is a façade,” he said with resignation, maintaining that Nursultan is still in control behind the scenes. According to Khassenov, Tokayev cannot truly remove Nazarbayev from power without making constitutional changes. Beyond this, Nazarbayev’s economic and political ties run deep into the foundation of Kazakhstan as a Nation; to remove his influence would require the country to be rebuilt from the ground up. Khassenov reiterated that the people want “whole regime changes, not just cosmetic changes”. Unfortunately, the new cabinet that has been created in the wake of these protests is merely “a reconfiguration of the old.” Until the “Old Man” and the old system that he represents is removed from Kazakh politics, the unrest will continue. Khassenov is adamant that “In weeks, or maybe months, people will realize that nothing has changed.” What should the International Community be doing at this time? According to Khassenov, around ten thousand people were arrested in the protests. It is unclear where these protesters are being held, when, and if they will be released. One thing of which Khassenov is certain is that detainees are being subjected to inhumane conditions. He expressed worry for these civilians, many of whom were peaceful protesters simply expressing democratic aspirations. When asked what the international community ought to be doing with regards to Kazakhstan, Khassenov recommended an inquiry into the murders and detentions led by an intergovernmental organization such as the United Nations. “We cannot trust our own security organizations” he stated. He also felt that powerful players, such as the United States, “should be doing more to promote human rights in Kazakhstan.” According to Reuters, the State Department confirmed the "United States' full support for Kazakhstan's constitutional institutions and media freedom and advocated for a peaceful, rights-respecting resolution to the crisis." The reticence of the US government to definitively condemn the actions of Tokayev’s regime could be rooted in the fact that Kazakhstan sits atop some of the largest hydrocarbon and mineral reserves in the world along with the fact that it is the key to having a “business footprint in Central Asia, and a soft power presence,” according to Forbes. Washington sees Kazakhstan as the most developed former Soviet state in central Asia and is invested in maintaining positive relations; a US-Kazakhstan Business Council was even established in September of this year. Khassenov stated that perhaps the most important move the international community could take is the introduction of “personal sanctions,” as Kazakh politicians and elites hold their money in Western banks. The most effective way to compel them to respect human rights would be via restriction of their economic power. Khassenov also commented on the failure of many Western media sources to properly characterise the protestors, whom he said can be split into three groups. Firstly, there are peaceful protestors — most demonstrators fall into this category. The second group is made up of looters and criminals. They are responsible for causing much of the violence that has been reported. According to Khassenov, this group was organized by the state. Seeing that they could not control the large gatherings of pro-democracy protesters, the Kazakh government hired people to incite chaos thus justifying a violent police crackdown. Finally, the third group described by Khassenov is made up of poor and marginalized people who joined the looters out of desperation. Khassenov made sure to underline that these protests were intended to be peaceful and only became violent due to government interference. What these protests mean for the future When asked, Khassenov seemed to think these protests have yet to become a movement. He described them as somewhat random and lacking a central leader or mandate. Though certain political organizations became involved in the demonstrations, they remained unstructured. This lack of coordination was exacerbated by the internet blackout and other government interferences. Moreover, the activist stated that the protests have led to no actual regime change. On top of that, Khassenov worries that Russian involvement has set a “precedent which undermines international security.” The deployment of Russian troops via the CSTO is illegal and constitutes a “Russian invasion” stated Khassenov. The CSTO “can only act together if there is foreign threat.” Domestic political protests are not a legitimate cause for the deployment of CSTO troops. It is for this reason that President Tokayev accused “20 thousand international terrorists” of causing the unrest, though he failed to provide proof. By Khassenov’s account, the president went as far as to say that terrorists were “breaking into morgues and stealing the bodies of their comrades” to erase evidence of their involvement in the conflict. The false claim that the protests were foreign-backed provided an excuse for Russian intervention, and Khassenov now fears that the Russians will not leave. Though Russia has announced the withdrawal of its troops, it also claims its “soldiers are not in Ukraine:” Khassenov has no trust in a nation which continues to interfere with the affairs of former Soviet states, aiding in the preservation of an oppressive regime in Belarus, threatening Ukrainian sovereignty, and now, helping to put down pro-democracy demonstrations in Kazakhstan. Nonetheless, these protests were the largest in 30 years, since Kazakhstan first gained independence from the Soviet Union. Though they may not have achieved their democratic aspirations, they are certainly significant. With the eyes of the world finally on this often-forgotten nation, there is potential for the Kazakh government to be held accountable for its numerous violations of human rights and freedoms.

J’ai beaucoup apprécié les valeurs transmises par le Parcours Civique, des valeurs indispensables dans la société : l’aide directe à la personne, la responsabilité sociale et collective, l’assiduité et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’engager dans un travail à temps plein. < Back La Volonté d’Aider et d’Interagir: Une Réflexion sur un Parcours Civique à la Croix-Rouge Monégasque By Lilou-Ornella D’Inca September 27, 2022 What did your Parcours Civique entail? J’ai effectué mon Parcours Civique auprès de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque, principalement au pôle Migration de la Section Humanitaire Internationale de cette organisation. Mon rôle consistait principalement à créer des activités pour les migrants se trouvant dans le centre pour mineurs non accompagnés (MNA) de Menton. Par conséquent, j’ai été impliquée dans la mise en œuvre d’ateliers éducatifs et ludiques, spécifiquement pensés et élaborés pour cette catégorie d’âge. J’ai également pris part à la préparation et la distribution de repas, et au tri et à la mise à disposition de vêtements au centre Caritas à Vintimille. Enfin, mon rôle couvrait aussi d’autres responsabilités, telles que l’aide donnée aux infirmiers lors des permanences sanitaires au centre pour MNA, et la gestion de tâches administratives (comptes-rendus, communications par courriel, etc.) au siège de la Croix-Rouge à Monaco même. Why did you choose this Parcours Civique? Mon intérêt pour la Croix-Rouge Monégasque est né de la volonté d’aider et d’interagir avec des migrants et des communautés vulnérables dans la région, ayant été témoin des obstacles non seulement physiques mais aussi sociaux, auxquels ces personnes sont confrontées chaque jour à la frontière franco-italienne. Les principes de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque — la neutralité, l’impartialité, et l’humanité entre autres — englobent toutes les valeurs qui me paraissent essentielles pour approcher un thème compliqué comme l’immigration avec un œil impartial et dépourvu de militantisme, bien qu’emphatique. Cette organisation permet d’être au contact direct avec les migrants et de compléter des activités très variées avec des tranches d’âge différentes, ce qui m’a tout de suite semblé une opportunité unique pour mon développement en tant que citoyenne responsable. Did you have trouble finding your Parcours Civique? Je suis rentrée à connaissance de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque à travers le forum organisé par Sciences Po lors de la semaine d’intégration, où des représentants de cette association avaient été invités. Le programme de Sciences Po m’a donc beaucoup aidée pour trouver mon Parcours Civique, d’autant plus que l’administration m’a fourni le contact direct avec une des responsables de la Croix-Rouge Monégasque. Cependant, ce contact a été envoyé assez tard dans l’année (30 mars), alors que ma lettre d’engagement avait déjà été écrite et que ma recherche de stage avait déjà commencé ; afin d’obtenir un stage dans les temps requis, il est convenable de contacter la Croix-Rouge déjà pendant le premier semestre, sans attendre de recevoir les contacts envoyés par l’administration. J’ai obtenu mon stage seulement début mai, car — étant encore mineure — les autorisations parentales à obtenir et les démarches à effectuer sont assez laborieuses. Il est bon de noter que j’ai essuyé de nombreux refus de la part d’autres organisations en raison de mon jeune âge, et il m’a fallu patienter plusieurs semaines avant de recevoir une réponse définitive de la part de la Croix-Rouge. Mon conseil pour les étudiants mineurs est de commencer la recherche de possibles organisations dès le début de l’année. Was your Parcours Civique paid or unpaid? Le stage n’a pas été rémunéré. Did you get a lot out of your Parcours Civique? Mon Parcours Civique a été une expérience incroyablement enrichissante à plusieurs niveaux. Tout d’abord, j’ai rencontré des migrants provenant de nombreux pays d’Afrique et — la plupart d’entre eux étant disposés à raconter leur histoire, leurs rêves et espoirs et leurs impressions sur leurs conditions de vie en Europe — j’ai pu réellement comprendre les raisons qui poussent certaines populations à quitter leur pays natal et leurs familles, ainsi que la différence entre leurs attentes et la réalité de leur expérience en Italie ou en France. Ces connaissances sont non seulement d’une grande valeur pour mon bagage humain et culturel, mais elles me permettent également d’analyser les pays étudiés à Sciences Po avec de nouvelles clés d’interprétation. En outre, j’ai beaucoup apprécié les valeurs transmises par le Parcours Civique, des valeurs indispensables dans la société : l’aide directe à la personne, la responsabilité sociale et collective, l’assiduité et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’engager dans un travail à temps plein. Je pense que ces principes sont une constante dans tous les stages de 1e année, mais ils ont été particulièrement significatifs à la Croix-Rouge, où chaque stagiaire est poussé à prendre des initiatives et à réfléchir sur les valeurs du volontariat à travers les comptes-rendus rédigés après chaque activité. Je considère donc que le programme de Sciences Po est une expérience instructive et très intéressante grâce à laquelle il est possible d’explorer un secteur qui nous passionne ou que l’on désire découvrir, et qui permet d’acquérir de nouveaux enseignements et valeurs. If you could offer one piece of Parcours Civique advice to a 1A, what would it be? Essayez de trouver un organisme qui vous offre l’opportunité d’être au contact direct avec la communauté de votre choix. Bien que j’aie beaucoup apprécié mon temps au bureau de la Croix-Rouge pour la partie administrative du stage, c’est sur le terrain que j’ai le plus appris et que j’ai pu sortir de ma zone de confort. N’ayez pas peur de vous engager concrètement, même dans des secteurs dans lesquels vous manquez encore d’expérience ! Et, bien évidemment, n’hésitez pas à me contacter si vous avez des questions relatives à la Croix-Rouge, à votre lettre d'engagement, ou à tout autre doute !

Qui sont ces étudiants, et comment leurs actes du 17 novembre 1973 ont-ils acquis une portée profondément démocratique et déterminante pour l’avenir du pays? En quoi ces réponses nous illuminent-elles quant au rapport contemporain de la société et de l’univers politique grecs vis-à-vis des valeurs démocratiques et des mouvements étudiants? < Back « Pain, Éducation, Liberté! » Un Regard Sur Le Soulèvement De Novembre 1973 En Grèce Margarita Kopsia January 31, 2025 Qu’est-ce que, vraiment, résister ? Et quelle signification ce mot acquiert-il en fonction du contexte socio-politique d’où on se place? Si les réponses qu’il est possible d’apporter à cette question sont nombreuses, la position de la Grèce en la matière mérite d’être étudiée. Sujet d’abord sanglant et délicat, le soulèvement de l’université polytechnique d’Athènes du 14 au 17 novembre 1973 est progressivement devenu une commémoration nationale, célébrée chaque 17 novembre. Moment violent, il fut aussi—et demeure—un événement profondément symbolique et porteur d'espoirs; à présent honoré, il est impossible d’en parler sans l’associer à la fin de la dictature militaire qui était au pouvoir depuis le coup d’État du 21 avril 1967. Mais plus qu’emblème de résistance face à cette parenthèse dure et autoritaire pour le pays, agissant en tant que catalyseur du démantèlement de la dictature des colonels, le soulèvement du 17 novembre est aussi celui d’un profond renouveau . Car luttant pour « le pain, » « l’éducation » et « la liberté, » le combat acharné des étudiants a aussi signé l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère démocratique, marquée par une meilleure ouverture politique, ainsi que par un développement plus conforme au respect des droits et libertés de la population grecque. Qui sont ces étudiants, et comment leurs actes du 17 novembre 1973 ont-ils acquis une portée profondément démocratique et déterminante pour l’avenir du pays? En quoi ces réponses nous illuminent-elles quant au rapport contemporain de la société et de l’univers politique grecs vis-à-vis des valeurs démocratiques et des mouvements étudiants? La démocratie, confisquée et asphyxiée En plein cœur de la guerre froide, le contexte politique de la Grèce est extrêmement agité; suite à la victoire des forces royalistes lors de la guerre civile grecque de 1946 à 1949, opposant les dirigeants soutenus par le Royaume-Uni et les États-Unis aux grecs communistes, plusieurs gouvernements instables se succèdent. Les « élections législatives anticipées » qui étaient censées avoir lieu en 1967 sont la conséquence directe de la dissolution parlementaire qui était entraînée par le manque de soutien à M. Canellopoulos, nommé par le roi suite à l’échec des accords législatifs et gouvernementaux passés entre celui-ci et les autres partis majoritaires. L’avenir politique du pays se voit particulièrement menacé par le putsch du 21 avril 1967. Réalisé par trois militaires—les colonels Georges Papadopoulos , Nicolaos Makarezos et le général Stylianos Pattakos—l’épisode est intimement lié à l’appartenance de la Grèce au « bloc de l’Ouest » dans le contexte des alignements géopolitiques de l’époque. Le coup d’État est ainsi réalisé sous prétexte de protéger le pays de la « menace communiste » et afin de préserver l’alliance du pays avec les États-Unis, sachant que la Grèce avait rejoint l’OTAN en 1951. Il faut noter cependant, que la présence de cette « menace » est largement injustifiée, ce que n’ont manqué de préciser de nombreux médias de l’époque, y compris a l’international. Ainsi, Le Monde déclare dans ses publications datant de l’année 1967 que « l’intervention [...] allait au-delà du but invoqué au début, » cherchant notamment à assurer la victoire de la droite malgré l’ascension de l’Union du centre. Pour le journal L’Humanité , il s’agit même d’une « dictature absurde et criminelle qui s’est imposée par peur des élections. » Car sur la période 1967-1973, la vie sociale et politique du pays est « paralysée . » « Rythmée » par l’« enfermement » et la « torture » dont les opposants politiques sont systématiquement victimes, la dimension autoritaire du régime écarte la perspective d’un espace de dialogue ouvert, pluriel et engagé. Parallèlement, l’emploi généralisé de la censure constitue une autre sombre réalité, entravant les libertés d’expression et d’opinion des citoyens. Avec l’arrivée au pouvoir des colonels, « les garanties constitutionnelles des droits de l'Homme sont suspendues, » obstruant toute tentative de critique du régime et interdisant même les « grèves . » Mais si la majorité de la population grecque est poussée à la « passivité » par le régime des colonels, les voix des opposants exilés continuent de retentir et alimentent fortement les animosités populaires envers la junte, ainsi que l’opposition de divers gouvernements de l’étranger. Pour certains exilés, il est même question de « militer contre la junte sur le territoire français » à travers leur implication dans des « réseaux de la résistance, » à l’instar de Melina Mercouri —ancienne ministre de la Culture grecque—et Mikis Théodorakis, célèbre compositeur et futur ministre d’État grec de 1990 à 1992. Étudiants: voix ou moteurs légitimes de la construction démocratique ? Pendant la junte, les étudiants souffrent tout particulièrement. Leur sévère manque de représentation se matérialise tout d’abord à travers « l’ impossibilité » pour les étudiants « d'élire des représentants au sein des institutions universitaires. » Sont mis également en place des « tribunaux de discipline, pouvant expulser tout étudiant ayant des activités jugées non convenables, » tandis que la loi 1347 oblige « au service militaire immédiat » tous ceux qui s’organisent et s’engagent au sein de syndicats. La forte présence syndicale dans l’enseignement supérieur grec fait par ailleurs que, selon un point de vue sociologique, les universités grecques deviennent des « institution[s] sociale[s] » à « caractéristiques politiques. » Bénéficiant d’un « statut symbolique comme espaces de défense des valeurs démocratiques, » cela explique en grande partie par les dynamiques de rassemblement et de politisation des étudiants qui se sont progressivement construites et exacerbées depuis 1973. La vague de manifestations s’opposant à la junte militaire est entamée par les étudiants de la Faculté de Droit d’Athènes le 21 février 1973 , date à laquelle ceux-ci se barricadent à l’intérieur de leur établissement pour appeler à la fin de la dictature. L’insurrection des étudiants de l’école Polytechnique qui survient quelques mois plus tard s’étend jusqu’à d’autres universités telles que celles de Patras ou de Thessalonique, entraînant également de nombreux autres civils désireux de décrier les modalités d’exercice du pouvoir du régime en place. La création d’une station de radio étudiante, adressant « un appel [...] à la population » participe également à la propagation de leur message, tout en cultivant un profond sentiment de solidarité parmi tous ces manifestants. L’occupation de l’université polytechnique elle-même fut aussitôt sévèrement réprimée par l’armée, dont l’intervention consista notamment en l’envoi de chars militaires. Le bilan est celui d’au moins 27 morts et de dizaines de blessés, faisant de cet épisode une véritable « plaie » de l’histoire contemporaine grecque. Son sillage, celui de la ‘ Metapolítefsi ’—soit la transition démocratique grecque qui s’en suivit—rappelle néanmoins les mérites du fervent maintien et de la défense des idéaux démocratiques, notamment au vu des difficultés que ces derniers ont eu à s’imposer et à véritablement former part de la réalité politique et constitutionnelle grecque. Cela ferait-il des étudiants les « garants » de la démocratie en Grèce à l’époque contemporaine, régime ayant su s’extraire de sa trajectoire fragile, tumultueuse et menacée? Les étudiants sont-ils capables de changer le cours de l’histoire? Jour partiellement férié, durant lequel les établissements scolaires restent fermés, le 17 novembre constitue aujourd’hui un moment de « fierté nationale. » Les étudiants ayant participé aux soulèvements de novembre 1973 s’étaient auto-proclamés ‘ Eleftheroi Poliorkimenoi, ’ soit une référence directe à la lutte pour l’indépendance grecque et à l’œuvre de Dionysios Solomos—poète dont émane l’hymne national grec. Sous la plume de nombre de poètes et d’écrivains tels que Pour Yánnis Rítsos—poète et militant du Parti communiste grec, emprisonné pendant la dictature des colonels—les étudiants du 17 novembre deviennent des figures héroïques et inspirantes, portant en elles les fruits et les symboles de la bravoure et de la détermination. À eux seuls, les soulèvements du 17 novembre n’auraient pas entièrement rétabli le sort démocratique du pays, mais il demeure que les efforts des étudiants y ayant pris part aient été des mécanismes déclencheurs de la ‘ Metapolítefsi. ’ Portant avec ardeur et conviction l’ espoir et la promesse démocratiques, le pouvoir qu’a eu la jeunesse à influencer le cours de l’histoire en 1973 reste incontestable.

