Given country music’s association with the American South and its conservative majority, it is difficult to ignore the correlation of country music's revival with the rise of the far-right in the US. However, can one link these phenomena? Is country music inseparable from conservatism? < Back Politicizing the Heartland: The Conservative Instrumentalization of Country Music Loowit Morrison September 30, 2025 “Baptize me in a bottle of Beam, put Johnny on the vinyl.” The lyrics of Zach Bryan’s “Revival” speak to the soul of rural America: whiskey and country music. Lines of musical sessions, religious footnotes and Johnny Cash evoke emotions of youthfulness, small-town life and human connection. However, when Bryan, a 29-year-old country music artist, plays “Revival” for a packed crowd of over 50,000 fans, the song becomes more than lyrics; it becomes a revival of country music in and of itself. Bryan’s self-titled 2023 album, Zach Bryan , received over 141 million streams within the first week. This is not an isolated occurrence across the country music genre – artists such as Morgan Wallen, Luke Combs and Bailey Zimmerman have been topping the charts at rates unseen in decades. In March 2023, Wallen’s “Last Night” became the first solo male country music song to top Billboard’s Hot 100 charts since 1981. A few months later, Combs’ cover of Tracy Chapman’s “Fast Car” peaked at number 2 on Billboard’s Hot 100, trailing only Wallen’s “Last Night”. These “new” artists are positioning country music at the forefront of the American music scene, blending traditional beats with modern themes and diverse influences. Despite its decades of latency and unpopularity, being seen as a “shabby farmer genre”, country music is making its comeback. Given country music’s association with the American South and its conservative majority, it is difficult to ignore the correlation of country music's revival with the rise of the far-right in the US. However, can one link these phenomena? Is country music inseparable from conservatism? Country music does not have a discernible root from a certain location or demographic. Instead, it is a conglomeration of diverse genres, including those of Brits, Scots, Polynesians, Evangelical Christians and African Americans. Instruments typically associated with country music also have diverse origins, from the Hawaiian steel guitar to the banjo, which originated in West Africa. Until the 20th century, country music was not affiliated with a specific political ideology. Instead, it was a genre popular amongst the working class, African and Mexican Americans and rural citizens. For most of its history, the base of country music has been rooted in class, not in race or party. The political charge of country music did not actually arise until the late-20th century. Up until this point, the American South, the cradle of country music, was not dominated by the Republican Party. In fact, most white, blue-collar southerners were members of the Democratic Party, which had begun to factionalize over issues of segregation and federalism. The Republican Party’s Southern Strategy capitalized upon this schism, effectively mobilizing white southerners to hop ship. Country music’s nonpartisanship began to shift in President Richard Nixon’s 1972 reelection campaign, taking inspiration from George Wallace, the infamous segregationist governor of Alabama, who instrumentalized country music in his 1968 presidential campaign. Nixon worked to pull working- and middle-class white people in the South from the Democratic to the Republican Party. To do so, he recruited Merle Haggard, integrating “Okie from Muskogee” into his campaign, a song which criticized hippies, counterculture and the anti-war movement. By affiliating traditional country music with the Republican Party, Nixon and Haggard effectively infused a previously apolitical genre with acutely political tones: conservative masculinity, white nationalism and anti-immigrant sentiments. Ever since Nixon’s landslide 1972 victory, country music and conservatism have paralleled each other. In 2001, they fused further. Post-9/11, the U.S. experienced a wave of white nationalism, shifting farther politically right. Country music reflected this: songs with themes of simple living, marginalization and conflict with authority became songs referencing the ‘rally around the flag’, beer-drinking and romanticization of small towns – something that inherently alludes to white nationalism and anti-immigrant policy, upholding the concept of a “simple” and “neat” white America, cleansed from the crime, homelessness and poverty which the far-right blames on cities’ diversity. Given country music's and conservatism's twin history, is the former’s recent resurgence reflective of the latter’s rise? A New York Times article by Tressie McMillan Cottom stated that the current conservative political climate in the U.S. “makes country music [...] a good fit for the moment”. Cottom argues that the far-right is scrambling to create a political pop culture to rectify their lack of cultural institutions, and is claiming country music as a part of that culture. Although the claim that the far-right and the Make American Great Again movement lack cultural power is debatable, the far-right’s annexation of country music as a cultural artifact is a clear demonstration of the conservative nostalgia which is settling over the U.S. today. There is a deep yearning across the U.S. to ‘return’ to an America unplagued by the economic and cultural crises that the nation