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China has long been cracking down on political dissent shared via social media. The nation’s development of its surveillance has reached terrifying levels in recent years: by 2015, the nation’s surveillance camera system, SkyNet, had already reached 100% coverage of Beijing. The United States should brace itself for a long-term battle for internet freedom and democracy in what could be the next Cold War. < Back China’s Surveillance State is Triggering a Digital Cold War By Celeste Abourjeili January 30, 2022 Chinese tennis player Peng Shuai’s disappearance was the social media equivalent of an 8.0 earthquake. For the first time in a long time, American eyes were drawn to China’s dystopian surveillance system. Yet, this story has already become obsolete, without any Chinese concessions. Shuai remains missing. In the past few months, headlines have called attention to China’s quick cover-up of Shuai’s #metoo confession regarding the former vice-premier, Zhang Gaoli. Any mention of Shuai’s story was completely removed from social media and even private messaging groups within 30 minutes of her original confession. The story, however, should not have come as a surprise to the media, nor the American public. China has long been cracking down on political dissent shared via social media. The nation’s development of its surveillance has reached terrifying levels in recent years: by 2015, the nation’s surveillance camera system, SkyNet, had already reached 100% coverage of Beijing. Near-instant facial recognition technology allows Beijing to monitor all of the movements and behaviors of its citizens with an unprecedented level of precision and detail. China’s Great Firewall project further employs millions in the crime of regulating, censoring, and slowing down domestic internet traffic. That plus the nation’s exclusive use of domestic social media platforms means that China has achieved the great dream of many an authoritarian state — an independent, or “sovereign,” internet. Russia could only dream of attaining such a status. While other illiberal democracies might quake in the face of social media scandals, China shamelessly uses its control of the internet to shut down scandals on the domestic playing field. After a while, international media gets desensitized and moves on from the Peng Shuais of the world. However, China’s surveillance state poses a real and tangible threat to the United States. The nation’s dystopia means that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has a tight grip on the peoples’ ability to spread ideas or even think freely. A basic review of survey data from the World Values Survey demonstrates that Chinese people have submitted to lower democratic values and no longer understand democracy for what it is today, due to stringent censorship measures. For instance, the data demonstrated that, in China, the people greatly support democracy, however they believe that their government is democratic on the whole, even though China is an illiberal democracy. Meanwhile, the people showed altered perceptions of democracy with the belief that the government has the right to conduct surveillance and limit the privacy of the internet, or that the majority of Chinese journalists and media are uninvolved in corruption. In fact, there are no privately owned TV or radio stations in China according to the CIA World Factbook, and the Central Propaganda Department ensures that all domestic media outlets must gain approval from the government for all programming, so these beliefs are deeply misguided. What is particularly troubling, besides the rights violations, is the fact that China is already in the process of selling and exporting these technologies to other illiberal regimes — 18 countries are already implementing this system. China is considered a “major exporter of broadcasting equipment world-wide” according to the CIA World Factbook’s 2020 data. This approach to the internet and surveillance technologies demonstrates China’s intention to degrade global internet freedom and public unity on social issues. The CCP aims to restrict the flow of information not just in its own country but abroad. The party hopes to spearhead this movement — one can only imagine the control that such surveillance powers will leave to China on an international scale. China’s flashy new tools for social control and surveillance are here to stay and to spread. The United States should brace itself for a long-term battle for internet freedom and democracy in what could be the next Cold War.

In an environment where we are all united by our fervent interest in politics, international relations and heated discussions, discreet yet extraordinary artists walk among us, almost unnoticed. < Back Sciences Po: An Artist’s Perspective By Isabella Hehl Dalla Zuanna December 31, 2022 In an environment where we are all united by our fervent interest in politics, international relations and heated discussions, discreet yet extraordinary artists walk among us almost unnoticed. After discovering a fellow student with such talents, I was amazed by her gift of composing original music, writing psychological short stories and creating beautiful visual art. Her discretion concerning her abilities first went overlooked; however, once I was exposed to them, I suddenly saw a different side of her: her quiet observation of others, her unique perspective on the conditions of existence, and especially: her view on Sciences Po and Sciences Pistes, which was so different from mine, and so much more beautiful. This Sciences Piste, Qiuyi He, is a Chinese exchange student from the London School of Economics (LSE). Over a month ago, I decided that I needed to interview her — she deserved attention for her sharp and original mind, and Sciences Pistes should know of her. To her, “music is like my bed, where I can sneak in when I feel depressed, and art is the sample of my time. Writing to me is like blood.” Using art to show her true self — the side both known to the public and the side she keeps private — I understood that, to her, the world is art, and her perspective on the university I have become accustomed to for the last semester would radically change mine. I also hoped to share with other Sciences Pistes the advice she gave me: in an era of transition, where my opportunities are endless and my future is completely unknown, finding what I want in life and solidifying my sense of identity can be eased through artistic methods. Many of her written pieces twirl around questions of identity. When I asked about those, she responded, “I consider art an exit for emotions…that you don’t usually show in front of people. It’s an exit to leave these things out and (evoke) something in other people. I really love the word ‘resonance’ because for those creative works, not just visual art, but writing, music, you find something identical when you listen to it, when you see it, so it’s like something that links you with others. Pain is (expressed) more… than happiness in music or visual arts. I use visual art for identity, pain and personal growth.” Art can have a beautiful and even reviving impact on others’ lives: “If I had no art, I would have been dead a hundred times. Art is saving me from those emotions like floods. Art is giving me fresh air to breathe from reality. I always say reading and composing art is sort of like escaping... By extracting two hours from your day and just concentrating on one thing, peacefully, without any disturbance, it’s a kind of way to live with yourself, truly.” According to Qiuyi, although “everybody is crazy about political science” at Sciences Po, we may not notice how important of a role art plays in connecting us, as she believes that “everybody is born an artist.” Even in simple activities such as the stone painting of the Bureau Des Élèves, just several paint brush strokes can cause art to emerge. The beauty of art perhaps lies in its duality: everyone creates something unique, yet which can be seen and felt by all; it can also express such pain and tragedy, yet the process of its creation is reviving and uplifting. Perhaps the most interesting thing I learned from Qiuyi was when she told me, “I cannot imagine what Sciences Po would be like without the piano room. The piano room is the only purely artistic place on campus, physically. Firstly, it’s open to the public, so everybody can enter. Most of the time, you can see that someone, or a group, is playing inside, and people would hear something like the piano, or singing from outside, so it’s kind of connecting the person inside and outside. And secondly, I knew a lot of people while I was playing the piano — they entered, and we talked and sort of got to know each other. I feel like it’s a socializing place, but more importantly, a place for people with common interests.” Lastly, Qiuyi gave me some advice which can be applied to all young adults: “For myself, the most anxiety comes from being too realistic, so I think art is an important tool for us to shift from realistic to idealistic. A person is always balanced between these two states, and I feel like art is one major component of the idealistic part. I think Sciences Po is, to some extent, quite like LSE where most people would be considered utilitarian, but when they do art, you’ll see them as quite different.” Furthermore, Qiuyi shared, “Our age is a key stage for finding your true self. I know a lot of people getting mental health advice from professionals and you know that art is like a tool that they give you a lot when they do the consultation. Art is an expressive tool for a lot of things that you can’t express. If you don’t know what you’re going to do in the future, just take some time in front of the desk and do one or two hours of meditation and just randomly draw something, even if you’re not a professional artist, or haven’t learned to systematically draw, this is perfect quality time for you to be with yourself and actually be producing something solid. That can be helpful. I think art is a medium for everything in the world. Even for politics, you have exhibitions, you have lectures, you have powerpoints, so art is like a carrier of a lot of things in the world that can actually play a role of spreading everything to reach a vast population. If you are interested in music and art you can go to the cinema, to see movies, or to listen to orchestras or musicals, operas and art exhibitions, museums. For 0.1 seconds, you notice, ‘hey, there really is something I want to do my whole life.’ It’s not necessarily art but what art carries: those themes or even a page of introduction on the brochure of the artistic event you attend. It can be inspiring for people to walk out of their own comfort zone and look at other worlds as well, and suddenly you’ll find what you want to do for your future.” The therapeutic impacts of art cannot be expressed in words: we can help our understanding of our own identity and that of others. As an artist, Qiuyi has learned that “identity is not something someone can give you; it’s not about defining yourself, but to construct an image of yourself. So this music, this art, all the things I did, are not to define myself but to describe myself and to record. Art is like a piece of my time. So when I look back, I want to still see a vivid picture of myself right now, right here with this person. What was I like in the past? I want to keep this fresh, just like you do your food with a container in the fridge. I want to keep that feeling for as long as possible, and that’s why I keep writing diaries and recording my dreams. Concerning identity, you’ll see that you treat other people differently. All you know about a person is your own perspective. And I myself don’t know how to describe myself. It’s an interesting thing to do when you explore yourself because there’s always something that you haven’t noticed yet. People say their whole life is a journey that you negotiate with yourself, that you live with yourself, that you adapt yourself to. I feel as though that’s quite true because no one can accompany us forever, it’s just us with us. All I have is me and my art.” Attached below are some of her songs and short stories: https://www.bilibili.com/video/BV1a14y1h7Xq/?spm_id_from=333.999.0.0&vd_source=b88da2a79b9af4ab93bc362e39f20c3c https://www.bilibili.com/video/BV1Jg411D7f6/?spm_id_from=333.999.0.0&vd_source=b88da2a79b9af4ab93bc362e39f20c3c https://www.bilibili.com/video/BV1Sa411A7ri/?spm_id_from=333.999.0.0&vd_source=b88da2a79b9af4ab93bc362e39f20c3c page 23 of Edition N°1 , 2022 - 2023 by Le Zadig - Issuu

Dans son ouvrage Arab Cinema : History and Cultural Identity (1998), Viola Shafik affirme que l’Egypte était le premier pays arabe à produire une industrie cinématographique dont la production était supérieure, en quantité, à celui des autres nations arabes. < Back Quand le Caire faisait rêver le monde arabe, l’âge d’or du cinéma égyptien. Habiba Lala November 11, 2025 Dans son ouvrage Arab Cinema : History and Cultural Identity (1998), Viola Shafik affirme que l’Egypte était le premier pays arabe à produire une industrie cinématographique dont la production était supérieure, en quantité, à celui des autres nations arabes. Surnommé le ‘Hollywood sur le Nil,’ le cinéma égyptien demeure, en termes de production et de popularité, le plus influent du monde arabe. Pendant trois décennies, du milieu des années 1930 à la fin des années 1960, les écrans du monde arabe étaient dominés par le cinéma cairote. D’Alger à Damas, les mélodrames, les chansons d’Oum Kalthoum, et les performances de Faten Hamama rythment le quotidien des spectateurs du monde arabe. Mais cette effervescence ne relevait pas d’un simple divertissement. Le cinéma égyptien joue un rôle à part entière dans la formation des imaginaires collectifs, dans la diffusion de valeurs sociales et dans la construction d’une identité arabe partagée. Une ambition nationale et industrielle L’essor du cinéma égyptien repose sur deux principales fondations. D’une part, elle s’explique par une volonté économique nationale de bâtir une industrie culturelle. D’autre part, elle incarne une aspiration panarabe pour rassembler le monde arabe autour d’un langage symbolique commun. En 1935, Talaat Harb, fondateur de la Banque Misr, crée le studio Misr, premier studio national qui vise à rompre avec la dépendance culturelle européenne et à rivaliser avec les importations hollywoodiennes afin d’affirmer la souveraineté culturelle de l'Egypte. Au-delà d’être un studio de production, Misr est une véritable école technique : Harb fait appel à des équipements et des techniciens allemands et français pour former les premières équipes locales tout en envoyant les jeunes Egyptiens étudier la cinématographie a l’étranger. Le premier film à être produit sera Wedad en 1936, dans lequel jouera la légendaire chanteuse Oum Kalthoum, déjà célèbre et qui instaurera la tradition égyptienne des stars cinéma au centre de l’intrigue, souvent bien plus importantes que l'histoire. C’est une tendance qui se poursuivra avec des chanteurs et chanteuses de renom qui seront placés au centre de l’intrigue tels que Abdel Halim Hafez, Asmahan, El Atrach… Dès la fin des années 1930, les réalisateurs souhaitent refléter une société égyptienne authentique. Le film fondateur de cette période est Al-Azima , considéré comme le premier film social réaliste du monde arabe. En décrivant la vie quotidienne d’un jeune couple de la classe moyenne cairote, il pose les bases d’un cinéma ancré dans la réalité sociale et porteur d' un idéal d'émancipation. Représenter de manière authentique l'Egypte passe également par la langue, c’est pourquoi le dialecte égyptien ( amiyya ) s’impose majoritairement dans le cinéma cairote. Son usage, en particulier dans sa forme cairote, conférait aux dialogues un ton naturel, familier pour une meilleure identification du public aux personnages afin de renforcer le réalisme recherché par les cinéastes. Par ailleurs, la musique constitue un lien culturel entre l’Egypte et le reste du monde arabe en facilitant l'exportation régionale des films égyptiens. Ainsi, dès les années 1940 et 1950, l'Egypte exporte ses films vers le Liban, la Syrie, la Tunisie et le Maroc, loin de viser un public européen. L’industrie est colossale : alors qu’elle produisait annuellement une vingtaine de films au début des années 40, à partir de 1948, avec la création de six nouveaux studios, la production moyenne s’élève désormais à environ 50 productions annuelles. Du miroir social à la conscience politique. La puissance industrielle est indissociable d’un projet civilisationnel : A travers ses films, l’Egypte diffuse une vision de la modernité arabe. Les personnages des films de Henry Barakat, Abou Seif et Kamal Selim, incarnent les tensions et les espoirs d’une société en mutation avec des motifs qui reviennent souvent : la mère qui symbolise la patrie, la femme moderne qui est le visage de la vertu, l’homme travailleur qui devient l’archétype de la dignité. L’écran devient alors un ou outil de formation morale et de fierté collective où l’identité arabe se pense et s'invente. Sous l'influence du néoréalisme italien et du climat révolutionnaire installé par Nasser, le cinéma égyptien devient un outil critique et politique. Dans Gare Centrale, Youssef Chahine raconte la vie d' un vendeur de journal handicapé et marginalisé qui est obsédé par une vendeuse de boissons dans une gare du Caire. Par ce drame intime, le réalisateur pointe du doigt la marginalité et la misère des classes populaires. Le cinéma de cette période met également en avant la figure du féminisme comme symbole de modernité. Par exemple, Doa Al Karawan , film de Henry Barjat dans lequel joue Faten Hanama, raconte la rebellion d’une femme contre l’ordre patriarcal. Ce récit incarne un tournant majeur du cinéma arabe où la femme n’est plus simplement un objet de désir ou une figure maternelle : elle est un sujet sensible, actrice de sa propre libération. Ces films participent à la construction d’une conscience collective arabe. Chahine y associe le mélodrame, genre populaire par excellence, à une réflexion idéologique sur la justice sociale, la nation, l’identité et le genre. Le cinéma de cette époque n’est pas neutre, il s’engage dans la représentation des luttes, des espoirs et des contradictions d’une société en pleine transformation. Quand l’art se heurte au pouvoir politique, la fin d’un rêve La révolution de 1952 et l’avènement du régime de Gamal Abdel Nasser ouvrent une nouvelle ère pour le cinéma égyptien. Conscient du pouvoir culturel de l’image, Nasser entreprend de faire du cinéma un instrument de cohésion et de rayonnement régional. Dès 1956, la nationalisation partielle du secteur bancaire, dont la banque Misr propriétaire du studio éponyme, permet à l'État de prendre le contrôle des principaux moyens de production cinématographique. Cette politique s'amplifie en 1961 avec la création de l’Organisation générale du cinéma qui centralise la production, la distribution et l’exploitation des films. Cette structure étatique absorbe également les studios tels que le Studio Misr, Al Ahram Studio et Giza studio qui sont intégrés dans un réseau placé sous tutelle du ministère de la culture. Cette intervention étatique garantissait une stabilité financière et culturelle mais elle imposait une censure préalable et un contrôle idéologique strict aligné sur les valeurs du socialisme arabe et du nationalisme nassérien. Face à ces nouvelles contraintes, les cinéastes apprennent donc à contourner la censure par la métaphore et le symbolique. Youssef Chahine est excellent dans cet art : avec Al-Asfour en 1972, il dépeint la désillusion d' une génération confrontée à la corruption et à la faillite morale du pouvoir à travers des plans symboliques (cafés, espaces clos, …) et des dialogues ambigus; les histoires intimes sont des allégories politiques… Ainsi, la censure conduit paradoxalement à l'enrichissement du langage cinématographique où les cinéastes doivent perfectionner l’art du sous-entendu. La guerre de 1967 marque un tournant. Le panarabisme s’effrite, la confiance en l'État décline et le cinéma égyptien, qui était autrefois le symbole d’unité, reflète désormais les fractures d’une société désenchantée. La bureaucratisation du secteur, la montée de la télévision et la fuite des capitaux privés entraînent un déclin progressif de la production. L’ouverture économique ( Infitah) lancée par Anouar el Sadate dans les années 1970, introduit de nouveaux modèles de financement. Il favorise surtout un cinéma commercial plus léger et moins engagé socialement. La grande époque du cinéma réaliste et politique s'achève et laisse place à une industrie davantage tournée vers la comédie et le divertissement populaire. Ainsi, ce que le Caire a offert au monde arabe n’a jamais été qu'un simple divertissement. Il s’agissait d'un véritable laboratoire culturel et politique. Durant cet âge d’or d'un Hollywood sur le Nil , le cinéma égyptien a su allier ambition industrielle, réalisme social et engagement idéologique pour donner naissance à des œuvres qui reflètent les espoirs, tensions et contradictions d’une société en mutation. Dans son ouvrage Popular Egyptian Cinema: Gender, Class, and Nation (2006) ,Viola Shafik affirme que c’est la capacité à produire des significations culturelles et sociopolitiques qui confère au cinéma un intérêt en tant que champ d’étude.C’est à travers les images, les stars, les musiques et les symboliques que le Caire a façonné une conscience collective arabe. Même confronté à la censure, à la bureaucratisation et au déclin du panarabisme, cet âge d'or laisse un héritage durable, celui du cinéma qui articule l'identité, la mémoire et la politique d'une nation. Photo Source: ل م يكن في الحسبان : flickr , author: Zeinab Mohamed