If you still want to buy your groceries at Carrefour, go ahead. But, keep in mind that with one shopping trip after the other, your credit card is being further exhausted, the numbers in your account are declining, and your leisure opportunities are diminishing. < Back Eats With Angela: A Comparative Analysis of Menton Grocery Stores By Angela Saab Saade September 30, 2022 Sciences Po Menton is a diverse campus. Its students are unique. We all have distinguished characters and varied interests. We all carry our own historical package and view the world differently. However, if there is one certain commonality among all students, it is our need to buy groceries. Whether one opts for pre-planned deliberate and habitual grocery shopping or resorts to the New Asian store for midnight ramen with a side of crisps and candy, the heavy burden of walking to the store, picking up items, waiting in line, paying and returning home certainly resonates with all of us. Throughout my time in Menton, I have had quite an adventurous relationship with grocery shopping. I have tried shopping at Ventimiglia’s infamous Lidl, the several branches of U-Express and Carrefour City respectively, Aldi, Picard (big mistake), the multiple Casino stores around Menton, the local Italian shops, the farmers markets and the New Asian Store. I can safely say that almost every time I purchase an item from any of these establishments, I (sometimes, regrettably) run into at least one Sciences Piste. Despite these numerous grocery store run-ins, it appears to me that students on campus are not well-informed about the purchasing choices they make. How well do you really know your grocery stores? Aside from the obvious advantage of going to Carrefour at night, as it is the only store in Menton that stays open after 7:30 p.m., there are perks that I bet you have never heard of that will inevitably revolutionize your shopping experience. Research has shown that financial stress has contributed to the failure of students at university. I do not want you to fail. For that reason, I took the time to visit the following stores in Menton: Aldi, U-Express and Carrefour. Based on my data collection and thorough comparative analysis, I hope to provide you with information that will save you from financial distress and pave the way for your success at Sciences Po. Tip #1 : Eat, plan, then shop. If you felt personally targeted when I mentioned buying ramen, crisps and candy for dinner, this tip is especially for you. To first, save up on cash and, second, spare yourself continuous trips to the store, plan a grocery list. Make sure you eat and are full prior to writing your list and shopping, or else you may find yourself hungrily shoving items into your cart that you would soon enough regret purchasing. It could also help to set a budget for yourself before going to the store. Then, in the market, prioritize your purchases by paying for the more essential items first and letting go of anything unnecessary once you have reached your budget. Indeed, do not deprive yourself of the food you need and/or want to buy! I am not encouraging any form of restrictive behavior. However, set a realistic budget and ask yourself the necessary questions before shopping for groceries. If you properly economize, you will save enough for your next trip, be it to nearby Italy or faraway Jordan. Tip #2 : Always opt for store-branded items. In Carrefour, look for the Carrefour logo; in U-Express, look for the letter U; either way, purchasing items branded by their respective stores rather than branded goods is a wiser choice. Not only are they much cheaper, but they also usually do not differ in quality. Tip #3 : Only go to Carrefour for corn and jam If on a regular afternoon, I spot you in Carrefour instead of U-Express, I will be very disappointed. Fruits, vegetables, yogurt, cheese, dairy-alternatives, raw goods, and any other product you can conceivably ingest is cheaper and of comparative quality at U-Express. However, one specific deal always found at Carrefour, but never at U-Express, is their package of three 285 grams cans of corn. If you are like me and pass through days of corn obsession wherein you decide to have corn for lunch, dinner, savory snack and dessert, then this information would undoubtedly be useful to you. Even if you purchase and consume corn within the realm of normal human consumption, then this could be of benefit to you as well. Another advantage of Carrefour is its fair selection of jam. Figuratively, you can pay between 1.12 and 1.75 euros for a jar of jam from either Carrefour or U-Express. However, the latter’s jar has 335 grams of jam, while the former has 370 grams. While that may seem like a minor difference, it is worth noting that Carrefour has much more ‘exotic’ jam flavors and a greater variety in comparison to U-Express. So, if you happen to want a jar of jam and you are already purchasing all your items at U-Express, then go ahead and buy one. But, if you are intentionally walking to the store for jam-stocking, then definitely enjoy a broader and cheaper selection from Carrefour. The last advantage of Carrefour is that it sometimes has unique deals, such as a bag of potatoes, a punnet of cherry tomatoes or 250 grams of mushrooms for one euro. However, aside from those specific deals, corn and jam, Carrefour is not the most financially-friendly grocery store. Tip #4 : Always U-Express U-Express is also more vegan-friendly! It has its own branded milks which include oat milk, almond milk, soy milk, among others, all of which are far cheaper than those offered in Carrefour since Carrefour only has ‘bio brands’ that are unnecessarily more expensive. Also, while both arguably have great deals for a large selection of canned goods, U-Express offers an even greater variety of canned food (for example, ‘Paëlla Royale’ and ‘Chili con carne’). The latter store equally has better deals for glass-canned goods. But, U-Express is not just better for canned food. Egg-lovers benefit too! U-Express has an exceptional deal that my roommates avail themselves of on a biweekly basis — a crate of 30 eggs for only 3.99 euros. Tip #5 : Shop on Thursday with the U-Express loyalty card U-Express and Carrefour have loyalty cards you can acquire at the cashier for free in a few minutes. However, the advantages of the U-Express card outweigh that of Carrefour’s. Other than the usual function of store loyalty cards, which allow customers to collect points, the U-Express membership grants you access to some offers and discounts that other customers are denied. Those are especially visible on Thursdays. In case you have not noticed yet, every Thursday, U-Express is abuzz with customers filling up their carts before their fellow card-holding counterparts purchase all the great deals. So, next time you want to go grocery shopping on a Wednesday afternoon, give it a few more hours and go to U-Express the day after. Tip #6 : Just walk to Aldi, man. Now that we have established that U-Express is objectively better than Carrefour in almost all ways, allow me to introduce you to the world of Aldi, Menton. Herbes de provence for 0,44 euros (unreal deal), an avocado for 0,99 euros, three frozen margarita pizzas for under three euros, one kilogram of bananas for 0,99 euros (1.65 euros everywhere else), two kilograms of pears for 2.99 euros, one kilogram of tomatoes for 1.69 euros, 500 grams of quick oats for 0.95 (exceptional deal), two 200 gram slabs of tofu for 2.59 euros … is this grocery store paradise? Indeed, it is. Aldi has far cheaper and better produce than the other stores. The price-quality ratio of fruits and vegetables in Aldi exceeds those of local markets, Carrefour, and U-Express. So, while Aldi (two branches in Menton, located in 80 Avenue des Alliés and 563 Avenue de Saint Romain, respectively) may be further away from some of you, it is certainly worth the extra walk, especially if you want to stock up on fruits, vegetables, spices, sauces, animal-based products, as well as vegan alternatives (which are, unfortunately, quite rare in other supermarkets in France). Make sure to check their catalogs online first for their weekly deals! If you still want to buy your groceries at Carrefour, go ahead. I personally love that store, especially for late-night snacks. But, keep in mind that with one shopping trip after the other, your credit card is being further exhausted, the numbers in your account are declining, and your leisure opportunities are diminishing. At the end of the day, however, your choices depend on your circumstances. For some of us, time is a more valuable resource than money. In that case, surely spend more money at your nearest store instead of taking the trek to Aldi. For others, life is an adventure; thus, taking the train to Ventimiglia to shop in Lidl seems like a great way to plan a simultaneous trip to Fujiyama for 15-euro open-sushi. Grocery shopping, just as cooking, is a subjective experience. It requires an open mind and an open heart. Thus, try different stores and look for what suits you best. For example, I have realized through exploring the local store directly next to Carrefour that I can quickly purchase 100 grams of almonds for 0.50 euros from a compassionate small family business. There’s a different sentiment that one gets from every purchase they make and from every provider they choose to patronize. Nonetheless, if you were looking for simple and effective ways to reduce your financial spending, I hope this article has supplied you with the resources to help you reach your goal!