witnesses today, according to The Federalist editor Samuel Mangold-Lenett. “Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit and Authoritarian-Populism” by Pippa Norris, British-American political scientist, describes the idea that the rise of populist authoritarian politics can be described by a sense of threat to tradition, felt acutely by traditionalists who feel alienated as society changes without them. We see this phenomenon today, as American farmers and blue-collar workers are dubbed unintelligent, unworthy and distasteful, while politicians in the Democratic Party turn their attention to doctoral students and urbanites. Country music offers a safe haven from these rapid social changes. Songs such as Oliver Anthony’s “Rich Men North of Richmond” sing of a world that is no longer “ for people like me, people like you” , yearning for a nation in which “politicians would look out for miners”. Thus, country music is instrumentalized by the far right, as they empower populist figures such as Donald Trump. This movement can be seen across the nation through trends such as Tradwives and the fetishization of small towns. Situated within the context of the far-right’s rise in the U.S., it would appear that country music is conservative. But looking beyond the songs about tractors, the military and the nuclear family, country music is not inherently conservative. In fact, “Rich Men North of Richmond” is not conservative at all. After it was played at a Republican Party debate in 2023, Anthony stated , “ I wrote that song about those people,” and, “I do hate to see that song being weaponized.” Despite the fact that country music is “adopted” by conservatives, many artists, such as Anthony, do not recognize this claim. And while the globally recognized face of country music is conservative, low brow whites, country music has much more diversity to offer. Considering country music’s multicultural influences, especially those from African Americans, many artists today are pushing to reclaim the Black history and culture of country music. As mentioned before, country music is deeply intertwined with African American musical traditions and instruments, having been brought to the U.S. by slaves. A key character in this reclamation is Lil’ Nas X, whose country-trap music, with songs such as “ Old Town Road ”, attest to country music’s diverse history and presence. Alongside this, Beyoncé’s album Cowboy Carter challenges the stereotypical associations of country music with whiteness. In April 2024, Cowboy Carter positioned itself at No. 1 on Billboard’s Top Country Albums, making her the first Black woman to have led this list. Despite its clear country music influences, Cowboy Carter has received backlash, with many fans claiming that it is not ‘real’ country music. Big Country, the corporatist industry based in Nashville, seems to agree that Beyoncé does not belong in the genre, demonstrated by the refusal to give her radio airtime and her lack of nominations at the 2024 Country Music Association Awards. Country music is seen as for and by white people, creating an invisible barrier to people of color who want to enter the industry. Executives, often white men themselves, would rather cater to white consumers than honor the diversity that country music is rooted in and is demonstrating today. However, country music has never been about conservatism. Throughout its history, it has always been infused with the theme of conflict with authority, poverty and exploitation. Country music sings to the margins, not to a political party. Despite its nonconservative past, the rightward shift of country music is a signal of a larger cultural shift occurring in the U.S. A return of conservative values regarding masculinity, religion and race, has characterized American political culture since President Trump’s 2024 victory. And, thanks to political history and a current lyrical shift in the genre, country music has been roped into this conservative revolution, becoming intertwined with the far-right. I do not believe, however, that country music equals conservatism. From The Dixie Chicks to Tim McGraw and Mickey Guyton, progressivism, too, holds a place in country music. And disregarding the diverse, multicultural past and present that have shaped the genre as we know it today is a disservice to country music and all who have helped it become a cornerstone of American culture. As an avid country music fan myself, I find solace and nostalgia in its comforting rhythms. Even in Menton, nearly 9000 kilometers from my hometown, Tracy Chapman’s Fast Car replants me in my backyard with my sister, or to my mother’s childhood farm in North Carolina. To me, country music doesn’t represent division and hate; rather, it stands for family, tradition and simplicity. No matter the political charges associated with country music, it is, at its very core, a genre created by humans and for humans. Photo Source: Public Domain, Picryl