The new Netflix special “Mo” is one of the first American television shows to portray a Palestinian-American refugee as the protagonist. Its debut season will make you cry tears of joy, but its profundity may also provoke some tears of empathy as the main character, Mo, and his family navigate the American immigration system. < Back Chocolate Hummus and Dogs with Passports: A Review of Netflix’s Mo By Lilith Springer October 31, 2022 “Us Palestinians, we carry on.” Yusra’s eyes sparkle and in her tears, Mo can see the trauma that his mother has lived through since she fled Palestine and, later, Kuwait. But he also sees defiance and resilience. He sees endless love for her family and their homeland. Her tears are burning her cheeks, hot like the pride that ignites in her heart when she talks about their identity. "It is who we are ." The new Netflix special “Mo” is one of the first American television shows to portray a Palestinian-American refugee as the protagonist. Its debut season will make you cry tears of joy, but its profundity may also provoke some tears of empathy as the main character, Mo, and his family navigate the American immigration system. “Mo” is a semi-autobiographical dramedy, which may sound like a paradox. The show includes countless punchlines while also treating topics such as asylum, torture, PTSD, war, drug abuse and discrimination, all with taste and authenticity. Mo loves his family. He loves his country, his religion and his hummus. His family was displaced from Palestine to Kuwait, where Mo was born, and was later forced to flee to America during the Gulf War. They have been waiting for a hearing to receive asylum in the United States for 20 years. The show follows Mo in his efforts to sustain his family through small, illegal jobs whenever someone is willing to employ him despite not having a work permit, which is unobtainable for foreigners without permanent resident status in the United States. Besides brilliantly sarcastic and hilarious dialogues, “Mo” features inner struggles of belonging, frustration and the feeling of frailty. “Whenever something emotional happens, we’re going to sit in it and we’re going to embrace it and we’re going to go through it. It’s very important to have those moments and let it breathe,” explains Mo Amer, creator and executive producer who plays the protagonist. “I love Jesus, I believe in Jesus, Jesus was Palestinian.” “Mo” highlights the role of religion in the quest for belonging, something that many of the 400,000 to 450,000 Palestinians displaced during the exodus from Kuwait during the Gulf War struggle with. The characters seek reassurance in God, may it be at home, in a Christian church or at the mosque. “I get grazed by a bullet and I am addicted to lean. It’s a joke.” A study carried out by the University Michigan School of Health among Arab refugees and immigrants highlights that Arab Americans reported high levels of depression and anxiety symptoms. Another British study confirms these findings, finding that up to 50% of the Palestinian refugees questioned struggle with mental health, an observation confirmed by the UNRWA. “Mo” pays long overdue attention to this circumstance, going into the complexity of addiction and its relation to stress and mental health. “No, not Palestine, Texas. Palestine. You know, the land of milk and honey?” There are multiple references to the conflict, but “Mo” refrains from bringing up these political elements in a patronizing way that might alienate the audience. Rather, the sarcastic comments on the occupation, belonging and daily discrimination are conveyed in the form of jokes or witty dialogues that make you think just the right amount. The short show took a vital step towards a more authentic representation of Palestinians on Netflix and is definitely worth the watch.

In Menton, there is a long-held tradition of "passing down" apartments, where second-year students give their landlord's contact information to a specific first-year student. For some, this means simply transferring a phone number to a close friend. But for the most coveted apartments, it can often mean weeks of cooking dinners, negotiations, and other mild — or extreme — bribery efforts to beat out the other candidates. < Back Passing Down Apartments: Tradition or Privilege? By Colette Yamashita Holcomb August 31, 2023 Even as days get longer and beach classes more frequent, first-year students remain stressed with one thing on their mind: housing. In Menton, there is a long-held tradition of "passing down" apartments, where second-year students give their landlord's contact information to a specific first-year student. For some, this means simply transferring a phone number to a close friend. But for the most coveted apartments, it can often mean weeks of cooking dinners, negotiations, and other mild — or extreme — bribery efforts to beat out the other candidates. Because of the sparse availability of multi-person apartments, most candidates are in groups of three or more students, forced to place all hopes of living together into these competitions. The process is a cherished campus tradition for those who come out victorious. Meanwhile, less lucky individuals are left scrambling for last-minute solutions. One student is still looking for a three-person apartment. She and her potential roommates — two other students — have competed for multiple apartments but have lost out to other students. The process started fun for her and her roommates but quickly turned sour after they lost all their prospective apartments. Now, they are battling the stress of apartment hunting with preparing for finals. She said that being left in this situation is frustrating, especially when it feels like they “played the game right” but were not rewarded. Other times, second-years lose control over the process when their landlord chooses a non-Sciences Po tenant or when someone intercepts the contact information from third-party services like Vrbo or Airbnb, bypassing the traditional system. Students often rely on spacious apartments to host association meetings, parties, and other events, meaning losing the ability to choose apartment candidates can limit the options available to the detriment of campus life. The value of apartments as venues support the argument that the practice of “passing down” is integral to preserving campus life; if the next tenants cannot fulfill the responsibility of hosting regularly — be it fundraisers, association meetings, or parties — the entire campus and the close-knit “ummah spirit” will be negatively affected. Some argue that this process privileges students on campus who are closer to apartment owners, whether through i-fams or friend groups, making the process exclusive. However, others defend the practice because anyone can ask for an apartment or become friends with the current tenants. Other students have argued that the struggle to find apartments points to a more significant issue: lack of Crous housing in Menton. A Crous building would ensure affordable accommodation and provide an inexpensive university restaurant. Menton is currently the only campus without a Crous cafeteria, but it is also smaller and more isolated meaning fewer affordable options for students. Combined with the tourist prices of the Cote d’Azur, these factors make budgeting a unique challenge. Although the Menton campus is supposedly getting a cafeteria this semester, it is not Crous funded, and students have criticized the resulting high prices for the food. The little aid covering the ever-rising cost of living, rent and tuition forces students to work alongside their studies, which many argue disadvantages them from achieving their full academic potential. Likewise, securing housing with a constrained budget without a referral is more stressful for these students because they have limited alternative options. Passing down apartments has become a school norm in the campus' short history. However, the number of students who chose to work around the traditional system this year may indicate an emerging cultural shift. Moreover, it points to a greater struggle for systemic change to better support university living.

< Back The World Turn Its Head Towards Sciences Po During Integration Week Protests By Layla Hammouda and Peyton Dashiell September 28, 2022 Editor’s note: Objectivity is of paramount importance to The Menton Times. As such, the September 2022 issue of the publication features a variety of stances that students took amid the controversial Integration Week boycott. Sciences Pistes politicize everything. This truism held up during Integration Week when the Bureau des Élèves included the opportunity to attend the OGC Nice vs. Maccabi Tel Aviv club football game. This match would soon become the source of vivid tension. Such discontent first materialized in the simple and relatively silent boycott of the event by many students but then took another turn with the explicit expression of dissatisfaction by Sciences Palestine , a campus organization dedicated to Palestinian political activism and cultural affairs. According to Sciences Palestine, this match “normalized the occupation of the Palestinian territories and the persistence of an apartheid regime,” acknowledging the recent bombings of the Gaza Strip and the increased expansion of settlements in the West Bank, which were cited as the leading causes of the protest. Initial plans called for a peaceful demonstration outside the OGC Nice stadium during the Aug. 25, 2022 game, but protest organizers soon faced unprecedented roadblocks. After the president of Sciences Palestine spoke to media representatives, the event was thrown into the heart of a controversy far beyond the walls of the Menton campus. As news of the protest spread across the Riviera, it was met with largely negative reactions from the university administration and local government. According to Sciences Palestine, the Sciences Po administration threatened consequences toward any organization that chose to partake in the protest. Furthermore, the administration criticized the illegality of the demonstration since it was not declared to the town hall. The mayor of Menton, Yves Juhel, announced that financial support and permits that allow student associations to use city establishments for Sciences Po students would be jeopardized if the protest occurred. The outcry was also not limited to local government and administration — the original protest was canceled amid student safety concerns when both OGC Nice supporters and Menton residents threatened Sciences Pistes protesters with bodily harm. The bureau advised Sciences Po students attending the match to hide any affiliation with Sciences Po and avoid political statements in their clothing. News of the protest even reached Israel — Sports5, a prominent Israeli sports media outlet, published an article briefly summarizing the controversy, outlining the plans of the original protest, the subsequent security threats, and the condemnation of the match by officials in the Nice municipality. In social media statements, Sciences Palestine claimed a double standard in their treatment by Sciences Po, citing past unauthorized demonstrations, such as a January 2022 protest against far-right politician Eric Zemmour , that have occurred with no roadblocks or negative attention from the Sciences Po administration. Because of this, Sciences Palestine claimed that the protest in solidarity with Palestine was uniquely targeted. They also raised a question regarding the ethics of free speech limitations at universities — should the Sciences Po administration have the authority to directly or indirectly restrict student protests? As a State Party to the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, freedom of assembly is guaranteed under French law without restriction, except for stipulations governing the protection of national security, public safety, public health, disturbances to the public order, or infringement upon the rights of others. However, protests in France have faced opposition in recent years, particularly in cases concerning the protection of public order, a clause many see as too broad to enforce and naturally leading to government overreach. In May 2021, French interior minister, Gerard Darmanin, targeted a protest organized against the Israeli bombardment of Gaza. Darmanin pushed the Paris police chief to ban the rally due to “serious disturbances to the public order” that occurred after Palestinian solidarity protests in 2014. Additionally, the president of the Association France-Palestine Solidarité, Bertrand Heilbronn, was arrested in Paris after he announced plans to organize a peaceful rally. This move was condemned by activists and politicians, with French Parliament member Elsa Faucillon tweeting that “manifester est un droit dont vous devriez être le garant” (protesting is a right that must be guaranteed). Given this history, the governmental challenges to the protest were not entirely unexpected. Additionally, the Sciences Palestine protest controversy was not limited to off-campus organizations. In response to Sciences Palestine’s plans, the Sciences Po Menton chapter of the Union des Etudiants Juifs released a statement condemning the protest against the Israeli government at the match. While Maccabi Tel Aviv is based in Israel, it was established in 1906, before Israel’s birth, and its players originate from across the world. The team is associated with Judaism — the team logo includes the Star of David. The UEJF’s statement, taking into account the Jewish roots of Maccabi Tel Aviv, argued that the protest would match the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s definition of antisemitism: “Holding Jews collectively responsible for the actions of the State of Israel.” UEJF President Ellie Carter said, “The UEJF’s statement is the product of a lot of time and consideration on the part of all three of our board members. I hope we have conveyed that, although we absolutely encourage the right of Sciences Palestine to engage in demonstrations and protests, we also urge participants to continue to think critically about the context, messages, and ultimate goals of their actions, ensuring that the distinction is made between a person who is Jewish, a person who is Israeli, and the Israeli State itself.” Despite the initial challenges, Sciences Palestine protested in Nice on Sept. 3, 2022, in collaboration with the Association France Palestine Solidarité. Sciences Palestine labeled the protest “a victory over censorship” and pledged to continue future activism even in the face of challenges. Whether or not one agrees with the original protest, witnessing this level of engagement amid such a divergence of ideas remains a valuable opportunity to deconstruct one’s most entrenched certainties. Seizing such opportunities is an integral part of the Sciences Po experience, where one works to carefully forge informed stances while also learning to defend them efficiently and relentlessly.

Syria’s post-Assad experiment will be judged not only by who governs, but by how it treats those on the losing side of power. Will justice be pursued through institutions, or through revenge? Will Syria embrace unity, or settle into division? These are not abstract questions. They are matters of life and death, national identity and regional balance. < Back The Price of Blood: Syria’s Alawites and the Cost of Power Camilla Maury for CERS April 30, 2025 The fall of the Assad regime in December 2024 marked the end of a dictatorship, leaving Syria free from Assad family rule after 50 years. Surely that’s a cause for celebration... However, Syria finds itself at a new crossroads. It is tasked with establishing stability and security in a nation on the brink of collapse. Today, the landscape remains bleak: 90% of Syrians in the country live below the poverty line. Bread prices have skyrocketed since the new regime lifted subsidies, electricity is available for just a few hours a day, the public sector remains largely unpaid, and banknotes are scarce, leaving the cash-reliant economy in a stranglehold. Adding to its financial constraints, the country remains one of the most heavily sanctioned in the world, second only to Russia and Iran. While the United States has paused its proposed 41% tariffs on Syrian goods, within the general 90-day sanctions pause, the future remains uncertain. Sanctions relief has been alluded to by both the EU and Washington, however, policy ambiguity persists, trapping the country in a precarious limbo. Where does that leave Syria in terms of safety? The country is facing both internal and external threats. Internally, local security has been jeopardized by sectarian violence in recent months, especially from March onwards. Alawites, an ethnoreligious group and Shiite sect living predominantly in Syria, have increasingly been the target of attacks by armed groups supporting the Sunni-Islamist government, who are thought to be carrying out ‘revenge killings’ against those associated with the previous regime. The reasons behind these attacks can be attributed to the Assad regime's legacy, given that Bashar al-Assad himself was an Alawite, and the sect made up a central part of the Shabbiha, an Assad-loyalist paramilitary force that carried out deadly attacks against Sunni civilians during the civil war. Aside from the historical origins of the grievances, an immediate trigger occurred on March 6 when Assad loyalists attacked a local patrol of security forces in the Latakia province, killing at least thirteen people and prompting consequent anti-Alawite attacks and revenge killings. In early March alone, at least 1,000-2,000 civilian casualties, mostly Alawites, were reported by monitoring groups in the regions of Latakia, Tartus, Hama and Homs. More recently, in late April of this year, fourteen Alawites were reportedly abducted and killed in the Homs region. As noted by UN Envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen, “every step towards establishing the rule of law—and moving on transitional justice—will help reassure all components of the Syrian society.” Grievances persist amidst both the Assad loyalists and those in support of the new regime. Additionally, external threats continue to compromise security, as Syria finds itself at the heart of growing Israeli-Turkish tensions. Since December 2024, Israel has carried out repeated airstrikes on Syrian bases, incurring several casualties, while also deploying troops in a UN-patrolled buffer zone in the Golan Heights. The true target of these attacks is Turkey, with Israel’s foreign minister raising concerns of Turkey playing an increasingly “negative role” in Syria. Turkey’s vested interests in Syria are multifaceted. For one, Turkey has been hosting the largest number of Syrian refugees since the start of the civil war. Aiding in the establishment of stability in the country would allow for the repatriation of some Syrian refugees, alleviating pressure on Turkey from hosting 3.2 million Syrian refugees. Turkey’s primary interest, however, lies in sustaining a ‘security corridor’ in northern Syria, tackling counterterrorism linked with Kurdish insurgency on its home grounds, and expanding its soft power through a growing military presence. This comes at a time when Turkey is preparing to deploy air defense systems in Syria’s T4 air base, concurrent with negotiations with the new government for a defense pact . This would increase Turkish presence in the country and bolster Syria’s military. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s response has been clear : Turkish bases in Syria would pose a “danger to Israel.” According to Israeli Defense Minister, Israel Katz, Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa’s new government would “pay a very heavy price” for allowing Turkey to further establish itself in the country. Given the various conflicting external pressures, President Sharaa is called to tread carefully in navigating Syria’s next steps. Despite the turmoil taking Syria by storm, there are some glimmers of hope on the horizon. The new Syrian leadership is taking a cautious stance diplomatically, committed to balancing ties between competing regional powers and positioning itself strategically. Experts suggest that Syria’s transitional government has a rare window of opportunity to reclaim its agency and stability. As such, the government’s next steps are of special importance, especially if sanctions relief is contingent upon counterterrorism cooperation and minority protections. If Syria can leverage its current relative freedom from Irania n dominance and can secure support from international actors and allies, the country may be en route to a sustainable transition away from its years of violence. Syria’s road to recovery will likely be a tumultuous one—economic frailty, sectarian violence and external pressures weigh upon the government’s next steps. But for the first time in over a decade, the possibility of Syrian-led reconstruction can be seen as within reach. Photo source: upyernoz on Flickr

< Back Romania: East or West? Amer El-Ibrahim December 31, 2024 More and more Eastern European countries are swept by liminal illiberal parties and rulers, which alienate themselves more and more from the European sphere of influence and tend, vicariously, toward Russia. Slovakia, Bulgaria and Hungary have shown that they sympathize with the Federation, especially through their actions during the ongoing Ukrainian conflict. Following the latest presidential elections in Romania, saying that this statement applies to it as well will increasingly be more difficult. Will it fall prey to the vying tentacles of the Kremlin and join the aforementioned list of countries? The first round of the presidential elections was held on Nov. 24, and the surprising results came out on Nov. 25. The clear winner of this election was Calin Georgescu, a seemingly independent candidate whose main form of publicity was through TikTok. The second candidate in the hierarchy was Elena Lasconi, coming from an ex-anti-system party that strives for anti-corruption. The candidates for the main political parties that have dominated Romanian politics over the last decade, The Social Democratic Party and the National Liberal Party, shockingly failed in getting to the second round of elections. Going back to the winner, Georgescu has made his campaign almost exclusively on TikTok, where he posted himself saying general, mostly false, statements that would greatly appeal to the public, such as the fact that the Ukrainians are getting too much help from the government. His mystical-nationalistic utterances aimed at stirring a very primordial and nonsensical patriotism in his viewers. Additionally, he portrayed himself as a new man, who was not part of the system and who would save the precarious economic and social situation of Romania—in short, a Messiah, another Il Duce on the panoply of history. What is important to observe that the Romanian diaspora has voted mostly for him, and this action/protest became the utter expression of the disgust towards the current political class I state this because Romania is the 17th globally at emmigration rates, with almost 6 million Romanians having decided that living abroad is better than home. However, after the results were released, a considerable amount of incriminating evidence surfaced about Georgescu. He has been a man of the political system since the fall of the Iron Curtain, being part of important ministries, enjoying strong connections with neo-fascist groups and having a campaign funded by foreign state powers, namely Russia. According to Romania’s Secret Services, he also used bots and influencers to secretly promote himself on TikTok. The general consensus regarding his win is the fact that the majority of the population, at home or abroad, is sick and tired of the usual suspects of Romanian politics: the two aforementioned parties and their people. They wanted something new, far away from the perpetual corruption and callousness of the main parties (their candidates refused to participate in any debate, betting on the fact that one of them will get in the second round of elections by default). It was a vote against the system. The ineffectiveness and incompetence of institutions of all kinds have also played a role in this affair. The utter expression of the failure of the Romanian state was the fact that the extremely generously funded Secret Services could not find—or did not want to publish them in due time—any link between Georgescu and the Russians during the presidential campaign, revealing such information three days before the second round of elections. Subsequently, the Constitutional Court of Romania decided the following day to cancel the elections and redo the whole process once again. On a second level, this decision evinces officials’ lack of connection and tact regarding what one would call the “obvious reality.” By cancelling the elections, the Constitutional Court allowed more radicalization and division in society. People who were already disappointed with the state of the nation felt, and that is the best word one can use in this context, that the current power—the status quo— was doing everything in its reach to prevent a transfer of power, thus leaving the impression of an authoritarian kleptomaniac rule and not a democratic one. Regardless of whether the decision to cancel the elections was dictated or not by the government, this impression will last for all subsequent elections. The average citizen feels lost, lied to, abused and distrustful of all information sources and quite justifiably so, since almost all major media outlets have received millions of euros from party coffers. Change was what was wanted, but is this the change we all are striving for? I doubt that.