This is a story of two desires. < Back Lost in Translation in the Mediterranean Sea By Gruffudd ab Owain April 30, 2024 This is a story of two desires. One is a desire to understand others, build bridges, find common ground, and find compatibility. This desire is often satisfied by translation, or at least a search for a word that is close to encapsulating the meaning hidden within the ink of its letters. Another is a desire to appreciate and celebrate difference, to celebrate the nuances, the peculiarities of language. This desire is satisfied conversely by the inability to translate; the search for words whose meaning cannot be encapsulated by means of a word or phrase in another language. I’ve often been confronted with the question: “Are there any words in Welsh that can’t be translated?” The default answer is always the most well-known, ‘hiraeth’. The ability to translate ‘hiraeth’ is debated; whether it may simply correlate to a sense of ‘yearning’ or ‘longing,’ or whether it’s a deeper feeling, or indeed a distinctly ‘Welsh’ feeling. The Mediterranean Sea is quite often described as a space for dialogue between cultures; a ‘crossroads’, a ‘hotbed’ of cultures. Its waves may be visualized in many ways, portraying both desires; flowing in a particular direction from east to west or vice versa, or indeed as a mélange of currents amalgamating into some sort of unity. Such is the joy of multilingualism, as I drop a French word naturally into an English sentence: the ability to appreciate not only a different means of communication but also a different means of thinking. I’m often struck by how a word may have a simple translation in another language, yet it won’t be used in the same way, in the same phrasing, or in the same context. For example, Duolingo may teach you that the French je vous en prie means ‘you’re welcome,’ yet it’s much closer in its root and use to the Italian prego . Evidently, translating meaning is enough of a challenge in itself, in this perhaps surface-level search for corresponding meanings. If we were to delve deeper by looking at the roots of words and phrases, would we get closer to a true understanding of meaning? Let’s take the example of the ummah, washing up on the shores of our campus in Menton. Returning home clad in our fresh ‘ummah Mentoniyya’ hoodies, my explanation of its meaning to inquisitive family and friends was ‘community’, the Menton campus community. Indeed, it is deemed plausible to encapsulate the general sense of ummah as community, as Abdullah al-Ahsan argues , for example: “The general sense of the term, ‘community’ is clear, and an association with the term umm, ‘mother; source,’ is plausible both linguistically and to native speakers of Arabic.” The author attests that this is sufficient evidence to support the hypothesis that the term is not a borrowing from another language. Asyiqin Ab Halim, meanwhile, prefers to translate ummah as ‘brotherhood,’ in discussing the relationship, or lack thereof, as disputed by scholars, with the term ‘asabiyyah’, which can also mean ‘anger’ in some dialects. The root here is again illuminating to comprehension of its true meaning. It is linguistically derived from ‘asab’, which is taken to mean ‘bind’. Not only have the waters of meaning flowed from Arabic to English and other languages with centers further west, but historically they have also flowed in the other direction, for example through the Arab scholars who traveled to France in the 19th century. One is immediately struck in ‘An Imam in Paris’ by Rifa’a Rafi‘ al-Tahtawi (at least, ironically, in Daniel L. Newman’s translation) by a similar search for corresponding meanings, particularly with regards to ‘Rights accorded to the French people.’ See below a few examples: “Article 1. All Frenchmen are equal before the law ( shari’a )” . The literal translation of shari’a is ‘way’ or ‘path’. It’s more recognized as the term for traditional Islam religious law based largely on the Qur'an, which has equality as an intrinsic principle. “ Article 18. The state executes laws only if they have been agreed by the majority ( jumhūr ) of both Chambers” . Jumhūr is derived from ‘crowd’ or ‘public’, but is largely agreed to also mean ‘majority’. “ Article 45. The Chamber is divided into small councils called bureaux ( al-b ūrū ), i.e. offices, whose members are entrusted with examining matters designated and submitted by the king ”. My first impression of this correlation was that they must share a common origin. Yet it seems not to be even a translation, rather a transliteration, transferring this foreign concept to Egypt by keeping its pronunciation as close as possible to the original French. These three examples clearly demonstrate the complexities of this search for correlating meanings. Sometimes, observing the etymology or literal meaning of a word fails to encapsulate its use in context. Other times, it is foreign influence that creates a necessity for a new word. In both instances, translation alone seems insufficient for a full comprehension of meaning. The conclusion I gathered from this very brief venture into the complexities of translation across the Mediterranean Sea is that context is everything. Now, when I come to think about it, this becomes evident frequently in conversation. When someone asks for a translation of a word, and fails at the first attempt to find one, the next port of call is: “Put it in a sentence for me.” More often than not, it becomes much easier to find a corresponding meaning when weaved into a wider context. The Mediterranean may appear as one sea on a map, yet, to quote Braudel: “there are ten, twenty or a hundred Mediterraneans.” With thanks to Dr Alaa Badr for her guidance.

< Back How Many Lives Will Be Lost Before the Ethiopian Government and the Oromo Liberation Army Settle a Peace Agreement? By Vanja Lerch Eriksson December 31, 2023 The conflicts in Ethiopia’s Oromiya region have been ongoing for decades, with several armed groups carrying out attacks towards the public and government authorities simultaneously. Only a few weeks ago, one of the more organised militia groups, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), sat down at the negotiation table with the Ethiopian government. The outcome was unfortunately as disappointing as many expected it to be. The OLA and Ethiopian government have not managed to reach a consensus, thus continuing to put thousands of civilians at risk every day. The OLA is an established militia – they have previously posed as the military wing of the once-banned political opposition group, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). The OLF fought for self-determination for the Oromo people for decades until 2018, when they reached an agreement with the Ethiopian government to lay down arms and reintegrate. However, as these negotiations later broke down in 2019, the OLA also broke ties with the OLF and continued to conduct armed operations under their own leadership. From this point, the Ethiopian federal and regional forces started a counterinsurgency towards the OLA, resulting in serious human rights abuses from both parties. Human Rights Watch has reported that the OLA has carried out killings of several government officials as well as attacked non-military government offices. However, the OLA does not contain their violence to the Ethiopian authorities but also targets the ethnic Amhara minority in the region. There have for decades been conflicts and disagreements in the region between the different ethnic groups living there, and the OLA has on several occasions specifically targeted the Amharan communities. Residents who survived the attacks by the OLA witnessed how the armed men surrounded entire villages and forced their inhabitants to gather in the town centre for mass executions. At the same time as the OLA carries out attacks on civilians, they are also having an armed conflict with the Ethiopian government in the Western parts of Oromiya. Though there are established government forces in the region, they usually take hours to respond to emergency calls from civilians being ambushed by the local militias. There have also been reports of arbitrary arrest and detention of Oromos, as well as summary executions by government authorities. The Ethiopian authorities have killed and injured hundreds of civilians over the last few years, using violence towards peaceful protestors and large gatherings of people which did not pose a security threat on several occasions. For example, this was the case as hundreds of people gathered to honor the killed Oromo singer, Hachalu, at his home in 2020. The gathered group did not carry weapons and did not behave violently, yet, the police and armed forces opened fire and shot several individuals. Thus, it is clear that the government authorities are also perpetrators of human rights abuses. In addition to the mentioned abuses, the Ethiopian security forces have instrumentalized the arrest of Oromos as a way of limiting the group's influence and their ability to exercise freedom of speech. Thousands of Oromos have over the last couple of years been arrested, and many are kept in prison for years without facing trial. The huge amount of arrests could seemingly also be a way of covering up the dozens of arrested opposition politicians. In addition, the Ethiopian government has failed tremendously in providing housing and support for the thousands of displaced people in the region, as many are fleeing more violent areas It is therefore clear that the civilians in the area are the ones suffering the most, as they are attacked both by militias such as the OLA and at times even government authorities. The thousands of people who have been killed so far do thus not make up too big of a cost for either party to yet consider a peace agreement. There are at the moment no further planned negotiations like the ones held in September, making the future unsure for the thousands of civilians living in limbo. At the moment, both parties refuse to acknowledge the other's demands and worries. The Ethiopian National Security Adviser, Redwan Hussein, said that the OLA currently had an obstructive approach and unrealistic demands after the September negotiations. In turn, the OLA accused the government of not dealing with the structural issues regarding the marginalisation of the Oromo people in Oromiya. Thus, the two parties are stuck in this stalemate until further ado, as something needs to change before any party would consider a different path. Organisations like the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), also called the East African Trade Block, have however made efforts to support future negotiations. At the moment there are no signs that their effort is paying off, as both parties continue to engage in violence, both towards each other and the already suffering Ethiopian population.

< Back Supreme Court Spot Opens: Is Progress Possible on America’s Most Influential Bench? By Luca Utterwulghe March 31, 2022 “Founding Father” Alexander Hamilton explains in his Federalist no. 78 that the judiciary is by constitution the weakest of the three branches in the American governmental system. The judicial branch lacks the “sword” of the executive branch and the “purse” of the legislature. Nonetheless, according to Hamilton’s conceptualization, the judiciary normatively plays a crucial role in maintaining the integrity of the Constitution and the superiority of the people. The doctrinal foundations of the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) (and other local/state courts) are today threatened by the politicization of judicial processes and the underrepresentation of certain populations. The SCOTUS’s precarious situation is why we must pay particular attention to the open seat on the bench in light of Justice Stephen Breyer’s recent retirement announcement . Breyer’s exit signals an important choice for President Joe Biden, who has already committed to nominating the first Black woman to the Court. There are currently only two Justices of color on the bench, only one of whom is Black. Moreover, there are only three women (out of nine Justices). Of the candidates Biden is considering, Ketanji Brown Jackson, Leondra Kruger, and Michelle Childs are the most prominent choices; each currently serves on an appellate or state supreme court. The nominated candidate “would be only the eighth person in the court’s 233 year history who was not a white man,” as mentioned in a Washington Post article . While Biden’s intention to nominate one of 10 Black women candidates is a strong step forward for the diversification of the Court, the bench is far from a mirror image of American ethnic and gender demography. Ellie Carter, an American Sciences Po 1A, highlighted that “significant disparities still exist in terms of race, sexual orientation, financial status, and even geographic location, with most justices throughout history being almost exclusively straight, white, wealthy Protestant men from the Northeast who graduated from an Ivy [League Institution].” Further, Carter argued that a critical element in the discussion on racial, ethnic, religious, and geographic discrepancies on SCOTUS is “the high cost of education” in the U.S., especially for law school, for which “average annual tuition and fees… is usually around $50k for three years.” Carter touches on the opportunity cost of pursuing a law degree considering that one “could have otherwise gone straight into a full time job,” especially if burdened by “loans from an undergraduate degree.” An NPR article discusses the barriers to entry to the professional law sphere in noting that “many first generation college grads applying to law school don’t know the ins and outs of the application process” and lack “personal connections” who can help them navigate the system. Carter does not “think it’s a stretch to say that making education more affordable could eventually make these types of [judicial] positions more accessible.” In another sense, Biden’s pick will have significant implications for the Court’s future decisions on major questions relating to the American Constitution. Biden has expressed his desire to select a nominee who values the existence of “unenumerated rights in the Constitution” and thus rejects a textualist approach to jurisprudence. According to NPR analysts , Biden’s pick will likely have little influence on “the ideological tilt of the court,” meaning that the confirmation process in the Senate may be less politically aggressive. Carter noted that “the fact that Biden’s nominee will need to be moderate enough to garner enough support to be confirmed by a pretty divided Senate means that, hopefully, [there] could be a positive outcome.” Celeste Abourjeili, a Lebanese-American 2A at Sciences Po, is slightly less hopeful: “The fact that we are even looking at the political affiliation of candidates and existing justices is already an indication that the neutrality of the court has been compromised.” The overarching issue, however, seems to be that there is a tendency for Justices to make decisions that, as Carter explains, are not “grounded in constitutional reasoning” and are instead based along “ideological lines.” It would be easy to conclude that Hamilton’s conceptualization of the judiciary was overly idealistic and naive to suggest that undoing two centuries of underrepresentation will be a smooth feat. It will take significant effort from all actors in the American political system to ensure that relying on reason, as opposed to partisan lines, remains the core of our judicial regime.

< Back Choose Your Fighter: Dual Degree Edition Pracheth Sanka “Are you in a dual?” are words any Sciences Piste is sure to encounter, filling the air during Integration Week activities or while at any inter-campus interaction. They are, of course, referring to one of the staples of Sciences Po’s undergraduate course: the dual degree programs. Partnered with nine of the most prestigious universities in the world, both secondary school applicants and second-year students can try their hand at admission into these rigorous courses of study. The dual degrees entail spending two years at a Sciences Po campus and continuing for two more at a partner university, concluding undergraduate studies with the conferring of two Bachelor’s degrees. Often, that question, especially at the English-speaking campuses, is followed by “Which one? Columbia or Berkeley?” as if they are the only two options. But it seems in many ways that they are. Columbia is by far the biggest dual degree cohort represented at Sciences Po, in large part due to being the oldest of the nine. Berkeley has large name recognition among students and has a strong presence at Reims, Menton, and Le Havre. Both are powerhouses at Sciences Po and for good reason. Columbia’s Ivy League status makes it a coveted place for students to break into politics and finance, and its strong Core Curriculum is both a complement and supplement to Sciences Po’s interdisciplinary focus on the humanities. Likewise, Berkeley is the flagship of the University of California system, and its prestigious undergraduate program is a prime location for those looking to work in the American West, where it sends more aspiring workers to Silicon Valley than any other school in the nation. If you can bear the cost (not speaking to you, in-state Californians), both duals offer an amazing educational experience that top students around the world long f or. Though they are both great, one has to be better, right? Is being a Lion superior to being a Golden Bear? Are the views of the Bay more attractive than the sights of the Big Apple? Let’s start with the important stuff: the lifestyle. Berkeley, with a thousand-acre campus situated in sunny Northern California, can satisfy those who wish to get the best out of the typical American university experience. With over 30,000 enrolled in one of the nation’s top public universities, the calm life of the college town still has much to offer, with Pac-12 athletics and strong student traditions that are sure to excite anyone. If you get bored of the college-town life, San Franciso is less than an hour away by train, making it a popular weekend destination for students. While Columbia is not necessarily known for its school spirit, the 10,000- strong undergraduate population lives in New York, having the world’s most important city as its extended campus. When finding any break during their busy studies, students can explore each and every corner of Manhattan by way of the Metro or perhaps by cutting through Central Park. But be careful! While the streets of Menton may have prepared you, you don’t want to end up as one of the crime alerts that crowd LionMail! It’s not like Berkeley is much better—with crime considerations of its own—but either way, you should be fine, as no criminal could compare to the gun-wielding guys of Rue Longue. Academics—while undoubtedly always a secondary factor in searching for higher education—can still be somewhat important when it comes to your choice of dual. Though in some lists, Berkeley edges out Columbia in terms of institutional ranking, both schools stay firmly in the upper echelon of global academics. Columbia has had a strong top-ten presence in U.S. academic rankings for years, and Berkeley’s position has been growing fast compared to its elite private school competition. Relatively, Berkeley has strength in STEM-based subjects, while Columbia holds the upper hand in most humanities and social sciences. Both schools hold top-ten programs in economics and political science, two of the majors of choice for many dual degrees. In any case, you won’t go wrong, and academic fit rather than ranking will be more important. Do you favor Berkeley’s large campus size and typically larger class sizes? Or would you rather fit into Columbia’s liberal arts framework, with a strong focus on the humanities and where three-fourths of your classes may be smaller than 25 students? For some Science Pistes, their choices were easy decisions, and for others, weighing the two options of application took much deliberation. Pedro Meerbaum, a second-year student who applied through the third-year process, was captivated by the program during his first year at Sciences Po. “I had many people in my close circle who were in the dual so I inevitably looked into it, and the details and structure of the course aligned with my personal and professional goals,” he says. These goals, as he further explained, were not as present in just a Bachelor’s at Sciences Po, prompting him to apply when he got the chance. Meerbaum also appreciates Columbia’s smaller feel and support systems, saying “Columbia might be better prepared to take on students, us being at GS means that we have a whole administrative body that is dedicated to accommodating us properly.” GS refers to the School of General Studies, the undergraduate college that dual degrees are a part of during their time at Columbia. It hosts a range of students, from professional dancers and actors to military veterans, and even those who took gap years or deviated from the traditional four-year pathway; this diversity was another draw for Meerbaum. While he does appreciate Berkeley as an institution, he says, “The dual people are thrown into a huge student body, and I doubt there is the same support system as in Columbia or even the same amount of dual degree people in the same situation.” His plans to major in Comparative Literature on a pathway to the Graduate School of Journalism further attracted him, both of which Columbia excels at due to their strong humanities focus. For 1A Mia Rivas, applying to the dual program with Berkeley was a difficult choice, but she ultimately believed it would expand her horizons while also granting her an American degree. She also reaps the benefits of being an in-state California student, meaning she pays much less tuition than had she been an international or out-of-state applicant. Berkeley, as part of the University of California system, is a public school, meaning that it is operated and partly funded by the state. Since her family already pays the state taxes, the school subsidizes tuition for her and other California residents. Out-of-state students are typically not entitled to these benefits and pay much higher tuition fees, akin to Columbia’s steep private school tuition. While Rivas admits Columbia’s prestige was tempting, she believes that Berkeley was an overall better fit. “There’s obviously a certain vibe associated with Berkeley, and I do like it, but I was more drawn to the opportunity of finding groups with my vibe, one [group] I like ‘cause how could you not at such a big school?” For Rivas, the vast number of people draws her in, but so does the vast choice of majors. With Sciences Po’s clear lack of science-based courses, Berkeley’s program in cognitive science was a deciding factor for her. While I, as an American citizen, regret not applying to the Berkeley program in addition to Columbia, I firmly believe that the latter is a stronger choice, especially for international students, and I feel I made the right decision. While it is no Harvard, Columbia definitely has more European recognition, and its established support system and vast dual-degree alumni network make it more appealing. For internationals, these benefits seem to outweigh the cost, especially if you are paying the same price for Berkeley for less added value. But part of me feels like I am missing out on the typical American experience that Columbia so clearly lacks, and Berkeley’s stronger science program allows for more academic freedom during your two years there. Though I am inclined to Columbia, Berkeley still stands as a strong option, especially if you feel it is a better personal fit. In whichever path you choose, you will join the elite few who have had the opportunity to meaningfully study at two well-renowned universities for your undergraduate studies, and no choice can be the wrong one. Photo source: Menton Times designed Previous Next