Jean Cocteau est inextricable de l’héritage artistique de la Côte d’Azur. Après un brunch dans un des petits restaurants sur le bord de mer, la chapelle Saint-Pierre est un incontournable de toute visite à Villefranche-sur-mer. < Back La Chapelle Saint-Pierre: Un Chef d’Oeuvre à Villefranche-sur-Mer By Maria Azadian April 30, 2022 “Car il ne s'agit plus de créer une belle oeuvre, mais de créer la plus belle des œvres et que sa puissance secrète rayonne avec une douceur pareille aux rages dévastatrices d'un explosif (...) Toutes les courbes doivent être des arcs qui tirent directement leurs flèches dans le cœur." -Jean Cocteau Tout a commencé quand une enseignante d’arts de mon école s’est débarrassée d’un vieux tas de cartes postales. Ayant commencé ma collection depuis quelques semaines seulement , cette pile de supposés détritus m’a attirée. J’en ai piqué deux ou trois, un peu au hasard. L’une des cartes postales représentait l’affiche du Testament d’Orphée : le dernier film du réalisateur Jean Cocteau. Je l’admets, celle-ci est restée affichée sur mon mur pendant quelques mois, sans que j’y pense réellement. Ceci, jusqu’à un fameux jour l’an dernier où j’ai pris la décision que ma quarantaine passée à visionner The Office pour la onzième fois m’ennuyait un peu trop. J’ai jeté un autre coup d'œil à ma carte postale, et j’ai tapé les mots “ Jean Cocteau Orphée” sur le clavier de mon portable. Depuis, comme j'ai eu la chance de m'installer sur la Côte d'Azur, je tiens à visiter ses traces dans la région où il a passé la dernière partie de sa vie. La visite de la Chapelle Saint-Pierre est une étape essentielle pour mener à bien cette mission. Mais qui est Jean Cocteau? Pour commencer, il faut dresser un portrait de Jean Cocteau. Un homme de haute moyenne classe qui a perdu son père par lesuicide, homosexuel dans une societé qui ne l’acceptait pas mais également apolitique pendant une periode où il ne fallait peut-être pas l’être: Cocteau est un personnage compliqué. L'artiste publie son premier recueil de poèmes, La Lampe d’Aladdin , inspiré des Mille et Une Nuits, à l’âge de 20 ans. Au début de sa carrière, il se lie d'amitié et participe à la création des Six, un groupe musical néoclassique d'avant-garde. Cocteau et les six musiciens se font connaître pour passer de nombreuses soirées au cabaret-bar parisien Le Boeuf sur le Toit . Cocteau devient un artiste extrêmement prolifique. Dans ses livres, films, et pièces de théâtre, son style néo-classique le démarque et le révèle comme anti-moderniste. Un thème récurrent dans ses œuvres reste l’intersection entre le désir et le pouvoir, surtout à travers ses représentations de l'homme "idéal", “héroïque” – des représentations naïves – qui font écho à l’art grec classique antique. Il passe également du temps au Moyen-Orient. Sa tournée de trois mois, de mars à mai 1949, pour la représentation de plusieurs de ses pièces l'amène, entre autres, à Beyrouth et en Égypte. Il documente son voyage dans un journal, qu'il publie plus tard sous le titre de Maalesh . Sa trilogie Orphique, composée de Le Sang d’un poète (1930), Orphée (1950) et Le Testament d’Orphée (1960), qui met en vedette Jean Marais, constitue une merveille du cinéma avant-garde du vingtième siècle. Un mélange magistral du mythe et de la réalité au point que l'un ne se distingue pas de l'autre, une étude de la logique du rêve, alliés à une esthétique irréprochable font de ceux-ci des classiques du film français. Cocteau est décédé le 11 octobre 1963 dans son château à Milly-la-Forêt, quelques heures après avoir appris la mort de son amie proche, Édith Piaf. Il est enterré sous la Chapelle Saint-Blaise dans cette même ville. Jean Cocteau à Villefranche-sur-Mer Cocteau a séjourné plusieurs fois à l’hôtel Welcome , à Villefranche-sur-Mer. Son ami Albert Lorent, délégué au tourisme de la ville, l’invite d’abord à exposer une œuvre à l’entrée de la chapelle. Pour ceci, Cocteau dessine un visage en face de la fameuse rue Obscure. Suite au grand succès de ce dessin, Lorent lui offre la chance de décorer la Chapelle Saint-Pierre, qui deviendra par la suite l’une de ses œuvres les plus remarquables pendant ses années sur la Côte d’Azur. Il repeint cette ancienne chapelle de pêcheurs datant de la fin du 16ème siècle en 1957, alors qu’elle était encore utilisée comme remise à filets. Aujourd’hui, à moins d’une dizaine de minutes de marche de la station de train de Villefranche-sur-Mer, elle représente un des plus grands chefs-d'œuvre de la Côte d’Azur. Bien que l’entrée soit quelque peu coûteuse – trois euros pour une visite qui dure à peu près une vingtaine de minutes – soyez rassuré ! Celle-ci en vaut réellement la peine. Malheureusement, vous ne serez pas autorisé à photographier l'intérieur de la chapelle. Par contre, dès l'instant où vous poserez les pieds à l'intérieur, vous serez transporté dans une réalité autre et lointaine, séparé de la rue animée seulement par un mur d’une épaisseur de quinze centimètres. Les yeux dorés et présents à chaque côté de la porte sont répliqués sur deux chandeliers sur l’autel, se trouvant eux-mêmes à chaque côté d’une statuette d’un oiseau en envol. Ils vous donnent l'impression d'être observé pendant que vous vous promenez dans la chapelle. Ils vous tiennent responsable des endroits où vous choisissez de vous arrêter, de ceux que vous choisissez d'examiner plus en détail comme ceux que vous manquez. Les murs sont décorés de fresques représentant des scènes de la vie méditerranéenne et de l’apôtre Saint Pierre. Le plafond, quant à lui, est recouvert de représentations hypnotisantes d'anges. Les couleurs douces et les lignes peu définies des fresques sont intentionnelles, pour donner l'impression d'être dans un paradis nuageux, brumeux - comme dans un rêve. Le style de Cocteau est simple, presque naïf - représentatif de la mentalité de l’artiste. Cependant, il reste évocateur et puissant. Jean Cocteau est inextricable de l’héritage artistique de la Côte d’Azur. Après un brunch dans un des petits restaurants sur le bord de mer, la chapelle Saint-Pierre est un incontournable de toute visite à Villefranche-sur-mer.