Although many countries have designed written legal documents, such as the U.S. Constitution and France’s Fifth Republic Constitution, restricting the state from utilizing cruel and inhumane forms of punishment, reservations regarding the efficacy of contemporary punishment have been voiced as high incarceration, and recidivism rates persist. < Back Crime and Punishment: U.S. and France By Julien Zeman March 31, 2023 Punishment has existed since the birth of humankind, and though its application has evolved over time, from unregulated bloody revenge feuds to complex criminal prisons, its existence continues to maintain a pivotal role in the conduct and organization of modern societies. Today, legal scholars generally define punishment as “the imposition of something that is intended to be both burdensome and reprobative, on a supposed offender for a supposed crime, by a person or body who claims the authority to do so.” Although many countries have designed written legal documents, such as the U.S. Constitution and France’s Fifth Republic Constitution, restricting the state from utilizing cruel and inhumane forms of punishment, reservations regarding the efficacy of contemporary punishment have been voiced as high incarceration, and recidivism rates persist. In 2021, for instance, the U.S. incarceration rate reached 639 for every 100,000 people, possessing the highest rate globally. France’s incarceration rate for the same year was 106 for every 100,000 people. Further, according to t he most recent and complete data collected , the U.S. recidivism rate on a two-year follow-up was 60 percent in 2005, while in France, the rate for the same follow-up period was 40 percent just one year prior. Though high incarceration rates are important considerations in gauging societal failure, this article will focus on recidivism as it provides a more concrete measure of the failure of current punishment principles governing the criminal correctional system. Recidivism, more generally referred to as repeat offending, is a pervasive issue that continues to trouble both academics and the general populace alike, and though the issue is of no less importance in France, there exists a strikingly large statistical disparity of 20 percent between the two countries. By comparing these two countries, we can attempt to identify the elements which have led the U.S. to have a higher prevalence of recidivism. Once these elements are identified, it may become possible to tackle the more difficult task of isolating possible solutions that may reverse the high recidivism rates that seemingly plague contemporary modern criminal justice systems. In order to uncover solutions to such a complex issue, it is first necessary to analyze and compare each country's punishment philosophy. Unsurprisingly, there is a common consensus among France and the U.S. that those who inflict injury upon other members of a community should be punished. However, consensus diverges concerning the justification for punishment and, thus, how it should be implemented. Theories justifying punishment fluctuate with time, and it is, therefore, pertinent to understand what these theories are to comprehend how they impact the prison systems, or other forms of punishment, in their historical and societal contexts. For the purpose of this article, there are generally two different theories of punishment most frequently advocated for: utilitarianism and retributivism. Utilitarianism revolves around the principle of deterrence — one should only be punished if it provides the future societal utility of reducing crime. Utilitarians believe humans are rational beings and will avoid criminal activity if they believe the punishment will outweigh the benefits of committing a criminal act. For instance, a perceived utility of punishment under this theory is the avoidance of private vengeance-based feuds. It is important to note that there exist several sub-theories of utilitarianism, and the forms of deterrence that are stressed vary from general deterrence to the less common theory of rehabilitation utilitarianism, also known as reform utilitarianism. Whereas general deterrence adherents defend punishment on the grounds that it teaches a lesson that dissuades others from committing similar crimes, reform utilitarianists “prefer to use the correctional system to reform the wrongdoer rather than to secure compliance through the fear… of punishment.” In stark contrast, retributivists’ basic principle is that punishment is justified when it is deserved. Retributivists believe that humans possess free will. Therefore, if an individual freely chooses to violate society’s rules, it is morally justifiable that they be punished. The severity of such punishment should be proportional to the harm they caused. Retributivists are not concerned with whether or not others will be deterred from committing crimes or reform. Though, again, here it is important to stress that within the retributivist theoretical frame of punishment, there is nuance among the different subforms of retributivism. French punishment theory pivots more firmly around utilitarianism as it emphasizes the mitigation of the harmful effects of crime. While those working in the U.S. criminal correctional system claim to preach and apply utilitarian practices, a plethora of evidence suggests that, in practice, a retributivist form of punishment is more typically employed. The example of capital punishment can be used to illustrate this fact. Whereas France has abolished and prohibited the use of capital punishment, the US continues to utilize it in six states. In a comprehensive document debunking capital punishment myths, Amnesty International emphasizes, “Evidence from around the world has shown that the death penalty has no unique deterrent effect on crime. Many people have argued that abolishing the death penalty leads to higher crime rates, but studies in the USA and Canada…do not back this up.” Thus, capital punishment more closely serves to fulfill a retributivist approach to punishment. If it were true that the American justice system promoted a strictly utilitarian theory of punishment, the death penalty would, like France, be abolished in all states. Furthermore, the US Department of Justice (DOJ) Office of Justice Programs itself admits that “Sending an individual convicted of a crime to prison isn’t a very effective way to deter crime,” reasoning that “Prisons actually may have the opposite effect: Inmates learn more effective crime strategies from each other, and time spent in prison may desensitize many to the threat of future imprisonment.” Yet, in spite of this admission, an New York University School of Law report suggested nearly 40 percent of the U.S. prison population is behind bars with no compelling public safety reason, illustrating that the U.S. correctional justice system promotes retributivism. More than just failing to deter crime, the U.S. retributivist philosophy of punishment may actually encourage recidivism. Though factors such as wage, neighborhood and education do contribute to the susceptibility of an ex-convict to recidivate, this is only exacerbated by the application of a retributivist prison culture that emphasizes punitive measures rather than rehabilitation. Research has affirmed that increasing funding for rehabilitation in the criminal justice system correlatively reduces the propensity for an inmate to recidivate. In 2009, the French Act of 1987 relating to the public prison service was amended to grant inmates the right to “obtain identity papers, to vote, to get married or register in civil unions, and to obtain public assistance funds while incarcerated,” all of which reduce the criminogenic nature of prisons and further eases inmates’ transitions into society. In comparison, the American justice system is far more restrictive when it comes to issuing prisoner’s rights that will ease their reintegration into society — a difference that manifests itself in the higher rates of recidivism in the U.S. Furthermore, according to the American Psychological Association, “a combination of strict sentencing guidelines, budget shortfalls and a punitive philosophy of corrections has made today's (U.S.) prisons much more unpleasant — and much less likely to rehabilitate their inhabitants…,” a fact that is made abundantly clear when investigating U.S. correctional prisons’ disturbingly common and harsh use of isolation. The U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics found that on any given day in 2011-12, approximately 7.1 percent (approximately 11,200 inmates) of all inmates may be subjected to solitary confinement. This figure does not even take into account people held in solitary confinement within jails, military facilities, immigration detention centers or juvenile justice facilities. Being subjected to extended periods of solitary isolation has been proven to have significant detrimental effects on inmates' mental health, as demonstrated by the fact that just over 50 percent of jail and prison inmates suffered from serious “psychological distress.” Christopher Wildeman, a professor of policy analysis and management at Cornell University, asserts that “Being placed in solitary confinement substantially increases the risk of committing more crimes after getting released from prison, and may decrease the probability of employment.” Wildemen found that solitary confinement increased the risk of reconviction within three years by as much as 15 percent. Despite correctional officers justifying the use of solitary confinement on grounds of protecting the inmates and staff, the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics reported that, based on their empirical findings, “prisons with higher rates of restrictive housing (also known as solitary confinement) had higher levels of facility disorder….” The term “facility disorder” accounts for fighting within the facility, inmate-officer trust, inmates’ level of concern about being assaulted, reports of inmates yielding weapons, gang activity in the facility and more. Thus, in addition to negatively impacting recidivist rates, solitary also doesn’t achieve its intended goal. Though France does utilize solitary confinement as a mode of punishment, its use is far less routinized. A City University of New York research paper examining the French prison system observed that “The pervasive use of isolation in American prisons is disturbing to French correctional officials.” This does not that the French correctional system is without its share of problems. It is readily apparent that a 40 percent recidivist rate suggests a flawed law enforcement approach. Yet, while France has demonstrated a willingness to take concrete steps to mitigate recidivism by applying reform utilitarianism, little progress has been made in the US. The question that subsequently emerges is thus, what can be done to reduce recidivism? The simple solution is to emphasize rehabilitation over punishment. Research has demonstrated that improving mental health care, establishing educational programs and providing released prisoners with the necessary skills and connections to be successful in the work environment can significantly lower recidivism. For instance, inmates who participate in educational programs are 43 percent less likely to recidivate, while inmates who are provided the proper support to acquire valuable work skills and are given a job while incarcerated are 24 percent less likely to recidivate. Shifting prisons from punitive to rehabilitative institutions is, of course, easier said than done. A complete shift in national punishment philosophy is not an easy endeavor. However, as an American Civil Liberties Union research study observed , there is already a general inclination to reform the U.S. justice system given that “71 percent of Americans agree that incarceration is often counterproductive to public safety, since ‘sending someone to prison for a long sentence increases the chances that he or she will commit another crime when they get out because prison doesn’t do a good job of rehabilitating problems...”’ Conceding that the US populace is ready to make such a change, why has it not occurred? Though there have been efforts in the U.S. to reform prisons into rehabilitative institutions, such instances where concrete change was implemented are scarce. Essential to the reduction of recidivism is considering prison reform indivisible from broader criminal justice reform. Seriously reconciling the presently dominant principles that govern the way punishment is exacted is the first step to abating criminogenic institutions.

Préserver les traditions ou changer ? C'est le thème qui est devenu de plus en plus récurrent lors de notre séjour à Kakuma et de nos échanges avec les étudiants résidents du camp. Cette tension entre la tradition et l'universalité des droits humains est ressentie dans l'environnement, en espérant qu'un équilibre puisse être trouvé entre les deux concepts pour assurer la sécurité et le bien-être de l'individu. < Back Es-tu gay? By Amalia Heide for Sciences Po Refugee Help November 30, 2023 "Es-tu gay ?” Cette question a été posée par l'étudiant qui se trouvait à mon côté dans mon cahier de notes il y a quelques semaines dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma. À partir de cette question, une discussion écrite de quarante minutes sur l'homosexualité a commencé. Ecrite parce que, simultanément, un migrant géorgien queer a témoigné de son expérience et de son travail de recherche sur le thème de la migration LGBTQ+. Cette discussion a été retranscrite en partie : Amalia : Tu détestes ça ? Lui : L'homosexualité est contraire à notre culture. NOUS le détestons. Le pronom " nous " dans ce cas fait référence à la communauté. Mon interlocuteur se présente, pendant toute la durée de la conversation, comme un porte-parole de la vision générale de la communauté. Lui : Nous n'aimons pas les gays et les lesbiennes. C'est un crime ici. La société vous maudira si vous vous engagez dans cette voie. Les LGBTQIA+ sont-ils autorisés en Argentine ? Amalia : Nous croyons (j'ai également décidé de prendre le rôle de représenter la culture hégémonique de mon pays) que chacun est libre d'aimer qui il veut. Le mariage gay est légal. Lui : Je n'ai jamais vu de joueurs argentins se marier avec des joueurs masculins, par exemple Messi, Aguero, etc. C'est un manque de respect d'épouser un homme quand on est un homme. Amalia : Pourquoi ? Lui : Dieu a créé Adam (l'homme) et Eve (la femme). Pourquoi Dieu n'a-t-il pas créé le même sexe ? Amalia : Il est peut-être préférable de considérer la création du monde comme une légende, créée dans une société où les LGBTQIA+ n'étaient pas bien vus, comme c'est le cas aujourd'hui au Kenya. Mais si la légende était vraie, pourquoi cela signifierait-il que Dieu est nécessairement CONTRE les LGBTQIA+ ? Ne peut-il pas soutenir les deux? Quelle est la corrélation entre le fait qu'Adam soit un homme et qu'Eve soit une femme et le fait que Dieu ne puisse pas nous aimer tous, peu importe notre sexualité ? Lui : Le mariage est destiné à mettre au monde des enfants, mais les personnes du même sexe ne peuvent pas mettre au monde des enfants. Autoriser les LGBTQIA+ revient à aller à l'encontre de l'œuvre de Dieu. Pourquoi s'engager dans une relation si l'on ne peut pas avoir d'enfants? Nous pouvons nous aimer les uns les autres, mais pas nous engager dans des actes sexuels avec le même sexe. Adopter des enfants est une bonne chose [...] mais il faudrait savoir aussi à quoi ressemblerait ton produit (le bébé). J'ai estimé qu'il était important de transcrire cette conversation afin de contextualiser l'environnement dans lequel la communauté LGBTQIA+ est contrainte de se développer. Afin de ne pas baser ma déclaration uniquement sur une conversation, je voudrais souligner que la Commission nationale des droits de l'homme des gays et lesbiennes (NGLHRC) et Amnesty International ont publié cette année un rapport conjoint sur les expériences des réfugiés LGBTQIA+ vivant à Kakuma, au Kenya. Ils qualifient cette situation extrêmement dangereuse, caractérisée par des crimes de haine, des discriminations et d'autres violations des droits de l'homme. Malgré cet environnement hostile, il existe dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma un collectif LGBTQIA+ extrêmement actif qui cherche à sensibiliser les gens à leur statut dans le camp. Il s'agit de Free Block 13 Kakuma. Leur site web ( Free Block 13 - Free the LGBTQIA+ community from Kakuma ) contient des informations sur les activités du Pride month, une section "dons" et une section "histoires". J'ai pris le temps de lire plusieurs témoignages poignants et je vous invite à faire de même. Cependant, j'aimerais mettre en lumière l'histoire de Kevin, un homme transgenre qui a subi plusieurs attaques de la part de la communauté à Kakuma sans recevoir d'aide de la part du HCR. Kevin raconte que "le 25 juin 2020, des homophobes ont mis le feu à notre clôture, qui s'est propagée à notre maison malgré la présence de la police, aucun effort n'a été fait pour arrêter les agresseurs et, à ce jour, personne n'a jamais été appréhendé et les mêmes agresseurs jurent toujours de nous attaquer et de nous tuer pour mettre fin à la malédiction qui pèse sur nous, les LGBTQIA+ de Kakuma au Kenya". Une malédiction, c'est la même expression que celle utilisée par mon interlocuteur pour décrire cette communauté. Il est évident que cette série de discriminations doit être comprise à travers l'intersectionnalité. Prenons le témoignage de Shifra: sa mère, qui est homosexuelle, a dû fuir avec Shifra son pays d'origine, l'Ouganda, après avoir été victime de violences physiques et mentales. Elle et Kevin ont tous deux été victimes de mariages forcés parce qu'ils étaient des femmes et étaient incapables d'imposer leur volonté. Ainsi, le statut des femmes en matière de droits de l'homme est une question centrale dans le camp de réfugiés. Lors de la conférence internationale sur les mobilités et les immobilités à Kakuma, un groupe d'étudiants du camp a présenté le projet sur la santé et les droits des représentants sexuels. Composé de deux femmes et de quatre hommes, le groupe vise à sensibiliser les femmes (mais aussi les hommes) à leurs droits sexuels.En effet, l'une des fondatrices du projet a raconté, avec beaucoup de tristesse dans les yeux, comment plusieurs de ses camarades de classe ont dû épouser des "hommes de plus de 60 ans". Une autre a raconté comment l'absence d'éducation sexuelle a conduit des adolescentes à tomber enceintes contre leur gré. Cette initiative étudiante est rejointe par d'autres, comme dans le cas d'Amina Rowimoh Hortense. Amina est arrivée au camp de réfugiés de Kakuma en 2004, fuyant le conflit en République démocratique du Congo. Elle n'avait que 17 ans. Elle a réussi à suivre une formation de cinéaste grâce au HCR et réalise aujourd'hui des films pour sensibiliser à la situation des femmes dans le camp. Son dernier film traite par exemple des mutilations génitales féminines et l a été projeté dans le camp, incitant les femmes et les hommes à remettre en question cette pratique, toujours ancrée dans la société. Préserver les traditions ou changer ? C'est le thème qui est devenu de plus en plus récurrent lors de notre séjour à Kakuma et de nos échanges avec les étudiants résidents du camp. Cette tension entre la tradition et l'universalité des droits humains est ressentie dans l'environnement, en espérant qu'un équilibre puisse être trouvé entre les deux concepts pour assurer la sécurité et le bien-être de l'individu.