Bien que l’élection présidentielle de 2027 soit encore lointaine, Gabriel Attal semble actuellement bien placé dans la course à la succession d’Emmanuel Macron. < Back Gabriel Attal ou l’art de la communication By Jonathan Smidtas Schalita À seulement 34 ans, Gabriel Attal est le plus jeune chef de gouvernement de la Ve République. Encore inconnu du grand public il y a peu, il a réussi en seulement quelques mois à s’affirmer comme une figure centrale de la vie politique française. Depuis sa prise de fonction le 20 juillet au ministère de l’éducation, sa capacité à réagir de manière proactive à l'actualité et à transformer les défis en opportunités a rapidement attiré l'attention. Son premier fait d’arme ne se fait pas attendre. À la veille de la rentrée scolaire, la polémique enfle sur le port de l’abaya à l’école. Dès son arrivée en poste, Attal marque sa présence en se présentant comme le défenseur de la laïcité et déclare qu’ « on ne pourra plus porter d'abaya à l'école .» Alors que la controverse sur l’abaya s’apaise, le pays est bouleversé par le suicide, le 5 septembre, d’un adolescent harcelé de 15 ans. Tandis que la presse soulève les failles de l’administration, Attal annonce un plan anti-harcèlement à l’école incluant la création de cours d’empathie et d’une cellule dédiée au harcèlement dans chaque rectorat. Le mois suivant, la question du mal-être à l’école disparaît des médias tandis que les attaques terroristes du Hamas contre Israël le 7 octobre rappellent au monde le danger jihadiste. La France est attaquée le 13 octobre par un terroriste islamiste qui assassine dans une école Dominique Bernard qui tentait de protéger ses élèves. Alors qu’un hommage est prévu dans chaque classe, Attal exprime une fermeté notable et annonce l'exclusion des élèves perturbant l'hommage au professeur. En outre, l’image de réformateur d’Attal est renforcée lorsqu’il déclare en novembre qu’« il faut revoir le tabou du redoublement » , quelques semaines avant la parution du classement PISA qui évalue les performances scolaires des élèves de 15 ans des pays de l’OCDE. Le 5 décembre, le classement PISA révèle une baisse significative du niveau des élèves français, particulièrement en mathématiques et en français. Sans attendre, le ministre de l'Éducation nationale tient le jour même une conférence de presse pour présenter une série de mesures visant à rehausser le niveau des élèves. Parmi celles-ci figurent la création de classes de niveau, le retour du redoublement sur décision des professeurs ou encore l'exigence d'obtenir le brevet pour accéder au lycée. Sa stratégie, consistant à occuper l'espace médiatique et à multiplier les annonces, s’est avérée d'une grande efficacité. Le baromètre politique Ipsos-Le Point le crédite en décembre de 40% d'opinions favorables, le plaçant ainsi en tête des personnalités politiques préférées des Français, devant Édouard Philippe (39%) et Marine Le Pen (37%). Le 8 janvier, le président Macron nomme son ministre de l’Éducation nationale Premier ministre. Il explique son choix à des proches en mettant en avant sa popularité, sa jeunesse et ses aptitudes pour conduire la bataille des élections européennes, selon des propos rapportés par le journal satirique Le Canard enchaîné. Bien que l’élection présidentielle de 2027 soit encore lointaine, Gabriel Attal semble actuellement bien placé dans la course à la succession d’Emmanuel Macron. S’il reste Premier ministre jusqu’à la fin du quinquennat, il lui reste trois années pour obtenir des résultats et relever le pays. Le défi est cependant de taille dans un contexte économique dégradé et en l’absence d’une majorité nette à l’Assemblée Nationale pour voter ses futures lois.

‘’Existing means "being able to choose"; indeed, to be a possibility. But this does not constitute man's wealth, but rather his misery.’’  < Back Navigating the Paradox: Kierkegaard's Philosophy of Choice in an Age of Wellbeing Anxiety By Francesca Di Muro November 30, 2023 ‘’Existing means "being able to choose"; indeed, to be a possibility. But this does not constitute man's wealth, but rather his misery. His freedom of choice does not represent his greatness, but his permanent drama. In fact, he is always faced with the alternative of a "possibility that yes" and a "possibility that no" without possessing any criteria for choice. And he gropes in the dark, in an unstable position, in permanent indecision, without being able to orient his life, intentionally, in one direction or another.’’ Søren Kierkegaard, a 19th-century Danish philosopher, delved deeply into the human experience, particularly the complexities of choice and decision-making. His exploration of existential themes, such as the nature of individuality and the anxiety inherent in freedom resonates strongly in today's society. This article will examine Kierkegaard's theme of choice and its relevance in contemporary times, with a focus on the "fear of best option" and the challenges posed by the abundance of choices, well-being, and privilege. Kierkegaard's philosophy emphasizes the paradox of human freedom – the simultaneous burden and blessing of having the power to choose. In a world where choices abound, individuals often find themselves paralyzed by the fear of making the wrong decision. His notion of choosing in life extends beyond the conventional understanding of decision-making as a mere selection of positive alternatives. He introduces the concept that every authentic choice involves not only saying 'yes' to a particular option but simultaneously saying 'no' to other possibilities. This dual nature of choice emphasizes the inherent exclusivity and commitment that accompanies genuine decision-making. In choosing one path, individuals inevitably reject alternative avenues, and Kierkegaard argues that this negation is an integral aspect of the human experience. By acknowledging the necessity of both affirmation and negation in the act of choosing, Kierkegaard introduces a nuanced understanding of decision-making that encapsulates the complexities and sacrifices inherent in the pursuit of a chosen path. For Kierkegaard, the tension between 'yes' and 'no' in choosing is not a source of despair but an opportunity for authentic self-expression. Choosing involves taking a stance, making commitments, and embracing the responsibility that comes with saying 'yes' to a particular way of life. Simultaneously, the act of saying 'no' reflects an individual's willingness to forego other possibilities and accept the limitations that define their chosen path. Kierkegaard's philosophy encourages individuals to recognize the dialectical relationship between affirmation and negation in the process of choosing, fostering a deeper understanding of the profound impact that decisions have on the unfolding narrative of one's existence. In the 21st century, technological advancements and socio-economic progress have exponentially increased the number of choices available to individuals. From career paths to relationships, and even trivial daily decisions, the fear of making the wrong choice can be overwhelming. This fear is further compounded by societal expectations and the constant comparison facilitated by social media, contributing to decision paralysis. Kierkegaard's insights into choice gain additional relevance when considering the role of privilege and well-being in decision-making. In societies where individuals are blessed with numerous opportunities and resources, the fear of squandering these privileges can be paralyzing. The weight of responsibility in making choices that align with one's well-being and privilege adds an extra layer of complexity to the decision-making processes. In a society where choices proliferate and opportunities abound, those endowed with privilege often confront a unique set of dilemmas. The fear of the best option, as conceptualized by Kierkegaard, becomes particularly pronounced for these individuals. The weight of societal expectations, coupled with the fear of squandering their advantages, can render these individuals incapable of taking decisive action. This paradoxical situation leaves them in a state of indecision, as the fear of making the wrong choice hinders their ability to engage authentically with the possibilities before them. In the realm of privilege, Kierkegaard's philosophy reveals a profound irony. While possessing the resources and opportunities to shape their lives in ways that many others might envy, these individuals find themselves ensnared by the fear that the best option might elude them. The privilege that ostensibly offers freedom becomes a double-edged sword, amplifying the anxiety associated with decision-making. This paradoxical struggle to choose is symptomatic of a broader societal issue where the abundance of choices, combined with the pressure to make optimal decisions, results in a form of decision paralysis. Kierkegaard's insights thus serve as a poignant reflection on the challenges faced by those who, despite their privileged positions, find themselves incapacitated by the very abundance of options that their status affords. "When you choose one way out of many, all the ways you don't take are snuffed out like candles, as if they'd never existed. At the moment of choice, each one of them is the one and only way of salvation. Then, as soon as you've chosen, the doors of all the other ways close on you. They were and remain nothing. But this one way is more than enough. It goes on infinitely. Along its path, the way you chose and the one you didn't will merge. Or not. Because each way is unique, and every difference is different." Kierkegaard's philosophy encourages individuals to confront the anxiety of choice head-on, advocating for authentic, subjective engagement with one's existence. In a society that often values external success metrics, Kierkegaard's emphasis on individuality and authenticity provides a counterpoint, urging individuals to look inward and prioritize personal values over societal expectations. To navigate the fear of the best option, Kierkegaard suggests embracing the reality of human existence, which includes the inevitability of making mistakes. Acceptance of this inherent imperfection liberates individuals from the paralyzing fear of making the wrong choice. Kierkegaard's philosophy invites a shift in perspective, encouraging individuals to view choices not as burdens but as opportunities for personal growth and self-discovery. Søren Kierkegaard's exploration of choice, the fear of the best option, and the challenges posed by well-being and privilege resonate deeply in today's society. As we navigate an era of unprecedented choices and opportunities, Kierkegaard's philosophy serves as a valuable guide, urging individuals to confront the anxiety of choice with authenticity and self-reflection. By embracing the imperfections inherent in the human experience, we can move beyond the fear of making the wrong decision and forge paths that align with our true selves.

< Back ‘Will this recognition bring back my family?’ Raamin Hamid October 21, 2025 On Sept. 22, French President Emmanuel Macron declared at the United Nations (U.N.) General Assembly in New York that France recognizes the State of Palestine. This declaration is among statements from other European leaders who have also recognized Palestine as a state. This announcement followed the United Kingdom (U.K.), Canada, Australia and Portugal. The State of Palestine is now recognized as a sovereign nation by 157 UN member states — 81% of all members. At the UN General Assembly, Macron said, “The time has come to stop the war, the bombings of Gaza, the massacres and the displacement.” The recognition of the State of Palestine by France is not a sudden decision, influenced by other nations; rather, it is one that the state has been working towards since July. On July 24, Jean-Noël Barrot, the Minister of Europe and Foreign Affairs delivered a speech during the plenary session of the High-Level International Conference on the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution, addressing why it is important for Palestine to be an independent state. “Recognizing a state of Palestine today means standing with the Palestinians who have chosen non-violence, who have renounced terrorism and are prepared to recognize Israel. It means creating the possibility of an alternative for the Palestinians. It means categorically rejecting and permanently isolating Hamas,” said Barrot. Quoting Emmanuel Macron, Barrot said, “France is prepared to fully recognize the State of Palestine, and will do so in September.” In the speech, Barrot stated that France has stood with Israel, believing in the right of its people to self-determination. He also said that France maintains the same belief for the Palestinian people, stating, “That is why France believes that the only alternative to the infinite cycle of violence in the prospect of these two peoples [is] having two states, living side by side in peace and security.” As part of the 1948 Partition Plan , Palestine was not declared a state because the “Arab side” opposed the plan and objected to the creation of Israel. The Palestinian Arabs refused to recognize Israel as they believed that the creation of the state was unfair to the Arab population and favorable towards Jewish people. In Barrot’s speech, he encouraged the Palestinian people to recognize the state of Israel and for both nations to respect each other’s rights. The speech was immediately condemned by Israel and rejected by the United States. This response is unsurprising, given that the administration under Donald Trump has been the most hostile in the history of the U.S. towards the demands of Palestinians. Since the speech in July, the relations between Israel and France have deteriorated , and Benjamin Netanyahu, the Prime Minister of Israel, accused Macron of contributing to the increase of antisemitism around the globe. Last month, the announcements of recognition by Canada, Australia, the UK and Portugal were met with criticism across Israel’s political spectrum, and Netanyahu vowed to retaliate. “I have a clear message to those leaders who are recognizing a Palestinian state after the horrendous October 7 massacre: You are rewarding terror with an enormous prize. I have another message for you: It’s not going to happen. There will be no Palestinian state to the west of the Jordan River,” said Netanyahu in a video released on Sept. 21. The recognition of the State of Palestine has come after two years of war, which began after Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7, 2023. In the view of the Palestinian people, the recognition of the State of Palestine by France and other European countries has come too late and seems pointless, especially considering that the UN Human Rights Council commission maintains Israel is committing a genocide in Gaza since September. “While Palestinians welcomed the recognition of their state by a slate of European countries, others are angry at what they see as the international community’s complicit or passive stance toward Israel,” said Gilles Paris, a columnist and former correspondent in Jerusalem and Washington for Le Monde . In an interview with Le Monde , Dr. Hani Badrane, a Palestinian cardiologist who lost all of his children and most of his extended family before being driven out of Northern Gaza City, said that the recognition “will do nothing for me.” “You, France, you, the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia, you’ve been silent for two years, you didn’t say a word, you did nothing. What does recognizing a Palestinian state mean? And what will I gain from it as a citizen? Will this recognition bring back my family? My job? My name and the scientific standing I had before the war,” said Badrane. The sentiments from both Israelis and Palestinians are polarizing. While some Palestinians celebrate, others are critical and even cautious of this decision. The negotiation and the logistics of the implementation of the State of Palestine are yet to be established. On Thursday Oct. 9, France hosted foreign ministers from Arab and European countries to talk about the future of Palestine and how to help the Palestinian people. Top diplomats from the five key Arab states were present: Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Present European countries included Italy, France, Germany, Spain and the U.K. At the U.N., Macron said that he would make the release of hostages by Hamas a precondition for opening a French embassy to the Palestinian State. France’s recognition of the State of Palestine points to the growing support for a two-state solution. By joining other countries like Canada and the U.K., France opposes the U.S. and Israeli stance on the conflict. Photo Source: Jacques Paquier, Flickr