Will our hands remember how to take up a pen to write without the assistance of a keyboard and Grammarly? Will our eyes be able to adjust to words on paper rather than illuminated on a computer? Will we ever create an outline again without the assistance of ChatGPT? The words of my cousin’s “gyatt” echo into eternity, a siren call of the society we’ve become. < Back The End of Culture as We Know It Maia Zasler November 30, 2024 I will never forget the day my 10-year-old cousin shouted “gyatt” over FaceTime. Her text message rendition manifested in “gyattoose.” When I sit on the train, stand in extended airport security lines, or futilely try to pay attention during lectures, I can see those around me engage in the never-ending consumption of internet content: manufactured, tailored, pixelated images and videos that please the synapses in our brains (re: something more scientifically accurate). I too have fallen victim. My vocabulary seems feeble, easily influenceable. I am ashamed to say I am entertained by some of the most ludicrous content produced in the name of “pop culture,” a means of garnering views. Why did I watch that video of Nara Smith in what can only be described as a ball gown making gum from scratch for her husband? I, along with countless others, consider what is mainstream to be normalized; beyond the beauty standards and gender gap implications that have been heavily critiqued and theorized, respectively, I have to wonder, is the culmination of human intellectual and artistic achievement really the streaming of Keeping up with the Kardashians ? Is it staring at TikTok or Instagram reels for hours on end? In the social media realm, or performative virtual world, we are all audience members and performers. Can we, the masses, be trusted to spearhead culture creation? I would posit, after observing the consequences of the last decade, that the answer is an unequivocal no. A quick Google search will provide a rudimentary definition of “culture”: the ideas, customs, and social behavior of a particular people or society. So, what has gone deeply wrong in the broader, global society in terms of the deterioration of our ideas, customs and social behavior? I fear that the first catalyst has been a descent into digital absurdity. I have no defense for the two hours I spent (wasted?) watching Amadeus on TikTok. The laughter of young Mozart will forever haunt me. Or perhaps, more embarrassingly, I can refer to the videos displayed side-by-side, staying online to view clips of shows I’ve never even watched as in the parallel window somebody randomly unboxes miniatures or makes slime. I share this because I know mine are not singular experiences. The internet lingo that has encroached on our daily lives pervades beyond our phone screens, a product of oppressive collectivity. And that is part of the issue; we are eroding individualism. We are becoming our greatest obstacles in the production of quality content. We repost and remake existing trends, regurgitating that which we’ve heard too much of and seen too much of (arguably taking away from the voices of individuals who are pioneering culture development and sharing stories worth listening to). The linguistic evolution (or rather, devolution) of the “new generation” is yet another element of concern, a battlefront in this war to safeguard culture. The domination of nothing-words such as “skibidi” or “fanum tax,” or even worse, when combined to form nothing-phrases such as “skibidi Ohio rizz,” render centuries worth of linguistic maturation mute. We are inching closer and closer to a reality in which communication occurs solely through emoticons and TikTok dances. As Sciences Po students, we must ask ourselves: what if the future of diplomacy hinges on the mastery of the “Renegade”? You may think it extreme (it is), but at such an elevated rate of change and international exchange, it is a possibility. We engage more with content creators than Nobel prize winners; Mr. Beast videos supersede poetry and eloquent prose. We constantly have audio playing in the background—“Get Ready with Me” videos roll while we pick out outfits for the day. Our lives are played back to us on Instagram and Snapchat stories. Perhaps we may not all want to go viral, but we are making a conscious decision to give our attention (a valuable thing!!) to actors and general content that is not worthy. Maybe we should consider exploring the idea of a “Cultural Detox Camp;” we’ll read Dostoyevsky and listen to symphonies until we’re cleansed and inspired. Or are we too far gone? Can we reform that which has already been unleashed? Will our hands remember how to take up a pen to write without the assistance of a keyboard and Grammarly? Will our eyes be able to adjust to words on paper rather than illuminated on a computer? Will we ever create an outline again without the assistance of ChatGPT? The words of my cousin’s “gyatt” echo into eternity, a siren call of the society we’ve become.