La COP 28 de Dubaï, censée tirer un premier bilan mondial de l’action climatique, n’en sera que plus décevante et alarmante tant l'absence de ces mêmes actions est frappante. < Back COP 27 ou Déception n°27 By Environnementon Guest Writer December 31, 2022 « Les COP sont un peu des machines à décevoir » déclarait François Gemenne scientifique, chercheur, membre du GIEC et professeur dans notre cher institut, à l’issue de la vingt-septième Conference Of Parties le 20 novembre. Une fois de plus, les 197 parties signataires de la CCNUCC se sont réunies dans l‘objectif de renforcer leurs engagements afin de lutter contre le réchauffement climatique.Ils se sont contentées, une fois de plus, du minimum demandé. Certes, un accord « historique » a été signé. Gemenne le souligne lui-même. Certes, la mise en place d’un fond pour compenser les « pertes et préjudices » , soit les dégâts irréversibles causés par les pays du Nord, est une victoire indéniable pour les pays les plus vulnérables. Certes, les pays industrialisés, les pollueurs historiques, reconnaissent enfin leur responsabilité et leur devoir d’indemnisation des dégâts. Certes. Des années de revendications de la part des pays les moins industrialisé s sont ainsi actées sur papier et, bien que seul le contenant en soit établi, cet accord est historique : une justice climatique ressort de Sharm El-Sheikh. Pour rappel, les zones les plus exposées au changement climatique sont également les moins responsables de ce même changement, à l’image du continent africain, responsable de moins de 4% des émissions mondiales de GES et continent le plus à risque selon le GIEC. Mais, et il est nécessaire de le préciser, cet accord n’est qu'un contenant. Laurent Fabius, président du Conseil constitutionnel et président de la COP 21, nuance ainsi la réussite de Sharm El-Sheikh : « Si on est honnêtes, on doit remarquer qu’on ne connaît ni le montant, ni les bénéficiaires, ni ceux qui vont payer » . Le texte de l’accord n’apporte donc pas de précisions sur ces sujets, qui devront attendre d’être déterminés par un comité spécial d’ici à la COP 28. Cela constitue tout du moins une avancée. L’échec qui ressort de Sharm El-Sheikh ne vient pas de là. Notre déception découle de l’ incapacité à produire une avancée véritable sur la question de la réduction de gaz à effet de serre, principal danger auquel l’humanité doit faire face et supposé objectif de ces conférences. Depuis 2015 et l’accord de Paris, avec son aspiration à parvenir à un monde climatiquement neutre d'ici le milieu du siècle, aucune avancée concrète ne s’opère. Le refus de reprendre la discussion sur la sortie des énergies fossiles, apparue à Glasgow en 2021, témoigne une nouvelle fois du poids des lobbies des entreprises fossiles. Le présent que ces derniers défendent est, de fait, plus attractif que les efforts colossaux qu’il faudra déployer en vue de garantir un futur stable. L’objectif de 1,5°C de Paris, quasiment impossible à l’heure actuelle pour Gemenne, s’éloigne davantage à chaque COP, présentée chaque année comme celle de la dernière chance. L'absence de référence à la COP 15 biodiversité tenue à la mi-décembre, quelques semaines après Sharm El-Sheikh, constitue un autre signal désastreux. La question de la biodiversité, pourtant étroitement liée à celle du climat, a été, une nouvelle fois, malencontreusement « oubliée » . Les déceptions sont ainsi nombreuses à l’issue de cette COP, notamment de la part des hauts dirigeants. Contrairement au président de la conférence, Sameh Choukri, qui déclare « nous avons finalement rempli notre mission » , déclaration déroutante au vu du manque de progrès, l’UE, le secrétaire général de l’ONU, Antonio Guterres, ou encore la France se disent déçus de cette COP et de son manque d’ambition. L’accord final qui en ressort n’appelle ainsi qu’à une réduction « rapide » des émissions, sans grande précision sur cette rapidité et sans nouvelles mesures pour aller en ce sens. La COP 28 de Dubaï, censée tirer un premier bilan mondial de l’action climatique, n’en sera que plus décevante et alarmante tant l'absence de ces mêmes actions est frappante.

BRAT was summer. BRAT was coming to terms with your suppressed desires, the hate you bore and the complicated friendships you were a part of. The fun, the ugly and the embarrassing. It was about the euphoria of partying into the light of early summer mornings and the walks of shame back home. Drug abuse, sex, and all other kinds of highs of life was what BRAT encompassed. It encouraged difficult conversations about fertility and friendship, revealing that fame doesn’t equate feelings getting spared or receiving grace. < Back Is being a Virgin as Cool as Being a BRAT? : A Review of Lorde’s Latest Studio Album Melissa Çevikel October 23, 2025 Brat : More Than an Album BRAT was summer. BRAT was coming to terms with your suppressed desires, the hate you bore and the complicated friendships you were a part of. The fun, the ugly and the embarrassing. It was about the euphoria of partying into the light of early summer mornings and the walks of shame back home. Drug abuse, sex, and all other kinds of highs of life was what BRAT encompassed. It encouraged difficult conversations about fertility and friendship, revealing that fame doesn’t equate feelings getting spared or receiving grace. Besides shaping a big majority of the summer 2024 trends and, arguably, vibes, Charli xcx’s sixth studio album BRAT created a long lasting — and ongoing— cultural phenomenon of “BRAT Summer” . In her Menton Times article dating september last year titled “Becoming Brat” Ema spoke on the impact BRAT Summer had on society saying: “Charli XCX reminded us, in her blunt and unhinged way, that we can be confident and vulnerable and there is in fact nothing wrong with our imperfect, complicated personalities.” This summer, however, following Charli xcx’s official declaration of the end of BRAT summer , a new era began. Although the target audience for this new “ era ” was the exact same as BRAT Summers , it could not even come close to the commercial success brat had achieved. Charli xcx and Lorde’s relationship has had complications which were publicly known and exploited by the mass media. The two artists have oftentimes been compared to each other due to their similar physical appearance and success in the mid 2010s music industry. While the intricate details of their relationship weren’t shared withthe public, the remix of Charli xcx’s Girl so Confusing which featured Lorde not only revealed the underlying hostility the two had towards each other but also “resolved” the conflict with the final lines of the song being: “ Girl, girl, girl, girl // You know I ride for you, too// (It's so confusing-ing)” As Lorde hadn’t released music since her 2021 album Solar Power , this feature was also regarded as her return to music, which meant that by the time she announced that she would be releasing Virgin everyone was already hyped for her comeback. Yet, despite this initial excitement, Virgin wasn't nearly as successful commercially as BRAT was, with some users even comparing it to Taylor Swift's widely hated and criticized album The Life of a Showgirl. But does this lack of commercial success have anything to do with the quality of Lorde’s Virgin, or is it simply a manifestation of the change of consumer preferences? Virgin : Thoughts Virgin consists of eleven songs. The album was written and produced in 2023, around the same time as Brat. Lorde describes this album as her “rebirth,” discussing numerous themes and both regressing to the past and reflecting on the present. All the songs featured are not only content heavy but also in classic Lorde style, quite poetic. Hence why, analyzing them in a way that would do them justice would be impossible. However, I will try my best to present a very short rundown of the songs that stood out for me from the album and their main themes, just to have a better idea of Virgin as a whole. The selected songs are based on nothing more than my personal preference. The opening track Hammer was first released as a single for the album, and is considered to be the most accurate embodiment of the album's main theme: self discovery and identity. Lorde talks about identity in all its forms, including gender identity when she says: “ Some days, I'm a woman, some days, I'm a man, oh ” . The second song of the album is What Was That, which, being the second single for the album, was highly criticized prior to the album's release. Arguably, some of the most criticized lyrics of the album are from What Was That. Some of the lyrics leading to heavy internet discourse were: MDMA in the back garden, blow our pupils up We kissed for hours straight, well, baby, what was that? I remember saying then, "This is the best cigarette of my life" Well, I want you just like that Indio haze, we're in a sandstorm and it knocks me out I didn't know then that you'd never be enough, oh Since l was seventeen, I gave you everything Now we wake from a dream, well, baby, what was that? What struck many listeners was the clear allusion to Lorde’s early career, and the years of the release of her first album, Pure Heroine. More than the content, Lorde’s writing was criticized, with users being unhappy with the lack of imagery she integrated into the song. Users said they were not able to see Lorde taking MDMA, she wasn’t able to get through to them. In Shapeshifter Lorde discusses all the roles that have been projected onto her throughout her career and how she was able to adapt to all of them. She expresses her desire to simply “be herself” again, something that she no longer knows how to do. Man of the Year is another song focusing on Lorde’s gender identity. Whether it's the “masculine” Fight Club reference in the line “You met me at a really strange time in my life”, or Lorde talking about her transformation saying: “ My babe can't believe I've become someone else// Someone more like myself,”, Man of the Year is a composition of multiple aspects of Lorde’s gender identity and her coming to terms with it. The title of the song is an allusion to the GQ Man of the Year Awards which the singer says was an event she attended in 2023 which was, in part, the inspiration behind the song . This “rebirth of hers doesn’t come without concerns. She sings “ Who's gon' love me like this?// Oh, who could give me lightness?” expressing her anxiety, and even desire to be accepted. Current Affairs is , in my opinion, one of the most powerful songs in the album. The song discusses feeling out of control, and being lost in the chaotic flow of life, holding an almost absent stance. Mama, I'm so scared Don't know how to come back Once I get out on the edge He spit in my mouth like He's sayin' a prayer But now I'm cryin' on the phone Swearing nothing's wrong The contrast between the sexual imagery, yearning for parental support and coping all brought together in the pre-chorus embodies what “rebirth” feels like for Lorde. Trying to navigate through your identity while simultaneously, in its simplest form, continuing to live a life and cope with current affairs, accurately represents the complexity and weight of living a multi dimensional life. Finally, David is, in my opinion, the ultimate closing track for an album like Virgin. The song's main theme is vulnerability, and gives the album an almost chronological feeling since it’s set in the present and connects the journey she has gone through with the destination where she has arrived. The lyrics: “ At the Sunset Tower, you said, "Open your mouth" I did// And what came spillin' out that day was the truth// If I'd had virginity, I would have given that too” present an almost separate attachment to truth, whether it’s her true identity or the truth about her relationship. It’s so important to her that the next thing up would be something she no longer even has. The pre chorus, “ And once I could sing again, I swore I'd never lеt// Let myself sing again for you” sets the timeline of the song and is a reflection of her career. The time when she can sing again is today on Virgin, and is her declaring her autonomy and rebirth with this album. The Virality of Virgin, or the Lack There of Despite the vulnerable themes BRAT covered and reflected on Charli’s personal relationships with herself and the world, the “hype” beat and persistent party and club references made them seem much less intimidating than they were. Virgin on the other hand presents similar issues in a much more rawer way. Charli wanted her listeners to recognize these issues as a part of life and learn to live with and embrace them, while Lorde is keen on emphasizing and focusing on them rather than brushing over them. Regardless of whether Virgin Summer happened or not, we should be thankful that it didn't have the impact Brat had because it would’ve been a very depressing summer to have to go through. Call it a recession indicator if you want, but themes of depression and sadness are no longer glamorized and consumed on the internet the way they were in the 2010s and early 2020s, and people are much more inclined to consuming hyper-pop and upbeat “party” music such as that of BRAT. Though there is an undeniable aspect of seasonal impacts on trends ( sad girl autumn popularizing Taylor Swift’s albums Evermore and Folklore) , we haven’t seen similar, and recent, examples of mainstream “sad”, not only lyrics but also beat wise, music becoming as trendy as BRAT. Lorde’s rebirth, hopefully, is a happier and new chapter in her life, and we have had the chance to witness the emergence of it. Photo Source: Erin Mc, flickr

< Back Locals Versus Students: One Town, Two Communities Rose Harrill When you search Menton on the internet, you’re greeted with pictures of lemon trees, sparkling blue water, and beautiful multi-colored buildings dotting the coast. It seems like a no-brainer when choosing your Sciences Po campus – who wouldn’t want to live in one of the most beautiful towns in the world? But as students arrived in August, they began to realize that living in Menton might not be as pleasant as it seems online. During Integration Week, students started exchanging stories about their shocking experiences with the local community. I heard tales of residents yelling out their windows at students passing underneath, threatening to call the police on gatherings in apartments, and even throwing objects out of their windows at particularly loud Sciences Pistes. It seemed hard to believe at first, and a gross overreaction to average student activity. However, as time passed I came to understand this behavior as typical of the Mentonnais locals, by witnessing it firsthand. Le Retro is the quintessential Menton bar for Sciences Pistes due to their student night every Thursday that offers 50% off drinks – and maybe because it’s practically the only bar in town. Starting at 9 p.m, students swarm Le Retro, spilling out into the street because there isn’t enough space to fit us all. Those who live on the street around the bar are typically not pleased by the noise of all these students, and often take to their windows to let us know how they feel. It seems with each passing week, the locals get less and less happy with us, and their behavior escalates. Initially, they would tell us to be more quiet or they’d call the police. More recently, they’ve started to place buckets of water on their window sills, threatening to douse us if we don’t go home. This seems to be a common practice amongst the locals of Menton – pouring water on students they find irritating. Bianca Barchiesi, a 1A from Italy, talked to me about her experience “I was hanging out with my friends at a friend’s house, and we were sitting on the balcony,” she recounts. Barchiesi describes the situation as “normal” for a Saturday at 10pm, saying they were listening to music but “it wasn’t really that loud,” and her friends were practically whispering to each other. Seemingly “out of nowhere,” a man suddenly poured water on her from the upstairs balcony. “He didn’t say anything at all,” Barchiesi explains. “ He just poured a whole bunch of water on the balcony and it, of course, drenched me completely.” Barchiesi notes that he gave her no warning and never “showed himself” to her or her friends. He gave her no opportunity to even correct any behavior that could’ve been upsetting him, and instead resorted to lashing out at her. Barchiesi also had several stories of being yelled at in the street, describing these encounters as “scary” and “aggressive.” “It makes me feel uncomfortable,” she admits, “because I don’t even know how to react. Since most of us don’t know the language either, we just have to stand there and endure the aggression from them.” Another student, Ali Fahmy, a 1A from Egypt, had a similar experience, where the locals seemed to react quite drastically and quickly. He says the worst encounter he’s had with a resident was when he and his friends had “shrapnel from a brick” thrown from a window at them. “Luckily none of us were harmed,” he adds. But the conditions for this encounter also seem relatively tame, as Fahmy describes it as just “standing in the streets around midnight.” They didn’t receive any warnings prior to being attacked either, instead the local immediately resorted to a harsh punishment. It is quite obvious that, between these two reactions to a student, one seems much more extreme than the other. If the shrapnel had made contact, Fahmy could’ve been seriously injured. Fahmy describes his experience as a “racially-charged encounter,” noting that while it’s hard to pinpoint if it was explicitly racially motivated, he has “definitely experienced worse and more frequent encounters” than his French peers while being here. Unbeknownst to many international students before coming here, including myself, Menton is a very politically far-right town, with specifically strong anti-immigrant sentiments due to it being located on the border of France and Italy. Barchiesi admits to not knowing much about the political climate before arriving here, but that she “found out about it pretty quickly.” And she’s right – the political sentiment of Menton becomes quite obvious once you step foot here. It’s indicated plainly by the “Stop Immigration!” stickers currently plastered all over Avenue Laurenti near campus, clearly directed at all the international students living and going to school in the area. “It goes to show that there is definitely some degree of resentment of our presence in this town,” Fahmy says. And while all international students in Menton are technically immigrants, students of color who appear not to be French or who are overheard speaking in non-European dialects, are much easier targets for the locals. Especially compared to international students of European descent, who could be assumed to be French upon first glance. Prior to the opening of Science Po’s campus in Menton in 2005, the town was predominantly a retirement community, receiving an influx of tourists during the summer season and the lemon festival, but mostly empty and quiet for a large part of the year. Until, of course, the students arrived. However, the Mentonnais locals’ discontent with the student population is not only due to the noise we bring with us. Clashes with the town’s residents arise due to the fact that most of Sciences Pistes are typically politically left-leaning and progressive, which challenges the nature and beliefs held by the overwhelming majority of Menton. In the spring of 2024, following the wave of Pro-Palestinian protests and encampments taking place in universities around the world, Sciences Pistes in Menton blockaded the campus, spray-painting “Palestine Vivra” on the front walkway and flying the Palestinian flag from the balcony. This act of Palestinian resistance sparked outrage not only amongst the conservative locals, but right-wingers across France. Political displays like these have only furthered the resentment held by the local population towards students, progressing from a dislike of the noisyness of Sciences Pistes, to a deep-seated disdain for the culture and ideals our campus represents. While the treatment from the locals may have been a bit of a drastic readjustment for many new students in Menton, it has not broken the spirit of the Ummah. Students continue to go to Le Retro, party, congregate in the streets and talk late at night. We continue to display our appreciation for MENA culture proudly. Our 2As seem determined to have as good of a time as possible despite the push back from locals, and us 1As are determined to follow suit. In fact, it seems the division between the Sciences Pistes and the locals in Menton has created a stronger sense of community within the student population, as we turn inwards for support and friendship. Barchiesi describes the Sciences Po community in Menton as “a bubble,” claiming the treatment from locals ultimately doesn’t bother her that much anymore since she has other students in a similar position to lean on. Fahmy concludes that “prejudice exists to some degree in most of the world” so he won’t “let a minor inconvenience be a detriment” to his academics and his life. These are wise sentiments. Maybe one day the residents of Menton will grow to be more understanding of us Sciences Pistes and welcome us into their community, but until then, these experiences shouldn’t bring us down. The Ummah itself is a special place of connection and friendship, and we will continue on as we always have before. Photo Source: Jorge Franganillo, Flickr Previous Next