En ayant tout ce passé pour nous prévenir, comment n'avons nous pas vu Musk venir? Certains disaient encore en 2022 que son rachat de Twitter n'était ni grave ni dangereux! Comment laissons-nous faire ses rachats progressifs et la transformation de de chaînes d'information en usines d’opinions essentiellement d'extrême droite? Est-ce que les magnats des médias d’aujourd’hui sont destinés à choisir—ou du moins influencer—les dirigeants de demain? < Back Les Milliardaires, La Politique et Les Médias Anonymous January 31, 2025 En suivant l’actualité, beaucoup d’entre nous observons la montée en puissance d’Elon Musk avec effroi, entrevoyant déjà un monde où sa plateforme X et son pouvoir du haut de ses centaines de milliards de dollars influencent les élections—non seulement aux Etats Unis, avec son soutien affiché à Donald Trump, mais à travers le monde. En effet, en Allemagne il clame haut et fort son appui à l'AfD; aux Royaume Uni il soutient le parti d'extrême droite Reform UK; à travers l'Europe il affiche une sympathie claire pour les partis populistes. Dans ce contexte, il semble donc important de nous remémorer la réalité historique des magnats des médias sous la forme notamment de deux exemples très différents: Randolph Hearst et Alfred Hugenberg. Dans un deuxième temps, il est aussi important de constater les risques que représentent des monopoles médiatiques privés ici en France, spécifiquement ceux qui tournent le dos à la liberté de la presse dès qu’il s'agit de respecter sa pluralité. Je ne vous apprendrais rien en vous parlant de Musk ou de Murdoch, car leurs noms sont omniprésents, mais connaissez-vous William Randolph Hearst? Ce Millionnaire qui a inspiré le personnage de Citizen Kane est en effet l’un des premiers magnats de la presse, ayant assis son emprise sur la fin du 19e et le début du 20e siècle américain. Cet homme a fini par posséder une trentaine de journaux à travers les Etats Unis dont certains des plus importants de l'époque, notamment The Examiner en Californie et The Journal à New York. Il a largement utilisé ces journaux pour promouvoir des idées xénophobes, et est tenu en partie responsable de l'intervention américaine à Cuba par ses efforts en ce sens dans ses publications. Je voudrais ici faire un parallèle avec l’implication d’Elon Musk dans la guerre en Ukraine que ce soit par le rôle critique que joue Starlink , tel qu’on a pu le constater quand il a retiré son soutien à une opération ukrainienne en 2022, ou par sa communication avec les dirigeants Russe et Ukrainien. Hearst a aussi grandement soutenu la candidature de Roosevelt et s’est lui-même investi en politique en tant que représentant puis en tant que candidat à l'investiture démocrate. On remarque ici de clairs parallèles avec les pires prévisions des risques du pouvoir des géants des médias aujourd’hui. En effet, Hearst est reconnu comme l’un des pionniers de la presse à scandale, et surtout du fake news, qu’il a manipulé au long de sa vie pour promouvoir un point de vu xénophobe et interventionniste. Les risques que comportent de telles techniques aujourd’hui sont décuplés à travers des réseaux comme X et ceux de Meta qui peuvent atteindre le monde entier. C'est pourquoi la fin du fact checking de Meta est si grave dans un contexte où nombreux sont les pays « très vulnérables à la désinformation, qui engendre de l’instabilité politique, des ingérences dans les élections, de la violence de masse et même des génocides » selon l’International Fact-Checking Network . Développons donc cette idée de l’impact du soutien médiatique à des candidats extrêmes. Ce qui est peut être le plus effrayant pour bon nombre d’entre nous au sujet de Musk, c’est son ambition de pousser des idées et des candidats d'extrême droite et, au risque de vous sembler pessimiste, il semble important de souligner un parallèle historique qui résonne avec ces peurs. Alfred Hugenberg, grand homme d'affaires Allemand propriétaire de journaux et chef du Parti populaire national allemand a pour un temps prêté main forte à Hitler, au point d'être dans son premier cabinet. Bien que n'étant en rien le seul responsable de la réussite du parti NSDAP, le soutien de l’empire économique et médiatique de Hugenberg a certainement joué un rôle. Il était non seulement un grand propriétaire de média, mais il avait aussi un studio de cinéma et une agence de presse. Son soutien à Hitler n'était pas désintéressé, ayant espéré jusqu'au dernier moment pouvoir se servir d’Hitler. Mais en fin de compte, ce que l’histoire doit retenir de lui c’est qu’il a mis sa fortune et sa notoriété au service d’un politicien d'extrême droite qui est devenu l’un des pires dictateurs. Nous pouvons malheureusement aujourd’hui tracer un fort parallèle avec les 260 millions de dollars et la puissance médiatique que Musk a mis au profit de la campagne de Donald Trump, mais aussi à son ambition politique en tant qu'allié de Trump et membre de son nouveau gouvernement. Ces magnats ne sont pas que des stars internationales de la propagande politique. E n effet, nous avons nos magnats home grown . Les médias français sont largement détenus par quelques milliardaires , notamment Rodolphe Saadé, Bernard Arnault, Xavier Niel et Vincent Bolloré. Ce dernier va nous intéresser tout particulièrement, car son empire médiatique, qui comprend notamment Canal+, CNews, Europe 1 et le JDD a une tendance très notoire à imposer une ligne éditoriale très à droite. Les critiques de son empire médiatique sont multiples. Il s'agit d’une part d’une fragilisation de l'indépendance des médias dans lesquels il investit, faisant ce que certains appellent un ‘nettoyage’ au moment du rachat pour ne garder que ceux qui soutiennent sa vision. En effet, dans le plus récent de ces rachats, celui du JDD en 2023, un agenda politique transparaît à travers le choix de Geoffroy Lejeune en tant que nouveau rédacteur en chef, juste après que le magazine très à droite Valeurs Actuelles le licencie car trop extrême. D’autre part, Bolloré est reconnu comme le plus redoutable magnat français car il s’attaque aussi aux individus et aux organisations qui s’opposent à lui, les traînant en justice et les menaçant selon un reportage mené par RSF System B , qui explore largement les méfaits de l’empire Bolloré. En 2019, ses tentatives pour empêcher la sortie du livre « Vincent tout-puissant » lui ont même valu une condamnatio n pour « procédure abusive ». Il apparaît donc raisonnable de s'alarmer de la situation en France quand nous voyons tous ces fâcheux parallèles plus ou moins lointains. Je voudrais donc finir sur une note non pas conclusive mais plutôt interrogative. En ayant tout ce passé pour nous prévenir, comment n'avons nous pas vu Musk venir? Certains disaient encore en 2022 que son rachat de Twitter n'était ni grave ni dangereux! Comment laissons-nous faire ses rachats progressifs et la transformation de de chaînes d'information en usines d’opinions essentiellement d'extrême droite? Est-ce que les magnats des médias d’aujourd’hui sont destinés à choisir—ou du moins influencer—les dirigeants de demain? Photo credits: DonkeyHotey on Flickr

Facing the familiar blue light of my computer screen—SkyScanner displayed in my Chrome browser and the threat of several four hour final exams looming over my head—I booked a flight to Paris. < Back Another American in Paris By Maia Zasler December 31, 2023 Facing the familiar blue light of my computer screen—SkyScanner displayed in my Chrome browser and the threat of several four hour final exams looming over my head—I booked a flight to Paris. Apart from the excitement of anticipating a change of scenery in this beautiful, historic destination, I embraced the vision of feeling like a native as I would wrap my wool scarf around me and sip coffee in a Parisian cafe far from the tourist sites. Alas, that dream has long since vanished. As much as I have immersed myself in the French language and culture since arriving in Menton last August, my experience in Paris remained internally a French Sciences Po Menton student, yet externally… sigh …just a girl almost always put in her place as yet another “American in Paris.” This trip in December 2023 marks my third visit to the Île de la Cité . At this point, I feel fairly proficient in the “Parisian way.” I am not deterred when, following a brief exchange of “bonjour(s),” I am answered in English (and met with the occasional pitying, pedantic smile). I persist; I insist on responding in French. I know that athleisure is an absolute no-go (I apologize for even including the word in this article), and that a sturdy umbrella is a must (if it's black, you get bonus points). I will not attempt to go to any museum past 3pm (15h, if you will) lest I have some sort of odd proclivity towards waiting in an infinitely long line that particular day. I could deliver a dissertation on the distinction between a “pain-au-chocolat” and a “chocolatine,” and I know to never order an iced coffee. Yet, my knowledge might as well be utterly useless. To an extent, I understand. American tourists don’t exactly have a great reputation, and perhaps that is rightfully so. France, being the world’s most visited country, definitely has some real, negative experiences to draw from. I will not contest any evidence put forth… but I will say, when I was walking in the 8eme arrondissement—in a long black coat, dark jeans, boots, and a maroon sweater, mind you—and a French man bumped into me and said “excuse me,” I was absolutely demoralized. How did he know?? How do they know??? I don’t get it. Does my American-ness radiate from the back of my head? “Pardon” is so much more fun to say, anyways. It rolls off the tongue much quicker than the clunky “excuse me.” This extra effort and somehow psychic knowledge leaves me gobsmacked. Even the Paris weather seems to go above and beyond to make it clear that I am not completely welcome. The crisp cold and incessant rain are the least of it; strong winds that render my feeble umbrella pointless by ultimately inverting it and snapping the little metal legs leave me susceptible to further frigid unpleasantness. With external elements like this, I can comprehend the desire to make Mondays slightly more bearable by shutting down ostensibly every store. I can also better wrap my head around the Parisian tendency to speak in the negative—when your jeans are wet and stick to the crevices in your legs with an anxious attachment style, one becomes much less optimistic or loquacious. On the rare occasion that I am able to blend in—and I’m not violently shaking my umbrella to get it to right itself—I truly enjoy observing the interactions between the French / Parisians and the many tourists. But, more often, I am—or am adjacent to—the source of fascination in such interactions. For example, during our first dinner together in the lovely Marais district, my roommate, Marly Fisher, got her finger stuck in the loop of her hot chocolate mug handle. How she managed to squeeze her finger through the loop in the first place, I do not know. The issue was, she could not get it back out. As tears gathered in the corners of her eyes—fueled by intense laughter and mixed with profound panic—I could not help but burst out laughing, too, at her repeatedly failed retractions. I attempted to pull the mug off her finger (which was gradually swelling), but to no avail. This, one can imagine, was quite the scene. Our little tug-of-war attracted quite a few looks and chilling, disapproving glares from the servers. I have no adequate defense. Side note: It may be a good thing, then, that water in restaurants is so difficult to come by. We, as Americans, would most likely topple the glass over. The smells of Paris tend to bring out the American in me as well. Now, I would not dare to claim this phenomenon endemic to Paris, but seriously…every time I walk past a metal sidewalk grate I am greeted with a whiff of a warm, pungent odor. I find myself dodging dog feces scattered on the sidewalks or praying I don’t spot a rat scurrying across the metro tunnels. Despite it all, I do truly enjoy Paris, and I love France. I would not have committed myself to studying here for at least two years if I did not. I feel fortified, and I will continue to brave the cobblestone and concrete streets, gradually improving my French thanks to the generous corrections natives kindly provide (without my asking!). While in Paris, I will own up to my identity as an “American tourist,” but, I’d prefer to publicly propagate “je suis étudiante à Sciences Po.”