Upon arrival in Menton, I enjoyed the scorchingly hot summer weather and the sunshine that the Côte d’Azur is renowned for. As the seasons changed, though, I found myself disappointed by the lack of “gold and saffron and red” leaves, pumpkins and the other autumnal accouterments that I become accustomed to back home. < Back Once Again, the Palestinian Story at Risk of Being Silenced: Netflix’s Farha By Ghazal Khalife December 31, 2022 Rarely is there a movie about Palestine that does not receive political backlash. The Israeli state has been trying to dominate the country’s narrative since the Nakba, especially in the Western world. The Israeli perspective on the Palestinian conflict has often been singled out as the true one. While many question the state’s ongoing aggression (nowhere near as loudly), they rarely question its legitimacy and origins. This is where the movie Farha comes in, using the perspective of a 14-year-old girl to describe the horrors of the Nakba and the atrocities committed by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). Farha is a movie based on actual events set in a small Palestinian village before the Nakba. Nakba in Arabic translates to “catastrophe,” and no film has been able to exude such a strong connotation of the word disaster. The movie shocks us through its raw illustration of the trauma faced by Palestinians as their villages were destroyed, their families killed, and their lives upturned completely. The film is written and directed by Darin J. Sallam, a Jordanian award-winning director and writer who chose to spotlight Palestinian suffering through the perspective of a young girl seeing her dreams crushed and witnessing the destruction of her people. In this film, we witness the upheaval created by the battles for Israel’s creation; the director transports us from an ambiance of hope with a looming danger to that of absolute tragedy, and since we know how history plays out, we already dismiss the prospect of a happy ending. Sallam enriches the film with the symbolism of a fig tree, gold earrings, and, most importantly, a school registration paper. It makes us ache for what could have been: what Farha’s future could have been and, on a grander scale, what Palestine could have been. It overcomes any filters and showcases the sheer violence, and utter dehumanization of the other as the IDF soldiers raid villages, burning all that stands in their way. Hence, it was predictable that when a film like this was streamed on Netflix, it was received with strong condemnation from the Israeli state. For Israel, this film threatens its legitimacy and version of history and dismantles the power of having a single story. As a result, the film has been subject to immense criticism, manifested as calls to ban it and boycott its streaming network. “The dangers of A single story” To explain why Farha has been met with such hostility and why some have called on Netflix users to cancel their subscriptions, I will use a quote by the novelist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie: “Stories matter. Many stories matter. Stories have been used to dispossess and to malign, but stories can also be used to empower and to humanize. Stories can break the dignity of a people, but stories can also repair that broken dignity… When we reject the single story, when we realize that there is never a single story about any place, we regain a kind of paradise.” To establish one’s story in stone, it is sometimes necessary to neglect or silence alternative ones. Farha being streamed on a global platform risks deconstructing the story propped up by the Israeli state for so long. For the first time, a marginalized narrative reaches: the trauma of a people often misunderstood and misrepresented. The film’s subject matter can be compared to other stories of oppression — many have compared Farha to Anne Frank, with both little girls witnessing extreme and life-altering aggression. A popular Israeli influencer rushed to denounce the movie, calling it “blatantly anti-semitic” and a distortion of history. These claims have no ground in reality, but all they do is serve the Israeli narrative, preventing people, most importantly Israelis themselves, from breaking the barriers of the single story and approaching the other side. Boycotting the movie is boycotting the other, limiting them to a box of prejudice and stereotyping. One might disagree with the film’s brutalist portrayal of IDF soldiers, but it remains crucial to allow it a chance to remain willing to hear another perspective, one of pain. It is impossible to deny that the 1948 Nakba was a time when massive breaches of human rights were committed, where people refused to listen to one another, where one nation was annihilated for the other to survive .