During Human Rights Week, I had the opportunity to hear from Noura Ghazi, a Syrian human rights lawyer and founder of Nophotozone. Her reflections centered on the wounds that linger beneath the surface — wounds inflicted by years of arbitrary arrests, torture, and enforced disappearances. At the conference “Syria in 2025 : Justice, Memory, and the Road Ahead,” Ghazi addressed one of the most painful chapters in Syria’s recent history. She spoke about the chaotic and sudden opening of prisons controlled by the regime and the dark consequences that followed. < Back Syria's Invisible Wounds: When Justice Must Rebuild What Violence Destroyed Mohamed Halmous November 15, 2025 "الصبر جميل" - Patience is beautiful "يا الله املأني صبراً ولا تجعلني أيأس" - God, fill me with patience and don't let me despair These words, inscribed on the walls of Sednaya prison by an anonymous prisoner, endure long after their unknown author likely succumbed. When people discuss about Syria today, the word “ reconstruction ” often evokes to images of ruined buildings, collapsed infrastructure and streets awaiting repair… But for many Syrians, the greatest challenge to rebuilding their society lies beyond these physical scars. What needs rebuilding is something far less visible yet even more fragile : trust, dignity, and justice. During Human Rights Week, I had the opportunity to hear from Noura Ghazi, a Syrian human rights lawyer and founder of Nophotozone. Her reflections centered on the wounds that linger beneath the surface — wounds inflicted by years of arbitrary arrests, torture, and enforced disappearances. At the conference “Syria in 2025 : Justice, Memory, and the Road Ahead,” Ghazi addressed one of the most painful chapters in Syria’s recent history. She spoke about the chaotic and sudden opening of prisons controlled by the regime and the dark consequences that followed. Earlier this year, detention centers across Syria suddenly opened, releasing thousands of prisoners. For many, this moment sparked a flicker of hope. It seemed, if only fleetingly, a chance for healing after more than a decade of unrelenting violence. But Ghazi offered a different view. Instead of a turning point, the releases exposed a profound failure in preparation and a deep moral confusion. “ The way the prisoners were released was not the right way, it was just wrong ,” Ghazi told the audience. Outside the prison walls, crowds gathered anxiously, desperate to find relatives or to see survivors. But among the released were not only political prisoners. According to human rights organizations monitoring the releases, some facilities also released individuals held on criminal charges, which compounded the confusion and heightened security concerns among families searching for loved ones. The moment that many hoped would be one of relief instead became one of confusion and renewed suffering. Syrian clinicians working in hospitals reported that many of the released detainees, weakened and broken by years behind bars, were immediately confronted by cameras, journalists, and individuals demanding their stories. Others were given heavy meals despite their fragile condition, a gesture which, though well-meaning, could have caused serious harm. Medical experts warned that bodies ravaged by prolonged starvation could not handle sudden heavy nutrition. What struck me most in Ghazi’s account was her frustration. Human rights groups had spent years anticipating this moment, they conducted workshops and prepped volunteers. Yet when the time came to support the release, the system completely failed. This failure was not only practical but symbolic. It showed that Syria's transitional institutions — still reeling from the sudden collapse of the Assad regime — were not ready to face the weight of the past. Sednaya prison stands as a stark symbol of that past. Known widely as “the human slaughterhouse,” it has become synonymous with horror in Syria. When rebel forces finally liberated it, no medical teams or humanitarian organizations were ready to assist. Not even the White Helmets — the Syrian Civil Defence, a volunteer rescue organization that has saved over 128,000 lives since 2013 —, who are usually among the first to respond, showed up. Sednaya contains two prisons, each telling a very different story. The “white prison” housed military detainees and offered minimal legal protections, such as visits and family contact. The “red prison” was the abyss. Prisoners were left in isolation, subjected to torture, and and denied all communication with the outside world. When it opened, families waited years without answers were confronted with devastating news. Some found records showing their loved ones had been sentenced to death years ago. The scale of that followed was immense. Families arrived to search for bodies and documents. Hospitals in Damascus became overwhelmed with unidentified corpses. Doctors asked colleagues to refrain from posting images online, wishing to protect grieving families from further pain. The process of mourning, frozen for years amidst unrest, reopened with force. The media, too, played a complicated role. While reporting was essential for raising awareness, Ghazi described some of the coverage as unprofessional and insensitive, amplifying the suffering. Adding to the pain was the surge of misinformation and rumors. Social media exploded with fake videos, doctored testimonies, and inflated figures about secret prisons and mass graves. For families searching for lost loved ones, every post brought hope and despair in equal measure. Ghazi explained that this was a kind of psychological survival. When the truth is unbearable, hope — even in the form of rumors — is a refuge. Amid this atmosphere of confusion and pain, organizations like Nophotozone and the Syrian Center for Truth and Justice have worked tirelessly. Volunteers risk their safety to gather documents from the ruins and preserve what evidence remains. But these efforts are fragmented. Different organizations have made conflicting statements about who is responsible for which documentation work, which has eroded some families' trust in civil society groups. At the root lies a larger problem. Without meaningful accountability or reparations, Syria's legal system continues to operate, but it operates on the same principles that enabled arbitrary imprisonment and torture. The lack of transparent judicial processes creates fear that past patterns might repeat themselves. Transitional justice, a concept devised to help societies move from conflict to reconciliation by establishing truth and accountability, is largely absent in Syria. The destruction of evidence, continuing impunity, and lack of effective coordination make meaningful progress impossible. But this is more than a technical issue. It goes to the core of legitimacy and healing. How can Syria rebuild its state without acknowledging the crimes committed by its own institutions ? Without confronting this past, any new government risks inheriting not just the infrastructure of the old regime, but its moral failings as well. Ghazi emphasized that the key lies in memory. Justice requires more than court proceedings. It demands rebuilding the collective memory of the Syrian people. Documenting crimes, collecting testimonies and preserving places like Sednaya are acts of reclaiming humanity itself. In her conference remarks, Ghazi discussed how Nophotozone now works with international partners, including the International Committee of the Red Cross and other bodies, to safeguard records and return important documents to families. She expressed hope that these carefully preserved archives — containing not only legal documents but also personal effects and testimonies — will someday anchor public museums where future generations can understand the cost of silence and denial. The humanitarian crisis remains urgent. Many former detainees suffer from severe trauma, memory loss, and physical disability. Some wander the streets and have no memory of who they are. For families, the shock of reunion is often as agonizing as the years of separation.For families, the shock of reunion is often as agonizing as the years of separation. After decades apart, fathers and sons struggle to recognize each other; mothers must reintroduce themselves to children who were too young to remember them. The psychological wounds of arbitrary detention extend far beyond the prison walls In this fragile moment, Syrian civil society stands as a pillar of resilience. Teachers, artists, and ordinary citizens volunteer to identify bodies, collect stories, and support survivors. Ghazi sees hope in their work. She said, “It’s quite interesting because we just have rediscovered what it really means to be part of a Syrian society.” Looking ahead, Syria’s future cannot be separated from its people’s healing. The absence of official transitional justice leaves a vacuum filled by grassroots activism, NGOs, and families themselves. Although fragile and sometimes disorderly, their efforts could be the foundation of a new Syrian citizenship. Rebuilding the state requires embracing truth, even when painful, and justice cannot be imposed from above. It must emerge from the voices of those who suffered, from families that refuse to forget, and from the civil actors who insist that both the dignity of the living and the memory of the dead must be honored. At the conference, the vision of “Syria in 2025” felt both within reach and far away. Legal reforms, archives, and international support are critical. But more important is the willingness to listen, to acknowledge harm, and to meet suffering face to face. The path forward is long and uncertain. But amid rubble and the reopening of old wounds, a fragile awakening persists. It is not built on power or ideology but on memory, compassion, and a steadfast belief that justice, even if delayed, can still be achieved. Photo Source: Jon Phillips, Wikimedia Commons

How does watching strangers fall in love on national television reflect the most complicated parts of our emotional lives – dating? The transition from heartful romcoms to dating shows such as Love Island, Love is Blind or Too Hot to Handle perhaps indicate romance has died. < Back Is Romance Dead?: How Reality TV Shows Reflect Modern Dating Nil Celik October 5, 2025 How does watching strangers fall in love on national television reflect the most complicated parts of our emotional lives – dating? The transition from heartful romcoms to dating shows such as Love Island , Love is Blind or Too Hot to Handle perhaps indicate romance has died. Yet, for others, it could show that the idea of “romance” has shifted from a sacred concept to a performance which lacks sincerity. “Romance” now could be designed to entertain rather than inspire. Most of the time, reality dating shows reduce love to a competition where shocking twists and viral moments are preferred over genuine connections. This shift continues to reshape how we view romance by framing intimacy as a competition in which there is a winner and a loser. Such reality shows normalize performative relationships, quick judgement and constant surveillance as typical parts of modern dating culture. Love is seen as transactional and subject to public approval instead of being a genuine connection. Romantic comedies used to dominate pop culture and they offered a very specific, ideal view of love. Movies like “ When Harry Met Sally ” , “ Notting Hill ” or “ 10 Things I Hate About You ” made us feel like romance was magical, sometimes messy, but always worth it in the end. The characters were awkward, funny and flawed, but the message was the same. Love had the power to transform them for the better. These stories usually ended with a big romantic gesture such as a kiss, a reunion, or a heartfelt confession, reminding us to keep believing in happy endings. Love, according to these movies, was meant to inspire us. Reality dating shows changed that idea completely. Instead of two people slowly figuring each other out, we now watch entire casts of strangers thrown into intense situations where they have to couple up, compete and entertain. Whether it’s “ The Bachelor ” handing out roses, or “ Love Island” forcing contestants to “re-couple” every week, or “ Too Hot to Handle ” penalizing contestants for kissing, these shows turn romance into a game. There’s always a prize. From proposals, to money, to followers, always ending with someone who “wins” and someone who goes home heartbroken. These actions make love feel less like a natural connection and more like a challenge you can either pass or fail. Of course, reality dating shows thrive on drama. Shocking twists, betrayals and viral arguments are what keep people watching. The editing is designed to create cliffhangers and amplify conflict, so that we can’t wait to see what happens next. Genuine connection often takes a backseat to the wildest moments. Contestants know that being dramatic gets more screen time, and more screen time means more fame after the show. Viewers, meanwhile, get used to seeing love as something that’s big, loud and full of drama which can make real-life dating feel boring by comparison. Another huge part of these shows is surveillance. On “ Love Island ”, cameras are everywhere, even in the bedrooms and nothing stays private. Every kiss, every argument, every tear is filmed and shown to millions of viewers. Contestants aren’t just thinking about who they like – they’re thinking about how they look on camera and what the audience will think of them. Romance becomes something to manage carefully, like a brand. That also changes how we, as viewers, think about dating. It trains us to see relationships as something public, something that needs constant outside validation which changes this genuine connection from being about two people to a whole community. It also makes love feel transactional. On “ The Bachelor ”, contestants compete for one person’s attention, hoping to get a rose and stay another week. On “ Too Hot to Handle ”, the contestants literally lose money if they kiss or get too close physically. Love becomes part of the strategy, not just a feeling, but a move in the game. When you think about it, this isn’t that different from dating apps, where swipes and matches turn romance into a numbers game. Reality shows just take that idea to the extreme and put it on display for everyone to watch. Some might say this is just being honest about what dating is really like. In the end, when we go on a first date, we put on a performance – we dress up, we choose our words carefully, we try to make a good impression. But these shows make that performance the main event. The actual impressive work of getting to know someone, including the funny awkward silences, the boring parts, the little private moments, they all get cut out and what we are left with is a performance full of tweaks and adaptation. So that might make us forget that real relationships are built in those ordinary moments, not just the dramatic ones. These shows also shape what we think is “normal” in dating. They often reinforce old-fashioned ideas about who gets to choose and who gets chosen, or what kinds of people are seen as desirable. Even when they include more diverse casting or same-sex couples, the basic idea stays the same, which is that love is a contest and someone has to win. That message sticks with us and can make real-life dating feel like a competition too. This can lead to us always having to prove ourselves worthy of being picked. And yet, people keep watching. I’m guilty as well, it wouldn’t be a lie if I told you that I spend hours in front of the TV rooting for my favorite couple. There’s something addictive about seeing love play out in real time, even if it’s messy and over-the-top. Maybe it’s because we see a bit of ourselves in the contestants such as their jealousy, their insecurities, their excitement. We tend to root for the people who mirror ourselves or the people who we aspire to be. These shows might be exaggerated, but they still capture something true about how vulnerable dating makes us feel. They let us root for happy endings and feel the thrill of drama without having to live through it ourselves. However, we have to ask what these shows are teaching us about love. If we start to think that love should always be dramatic, public and exciting, we might miss out on the more genuine side of romance such as the part that isn’t made for TV which is usually cut or tweaked. The most meaningful moments in a relationship are the ones no one else sees. However, that wouldn’t make for good television, since people like to see drama, not a wholesome reaction. Watching strangers fall in love on national television tells us a lot about where we are as a culture. It shows that romance hasn’t disappeared, but its shape has changed. It has become something we watch, something we judge and something that has to entertain us. Reality dating shows are fun, but they also make us see love as a competition, a performance and a public event. Whether that’s good or bad depends on how much we let it shape the way we approach our own relationships. What’s evident is that these shows have changed the way we think about romance and maybe even the way we experience it. Pavels Dunaicevs, Flickr