Charlotte Well's work is undoubtedly one of the best releases of the last few years. It is an ode to memory, aging, and above all, an expression of grief. < Back Missing Figure: An Exploration of Aftersun (2022) By Pedro Meerbaum for Cinémentongraphe November 30, 2023 "I think it's nice that we share the same sky." On a 9-hour flight from Rio de Janeiro to Lisbon, my mom unexpectedly decided to watch the newly-released movie, Aftersun . The critically acclaimed A24 picture was one of my favorite movies of the year, which I had rewatched and analyzed thoroughly since its release. I sat in anticipation for her verdict, questioning if she would enjoy the movie's atypical format, or minimum-plot storytelling, let alone if she would cry as I had at the movie theater. She didn't. She only had one thing to say: "If they had made a movie about me and my dad it would have been just as, if not more, desolating." Her comment, albeit simple and short, lingered in my mind for the following 6 hours of the flight. Had my mom understood the picture better than I, seeing as me and my dad have always been close? Did she see herself in the figure of Sophie, a small girl looking back at the time spent with her absent father? Moreover, what was it about Charlotte Well's Oscar-nominated work that made it so relatable? The answer to those questions became clear as I leafed through old family albums: It lies within the universal attempt to reconstruct the puzzle of what, and why, something from our past is now missing in our lives. It lies within the missing figure. Aftersun follows Calum, played by Normal People actor Paul Mescal, and Sophie, played by the child actress Frankie Corio, as they spend a week of summer vacation in Turkey. Calum is a young single father, not older than 35, of Sophie, an 11-year-old who lives with her mom in Scotland. Set in the late 1990s, the week of vacation is often interrupted by short takes of the present, with a 30-year-old Sophie looking back at her vacation in the Mediterranean through tapes. She centers her reflections on Calum, who is often mistaken to be Sophie's brother and is struggling to embody the role of a father. In between swims and trips to tourist spots, Sophie films her dad with a little camera, the same one she would look back on 20 years later. Wells showcases the week of vacation in Turkey without utilising a traditional plot style, playing with mundane dialogues and a realistic story progression. The director herself said in a Vanity Fair interview that the movie "is not easy to describe, but powerful to behold." Through a format where nothing is revealed explicitly, the audience grasps from the get-go that this specific vacation was, the last time Sophie saw her dad. The movie begins with the sound of a camera whirring and beeping. An adjustment of zooms and focus that soon is complemented by a 90s style video recording of Calum folding clothes in the hotel room. The tape is filmed by Sophie, who comments on her recent birthday, and proceeds to ask her dad: "When you were 11 what did you think you would be doing now?" Sophie's camera whirs again and Calum, answerless, fades. The scene cuts and the movie properly begins. It is exposed, from the first scene, that there is a distance between the dad and the daughter, a feeling of nostalgia that is embedded in the faint background song and camera quality. The audience understands, then, that the movie is merely Sophie's memory. As she rewatches the tapes, and those are revealed to the viewer, the frustration of the daughter becomes clear: she desperately wants to peel the emotional layers of their last week together, looking through its content at the same age her father was when he left her. She is realizing things that her younger self would have never placed: she looks for signs of her dad's depression, indications that his well-being was in jeopardy; any warning that he would eventually fade from her life. It is hard to pinpoint within the narrative precisely what is a flashback, a dream, or simply an imagined piece that the narrator has tried to locate in the puzzle of her memory. Sophie sees a hurt father, a figure that spends half of the movie with an arm cast, and the other half with mysterious scars. When she asks him how he hurt his wrist, he replies "I didn't think it was broken." Co-Director Barry Jerkins (known for his work on Oscar-Winning Moonlight) comments that Wells, in Aftersun , is "wading through wells of quiet anguish." Calum's pain is not simply physical; he cries while taking off his plaster, but he does so with a wall dividing him and Sophie; he shows no perspective for the future, in fact, he claims to be surprised he made it to 30; he condemns smokers in front of his daughter, but quietly lights a cigarette in the room balcony as she sleeps. The nuance of his suffering, one that he so strongly tried to conceal from Sophie, becomes clear to her as time passes, and as she reaches the age of 30. There is no explanation for Calum's whereabouts – one could infer that he took his own life, or that he simply left Sophie's life without any explanation. All that is clear is that the girl tries to fill in the blanks not shown by the tapes. When her dad is not found in the room at night and appears in the morning with a huge scar, she imagines him going for a nocturnal swim. When she looks back at his lack of emotion during birthday celebrations on the trip, she pictures him sobbing alone in the hotel room. She produces a film of their vacation with tapes from her actual camera and tapes of what young Sophie jokingly calls "her little mind camera." The film reaches its climax not in any particular point of conflict, nor in any enthralling revelation. Rather it happens as Calum invites Sophie to dance to "Under Pressure" by David Bowie and Queen. As he awkwardly exhibits his dance moves, white lights flash to the sound of Bowie singing " this is our last dance ." Young Sophie dances with her dad, and as the flashes occur we see older Sophie screaming. It is not clear if she is screaming at her dad out of frustration, or at her younger self, who did not realize that was their last dance, their last moment of intimacy. In the last scene of the movie, Calum films Sophie as she enters the boarding area of the airport. He closes the camera and walks into an unknown door. The recording comes to an end. Charlotte Well's work is undoubtedly one of the best releases of the last few years. It is an ode to memory, aging, and above all, an expression of grief. It is through her mundane, but nonetheless anguished and nostalgic portrayal of the relationship between a father and a child that makes my mom, myself, and millions of other viewers consider this movie relatable. Her search for her dad through her memories is a natural reaction, a universal attempt to bring pieces together and seek solace in the unfathomable. As Sophie herself puts it, it is comforting to know "that even if we aren’t in the same place, we kind of are, you know? We’re, like, under the same sky."

Jean Cocteau est inextricable de l’héritage artistique de la Côte d’Azur. Après un brunch dans un des petits restaurants sur le bord de mer, la chapelle Saint-Pierre est un incontournable de toute visite à Villefranche-sur-mer. < Back La Chapelle Saint-Pierre: Un Chef d’Oeuvre à Villefranche-sur-Mer By Maria Azadian April 29, 2022 “Car il ne s'agit plus de créer une belle oeuvre, mais de créer la plus belle des œvres et que sa puissance secrète rayonne avec une douceur pareille aux rages dévastatrices d'un explosif (...) Toutes les courbes doivent être des arcs qui tirent directement leurs flèches dans le cœur." -Jean Cocteau Tout a commencé quand une enseignante d’arts de mon école s’est débarrassée d’un vieux tas de cartes postales. Ayant commencé ma collection depuis quelques semaines seulement , cette pile de supposés détritus m’a attirée. J’en ai piqué deux ou trois, un peu au hasard. L’une des cartes postales représentait l’affiche du Testament d’Orphée : le dernier film du réalisateur Jean Cocteau. Je l’admets, celle-ci est restée affichée sur mon mur pendant quelques mois, sans que j’y pense réellement. Ceci, jusqu’à un fameux jour l’an dernier où j’ai pris la décision que ma quarantaine passée à visionner The Office pour la onzième fois m’ennuyait un peu trop. J’ai jeté un autre coup d'œil à ma carte postale, et j’ai tapé les mots “ Jean Cocteau Orphée” sur le clavier de mon portable. Depuis, comme j'ai eu la chance de m'installer sur la Côte d'Azur, je tiens à visiter ses traces dans la région où il a passé la dernière partie de sa vie. La visite de la Chapelle Saint-Pierre est une étape essentielle pour mener à bien cette mission. Mais qui est Jean Cocteau? Pour commencer, il faut dresser un portrait de Jean Cocteau. Un homme de haute moyenne classe qui a perdu son père par lesuicide, homosexuel dans une societé qui ne l’acceptait pas mais également apolitique pendant une periode où il ne fallait peut-être pas l’être: Cocteau est un personnage compliqué. L'artiste publie son premier recueil de poèmes, La Lampe d’Aladdin , inspiré des Mille et Une Nuits, à l’âge de 20 ans. Au début de sa carrière, il se lie d'amitié et participe à la création des Six, un groupe musical néoclassique d'avant-garde. Cocteau et les six musiciens se font connaître pour passer de nombreuses soirées au cabaret-bar parisien Le Boeuf sur le Toit . Cocteau devient un artiste extrêmement prolifique. Dans ses livres, films, et pièces de théâtre, son style néo-classique le démarque et le révèle comme anti-moderniste. Un thème récurrent dans ses œuvres reste l’intersection entre le désir et le pouvoir, surtout à travers ses représentations de l'homme "idéal", “héroïque” – des représentations naïves – qui font écho à l’art grec classique antique. Il passe également du temps au Moyen-Orient. Sa tournée de trois mois, de mars à mai 1949, pour la représentation de plusieurs de ses pièces l'amène, entre autres, à Beyrouth et en Égypte. Il documente son voyage dans un journal, qu'il publie plus tard sous le titre de Maalesh . Sa trilogie Orphique, composée de Le Sang d’un poète (1930), Orphée (1950) et Le Testament d’Orphée (1960), qui met en vedette Jean Marais, constitue une merveille du cinéma avant-garde du vingtième siècle. Un mélange magistral du mythe et de la réalité au point que l'un ne se distingue pas de l'autre, une étude de la logique du rêve, alliés à une esthétique irréprochable font de ceux-ci des classiques du film français. Cocteau est décédé le 11 octobre 1963 dans son château à Milly-la-Forêt, quelques heures après avoir appris la mort de son amie proche, Édith Piaf. Il est enterré sous la Chapelle Saint-Blaise dans cette même ville. Jean Cocteau à Villefranche-sur-Mer Cocteau a séjourné plusieurs fois à l’hôtel Welcome , à Villefranche-sur-Mer. Son ami Albert Lorent, délégué au tourisme de la ville, l’invite d’abord à exposer une œuvre à l’entrée de la chapelle. Pour ceci, Cocteau dessine un visage en face de la fameuse rue Obscure. Suite au grand succès de ce dessin, Lorent lui offre la chance de décorer la Chapelle Saint-Pierre, qui deviendra par la suite l’une de ses œuvres les plus remarquables pendant ses années sur la Côte d’Azur. Il repeint cette ancienne chapelle de pêcheurs datant de la fin du 16ème siècle en 1957, alors qu’elle était encore utilisée comme remise à filets. Aujourd’hui, à moins d’une dizaine de minutes de marche de la station de train de Villefranche-sur-Mer, elle représente un des plus grands chefs-d'œuvre de la Côte d’Azur. Bien que l’entrée soit quelque peu coûteuse – trois euros pour une visite qui dure à peu près une vingtaine de minutes – soyez rassuré ! Celle-ci en vaut réellement la peine. Malheureusement, vous ne serez pas autorisé à photographier l'intérieur de la chapelle. Par contre, dès l'instant où vous poserez les pieds à l'intérieur, vous serez transporté dans une réalité autre et lointaine, séparé de la rue animée seulement par un mur d’une épaisseur de quinze centimètres. Les yeux dorés et présents à chaque côté de la porte sont répliqués sur deux chandeliers sur l’autel, se trouvant eux-mêmes à chaque côté d’une statuette d’un oiseau en envol. Ils vous donnent l'impression d'être observé pendant que vous vous promenez dans la chapelle. Ils vous tiennent responsable des endroits où vous choisissez de vous arrêter, de ceux que vous choisissez d'examiner plus en détail comme ceux que vous manquez. Les murs sont décorés de fresques représentant des scènes de la vie méditerranéenne et de l’apôtre Saint Pierre. Le plafond, quant à lui, est recouvert de représentations hypnotisantes d'anges. Les couleurs douces et les lignes peu définies des fresques sont intentionnelles, pour donner l'impression d'être dans un paradis nuageux, brumeux - comme dans un rêve. Le style de Cocteau est simple, presque naïf - représentatif de la mentalité de l’artiste. Cependant, il reste évocateur et puissant. Jean Cocteau est inextricable de l’héritage artistique de la Côte d’Azur. Après un brunch dans un des petits restaurants sur le bord de mer, la chapelle Saint-Pierre est un incontournable de toute visite à Villefranche-sur-mer.

Une rue commerçante bondée, un cri de détresse surgit. Pourtant, personne ne réagit. Cette situation hypothétique avec des comportements à première vue impensables est une réalité bien plus répandue que l'on ne le croit. < Back Le silence de la foule : comprendre l'effet spectateur Elsa Uzan September 26, 2025 Une rue commerçante bondée, un cri de détresse surgit. Pourtant, personne ne réagit. Cette situation hypothétique avec des comportements à première vue impensables est une réalité bien plus répandue que l'on ne le croit. Cela est causé par l'effet spectateur, un effet psychologique qui pousse les spectateurs d'une situation nécessitant une aide extérieure à ne pas agir. Ce phénomène est provoqué par le nombre important de témoins, de spectateurs de la scène. L'effet est théorisé par deux psychologues sociaux américains, John Darley et Bibb Latané, à la fin des années 1960, en utilisant le cas de Kitty Genovese pour proposer leur concept. Catherine dite « Kitty » Genovese est une jeune femme de 28 ans employée dans un restaurant new-yorkais. Le 13 mars 1964 , alors qu’elle rentre à son domicile situé dans le Queens après son service, elle réalise que quelqu'un la suit. Elle se dirige alors vers une borne d’urgence pour alerter les autorités. L’inconnu la rattrape et la poignarde de deux coups de couteau. Kitty hurle de douleur, un voisin crie par la fenêtre et l'agresseur prend la fuite. La jeune femme agonise pendant d’interminables minutes, réveillant plusieurs habitants du quartier. Personne ne lui vient en aide: elle arrive tant bien que mal à se déplacer dans un hall d’immeuble. L'agresseur revient pour la liquider: de neuf coups de couteaux, il lacère sa poitrine et son estomac. Il la viole et lui dérobe tous ses effets personnels. Les secours arrivent finalement trop tard : Kitty Genovese a déjà succombé à ses blessures. Ce qui est frappant et symptomatique dans cette affaire, c'est l’indifférence totale dans laquelle Kitty Genovese est décédée. La police fait état de 38 témoins directs ou indirects, de la détresse et l’agonie de la jeune femme. Témoins qui n’ont bien évidemment à aucun moment porté secours à la jeune femme. Certains affirment à l’instar de Catherine Pelonero , journaliste que “C'est un nombre aléatoire. Des gens ont sûrement vu des choses et ont refusé de le dire. Le chiffre de trente-huit est sûrement plus élevé en réalité.” En effet, ce chiffre a été déterminé de manière entièrement arbitraire et sous-estimerait le nombre avéré de témoins. Cette affaire a permis, outre la conceptualisation de l’effet spectateur en 1968, l’accélération de la mise en place du 911 à la fin de la décennie—un numéro unique qui permet d’alerter les secours et les autorités. Les psychologues sociaux vont ainsi essayer de déterminer ce qui cause cette inaction totale des témoins dans une situation nécessitant pourtant une intervention immédiate. John Darley et Bibb Latané distinguent trois processus différents qui expliquent cette absence d’aide. Le premier est l’influence sociale : dans des situations ambiguës, le spectateur va tout d’abord observer les réactions des autres témoins afin de décider s’il a bien compris celle-ci. Cela résulte en une inaction—au moins pendant un certain temps—qui peut se poursuivre en cas de multiplication de ce comportement. Le second processus à l'œuvre est celui de l’appréhension de l’évaluation : le spectateur va, à l’échelle individuelle, prendre le risque de se tromper devant les autres témoins. Ce risque s’accompagne d’une crainte importante du jugement que les autres portent sur notre propre comportement. Cela entraîne ainsi une inaction du spectateur, l’appréhension du regard des autres prenant le pas sur la volonté de prendre un risque et donc d’aider la personne victime de la situation. Enfin Darley et Latané mettent en avant un troisième élément, celui de la diffusion de la responsabilité : dans une situation où il n’y a qu’un seul témoin, l'individu se sent en quelque sorte obligé d’agir étant donné qu’il est le seul à pouvoir le faire. Toutefois lorsque le nombre de témoins augmente, une dilution de la responsabilité se met en place: le spectateur se demande ainsi pourquoi devrait-il être le ou la seul(e) à agir ? On assiste à une forte répartition de la responsabilité dès que le spectateur est conscient de la présence d’autres témoins: l’inaction devient ainsi l’option privilégiée. L’effet spectateur est un phénomène qui a été constaté de nombreuses fois depuis sa théorisation en 1968. Le meurtre d’Iryna Zarutska fin août 2025, une jeune réfugiée ukrainienne à Charlotte, une ville de la côte Est des États Unis en est un exemple. Dans le métro la jeune femme s’installe en face d’un siège occupé par un homme. Ce dernier se lève brusquement, poignarde Iryna et sort de la rame. Elle perd connaissance et s'écroule sur elle-même. La jeune femme décède alors en l’espace de quelques minutes. Les autres passagers semblent indifférents au sort de la jeune fille: il faudra attendre plus d’une minute pour que quelqu’un aille la voir. Malgré l'identification il y a près de 50 ans du phénomène, il demeure bien présent dans nos sociétés. Une question demeure: est-il possible de lutter de quelque manière que ce soit contre cet effet ? Peut-il tout du moins être atténué ? Il existe plusieurs situations où l’effet spectateur ne rentre pas en jeu. Tout d’abord, les spectateurs peuvent agir lorsqu’ils se sentent concernés par les conséquences de la situation ou l’action elle-même. Cela a pu être mis en évidence avec l’expérience de l’escabeau: une chercheuse se blessait en tombant d’un escabeau. Une seule exception demeure avec ce test: les élèves infirmières intervenaient de manière constante, qu'elles soient seules ou en groupe. Leur formation leur permettait donc d’intervenir sans subir les processus habituellement à l'œuvre avec l’effet spectateur. Le phénomène peut également être atténué lorsque les individus sont amis, l’appréhension de l’évaluation est moins forte et permet aux témoins d’intervenir, non pas à une échelle individuelle mais en tant que groupe. L’effet spectateur est donc un problème social contre lequel il faut lutter en citoyens informés. La sensibilisation est le premier pas à faire pour atténuer les effets nocifs du phénomène. Elle passe tout d'abord par un effort personnel de documentation sur des articles de recherche (notamment celui de Bibb et de Latané). Des actions concrètes peuvent être également envisagées comme des cours de premier secours, ou des campagnes de sensibilisation. S' informer ne se réduit pas à une pratique passive mais aussi à une pratique active de la vie quotidienne. Faire le premier pas vers la victime devient dans ce sens un réflexe: cela permet non seulement d’apporter une aide immédiate, mais aussi de réduire voire d’éliminer le phénomène. Photo Source: Pedro Fait de La Photo, Flickr