La jeune femme iranienne, Bahar, semble alarmée face à l'idée qu'un mouvement qui la touche de si près puisse tout simplement s'évaporer, comme c'est souvent le cas de la plupart des mouvements à vocation humanitaire qui deviennent viraux à l'échelle internationale sur les réseaux sociaux. < Back Le Mouvement en Iran: Un Phénomène à la Mode Pour la Communauté Internationale By Amalia Heide November 30, 2022 « Le mouvement tend vers une tendance » . Ce terme, chargé de méfiance, a été employé par Bahar (pseudonyme) pour décrire ses craintes quant à l'avenir du mouvement d'émancipation des femmes en Iran. Cette jeune femme iranienne semble alarmée face à l'idée qu'un mouvement qui la touche de si près puisse tout simplement s'évaporer, comme c'est souvent le cas de la plupart des mouvements à vocation humanitaire qui deviennent viraux à l'échelle internationale sur les réseaux sociaux. Les utilisateurs passent d'une obsession fiévreuse et passionnée pour une cause à l'indifférence et à l'oubli. Et tout cela en un clin d'œil. La viralisation excessive d'une cause génère donc une saturation et un ennui chez les utilisateurs qui ne sont pas directement concernés. C'est pourquoi, au cours d'une semaine, on assiste à un défilé sans fin de posts sur les réseaux sociaux sur un sujet précis, partagés automatiquement et sans réelle réflexion. La semaine suivante, les mêmes utilisateurs, qui semblaient si engagés, se lassent de voir le même message encore et encore et deviennent obsédés par une autre campagne. Mais qu'implique également cette viralisation démesurée ? Elle réduit une réalité très concrète à quelque chose d'abstrait ou de « symbolique » , en détournant l'attention des personnes réellement concernées par le problème. C'est pourquoi Bahar a l'impression que les utilisateurs des médias sociaux actuels accordent plus d'attention aux paroles et aux actions des influenceurs occidentaux qu'aux femmes iraniennes, dont la liberté est limitée à son expression minimale par le régime. Même lorsque les actions de ces influenceurs sont plus importantes que le simple partage d'un post, la signification de cette action ne sera pas la même ni aura le même poids que si elle était réalisée par une femme iranienne. Prenez, par exemple, les femmes qui ont rasé leurs cheveux en signe de soutien aux femmes iraniennes. Les implications d'un tel acte ne sont pas les mêmes pour une femme occidentale vivant dans un État de droit que pour une femme iranienne qui met sa vie en danger. Il est vrai, cependant, qu'il s'agit d'une forme de sensibilisation et de faire prendre conscience au plus grand nombre, ce dont Bahar est très reconnaissante. Il est indéniable que l'effet positif est très fort. Cependant, il faut toujours être conscient des limites de ces campagnes de sensibilisation. Surtout quand, une fois les cheveux coupés par exemple, les influenceurs occidentaux estiment que leur rôle a été fait et passent à un autre sujet pour divertir leurs followers. Ont-elles coupé leurs cheveux pour soutenir une cause noble ou pour créer du sensationnel et des visuels sur leur page ? Mais alors, comment pouvons-nous, en tant que membres de la communauté internationale, contribuer à changer cette réalité concrète dans laquelle vivent des millions d'iraniennes ? Selon Bahar, l'essentiel est de s'informer avant de partager sur le sujet et non de publier aléatoirement afin suivre une tendance, surtout pour ne pas laisser une vision occidentale et anti-islamique du problème s'imposer à l'opinion publique. Ce n'est pas la religion musulmane qui génère le problème actuel en Iran, ni le port du voile lui-même, mais la répression autoritaire, violente et systématique d'un régime qui ne permet pas aux femmes de décider du cours de leur vie ni du rapport qu'elles souhaitent entretenir avec la religion. Dans le même temps, les membres de la communauté internationale peuvent aider les femmes iraniennes en faisant pression sur les autorités de l'État afin qu'à leur tour, elles fassent pression sur l'ONU pour que le régime iranien actuel commence à respecter les droits fondamentaux de ses femmes. “The movement tends into a trend ” . Este terme, cargado de recelo, fue utilizado por Bahar (seudónimo) para describir sus miedos con respecto al futuro del movimiento de emancipación de las mujeres en Irán. Esta joven irani parece alarmada frente a la posibilidad de que un movimiento que la toca tan de cerca se evapore en el aire, como suele pasar con todos los movimientos de reivindicación social que se viralizan a nivel internacional en las redes sociales. Los usuarios pasan de sentir una obsesión febril y pasional por una causa a la indiferencia y el olvido de la misma. Y todo en un abrir y cerrar de ojos. La viralización excesiva de una causa genera por lo tanto saturación y hastío en los usuarios que no se ven afectados de manera directa. Es por eso que a lo largo de una semana, hay un desfile interminable de publicaciones en las redes sociales sobre un tema específico, compartidas de manera automática y sin una reflexión real. La semana siguiente, los mismos usuarios, que tan comprometidos parecían, se aburren de ver la misma publicación una y otra vez y pasan a obsesionarse con otra causa, volviendo a producirse el mismo proceso. Pero que implica además esta viralización excesiva? Se reduce a algo abstracto o “simbólico” una realidad sumamente concreta, quitando el foco de las personas que están verdaderamente implicadas en la problematica. Es por ello que Bahar tiene la impresión de que actualmente los usuarios de las redes sociales le prestan más atención a las palabras y acciones de influencers occidentales que a las mujeres iranies que ven su libertad limitada a su minima expresion por el regimen. Inclusive cuando las acciones de dichos influencers es