I was given the chance to speak to Golshifteh Farahani, an individual I grew up watching, hearing about and admiring for her courage, intellect and heart… Allow me to share accounts of perhaps the most mesmerizing conversation I have ever had the pleasure of engaging in. < Back Interviewing Iranian Actress and Activist Golshifteh Farahani By Sarina Soleymani January 31, 2023 As the new year approached, each of us partook in our own plans, spent time with friends or family, ate 12 grapes or sat under the table and celebrated what is supposed to be a new beginning. We shared the same yearly thirst for change which is indeed never quenched, at least not for most. Yet, a group of people who did immediately experience this shift was the Iranian population. On Jan. 1, 2023, six of the most influential Iranian figures created a coalition group against the Islamic Republic, an important display of solidarity with the revolution. Among them includes one exiled and noteworthy actress who refuses to stay silent and continues to shed light on the events happening in our homeland. I was given the chance to speak to Golshifteh Farahani, an individual I grew up watching, hearing about and admiring for her courage, intellect and heart. From “About Elly” to “Paterson,” Golshifteh Farahani has earned her place as a leading Iranian actress. In 2008, she was exiled from the country due to her refusal to wear the hijab during the premiere of her film “Body of Lies,” directed by Ridley Scott. Preceding the current movement in Iran, Farahani expressed that she did not publicly articulate her political opinions, which oppose the Islamic Republic. Yet, after witnessing the fearlessness of the Iranians who protested the regime following the 2022 morality police killing of Mahsa Amini, the Iranian actress was inspired to use her freedom to amplify their words, predominantly through social media. As an exiled Iranian actress living in the West, Farahani has a unique voice, encompassing not only those who have lived in Iran but also those in the diaspora contending with survivor’s guilt. Additionally, being able to share her personal experiences of being harassed by the Iranian secret service, grappling with mixed public reactions to controversies and navigating industry secrets provides her with a unique perspective. Therefore, allow me to share accounts of perhaps the most mesmerizing conversation I have ever had the pleasure of engaging in. Soleymani : Considering your work in the film industry and your political activism, do you believe that film and politics are intertwined? If so, how do you believe that your role in film contributes to this, and when did you first become aware of this intersection? Farahani : Following a short pause, she replied, “Well, I think you must know. You are Iranian. Your life is very intertwined with politics without even wanting it to be. When you are born, you are born into a politics which you don’t even know about, but, you are part of. Same, as another Iranian, I was born and raised in Iran (...). The theocracy became part of our existence: wearing the hijab since you are six to go to school, not being able to sing, watching your parents have to fight for their existence, and so becoming part of that fight.” This is a common phenomenon felt across the Iranian population, as my friends and family in Iran, myself included, have felt the burden of having an inherently political identity, both on the global and domestic stage. Yet, somehow her explicit acknowledgment and voicing of said burden was particularly striking. Indeed, within this fight — as she explained to me — art becomes crucial, acting as political statements instead of merely creative outlets. Actions that may not be considered political elsewhere become political in the Iranian context. Farahani elaborated, “If you are a woman singing in Europe, you are just a woman singing, but in Iran, that act becomes a political act. I also realized that whatever we are and whatever we do as artists, whether we like it or not, becomes political, especially as women, because our existence is a position; we are opposing something when we are born.” S : I have noticed that Iranian women are often presented in one of two ways: as pitiful/repressed beings in need of being saved by the West or as side characters whose sole purposes in life are to submit to religion or the male protagonist. Do you feel similarly, and do you believe that there is a discrepancy between how Iranian women are portrayed abroad and in Iranian media? F : “The media, both ways, are always trying to make things black and white. They don’t like the middle way — the grayness of life. Especially the media in Iran, which is like propaganda, a staged media which is trying to show things that are absolutely theater scenes. Not even so, because most theater scenes are honest when this one is not. The goal of the Islamic Republic is to portray Iran as very Islamic.” However, she pointed out that they have lost this battle with the presence of social media as it allowed a window into the real Iran, the living habits of the younger generation and their true interests. In the same way, Iranian cinema, with the emergence of directors such as Kia Rostami, who have put a spotlight on the Iranian countryside to the Oscar-winning metropolitan wave, notably the works of Asghar Farhadi. “I think a reason that Iranian cinema became so popular is that it was one of the only representations of Iran with image and sound that actually wasn’t part of the media (...).” Her words indicated the irony that Iranian cinema contradicted messages that the media tried to push within their portrayals of mundane interactions of Iranian daily life, that “in Iran, we are not going around in camels, we listen to the same music.” The significance of Iranian cinema boils down to allowing Iran to be discussed outside of political tensions with other countries, sparking curiosity in our culture and almost humanizing the perception of the Iranian people, which in turn allows greater empathy to be given to our cause. Farahani has several recollections of her time in Iran. One striking memory occurred when she was young — she used to shave her head and pretend to be a boy, a seemingly drastic act of rebellion that would allow her the simple pleasure of playing basketball. Once I broached this with her, she replied: “I think it is funny that you mention that because when you are born in a very harsh climate, the only way to survive is to be brave. Because, in a harsh climate, say the North Pole or the Desert, where the environment is neither convenient nor normal, you need to have certain abilities to survive as a human or as an animal. Literally as an animal. You need to take risks because you cannot have food if you don’t take risks. In the same way, in Iran, when you are born under a dictatorship, your existence depends on certain bravery. Otherwise, you somehow give in, and you rot in (fear). If you want to live the life you want, you must take risks, and those risks could be perceived as bravery, but for us, it is just how we survive. For me, I only realized they call me a rebel when I left Iran. In Iran, I was a normal teenager just breaking limits because only certain laws, I believe, have to be respected — only the laws that make sense and are logical.” She related this survival instinct to the bravery of young people today in Iran — those who take to the streets, who are ready to sacrifice their lives for the freedom of others, who dare to post on their social media, aware that doing so could be fatal. While admiring the courage of the modern youth, she notes, “as a teenager, life is something you can play with much more easily. I’m not sure how to explain it because I was at that age where I would play with my life, but now I would not do what I used to do.” S: As somebody who works within the film industry, what insight could you offer regarding censorship in Iran? F : “Censorship comes under the great umbrella of theocracy (...) it becomes a part of that law where you constantly have to become more creative to find ways to break it. The thing is that nothing in Iran will stop people from doing what they want to do — impossible is the only impossible that we can imagine,” Farahani expanded that making something off-limits would only make us want to show it more. That rebellion is in Iranian blood, giving examples of how Iranian cinema always found methods to break censorship. For instance, physical intimacy between couples is highly censored, and Farahani highlighted how instead of showing couples kissing on film, “in some movies you can see the man biting an apple and moving the apple to the woman and the woman biting the apple.” This was a reference to her own film, Boutique — a fact she left out during the interview. Nonetheless, Farahani also warned about the danger of breaking censorship rules, namely in reference to the deadly nature of recent protests. S: Considering the high toll of censorship in Iran, how should the international community support them? Are they doing enough, and what more could they be doing? F : “The international community came in very late, almost two months after hundreds of people were killed, arrested, tortured, raped…The great feminists of the world came very late, but of course, it is never too late, and they are always welcome. We have a very ingrained fear of foreign influence inside Iran because whenever they did something inside Iran, it was always a mess, and it was never for the benefit of the people, like the 1953 coup d’état against Mossadegh or even the Iranian Revolution. So the only thing the foreign community can do is outside of Iran; they cannot interfere inside Iran, but they can ban Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and they can ban all the people who crackdown on the people of Iran. Those people should be banned from the world and shouldn’t live so easily outside of Iran. We need to put as much pressure on the Islamic Republic — because now we find that Iran is being held hostage by the Islamic Republic. We need to squeeze them outside of Iran so they cannot do business and easily live in foreign countries. They have a lot of investments elsewhere; they took the country’s money outside of Iran. We need to find and ban (Islamic Republic officials’ funds), literally exile the people who have created hell in Iran to where they came from.” On Dec. 17, 2022, another Iranian actress, Taraneh Alidoosti, was arrested for courageously publishing herself on Instagram without wearing a hijab and publicly supporting the movement. Before her arrest and immediately following her post, Golshifteh Farahani also posted on Instagram supporting Alidoosti and expressing that she feels hopeful for Iran. Her hope is founded in the notion that when Farahani took off her hijab in 2008, she was confronted by reactions of disappointment, yet in 2022, Alidoosti was applauded. I told her I had only encountered Iran in a more contemporary context and, coming from bustling Tehran, I had more exposure to this open-minded side of Iran. I asked her if she believed whether my Iran is different from the one she left 15 years ago. “The main difference is that when I left, Generation Z was four, five, six and now they are 17, 18, 19 — teenagers and young adults.” She explained that this generation and the possibility that they can live in a free Iran is the motivating factor that inspires her to spread awareness and join the fight. Farahani also highlighted social media’s positive role, which mounts Iran on the global stage. S : When it comes to such a turbulent political movement, what do you consider deserves the most attention and is there anything you would like to shed light on? F : After a pause of reflection, she articulated, “every part of it: the people in prisons, the people killed, raped, tortured, those who lost their eye [referencing Ghazal Ranjkesh—a girl from Bandar Abas of Iran was shot in the eye by security forces after coming home from four hours of class and nine hours of work], artists such as Toomaj Salehi, who is close to facing execution. The tragedy is a humanitarian crisis but, because it is happening in the geopolitically complex region of the Middle East, it is not getting enough attention which makes us powerless when we do everything in our power.” S : To perhaps end on a lighter note, do you have any film recommendations for the readers? F : “Patience Stone.” Brilliantly following the story of a woman in Afghanistan who sets herself free, Farahani finds the story told in this film deserving to be heard and explains that she often follows the theme of women’s emancipation in her movies. Golshifteh Farahani provided brilliant insight into not just our country’s history and the evolution of social mindsets but also the distinction between media, cinema and tools used by directors to escape censorship. She even taught me about some shared experiences within the Iranian identity. This exchange fuelled hope that humble, intelligent and empathetic figures like herself can guide and shape the narratives needed to ensure that our upcoming revolution will be successful.

Dès le premier jour où j’ai pris mes fonctions de “Head of logistics”, j’ai tenté à maintes reprises de m’esquisser une image du portrait de ce voyage tant attendu. Pourtant, me voilà une semaine revenue sur les rives de la côte d’Azur, et je peux me permettre d’affirmer avec certitude que les petits moments où je m’autorisais à rêvasser de ce voyage étaient encore loin de ce qui m’attendait. < Back Babel Initiative 2022 ou la Découverte du Pays du Jasmin By Morgane Abbas March 31, 2022 Dès le premier jour où j’ai pris mes fonctions de “ Head of logistics ”, j’ai tenté à maintes reprises de m’esquisser une image du portrait de ce voyage tant attendu. Plus les jours passaient, plus mon imagination était nourrie. Plus les jours passaient, plus l’angoisse de la préparation laissait place à l’excitation du départ. Finalement, plus les jours passaient, plus ce qui n’était qu’un lointain mais ambitieux projet devenait réalité. Pourtant, me voilà une semaine revenue sur les rives de la côte d’Azur, et je peux me permettre d’affirmer avec certitude que les petits moments où je m’autorisais à rêvasser de ce voyage étaient encore loin de ce qui m’attendait. En effet, est-il réellement possible de s’imprégner d’un pays sans avoir touché son sol, respiré son air, goûté à ses délices ? Sans avoir senti son parfum, parlé à sa population et découvert ses paysages ? Pas vraiment. Et puis, ce qui fait sûrement la beauté d’un tel voyage, c’est qu’en réalité, même avec toute l’exactitude avec laquelle mes chers camarades de Babel Initiative et moi-même avons pu l’organiser, c’est peut-être les petits et grands imprévus, les activités décidées sur le tas, les bouts de conversation volés avec les chauffeurs de taxi, les passants, les enfants, les marchands du souk, les serveurs qui on en fait la beauté. En somme, voyager de telle sorte, c’est suivre son programme tout en se laissant guider par les surprises que le vent voyageur a à offrir… Lundi 28 février: Après une arrivée plutôt musclée à l'aéroport de Tunis-Carthage, il était temps pour ce premier jour de laisser place à la découverte de la belle capitale tunisienne. Ainsi, s’est d’abord naturellement organisée la visite de l’imposante avenue “حبيب بورقيبة ” (“Habib Bourguiba”), d’ailleurs au croisement avec l’avenue «محمد الخامس» (“Mohamed V”), elle aussi grandiose. L’avenue émane de la place du 14 janvier 2011, rebaptisée en hommage à la révolution des printemps arabes (bien que le terme ne fasse pas consensus). Elle est marquée par sa grande horloge et la statue du leader Habiba Bourguiba. Cette rue en elle-même permet d’avoir un important aperçu historique et culturel de la ville. De par son son majestueux théâtre municipal construit au début du siècle dernier et marqué par la forme de ses courbes, ses incalculables cafés et restaurants, ses magasins, ses luxueux hôtels, ses banques et ses arbres alignés qui rappellent dans une certaine mesure l’avenue des Champs-Elysées, cette avenue est un dynamique centre de vie. Plus intéressant encore, elle amène directement sur «ساحة الاستقلال» (“la place de l'indépendance"). Une place pas spécialement grande en superficie, mais qui ne l’empêche pas d’être un concentré de monuments historico-culturels et un passage obligatoire pour quiconque s’affirmant touriste à Tunis. Ainsi, en son plein centre s’érige la statue d’une des plus grandes figures qui fait la fierté du peuple tunisien depuis le quatorzième siècle : le sociologue, philosophe et historien Ibn Khaldoun. On retrouve à ses deux extrémités d’un côté l’ambassade de France en Tunisie, de l’autre, la majestueuse cathédrale Saint Vincent de Paul. Puis, en continuant un peu, nous sommes finalement arrivés sur les souks de la fameuse «مدينة» (“la vieille ville”). C’est donc la que notre balade s’est naturellement poursuivie, et nous avons déniché parmi les petites ruelles un magnifique restaurant, «فندق العطارين» (“funduq al attarin") où nous avons pu goûter pour la première fois aux délices de la cuisine tunisienne. L’après-midi, il s’agissait d'assister à une conférence organisée en partenariat avec le Global Institute 4 transitions avec quatre invités d’honneur: l’historienne Sophie Bessis, le philosophe et anthropologue Youssef Seddik, la journaliste Myriam Belkadhi ainsi que l’écrivain, acteur, réalisateur et metteur en scène Raja Farhat. Cette dernière a eu lieu au sein du magnifique palais «دار الأصرم» (“dar alasram”), absolument époustouflant de par ses luxueuses pièces et ses décorations. Il s’agissait alors, notamment dans le cadre des projets menés par les chercheurs, d’écouter ces quatre invités sur des sujets aussi larges que la place du dialecte tunisien dans la sphère publique et la politique, la pertinence de la notion de “tunisianité” ou encore l’évolution de la place du religieux à travers les générations… Mardi 1 mars: À une vingtaine de kilomètres de Tunis, nous voilà maintenant à Sidi bou Saïd, un village qui ne laisse aucun voyageur indifférent. En tout cas, c’était sûrement l’un de mes endroits préférés. Malgré le temps qui n’était pas au rendez-vous, il est difficile de ne pas être séduit par cet endroit que l’on surnomme “le petit paradis blanc et bleu”, qui m’a d’ailleurs rappelé dans une certaine mesure la ville montagneuse marocaine de Chefchaouen qui porte les mêmes couleurs. Sidi bou Saïd se situe néanmoins au bord de la mer, et on confondrait presque la couleur des vagues avec celle des murs des habitations, des cafés et des restaurants. Le village offre une dualité de couleurs réellement agréable pour les yeux. Nous avons donc passé une bonne partie de la journée à visiter la demeure du baron Rodolphe d’Erlanger, peintre franco-britannique de renom ayant vécu entre la fin du XIX ème et la première moitié du XXème siècle. Cette dernière est un joyau luxueux qui regroupe des jardins magnifiquement conçus et ornementés, des pièces réhabilitées pour exposer les travaux du peintre, orientaliste et musicologue ainsi qu’une série de salle dédiées à l’exposition d’éléments culturels à l’instar d’une myriade d’instruments de musique issus du monde oriental, certains étant d’une rareté et d’une ancienneté remarquables. Cet impressionnant palais porte finalement le nom de «النجمة الزهرة» (“l’étoile de Vénus") et il fait désormais office de Centre des Musiques Arabes et Méditerranéennes (CMAM). Également, je peux facilement affirmer que ce mardi fut la journée de découverte gastronomique par excellence. Deux noms s’érigent alors: le «لبلابي» ou “lebalbi” d’un côté, et le «بمبلوني» ou “bambalouni” de l’autre. Le premier est composé principalement de pois-chiches, de pain, de thon et d’épices diverses lorsque le second est un beignet frit et saupoudré de sucre. Je dois avouer avoir eu une petite préférence pour le sucré, car bien que le “leblabi” soit délicieux, je n'étais pas encore habituée au goût très prononcé de la harissa. Pour finir, quoi de mieux que d’apprécier un bon «شاي بالنعنع», un thé à la menthe sur les hauteurs du “café des délices” qui offre à celui qui s’y rend une vue panoramique sur la mer. Mercredi 2 mars: Les équipes de Babel ainsi que celles de “Shadow Babel (sciencespistes ne faisant pas partie de l’association mais ayant effectué le voyage avec nous) se sont rendues sur le site archéologique de Carthage, qui figure au patrimoine mondial de l’UNESCO depuis une quarantaine d’années maintenant. Cependant, je n’aurais pas la prétention d’affirmer que nous avons visité l’ensemble du site tant celui-ci est vaste et dispersé. Ainsi, parmi les endroits notables à visiter, on retrouve notamment le quartier Magon, le musée Paléochrétien, les thermes d’Antonin, le Tophet de Salambo, les Villas romaines, le théâtre romain ainsi que l’amphithéâtre. Nous nous sommes principalement attardés sur deux d’entre eux. D’abord, ce que l’on appelle «المنازل الروماني» ou “les villas romaines”: un ensemble de vestiges d’habitations romaines situées aux alentours de la colline de l’Odéon, dont la plus célèbre et la mieux conservée demeure sans hésitation “ la villa de la volière ”. J’ai trouvé cette partie du site archéologique de Carthage agréable à visiter pour se ressourcer. Cet endroit est un mélange de vestiges, de ruines, de végétations dont une présence remarquable de fleurs jaunes qui semble lui donner une dimension hors du temps et de l’espace. C’est également un endroit qui réserve quelques surprises. Quel fut alors mon étonnement lorsqu’en m'éloignant du groupe quelques minutes et en m’embourbant dans quelques passages étroits, par simple curiosité, je suis tombée par hasard sur une magnifique construction architecturale: la mosquée «مالك ابن أنس» ou la mosquée “Malik Ibn Anas”. Dans un second temps, l’équipe s’est dirigée vers «حمامات أنطونيوس» ou “les thermes d’Antonin” qui constituent un ensemble thermal remarquable de par sa superficie et sa conception, le plus grand du continent africain. Ces thermes, qui datent du IIème siècle après Jésus-Christ, sont le résultat des actions de deux grands empereurs romains : Hadrien et évidemment l'empereur Antonin le Pieux qui a donné son nom au site. Pour finir, les activités sur le tas dont je parlais en introduction, c’est précisément ce que nous avons expérimenté ce mercredi soir. Amira, notre camarade qui a aussi fait office de guide et traductrice pendant le séjour avec Nour, nous informe que l’orchestre national de Carthage donne dans la soirée un concert de musique de films dans le fameux théâtre de l’avenue “Habib Bourguiba” évoqué quelques lignes auparavant. Nous avons donc sauté sur l’occasion et la majorité d’entre nous a passé une soirée fantastique bercée par le son des violons, violoncelles, flûtes, percussions et autres merveilles musicales. L’orchestre, dont j’ai été frappé par la dimension intergénérationnelle, nous a fait voyager au cours de la soirée au sein d’une myriade d’univers tous différents les uns des autres: de Marvel à Harry Potter en passant par Pirate des Caraïbes ou Inspecteur Gadget, il y en avait pour tous les goûts ! Finalement, un moment totalement improvisé qui s’est avéré être l’un des plus savoureux. Jeudi 3 mars: Si je puis me permettre d’utiliser un mot du jargon des jeunes, la journée du jeudi fut plus “ chill” et je n’aurais donc pas autant de contenu à exposer. Bien que le groupe fut plus dispersé, chacun vacant aux occupations qui lui plaisait, une bonne partie d’entre nous n’a pas résisté à la tentation de retourner une seconde fois à Sidi Bou Saïd. Nous nous sommes donc retrouvés au bord de la mer et à notre agréable surprise, nous avons passé l’après-midi à discuter, du moins à essayer de communiquer avec un groupe d’enfants tunisiens qui s’avéraient être présents au même endroit et en même temps. Sans Nour et Amira, la communication fut plus compliquée mais nous avons pu nous immiscer complètement dans le dialecte tunisien sous le rire amusé de la bande de copains. Ensuite, nous nous sommes livrés à une partie géante de volley-ball et je dois dire que l’on s’est bien amusés, même si le niveau de l’écrasante majorité reste à déplorer (camarades, vous pardonnerez mon réalisme parfois cru). Vendredi 4 mars: Moment unique du voyage: qui dit vendredi dit “Day-trip” avec un guide présent exprès pour nous ! Journée physiquement fatigante certes, mais de loin l’une des plus enrichissantes, puisqu’elle nous a permis de traverser en quelques heures plusieurs endroits iconiques de la Tunisie. Et bien que le bus qui nous attendait 7 heures pétantes ait pu se dresser comme une épreuve infranchissable pour certains au vu des soirées arrosées de la veille, l’expérience n’était pas regrettable. Premier arrêt: la ville de Testour, un exemple flagrant de la manière dont la trajectoire des pays du Maghreb et de l’Espagne ont été intrinsèquement liés au cours de l’histoire. En effet, Testour est une ville andalouse par excellence puisque la ville, telle qu’on la connaît aujourd’hui, a été fondée peu de temps après la Reconquista qui toucha le Sud de l'Espagne au XVème siècle, par une partie des populations musulmane et juive chassée de cette région. C’est donc réellement au XVIIème siècle que la ville a pris forme. Cet héritage andalou et judéo-musulman est clairement visible, notamment via l’unique Grande Mosquée de Testour. Unique pour deux raisons: d’abord, ses aiguilles tournent dans le sens inverse, et ses chiffres sont aussi positionnés dans le sens inverse des horloges classiques. Encore plus surprenant, on y observe clairement deux étoiles de David qui incarne le judaïsme. La symbolique est donc forte et rappelle que les deux religions arrivaient à coexister de manière pacifique et unie. Deuxième moment fort à Testour: la visite de la maison de «حبيبة مسيكة» (“Habiba Msika”), diva tunisienne morte assassinée à 27 ans par son amant Eliahou Mimouni pour des motifs qui demeurent encore flous. Sa maison est maintenant convertie en centre culturel, on y revient notamment sur sa vie, son parcours et sa fin tragique. Après un passage assez bref au souk de Testour, l’activité physique était au rendez-vous puisque nous avons effectué une randonnée improvisée dans la nature au sein de paysages montagneux à quelques dizaines de kilomètres. Il s’agissait principalement de profiter de la verdure que la nature avait à offrir et du déjeuner en plein air que l’agence de voyage nous avait préparé. Puis, dernière activité de la journée mais pas des moindres: la visite de l’époustouflant site archéologique de Dougga. Ce fut ma visite préférée du voyage. Joyau du patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO depuis 1997, il se veut à lui tout seul être un mélange harmonieux des héritages civilisationnels carthaginois, numide, romains, libyco-puniques et byzantins. Il est important de souligner que c’est le site archéologique romain le mieux conservé d’Afrique du Nord. Nous étions donc en capacité d’observer les ruines du capitole, des habitations, des bains publics, de l'impressionnant théâtre où se déroulaient les activités culturelles… Cette visite m’a marquée parce que personnellement, je ne pouvais pas m’empêcher d’imaginer toutes ces populations qui se sont succédées, influencées mutuellement, et qui étaient présentes sur ce même territoire où je me trouvais des milliers d’années auparavant, en train de construire l’histoire de la Tunisie. Cet article ne saurait être complet sans y inclure le retour d’autres membres ayant pris part au voyage… Lilinaz Hakimi (présidente de Babel Initiative): “Being president of Babel Initiative 2021/2022 was a mix of terrifying , exciting, fascinating, learning on the job and compromising experience. It has been a wonderful year with the team. I think that first of all, on a general basis, the work we did as a board was incredible and exceeded my expectations. As a president, I was a bit unprepared because our previous leaders didn't leave behind much, because of Covid and other restrictions, we didn't really get the association intact. It was kind of dying out and it was our job and our year to fight this association that is the oldest one in Menton campus and history. At first, it was a bit difficult because I think that struggling off with some of the unknown, but having a partner as Leon as a vice-president did make it all better and made it all feel much more manageable. Then, having a team as amazing as the one that we had as a board revived it. The passion, dedication and drive brought by every single member of Babel is what made this year’s trip and this years’ initiative so wonderful. It would not have happened without this. On the other hand, we have our researchers who have been nothing but dedicated to their research. They were here to do on-the-ground research and they took this opportunity seriously. They did a wonderful job while we were in Tunis. For me as a president, I could watch the board take the benefits of being in Tunis after all their hard work and on the other hand, see the researchers exceeding my expectations in the level of dedication and drive. They were committed to what they were doing and they weren’t here just to mess around. Even though I knew the board was amazing, the way that the trip came out, the events we didn't plan, the free day-trip, dinner, the conference… I couldn't have imagined how it would look like until I actually experienced it. It was the work of 30 board members who worked during the whole year. Even during the roughest times having such a team was almost like having a small family, it made it all worth it. I am excited to see what this association does next year and where Babel is going to be taken !” Amira Zargouni (pôle culturel): “C’était fantastique. Déjà, c’est très rare de faire des voyages universitaires où personne ne se fait cambrioler, où personne ne tombe malade la première semaine. C’était juste des moments magnifiques mais surtout successifs, ce que j’ai adoré. C’est difficile de choisir un moment préféré, mais j’ai adoré voir les yeux de chacun en découvrant une nouvelle nourriture ou un nouveau street-food. Également, un de mes moments préférés était lorsque l'on a tous mangé du “leblabi” à Ould el Bey, au cœur de la Marsa. Tout le monde venait entre deux heures de boulot, et nous nous étions là, tous ensemble en train de manger, c’était incroyable. J’ai été très chanceuse parce que beaucoup de personnes de l’équipe parlent arabe, même s’ils sont encore en train d’apprendre. Je n'étais pas toute seule, il y avait également Nour et ça s'est très bien passé. Cela m’a fait bizarre car d’habitude c’est le vol que je fais toute seule, ou je ne connais personne dans l'avion, alors que là j'étais hyper-bien entourée. Pareil chez moi, cela m’a amusée d’avoir des gens dans ma chambre. Aussi beaucoup de fierté, parce que c’est l’occasion d’être la mini-ambassadrice pour le coup, je vous ai fait faire ce que je fais en un mois, en une semaine.” Ishan Nathaini (pôle logistique) : “Tunis was more than a research trip to me. It was about interacting with locals, imbibing myself into the tunisian culture (getting a tunisian haircut done), and most importantly creating new bonds with some Mentonese people I had never spoken to on campus. Tunisia is a country which felt just like my home country, India, except the signs were in Arabic. Everyone we spoke to was so welcoming, providing us with some really tasty Makloub (a Tunisian specialty) for free as tourists. In summation, it was an experience worth remembering. I can’t wait to go back to Tunisia again, but this time fully immersing into the culture and learning Arabic!” Virginia Barchiesi (pôle des chercheurs) : “Traveling to Tunisia with Babel as a member of the Board has been an extremely enriching and exciting experience. I have been able to learn more about the heritage and the culture of this amazing country through the eyes of our Tunisian board members as well as thanks to the incredible on the ground work of our dedicated team of researchers. From the enchanting ruins of Carthage, to the rooftop sunsets at the Medina and the sweetness of Bambalouni, Tunisia has been a whirlwind of memorable delights. A top highlight for me has been immersing in the local Friday market of Testour. Hearing a language we mostly wouldn’t understand, sharing a glimpse of a daily life so different from what we are used to, yet so similar, a whirlwind of different sensations made me feel completely and fully in that moment in time and place, present. A trip we surely won’t forget.” Celeste Abourjeili (membre de Shadow babel) : “What Babel was doing was super cool and the research projects seemed really interesting. I really appreciated the effort of Babel to include Shadow Babel into the events. Going to the theater was fun and free, which is cool and I think it was nice to be able to join the big group while being able to have a smaller group. Overall, I really loved the experience of Shadow Babel.” Voilà, je crois avoir déjà beaucoup bavarder. Je rajouterais simplement ces quelques mots. Existerait-il finalement une meilleure sensation que celle de voir se réunir de manière si harmonieuse les efforts, émis pendant plusieurs mois, d’un ensemble d’individualités, qui s’expriment de la manière la plus flagrante et surtout naturelle, au cours d’une semaine petite par la durée mais pourtant si grande par l’expérience ? Parce que oui, je reste intimement persuadée que voyager est l’une des plus belles opportunités que la vie a à offrir, parce que c’est la façon la plus parfaite d’appréhender l’autre comme son parfait égal tout en mettant en valeur sa différence. Voyager, c’est enfreindre la loi de la distance pour embrasser celle de l’humanité. Voyager, c’est aussi apprendre à connaître ses camarades de travail sous un autre angle, en nous rappelant par la même occasion que notre perception de nous-même et des autres est si partielle et petite. En tout cas, si Ibn Battûta disait lui-même que “ voyager vous laisse d’abord sans voix, avant de vous transformer en conteu r”, j’espère alors avoir pu être à la hauteur de cette maxime. Je souhaite finalement adresser mes chaleureux remerciements à la présidente de Babel Initiative pour l’année 2021/2022, Lilinaz Hakimi, ainsi qu’au vice-président Leon Oberreiter, qui ont fourni un travail acharné de longue haleine remarquable pour que ce voyage ait lieu ainsi que tous mes autres camarades du board: Nour Chérif, Amira Zargouni, Ecem Olanca, Garance Cointepas, Lucile Bourrin, Nikola Avramovic, Virginia Barchiesi, Ishan Naithani, Wang Di ainsi que Frida Hellen. Ces remerciements s’adressent également à l’ensemble des chercheurs qui se sont investis dans ce projet qui ont rendu cette expérience unique : Aya Abdoh el Marrakchi, Zineb Bel Mahjoubi, Anis Karrakchou, Nadine Zaki, Bianca Carrera Espriu, Ella Mae, Viktoria Iskina, Vasco Queiro, Stanislaw Naklicki, Sienna Bertamini, Markus Vaher, Luca Utterwulghe, Lenora Dsouza, Kareena Maniyar, Benjamin Vitenson, et Alicia Barker Astrom.