En Amérique latine, l'héritage de l'Espagne «a été d'apporter l'espagnol et, à travers les missions, le catholicisme et, par conséquent, la civilisation et la liberté au continent américain»... il faut avoir des nerfs pour défendre une position aussi absurde. < Back l'État Espagnol: Une mémoire sélective By Amalia Heide October 31, 2022 En Amérique latine, l'héritage de l'Espagne « a été d'apporter l'espagnol et, à travers les missions, le catholicisme et, par conséquent, la civilisation et la liberté au continent américain » ... il faut avoir des nerfs pour défendre une position aussi absurde. Je propose de reformuler cette phrase de Isabel Díaz Ayuso, présidente de la Communauté de Madrid, pour se débarrasser des euphémismes inutiles : « En Amérique latine, l'Espagne, malade de son arrogance / eurocentrisme, a IMPOSÉ sa langue, sa religion ainsi qu'une vision du monde où les populations non-européennes avaient un rôle forcé d'assujettissement, de soumission et d'esclavage » . Que quiconque m'explique comment l'Église catholique de l'Inquisition a favorisé le développement de la « civilisation » en Amérique latine colonisée (civilisation que nous associons au XXIe siècle au monde de la science, de la raison, du respect de la diversité, du droit, de la liberté et de l'égalité). Lue hors contexte, j'aurais logiquement pensé que cette phrase très démodée, chargée d'eurocentrisme à l'extrême, datait d'au moins un demi-siècle. À ma grande déception, elle a été exprimée avec un dépit irritant par Isabel Díaz Ayuso, membre du Parti populaire, le 29 septembre 2021 à Washington. Voulant croire que seul ce spectre politique, de plus en plus qualifié de « conservateur » , défendait cette position, j'ai été à nouveau déçue de lire un article dans la colonne d'opinion d'El País, journal prétendument progressiste, où Jaime de las Heras Gordon déclarait : « La plupart des Latinos avancent l'argument typique selon lequel "les Espagnols ont volé notre or", et ils ont raison, mais allons-nous nous le jeter à la figure 500 ans plus tard ? » Il faut saluer la légère, mais significative, amélioration des barbaries exprimées par notre chère Isabel : Jaime de las Heras Gordon ne nie pas que certains crimes ont été commis contre les peuples d'Amérique latine. De toute manière, ses tentatives de réinterprétation historique s'arrêtent là. Malheureusement, il commet la faute de minimiser à la fois les crimes commis (il faut rappeler que l'activité espagnole ne se limitait pas au vol d'or) et la part de responsabilité actuelle de l'État espagnol. On sent une volonté semblable à celle de Pilate de se laver les mains de ce qui s'est passé « il y a 500 ans » . Je suis mauvaise en mathématiques, mais même en utilisant une calculatrice, je n'arrive pas à obtenir les bons chiffres : les indépendances atlantiques datent du XIXe siècle, c'est-à-dire de moins de deux siècles pour de nombreux pays d'Amérique latine. Il semble également que l'État espagnol ait une mémoire sélective. En ce qui concerne Gibraltar, cédé à l'Angleterre par le traité d'Utrecht en 1704, l'État espagnol se prétend victime de l'impérialisme ou de colonialisme britannique, ou du moins l'était-il jusqu'à très récemment. Ce qu'il faut retenir ici, c'est que pour l'État, il s'agit d'une question d'actualité et qui le concerne. Cependant, lorsqu'il s'agit de parler des actions de l'Espagne en Amérique latine au XVIIIe siècle, « l'État espagnol moderne n'existait pas encore » , « ce sont les élites qui ont décidé, le peuple n'avait rien à voir avec cela » , « aucun citoyen de cette époque n'est vivant pour être jugé » . Si l'État espagnol peut se retourner contre d'autres États pour des événements survenus au début du XVIIe siècle, il doit également assumer la responsabilité de sa propre politique étrangère à cette époque. Il est très facile de pointer du doigt sans faire de mea culpa. Ainsi, certaines institutions témoignent d'une volonté de réconciliation historique avec l'Amérique latine et ont la décence de faire leur mea culpa. Le pape François, par exemple, a récemment présenté des excuses au nom de l'Église catholique romaine pour des « erreurs » commises il y a plusieurs siècles. Les fonctionnaires du Vatican d'aujourd'hui n'étaient pas en vie à l'époque de la colonie, et ils ne sont donc pas responsables des décisions prises par les autorités il y a des centaines d'années. Cependant, l'Institution qu'ils représentent l'est. Suivant la même logique, personne ne blâme les citoyens espagnols pour ce qui s'est passé il y a des siècles. La responsabilité n'incombe pas à la population espagnole mais à l'État espagnol, qui a le devoir moral d'assumer la responsabilité de ce qui s'est passé. Mais le grandiose Ponce Pilate espagnol, incarné dans ce cas par notre pauvre ami Jaime de las Heras Gordon, ne s'arrête pas là. Ce dernier affirme également que "toutes les nations colonisatrices ont volé, humilié et tué les conquis. Les Aztèques n'ont-ils pas décimé la population maya, ou les Incas les Mapuches ?" C'est pitoyable comme défense. Supposons que je tue une personne demain et que, devant le tribunal, ma défense pour échapper à la condamnation consiste à accuser mon voisin d'avoir tué deux personnes : cela me rend-il moins responsable de mes actes, moins coupable devant le juge ? C'est totalement incongru. Néanmoins, la cerise sur le gâteau, c'est que l'Espagne, en tant qu'État, montre des signes clairs de fierté à l'égard de son ancien rôle de colonisateur. Sur quoi puis-je me baser pour affirmer cela ? Je vous propose l'exemple suivant : la fête nationale espagnole. Quelle est la date ? Le 12 octobre. Quand Christophe Colomb est-il arrivé en Amérique ? Le 12 octobre. Coïncidence ? Bien sûr que non. La loi 18/1987 stipule : "La date choisie, le 12 octobre, symbolise l'événement historique au cours duquel l'Espagne, sur le point de conclure un processus de construction de l'État fondé sur notre pluralité culturelle et politique, et l'intégration des royaumes d'Espagne dans une monarchie unique, entame une période de projection linguistique et culturelle au-delà des frontières européennes". Cette projection (retour aux euphémismes) est-elle une source de fierté ? Il semble que Isabel Diaz Ayuso se soit inspirée de cette loi pour entretenir ses convictions. Pour être fier, l'État est présent, pour s'excuser, il disparaît. Ce que l'on réclame aujourd'hui, c'est avant tout une justice symbolique. J'admets qu'il n'y a pas de vérité absolue, qu'il y a des nuances et des circonstances atténuantes. Mais les faits restent les faits. L'Espagne a commis des crimes imprescriptibles. Pour qu'il y ait une véritable réconciliation, l'État espagnol doit faire preuve d'un minimum de repentance. Faire de la "découverte des Amériques" un jour férié pour célébrer l'époque de la colonisation espagnole ou permettre aux politiciens de diffuser les avantages de la colonisation n'est pas la meilleure approche. Peu importe le temps écoulé. Les ancêtres occupent une place culturelle centrale en Amérique latine : les générations vivantes cherchent à honorer, à se souvenir et à maintenir le lien avec les générations passées. La nuit des morts au Mexique en est un bon exemple. C'est peut-être la raison pour laquelle, bien que "beaucoup de temps" se soit écoulé, la blessure est encore ouverte et l'amertume n'est pas éteinte. La douleur d'une injustice se transmet donc de génération en génération, et il arrive qu'elle soit si profonde qu'elle embrasse même l'identité entière d'une communauté. L'identité latino-américaine est marquée au fer rouge par cette douleur. Je ne défends pas pour autant l'attitude violente et populiste de certains politiciens latino-américains de gauche, comme Manuel Lopez Obrador, par exemple, qui ont la fâcheuse tendance à utiliser ce trait identitaire pour expliquer tous les maux qui accablent le continent. Il est inadmissible d'utiliser l'Espagne, et le colonialisme/néo-colonialisme en général, comme bouc émissaire pour justifier les crises économiques, l'autoritarisme et la corruption qui ne cessent de secouer l'Amérique latine. En revanche, il me semble légitime qu'aujourd'hui, les communautés latino-américaines ressentent le poids de cette douleur et cherchent à trouver un minimum de respect et de considération de la part de l'État espagnol et de ses représentants.

It is difficult to address the needs of marginalized groups without an understanding of their complex relations, which means that it is often almost impossible—both for non-governmental organisations as well as for governments—to tackle the needs of niche communities within the large immigrant communities amid an already under-funded and underappreciated system. < Back Marginalization within Marginalized Communities Viktorie Voriskova for SPRH Menton December 31, 2024 For decades, migration has been a pressing issue, reshaping societies across continents and generating uncertainty, fear and anger within communities. While there is generally a decent amount of focus on the discrimination between dominant and minority groups, marginalization within marginalized communities is often overlooked. The cases of the United States and the Czech Republic demonstrate the inter-webbing layers that marginalization can manifest itself in. There exists a complicated relationship between Latino migrants who have been living in the U.S. for several generations and those who arrived more recently. In the Czech Republic, disharmony and disrespect between pre-war and wartime Ukrainian immigrants prevail. In the U.S., migration narratives frequently center on the discrimination that immigrant groups face as a whole. Yet, behind the essentialist narrative, there lies discrimination within these communities themselves, which often perpetuates systemic inequities from deep within. According to a study published by School Avoidance Alliance, Mexican migrants in the U.S. often face discrimination from white Americans and from other Latino communities. Mexicans are accused of "bringing crime and crisis," even by members of other immigrant groups who attempt to distance themselves from such stereotypes, so as to save themselves from falling under the same stereotype. It is clear that even though this internal marginalization is fueled by the fear of more forceful external discrimination, it still leads to division within the communities themselves. This further adds to the fear and anger that is already very common within discriminated groups, leading to a more violent perception of the group as a whole. The outcome is yet again a vicious cycle of marginalization, further increasing the division between non-marginalized and marginalized groups. Trader , an international journal of social science and economic journals, presents an extraordinary example of marginalization within migrant groups. Most migrants who arrive at the Franco-Italian border do so after a long, mentally and physically demanding journey, often by sea or in more than one country. Testimonies from migrants collected by advocacy organizations reveal stark hierarchies within migrant populations. For example, those coming from sub-Saharan Africa frequently face exclusion and discrimination by North African migrants despite their shared experiences of displacement and difficulty. Testimonies collected by SPRH volunteers reveal that some migrant groups prioritize aiding those they perceive as culturally or linguistically similar to themselves. This phenomenon reinforces divisions within the group, halting collective efforts to advocate for better treatment and resources from the mayor or NGOs. Marginalization within marginalized groups is an under-examined phenomenon that has an understated impact on the quality of lives of migrants. The cases of the U.S., Czech Republic and Franco-Italian border show how internal fragmentation of a community can further reinforce the unequal treatment that these groups are facing, expanding the division between them and the rest of the population. Migration is a recurring social and geopolitical phenomenon that the world has always grappled with. Especially in light of recent wars and conflicts, further research on the dynamics within marginalized migrant communities could lead to a better understanding of these complexities. Doing so is the only viable pathway from the essentialization of marginalized groups, which could prove crucial in pivoting towards a more equal treatment of marginalized communities globally. The experience of marginalization within marginalized groups is also evident in the Czech Republic, my home country, making this a very relevant issue in the country I grew up in. The increased immigration after the beginning of the war in Ukraine highlights the challenges of integration, even within the immigrant community itself. Ever since the fall of the Soviet unions, thousands of people have migrated to the Czech Republic to find better economic opportunities. These immigrants moved into the Czech Republic intending to stay long-term, be it both sending remittances back home or starting a new life. These migrants, therefore, aimed to gradually seek to attempt and integrate into Czech society. However, the outbreak of war prompted a new wave of migration, shifting public and governmental attitudes. Immigrants, who entered the Czech republic after 2022 as war immigrants of the war in Ukraine and those who have been living in the Czech Republic for decades very often stand in opposition to one another. These two groups differ in terms of socioeconomic status, with the latter being more reliant on humanitarian aid. The disparity in income levels and opportunities has led to divisions and a lack of cohesion within the Ukrainian community in the Czech Republic. Moreover, the Czech government's lack of comprehensive integration policies has exacerbated these divisions, leaving newer immigrants with fewer tools for successful assimilation. The division within the Ukrainian immigrant community is a clear example of a more nuanced societal issue: it is difficult to address the needs of marginalized groups without an understanding of their complex relations, which means that it is often almost impossible—both for non-governmental organisations as well as for governments—to tackle the needs of niche communities within the large immigrant communities amid an already under-funded and underappreciated system.