mas significativa que el simple partage de una publicacion, el significado de dicha accion no va a ser el mismo ni va a tener el mismo peso que si lo hiciera una mujer irani. Tomemos como ejemplo raparse el pelo como muestra de apoyo hacia las mujeres iranies. Las implicaciones de dicha accion no son las mismas para una mujer occidental viviendo en un Estado de derecho que para una mujer irani que pone su vida en peligro al hacer lo mismo. Es verdad de todas maneras de que es una forma de spread awarness, algo que agradece Bahar, pero hay que ser conscientes de sus limites. Sobretodo cuando, una vez la mecha de pelo cortada, las influencers occidentales sienten que su parte ya fue hecha y pasan a otro tema para mantener entretenidos a sus seguidores. En el fondo se cortaron el pelo por apoyar una causa justa o para crear sensacionalismo y vizualicaciones en su pagina? Pero entonces, como podemos en tanto que miembros de la comunidad internacional contribuir a que esta realidad concreta en la que viven millones de mujeres iranies cambie? Segun Bahar, lo principal es Informarse y luego compartir sobre el tema y no unicamente publicar por seguir una moda. Informarse es esencial, sobretodo para no dejar que una vision occidental y anti-islamica sobre la problematica se imponga en la opinion publica. No es la religion musulmana la que genera problema, ni el port du voile en si, sino la represion autoritaria, violenta y sistematica de un regimen que no da lugar a que las mujeres decidan sobre el curso de sus vidas ni sobre la relacion que desean tener con la religion. A su vez, es importante hacer presion sobre las autoridades estatales para que, a leur tour, estas hagan presion en la ONU para que el regimen irani vigente comience a respetar los derechos fundamentales de sus mujeres.

When conflicts arise, the most vulnerable members of society—women and children—are impacted disproportionally. As a global society, global organizations such as the United Nations need to ensure that every person within the Sudanese community is protected and their rights are upheld during such conflicts. < Back Women in Sudan Caught in Conflict Nil Çelik September 30, 2024 “My family did not leave. I was sleeping with a knife under my pillow for months in fear of the raids that lead to rape by RSF. Since this war started, it is not safe anymore to be a woman living in Khartoum under RSF.” Reports from Human Rights Watch and the UN indicate that during periods of conflict and mass displacement, the risk of gender-based violence, sexual exploitation, issues concerning sexual and reproductive rights (SRHR) and the concern regarding access to education increases in drastic amounts. The ongoing conflict in Sudan began on April 15, 2023, in its capital, Khartoum. A sequence of armed confrontations between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has incurred at least 14,600 deaths and 26,000 injuries. Nearly eight million people have been displaced , and more than 19 million children are out of school. UNICEF describes the deteriorating situation as the “world's largest child displacement crisis.” Based on the findings of the UN Population Fund, more than three million women in Sudan are at the moment under threat of sexual violence and exploitation. This has disrupted women from accessing fundamental medical care such as reproductive health assistance for pregnant women. There has been extensive raiding of healthcare buildings and humanitarian organization storage impacting the availability of medical resources. It has been found that 28 medical buildings have been targeted and demolished, resulting in eight fatalities and 18 injuries. Approximately 479,000 women need immediate and fundamental reproductive health assistance. The lack of services has led to pregnant women and their babies facing vital threats to their well-being. The fatal strike of the maternity hospital in Khartoum indicates the destructive consequence of the conflict on Sudanese women. Furthermore, the attacks have led to a shortage of medical supplies and a blockage of international aid. Healthcare facilities in Khartoum are in extreme lack of medical supplies, consisting of medications for life-threatening conditions and chronic diseases. The expansive devastation of healthcare facilities in the capital of Sudan, the blockage of medical aid, and assaults directed toward health professionals have significantly played a role in delaying survivors of sexual violence from receiving the necessary care. Human Rights Watch issued a statement by a 20-year-old woman in early 2024: “I have been living in this RSF-controlled area since the war started.” Women, girls and occasionally men and boys have been subject to sexual violence, mostly by the RSF in Khartoum, who are in control of residential areas throughout the city. Human Rights Watch interviewed 18 healthcare providers from the emergency response units. Numerous interviewees have stated that survivors who had been raped by the SAF seemed more hesitant in reporting incidents involving the SAF. The interviewees stated that they supplied direct medical care, offered psychosocial support and oversaw individual cases. Between April 2023 and February 2024, these 18 aid providers delivered assistance for 262 survivors of sexual violence. The majority of the sexual assault victims revealed being raped and sexually violated by the RSF. Also in 2024, nine cases of rape by the SAF were disclosed when the SAF seized possession of regions of Omdurman and North Bahri. Human Rights Watch stated in a report released on July 28, 2024, that the RSF in Khartoum perpetrated widespread acts of rape, such as gang rape, and enforced illegal marriages such as forcefully marrying women and young girls without their consent in order to