This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. < Back Liar Liar Pants on Fire: Biden's Willow Project By Lilith Springer September 27, 2023 “No more drilling on federal lands. Period.” Those were President Biden’s exact words before the election in 2020. This month, America’s first “climate hero” approved the most environmentally detrimental oil project the United States has seen in decades. The news is especially disappointing considering the Climate Report 2023, recently published by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Over the past eight years, scientists worldwide worked on an assessment for policymakers, including statistics and research concerning climate change and its calculated effects on the planet. The results are alarming. The report highlights that it seems highly unlikely that global warming will be kept below the critical 2 degrees Fahrenheit if emissions keep rising at the current rate, leading to irreversible damages, and putting millions of humans at risk in the near future. While the report highlighted extremely worrying statistics, it also underlined that stopping the worst-case scenarios, which will make the planet quite unlivable for a large population of the earth, is still possible if politicians take immediate action. And what does Joe Biden, probably the most senile president the United States has ever had, do about this? He takes the report, throws it in the bin and implements the Willow Project. What is Willow? The Willow Project is a multi-billion-dollar project to drill gas and oil on native lands in Alaska. Over 30 years, this project will produce 629 million barrels of oil (95 billion Liters) and 287 million metric tons of carbon dioxide. For comparison, this equals the emissions of two million cars in the same timeframe or 76 new coal-fired power plants operating in one year. It will be carried out by the corporate group Conoco Phillips. It is said to help create jobs, fight rising gas prices during soaring inflation and lead to American independence from Russia and Saudi Arabia. What are the Environmental consequences? The environmental impact of this one project is of an unimaginable scale. Scientists worldwide stress that Willow will irreversibly damage the planet and lead the climate crisis to the point of no return. Global warming will become unstoppable, ecosystems will disappear entirely, and species will become extinct at an uncontrollable speed. Building the infrastructure required for the project will harm the already highly fragile Alaskan ecosystem even before Conoco Phillips starts to drill. Moreover, the project’s carbon emissions will seriously threaten the local population’s respiratory, cardiovascular and kidney health. For example, the construction of oil wells currently being carried out in the Alaskan village of Nuiqsuit has already led to a 20% increase in respiratory diseases since the project’s beginning, putting numerous children whose schools are located right next to those wells at extreme risk for chronic illnesses, bone deformations and even cognitive malfunctions. But Willow is not only an environmental disaster. Alaska is home to countless native villages where indigenous communities whose traditional way of living will be severely disrupted by Willow’s impact on wildlife and nature reserves. Rosemary Ahtuangaruak, mayor of Nuiqsuit, states: “As oil is exported and sent around the globe, our communities in the Arctic are left to contend with the health impacts of pollution as well as the devastation that comes from dramatic changes to the land like sea ice melt, permafrost thaw, and coastal erosion.” Native communities are expected to suffer from sick fish, toxic air, disappearing grazing areas and much more. More than 70 percent of indigenous households are expected to lose at least 20 dollars due to food purchases due to this decline in substitute resources. It is unsettling that the indigenous quote, “When the last tree is cut down, the last fish eaten and the last stream poisoned, you will realize that you cannot eat money,” is now as relevant as ever. It is infuriating that the indigenous communities themselves first suffer this dystopian reality. If you ever feel like having a good laugh – or cry – I invite you to filter your search engine to show only results that have been published before 2020 and go on joebiden.com/climate-plan to read all about how sad he was that vulnerable communities are disproportionately impacted by the climate emergency and pollution and how you can trust him to become the world’s next big visionary in combating climate change. However, I take no responsibility should you impulsively throw your laptop against the wall. But what about profits? Of course, this is all worth it, right? It will boost the economy, fight inflation, and create jobs which is formidable because we love money, right? Okay, let’s talk money. Aside from the fact that Willow is only expected to start showing profits after 2035 and will thus not help with current inflation, experts state that the oil reserves will not suffice to make the United States independent from Russian oil. Also notable is that the oil found in Alaskan reserves differs significantly from Russian or Venezuelan oil and will need to be blended with Russian oil to enter domestic refineries, revealing that the United States cannot gain independence from oil simply by producing more oil. When you are already the highest oil-producing country in the world, and it is still insufficient to meet your needs, maybe it is time to look inside and reevaluate your needs and priorities. Willow is not a desperate measure to soften the economic cost of current crises as Biden makes it out to be, but a simple profit project that might not positively impact the American economy. This is partly because Conco Phillips can use a loophole in Alaska’s tax law to write off its expenses for this project against the taxes the company pays on its other oil developments in the state. So, while the average American struggles to pay their electricity bills and taxes in light of soaring inflation, oil and energy corporations like Conco Phillips barely give back a cent to the state. Infuriated yet? Conco Phillip has made record profits in the past few years, which have not benefited the American population, and those profits are diverted into wealthy private shareholders and executives. The corporation has made a higher profit in the last year alone than the local and state governments are estimated to gain from taxes on 30 years of drilling at Willow. Not even the Alaskan cities suffering the immediate effects of Willow will make large profits. Nuiqsut has received only $600,000 from drilling in the Western Arctic over the past ten years, equivalent to what Conoco Phillips earns in Alaska in a little more than two hours. It is estimated that the project will lead to 3.9 billion dollars in alleged new federal revenue. This number is a joke compared to the approximately 19.8 billion dollars Willow is expected to cost the United States climate-related damages. But it will create countless jobs for Alaskans, right? Currently, only one percent of employed Alaska North Slope residents work in the oil industry, and it is estimated that most of the new jobs will be filled by people from outside Alaska. Also, more and more studies show that young people do not want to work in the oil sector but would instead pursue a job in the sustainable energy sector. Another reason why the profits of Willow are not as great as they seem is that most of the oil extractions are intended for internal use, especially in California, Oregon, and Washington, three states where the oil demand has been plummeting where demand for green energy has been skyrocketing. According to the Federal Bureau of Land Management’s investigation, it is estimated that by 2030 the majority of cars there will be driven with renewable energy and that the need for such extreme extractions will not be as high as anticipated. Furthermore, several economists in this Federal Bureau expect global oil prices to sink by only 20 cents per barrel due to Willow, and only if it operates at peak capacity. Other economists say it is hard to determine whether Willow will influence oil and gas prices. In short: Willow represents a sad political failure to take the opportunity to move away from Russian oil by investing in green energy and not disastrous oil projects. Millions of young Americans ask themselves: how dare this hypocrite co-opt the climate narrative for his political gains and throw away his promises the next second? How dare he tell us climate action is too costly when billions are available for disastrous oil projects? How dare he look desperate children who will feel the effects of Willow long after his death in the eyes and lie to their faces? The only thing worse than boomer politicians blatantly ignoring the populations’ eager calls for immediate climate action are boomer politicians who use the youth’s anxieties and spit on them. Thus, what is worse than apathy? What is worse than politicians who openly do not care about the climate crisis? Lies. Lies are worse.