Ces femmes ont marqué l’histoire par leur bravoure et leur perspective unique; elles méritent la reconnaissance au même titre que leurs collègues masculins. < Back Femmes En Guerre: Les Femmes Cachées Derrière La Caméra Anna Halpern September 30, 2024 On parle souvent de héros de guerre et de ceux qui ont changé la perception que nous en avons, mais il est beaucoup plus rare de parler des héroïnes. Je pense tout spécifiquement aux femmes journalistes, correspondantes de guerre et photojournalistes qui se sont battues pour l'accès des femmes aux zones de guerre, dont le travail a été historique, mais dont la reconnaissance est cruellement manquante. Malgré leurs participations historiques, elles se sont bien souvent retrouvées face à des systèmes qui les opprimaient au point de les punir pour avoir fait leur travail. Nous avons la chance que des femmes telles qu’elles nous aient ouvert le chemin, et il est grand temps que nous leur rendions justice. Il semble donc important d’introduir ici quelques figures qui ont marqué l’histoire et qui représentent parfaitement le courage et l’audace nécessaires au changement. Quand on parle de photojournalisme au feminin, un tournant clé est la Seconde Guerre Mondiale. En effet, les périples des femmes photojournalistes de l'époque sont emblématiques des obstacles sociétaux qu’elles ont dû affronter afin de s’octroyer l'accès à un métier encore presque entièrement masculin. Les femmes journalistes ont même explicitement été interdites d'accès au débarquement le 6 juin. Entre autres obstacles, les femmes se sont heurtées à ce que rapporte Denis Ruellan : « L'armée assurait que les soldats seraient 'perturbés' par la présence des femmes reporters, ce qui revenait à les sexualiser . » Dans ce contexte, les exploits des femmes telles que Martha Gellhorn et Lee Carson sont d’autant plus remarquables. Les deux femmes ont défié le sexisme de l'époque et surtout celui ancré dans l'armée. En effet, Martha Gellhorn a dû se faire passer pour une infirmière de la Croix Rouge et se cacher dans les toilettes pour pouvoir assister au débarquement sur Omaha beach en se déguisant en brancardier. De son côté Lee Carson a réussi à convaincre le pilote d’un bombardier de la faire survoler le débarquement, car son dévouement à son travail et à couvrir les informations lui importait plus que le risque de défier SHEAF (acronyme communément utilisé pour designer le Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force). Ces deux femmes, dont la dévotion à leur travail leur a permis de prendre des photos historiques et de partager à travers le monde la perspective des femmes sur l’un des événements les plus marquants de leur temps, ont toutes deux subi des conséquences coûteuses à leur désobéissance. À leur retour les deux sont convoquées par SHAEF: Gellhorn se retrouve interdite de retourner en Normandie, et Carson s’enfuit sachant les conséquences que ses actes peuvent lui coûter. Bien qu’elles aient fait un travail extraordinaire, l'histoire les a lésées en les condamnant à l'oubli ou à un rôle secondaire derrière leurs maris. Ces femmes ne sont pas seules. Nombre de femmes ont couvert les événements historiques de leur époque, certaines étant même les seules à le faire. Il est notamment important de mentionner Margaret Bourke-White qui était la seule photographe étrangère à Moscou quand l’Allemagne a brisé le pacte de non-agression en juin 1941, ainsi que la premiere femme journaliste de guerre connue. Elle a permis d’ouvrir la voie aux consoeurs qui l’ont suivie. Plus que de participer à une discipline dont les normes et pratiques étaient pour et par les hommes, les femmes ont grandement contribué à changer la discipline du photojournalisme en rapportant de manière très humaine l'impact de la guerre sur la vie des gens et la dévastation qui en suit. Ceci a été la vocation de photojournalistes telles que Catherine Leroy et Lee Miller qui ont fait de leurs carrières de photographes un moyen de capturer la vie quotidienne et la douleur réelle que la guerre fait subir à la population impactée. Cet effort est notamment visible dans le travail de Leroy lors de son incorporation au sein de la 173ème unité Airborne pendant la guerre au Vietnam, durant laquelle elle a capturé la vie des soldats et civils impactés par ce conflit. Elle est grièvement blessée en mai 1967 et brièvement retenue prisonnière par des soldats Nord-Vietnamiens en 1968, mais cela ne la brise pas, au contraire, elle en ressort avec un entretien exclusif qui fait la couverture de Life . Ces femmes ont marqué l’histoire par leur bravoure et leur perspective unique; elles méritent la reconnaissance au même titre que leurs collègues masculins. Aujourd’hui, bien que certains s’efforcent de les mettre en avant, nous sommes encore bien loin de les reconnaître à leur juste valeur. Mais il est possible à chacun de le faire à son échelle, et cela commence par rechercher activement le travail des femmes et le mettre en avant par nous mêmes sans se contenter des récits dominants encore trop sexistes. Pour finir, je vous invite donc à approfondir vos connaissances sur ces femmes journalistes et photojournalistes de guerre à qui nous devons tant et qui méritent d'être connues et reconnues à leur juste valeur, non seulement celles qui nous ont tracé le chemin, mais celles qui continuent de l’emprunter de nos jours.

Feet planted firmly on purple and teal tiles faintly covered in a layer of filth, I was greeted by the familiar odor of buttered popcorn blended with a candy scent so sweet it could make your teeth ache. < Back Driven Snow; A Review of “The Hunger Games: The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes” By Maia Zasler January 31, 2024 Feet planted firmly on purple and teal tiles faintly covered in a layer of filth, I was greeted by the familiar odor of buttered popcorn blended with a candy scent so sweet it could make your teeth ache. Ever since the coronavirus pandemic disrupted and permanently altered our lives in 2020, movie-going has become an extra thrilling prospect, a novelty; we’re able to sit in an often densely-packed room, eating and drinking at our leisure, feeling a profound range of emotions alongside complete strangers. I was pleased to note that Short Pump Regal Cinemas, my local movie theater, had not changed in my absence. It was 10:30 p.m., the last showing of the night. The theater was practically empty save for me and my good friend from home. The two of us made our way down a dark hallway, ready to see the latest installment in Suzanne Collins’s Hunger Games franchise, “The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes,” released on Nov. 17, 2023. Until that night, we lived adjacent to “The Hunger Games” realm, uninterested in and fairly dispassionate to the story and its characters. Before this outing, I had not seen a single Hunger Games movie, ever. My friend and I were moved to see this new film only due to the immense social media hype surrounding it (and, candidly, a few well-done TikTok edits of one Coriolanus Snow). We found seats in the center of the unoccupied theater. We took a moment to run around the perimeter, enjoying the freedom from un watchful eyes and the subsequently liberating lack of social norms before the trailers stopped running. Silence then befell us both. The original Hunger Games trilogy is set in the dystopian, fictional nation of Panem, a country divided into 12 districts and ruled by the Capitol. Each year, the Capitol hosts a Hunger Games in which a boy and a girl (aged 12 to 18) from each district are “reaped” / selected and forced to fight to the death until just one survivor remains, the Victor. The competition is televised, serving as entertainment for the citizens of the Capitol. The annual, horrific spectacle also serves as a means of punishment for and control of the districts that had attempted a failed revolt 74 years prior. The Hunger Games themes of the growing divide between rich and poor, the weaponization of food access, and the normalization of violence as entertainment are also replicated in this movie-adapted prequel. “The Ballad of Songbird and Snakes” is primarily oriented around the 10th Annual Hunger Games and the development of the trilogy’s most prominent, detestable villain, Coriolanus Snow, President of Panem. The film chronicles young Snow’s ascension to power and the critical interactions and events leading to his apathy and dictatorial, sociopathic behavior as a totalitarian leader 64 years later. Dimly lit and foreboding, the first scene opens three years prior to the first annual Hunger Games. These “Dark Days” reveal a young Snow (Tom Blyth) and his cousin, Tigris (Hunter Schafer), fearfully running around desolate city streets littered with dead bodies in a desperate search for sustenance. The pair see a man violently chop the leg off of one of these dead bodies; Coriolanus asks Tigris why the man would do such a thing. She responds, simply: “He’s starving.” The film then jumps several years into the future, where 18-year-old Coriolanus is in his final year of schooling, hoping to attend university. His family (his grandmother / “Grandma’am” (Fionnula Flanagan) and Tigris) are struggling financially, masking their economic plight from Capitol society. The dynamics between the Snow family members emerge quickly in the plot; Coriolanus may seemingly prioritize his relatives, but there is a lingering sense that selfish motives drive these efforts. He works to preserve the Snow family name to present a strong front in hopes of climbing the political ladder of Panem. At this time, the Capitol notes that the Hunger Games are losing viewership. To help encourage more spectators, the Capitol enlists Coriolanus and his fellow classmates as mentors, assigned to each tribute, or competitor, from the districts. Whoever is able to make their tribute the greatest spectacle, whoever turns their tribute into a Victor , will be the designated recipient of the Plinth prize, an unfathomable sum of money. Coriolanus is assigned to Lucy Gray Baird (Rachel Zegler), an errant singer from District 12. Lucy Gray’s vocal gift captures the hearts of the Capitol audience, aiding in her chance for survival and sparking Coriolanus’s infatuation. The two strike up an unlikely romance, which must be put on hold throughout Lucy Gray’s coerced participation in the Games. In each scene where the two interact, the audience is left to determine whether or not Coriolanus is acting in good faith: Is he helping Lucy Gray because he genuinely cares for her and is willing to do everything in his power to ensure she makes it out of the Games alive? Or, is he instead helping her because he views her as a pawn in a larger game, a necessary piece in his pursuit of the Plinth prize and political prestige and power? The progression of the plot and intricate dialogue perfectly captures Snow’s moral regression, the series of choices he makes that increasingly favor “evil” over “good.” Coriolanus is a main character that we, as audience members, cannot, in good conscience, root for. His decaying core characteristics are juxtaposed with the goodness in Lucy Gray, her relative pureness to his internal corruption. In this prequel, Snow “lands on top” (to use his own words). Along this vein, the portrayal of humanity is thus intensely bleak. As the movie reached its final minutes, I sat, deflated. I longed for the triumph of good, or at least some insertion of hope for future change in Panem’s social structure. In a way, I mourned the hero that could have been, the failed and fraught love story, and the deaths of the only characters courageous enough to challenge the system that Coriolanus goes on to propagate. Truthfully, my upset and frustration felt a bit silly, but upon further reflection—and binge-watching all four original Hunger Games movies—I realized it was far from frivolous emotion. What ultimately prevails in “The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes” is a manipulative, over-indulgent, perverse ruling class profiting off of the labor and—in the case of the Games—relishing in the deaths of those in the districts, the masses. For the impoverished, the victims of a system that is structured to never be in their favor, unity and solidarity are a pipedream. As highlighted by the outcome of each Hunger Games (up until, of course, the 74th), alliances turn to enemies and there is no winning (other than survival at the expense of human life, of the violent extinguishing of children). The tributes make a show of themselves in hopes of attracting rescuers in the Capitol; the elite have the ability to send “gifts” (e.g., bottled water) to competitors in the Hunger Games arena. Through the lens of “art imitates life,” dystopian stories are often more eerily close to our realities than strict fantasy. Although this film may have been less of an overt political commentary or demonstration of existing societal inequalities and injustices, it astutely captures the initial transitional choices before devolving completely into authoritarian brutality of leadership/regime (on a micro level with Coriolanus Snow himself and on a macro level in the case of Panem). Income inequality in the United States increased by about 20 percent from 1980 to 2016 according to the Pew Research Center. American programs such as the food stamp system are known to cause resentment among the disinvested: the tax-paying low income and those who receive welfare. Food abundance, extravagance and waste are characteristics of the elite—often of “Western” nations—whereas the masses are deprived of necessities (not due to a lack of supply or resources, necessarily, but inefficient distribution and a focus on profit-driven production). The exploitation of violence for views is extremely prevalent in our modern digital culture. As the ancient Greek philosopher Plutarch asserted: “The poor go to war, to fight and die for the delights, riches, and superfluities of others.” The violence of war is turned into blockbuster Hollywood hits or best-selling novels, and the victims of real war, more often than not, do not perish in an honorable manner. They are slaughtered and, in several instances, serve the selfish interests of others more financially well-off. For survivors, veterans who return home are frequently overlooked, and they lack adequate support. This is a particularly prevalent issue in the United States. The Hunger Games—and, more pertinently, “The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes”—does not provide any answers to pressing social and complex moral questions but rather poses them; the film holds up a mirror to the audience and our society, allowing us to see the impurities, the risks, and the dangers that currently lay bubbling below the surface. What I thought this film prequel did most effectively (apart from the fantastic world-building, impressive cinematography, character portrayal, and an epic soundtrack) was incorporate veiled, almost diluted elements of silhouettes of real-world systemic issues and moral quandaries into an already action-packed and compelling narrative; at no point during its two hour and 38 minute duration was I bored. When I finally begrudgingly walked out of the theater, I whined to my friend; I wanted more — both more content (in which I happily absorbed watching the other movies), but also more in a grander sense of the word. We should be able to expect more from our leaders, from each other, and from ourselves. “The Hunger Games”—like any quality piece of art—gives us an opportunity to reflect, if not just to enjoy its aesthetics and intrigue. In a review published in the New York Times, Amy Nicholson shrewdly writes that the film and its content “moves us to spend its gargantuan running time reflecting on contemporary headlines, mourning the generational tragedy of anger and fear begetting anger and fear.” Through the medium of film, the Hunger Games illustrates the susceptibility of the inherent goodness and purity that we are born to the probability of it being tainted by our surrounding conditions. In this view, nurture trumps nature, and if this is true (which I believe it to be), then change can be made in both directions. What is done can be undone, laws can be written and rewritten, and extended power can be limited. After all, the “Victor” should be a healthy society where collaboration and understanding set a stage for the next generations to thrive.