< Back The 51st State? Trump, Absorbing Canada, Sovereignty and American Foreign Policy Téa Breedon March 31, 2025 “ What he wants is to see a total collapse of the Canadian economy, because that’ll make it easier to annex us,” a statement told to the news media by Prime Minister Trudeau following President Trump’s imposition of tariffs on Canada on March 4, 2025. While Trump’s threat was seemingly baseless and a mere attempt at fearmongering, his recent imposition of trade tariffs on Canada has triggered a vicious trade war between North American neighbours. While initially characterized by cooperation, Canada-U.S. relations have become increasingly fragile as Trump undermines the longstanding stability between the two nations. Like his threats to annex Greenland, Trump’s recent shift toward interventionist policy has raised questions surrounding whether he will maintain the strict non-entanglement stance he assumed in his first term. Between 2017 and 2021, Trump shied away from a number of foreign conflicts; will his second term reflect the same legacy, or is the U.S. in for a dramatic shift toward interventionist strategy? At the risk of stating the obvious, Trump’s recent change of approach reflects his commitment to American exceptionalism—or the belief that the nation is superior in its political, social and economic aspects. This commitment is not a new phenomenon to the Trump administration, manifesting itself in his Make America Great Again slogan throughout both his presidential terms. Historically, Trump’s stance mirrors that of the seventh president of the U.S., Andrew Jackson. Notable for his strict unilateral approach to American foreign policy and identifiable by his part in enabling the unlawful acquisition of Native American land, Jackson’s exceptionalist tendencies are best characterized by his pursuit of territorial expansion. Viewing American primacy as central to the nation’s success, Jacksonian thought argues that national success owes itself to the ability to expand a state’s influence through physical expansion. In this sense, Trump’s recent action satisfies both criteria for success outlined by Jacksonian thought. His America First approach, coupled with his recent interest in its northern neighbour, indicates a revival of Jacksonian strategy. The revival of Jacksonian thought cannot be understood without first appreciating the current manifestations of Trump’s America First approach. Trump hardly lasted 24 hours in the White House before signing an executive order to withdraw from the Paris Climate Agreement and the World Health Organization . His eagerness to withdraw from international agreements and organizations reveals that Trump has structured his future plans for U.S. foreign policy in alignment with his pursuit and maintenance of American primacy. Beyond the implications of Trump’s America First approach on its own policies, his calls for annexing Canada represent a distorted view of sovereignty that may pose significant consequences to any nation it comes in contact with. Rather than viewing sovereignty as a demonstration of mutual respect for territorial integrity and diplomatic cooperation, Trump’s rhetoric points to his tunnel vision of U.S. dominance. The significance of practicing respect for individual state sovereignty is best articulated by Brookings scholars Bruce Jones, Carlos Pascual and Stephen Stedmen, with their notion of responsible sovereignty urging nations to recognize the integrity of other states in order to facilitate cooperation across borders. Contrasting this suggestion, Trump’s territorial ambitions in Greenland and Canada not only symbolize his commitment to American exceptionalism but also a failure to respect the sovereignty of independent nations. Trump’s skewed stance on sovereignty could have profound implications for his approach toward Ukraine’s struggle against Russian annexation. If he views borders as malleable and sovereignty as hinging on reciprocative benefit, his approach to territorial integrity may prove problematic. On February 28, 2025, President Trump and Vice President Vance publicly chastised Ukrainian President Zelenskyy for not expressing enough gratitude for U.S. financial aid. Moreover, his later comments about Ukraine— choosing to halt its extension of U.S. military aid—suggest that he may not see Ukraine’s sovereignty as absolute. Regardless of whether these comments are driven by pettiness or genuine discontent, it is evident that Trump’s willingness to defend Ukraine is contingent on Zelenskyy’s expression of appreciation for U.S. aid. Trump’s threat to annex Canada may suggest a shift away from the strict isolationist stance he assumed during his first term and toward an outward-facing view focused on expanding U.S. influence through territorial ambitions. In his first term, Trump exemplified American exceptionalism by prioritizing economic nationalism and disengagement from foreign entanglements, such as withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal—the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)—only three years after it was established in 2015. Trump carried strict economic goals into his second term, imposing trade tariffs on Canada, China and Mexico to help stunt immigration into the U.S. While his economic nationalism persists, Trump’s threats of annexation peel back a new layer of his foreign policy plan. His statement about absorbing Canada, much like his past interest in pursuing Greenland, suggests an itch toward challenging borders to serve U.S. interests. This rhetoric signals a shift from merely shielding the U.S. from international threats through a strict non-engagement policy to expanding U.S. power by challenging state sovereignty. Such a stance is reflective of Jacksonian interest in expansionism while remaining selective of entanglement in foreign affairs unless there is a perceived advantage for the U.S., reinforcing his view that sovereignty is transactional rather than absolute. Photo source: White House on Flickr

Pendant qu’on s’attache à montrer qu’on suit les pas de la Raison, on oublie l’essentiel dans la politique au point que l’on puisse trouver cela trivial et naïf; on oublie la nécessité d’un débouché concret et utile à la méthode rationnelle, c’est-à-dire la recherche de la justice. < Back Déni de politique: les ‘experts’ au pouvoir Lubin Parisien January 31, 2025 Qui gouverne la France? Emmanuel Macron ou McKinsey? En 2022, un rapport sénatorial dressait le constat d’un État faisant appel de plus en plus aux cabinets de conseil pour l’aider à la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques. Le rapport dénonce des prestations à la qualité variable et teintées de partialité, le tout sur fond de perte de compétence des institutions de l’Etat, avec une aspiration des haut-fonctionnaires par le privé avec le pantouflage. Le chiffre choc, c’est celui d’un milliard, un milliard d’euros dépensé en conseil en 2021. La campagne de réélection d’Emmanuel Macron en 2022 fut empoisonnée par la mise en avant de ses liens avec le cabinet McKinsey. Ainsi, durant les campagnes présidentielles de 2017 et 2022, des prestations qui auraient vraisemblablement dû être déclarées furent escamotées, d’où une enquête du Parquet national financier (PNF). L' appétence du président pour des profils au « cerveau ultra-rapide » venant de grandes écoles comme Polytechnique et devenus consultants dans le privé, c’est-à-dire des profils en-dehors de la politique, est un fait bien connu et critiqué. Ces cabinets de conseil à l'efficacité contestable apportent une expertise, leurs recommandations modèlent concrètement les politiques publiques, notamment pour les aides personnalisées au logement ( APL) et leurs paramètres. Leurs consultants, engagés pour leurs compétences techniques supposées, ne sont élus par personne et ont pourtant un rôle non négligeable dans la politique. L’utilisation massive des cabinets de conseil est largement reprochée à Emmanuel Macron et à ses gouvernements, mais l’idée de donner le pouvoir à ceux qui seraient techniquement plus compétents pour l’exercer est un lieu commun qui remonte à plus longtemps que la ‘macronie’ ou l’externalisation induite par des politiques néolibérales: c’est la justification du pouvoir de toute élite. Les meilleurs pour nous guider Le biais élitiste de la pensée politique occidentale est structurant du temps de Platon déjà. Son grand traité de politique est La République , dont l’ambition était une recherche de la justice dans la cité et en fin de compte dans l’âme. Platon distinguait trois ‘classes’ dans la cité: celle des producteurs et des travailleurs, celle des auxiliaires qui seconde la troisième, c’est-à-dire la classe des gardiens de la cité. C’est eux qui disposent de l’autorité politique pour mettre en place les réformes nécessaires au retour de la justice—notamment la censure des poètes clamant des idées injustes et propres à confondre les esprits. C’est aux gardiens aussi de protéger la cité durant la guerre. Pour les sélectionner et faire naître de grands crûs, Platon a proposé dans le Livre V de La République un dispositif eugéniste ingénieux pour que seuls les plus droits et les plus forts dans cette élite puissent se reproduire. L’éducation des enfants est absolument collective et très stricte. Tout cela n’a pas manqué de nourrir des critiques sans doute justifiées contre Platon et contre son eugénisme fondamental, mais infondé. Le modèle que Platon a appelé de ses vœux pour la restauration de la justice dans la cité est l’aristocratie au sens premier du terme, c’est-à-dire le gouvernement des meilleurs, des philosophes-rois. La conception du mouvement politique vers le Bien que Platon a développée est celle d’un mouvement dirigé par le haut: des livres entiers de La République sont exclusivement consacrés à l’éducation des gardiens de la cité, les bas-fonds de la cité ne sont que de vaines diversions régies pour en confiner les fièvres. Platon, qui fut le conseiller du tyran de Syracuse Denys, avait une approche clairement élitiste où l’autorité politique revient aux meilleurs soigneusement choisis; la classe des producteurs n’est qu’un figurant dans le chemin que dessine le philosophe du IVème siècle avant notre ère. Mais vouloir qu’une minorité soit motrice dans la logique et la dialectique de la politique n’a pas forcément vocation à accaparer le pouvoir, mais parfois à émanciper l’ensemble de la société et des opprimés. C’est bien là tout le rôle du parti selon Karl Marx et Friedrich Engels dans Le Manifeste du Parti communiste de 1848. Le prolétariat doit s’affirmer dans la dialectique irréconciliable qui le lie à la bourgeoisie. Le projet est révolutionnaire, mais il semble bien lointain tant les prolétaires ne sont pas conscients de leur condition: c’est là que le parti peut renverser la situation. Marx et Engels écrivent ainsi que « pratiquement, les communistes sont donc la fraction la plus résolue des partis ouvriers de tous les pays, la fraction qui stimule toutes les autres; théoriquement, ils ont sur le reste du prolétariat l'avantage d'une intelligence claire des conditions, de la marche et des fins générales du mouvement prolétarien. » Le parti doit exposer les crimes du capitalisme et ses iniquités, il doit être l’organisation où le prolétariat puisera les armes et les ‘compétences’ nécessaires pour opérer le changement révolutionnaire souhaité. Le parti incarne le prolétariat, mais il doit avant tout lui donner toute sa carnation, il doit donner au prolétariat sa conscience de classe et des armes. C’est certes une élite, mais elle n’a aucune vocation à se substituer au prolétariat pour mener la révolution et encore moins pour diriger une société qui devrait pourtant être sans classes. Une tradition marxisante ultérieure et s’éloignant en vérité de Marx parle d’une ‘avant-garde’ du prolétariat. Selon Lénine, c’est à elle de prendre le pouvoir et d’instituer une dictature du prolétariat, vue comme une étape claire et cohérente vers d’autres étapes vers enfin le communisme. Là encore, on retrouve une vision élitiste, mais à la différence de Marx et d’Engels, l’avant-garde doit avant tout incarner le prolétariat et se saisir du pouvoir qui revient de droit au prolétariat. Le glissement est subtil, mais il est fondamental: c’est sans doute là le péché originel de l’URSS et de la révolution bolchevique. Le prolétariat est réduit à une abstraction qu’une élite de fait peut utiliser comme un paravent à sa constitution comme une classe distincte et aux intérêts concurrents. Quand on parle des experts en politique, il ne faut pas penser qu’aux techniciens, il y a aussi tous ces guides, ces gardiens et autres avant-gardes qui sont des élites exclusivement définies par leur rôle politique. Pourtant, d’autres ‘experts’ s’aventurant effectivement en politique s'attachent au contraire à montrer qu’ils sont au-dessus des partis, au-dessus de la politique. Des remèdes bien acres Dans les moments de crise, les procédures et les coutumes politiques des démocraties libérales semblent dépassées. C’est le constat dressé en Italie qui a amené à la formation de ‘gouvernements techniques’. Les plus récents sont ceux formés en 2011 par Mario Monti et en 2021 par Mario Draghi. Ce sont des techniciens et des experts en économie reconnus par beaucoup de partenaires politiques à l’étranger et par les marchés; l’action de Mario Draghi à la tête de la BCE après la crise financière de 2008 est ainsi souvent saluée . Au sujet de ces gouvernements, dans une note destinée à donner des idées aux Français en pleine crise politique en 2024, l’IFRAP déclare ceci: « l’exemple italien nous montre ainsi l’intérêt de nommer comme Premier Ministre, une personnalité non politique et, dans les deux cas cités plus hauts, expérimentés dans les affaires économiques. » Qu’est-ce l’IFRAP ? Il s’agit de la « Fondation pour la recherche sur les administrations et les politiques publiques, » un think-tank néo-libérale qui se targue d’avoir promu en France « l’ouverture des postes de directeurs d’hôpitaux publics au privé » ou « l'instauration d'un jour de carence dans la fonction publique » Pourquoi une telle organisation fait les louanges d’une solution gouvernementale analogue aux expériences italiennes? La réponse est simple: les gouvernements d’experts prennent des décisions qu’aucun parti politique ne veut pleinement endosser tellement elles sont attentatoires à l’Etat-providence. Ainsi, le gouvernement Monti a lancé une ‘cure’ d’austérité: « Mario Monti réduit drastiquement les dépenses publiques, réforme le régime des retraites avec un allongement de la durée des cotisations et un recul de l’âge de départ en retraite, qui pourrait atteindre 70 ans en 2015. » Le but est de rassurer les marchés financiers, notamment sur la question de la crédibilité de la dette italienne et les perspectives de croissance. Le but n’est pas une politique juste. Le but n’est sûrement pas l’égalité. Matériellement et concrètement, le gouvernement Monti a préservé les structures en berne de l’économie capitaliste italienne, vues comme une priorité face aux préoccupations des travailleurs ayant par exemple manifesté. Les experts au pouvoir, jouant de leur image d’expertise, se cachent derrière une apparente rationalité froide et apartisane pour mieux faire passer des politiques néolibérales. Le nécessaire débat politique sur ces mesures est phagocyté par une hiérarchisation fallacieuse entre des ‘experts’ néo-libéraux et des propositions pouvant défendre l’Etat-providence. On pourrait croire que ces gouvernements techniques furent une suspension des querelles partisanes et des voix discordantes ; en réalité, l’espace politique est saturé par un néolibéralisme délétère. Nier le politique pour nier la lutte Les libéraux sont les grands ennemis de Carl Schmitt. Grand juriste allemand et philosophe du droit du XXème, son influence est indéniable dans l’histoire des idées. Néanmoins, il convient de rappeler son parcours trouble: il a eu des responsabilités dans le parti nazi, il a tenu des discours antisémites d’une grande virulence et il a justifié les politiques nazis. La possibilité de discuter de son œuvre est débattue , la mauvaise foi se faisant l’avocate de Carl Schmitt en bien des aspects. Schmitt fut toutefois discuté voire repris—avec une nécessaire distance critique—par des auteurs comme Giorgio Agamben ou Hannah Arendt. C’est pour cela que l’on se permettra de s’appuyer sur La notion du politique de Carl Schmitt rédigé en 1932, avant l’engagement de Carl Schmitt au NSDAP. L’utilisation que nous allons faire de sa pensée ne concerne qu’une partie de celle-ci et des réserves vigoureuses méritent d’être affirmées quant au débouché politique concret que prônait Carl Schmitt. La « dépolitisation » à laquelle s’acharne le libéralisme selon Carl Schmitt s’articule autour de deux pôles: une certaine éthique qui établit des normes morales arbitrant l’espace politique et une certaine vision de l’économie, émancipée des considérations partisanes et mûe par des agents rationnels. Le juriste controversé écrit: « Ainsi, dans la pensée libérale, le concept politique de lutte se mue en concurrence du côté de l’économie, en débat du côté de l’esprit. » Dans le libéralisme, la Raison est érigé en principe cardinal de l’espace public et de l’espace économique. Or, selon Carl Schmitt, le critère distinctif du politique c’est la distinction de l’ami et de l’ennemi. La Raison n’est pas caractéristique, son usage comme motif de la politique plus que comme une méthode intellectuelle invite à la prudence. Décrire la politique comme l’auberge des experts est faux. Carl Schmitt a bien compris que c’est la lutte qui est au fondement de toute démarche politique. Il ne s’agit pas de discourir et de mesurer la force de ses arguments, la politique consiste en l’établissement d’une société juste: un tel projet n’admet évidemment pas de place à l’injustice et à l’iniquité. Les arguments se nuancent, l’objectif d’une idéologie politique demeure toujours identique, ce sont seulement ses modalités d’application qui sont soumises à une discussion permanente, pas autre chose. Sinon, la cohérence interne de l’idéologie est brisée et ainsi une nouvelle idéologie apparaît—ce qui aurait été salutaire pour Schmitt vu son parcours. Le discours libéral, aujourd’hui dominant dans une démocratie libérale gouvernée par le centre et la droite comme la France de 2025, est aussi un discours de justification de l’ordre économique existant. Les discours des experts aux fragrances Mario Monti ou Mario Draghi prennent place dans une volonté de reconsolidation de systèmes économiques à bout de souffle. Ce genre d’experts n’insuffle pas un nouveau souffle dans la politique car leur action consiste en la conservation des structures économiques et financières préexistantes. Il n’y a donc pas d'intérêt à ouvrir l’espace politique et à se placer dans sa pluralité. Au contraire, le discours technocratique occupe l’espace politique par un discours de justification se réclamant de la Raison, mais ignorant la multiplicité des autres mondes possibles. Le discours libérale, plus qu’une idéologie proprement politique, est un discours qui restreint voire qui nie le politique et son vecteur actuel, l’Etat. Carl Schmitt affirme ainsi qu’ « il n’y a pas de politique libérale sui generis , il n’y a qu’une critique libérale de la politique. » Chasser la politique ainsi revient aussitôt à nier l’existence d’intérêts irréconciliables et donc la pluralité des horizons possibles. Et de fait, les hommes et femmes d’Etat revendiquant aujourd'hui leur expertise ne sont pas les héritiers d’une avant-garde marxisante. L’usage de la raison est dévoyé précisément pour nier la politique, c’est-à-dire la lutte. Pendant qu’on s’attache à montrer qu’on suit les pas de la Raison, on oublie l’essentiel dans la politique au point que l’on puisse trouver cela trivial et naïf; on oublie la nécessité d’un débouché concret et utile à la méthode rationnelle, c’est-à-dire la recherche de la justice. Photo credits: Flickr