maintain control of the areas. Remaining in their own homes does not ensure security for women, as some families have been removed from their own houses by soldiers. Simultaneously, some members of the community who have been displaced in Khartoum have been obliged to share their houses with RSF fellows. These RSF members are exposing women and girls to potential abuse. This case of armed groups engaging in violence, as previously mentioned, is constructed from the historical use of CRSV in Sudan when the country faces conflict, notably the use of rape as means of war. Specific groups such as young girls are at an extremely heightened threat of gender-based violence and further infringements on human rights. The following groups comprise IDPs and refugees residing in overpopulated, insufficiently lit housing centers with minimal security. The conflict's impact on access to education has raised the risk of early marriage and gender-based violence for young girls. Despite the fact that health risks are rising, including the present cholera outbreak, women and girls face a decline in access to fundamental healthcare. The lack of menstrual hygiene products also harshly impacts their dignity. The ongoing conflict in Sudan has profoundly influenced the safety and health of women and girls, and has also resulted in notable shortages of critical resources like medical supplies, fuel and life-saving medications. This has caused delays in providing healthcare and protection for women, leading to major healthcare risks that could cost them their lives. Similar challenges can be seen in Gaza where women are faced with risks to their wellbeing due to the ongoing conflict between Palestine and Israel. In Sudan the international community has been more dominant since there has not been such a powerful blockage to aid coming in, and because the borders of Sudan have not been closed off. Although women have been faced with obstacles that acutely affect their bodily and mental health and development during the conflict in Sudan, they have not given up fighting for their rights and are still striving for peace. 49 women-led peace, humanitarian, and civil initiatives have been developed, named the Peace for Sudan Platform , in reaction to the civil war. This initiative is supported by the UN Women Sudan office which establishes communication for women-led advocacy movements. When conflicts arise, the most vulnerable members of society—women and children—are impacted disproportionally. As a global society, global organizations such as the United Nations need to ensure that every person within the Sudanese community is protected and their rights are upheld during such conflicts.

Lebanon forms first government after 13 months amidst a severe economic crisis < Back Lebanon’s New Government By Emilia Kohlmeyer September 29, 2021 Lebanon’s president Michel Aoun and prime minister Najib Mikati signed a decree issuing a new government on Friday the 10th of September, 13 months after the resignation of former Prime Minister Hassan Diab in the wake of the Beirut explosion, which left Lebanon without a government. The new cabinet consists of 12 Muslim as well as 12 Christian members in line with Lebanon’s sectarian politics, and it only includes one woman and one independent candidate. Prime Minister Najib Mikati, who is assuming this role for a third time, was designated prime minister in July after both his predecessors failed to form a government during the last year and resigned in consequence. Mikati, a multi-billionaire facing multiple accusations of corruption, is tasked with forming a response to the severe economic crisis Lebanon has been facing, which catapulted a large portion of its population into poverty. While the new government has been able to secure a long awaited rescue package of just over $1 billion dollars from the International Monetary Fund, it has not yet expressed how it will use this money. Furthermore, the government has been on a path to decrease fuel subsidies, hiking up the prices by 66% during the last month and again by 38% on Friday the 17th of September, posing further constraints on the poverty-stricken population. As the state electricity grid is rationed to two hours of electricity daily, the population depends on fuel-powered generators to maintain essential services such as hospitals and grocery stores. Western countries such as France have expressed optimism in the formation of a new government, but the general public response has been skeptical. The new government is a reflection of the sectarian parties which scrambled over influence during the last year, further destabilizing the country. Furthermore, there is skepticism over the integrity of the figures in the Lebanese political class. EU parliamentarian Christophe Grundler, heading the resolution enabling sanctions on corrupt political leaders in Lebanon, told Al Jazeera, “we know who is responsible for the political and the economic crisis: all factions, most ministries, many corrupted MPs,” — a view widely represented by the Lebanese population. The Lebanese pound has lost 90% of its value alongside massive fuel and medical shortages, leading to massive price hikes in goods such as foodstuffs, making basic sustenance either unaffordable or entirely inaccessible to the average Lebanese citizen. The largest non-nuclear explosion in history hit Beirut last August after ammonium nitrate was stored in the port facility under dubious security conditions, claiming more than 200 lives and injuring and displacing thousands more. The population is still waiting for an independent inquiry into the figures responsible for the tragedy.

Sanctions failed to make Saddam Hussein withdraw from Kuwait, unseat Fidel Castro, convince Haiti’s junta to honor democratic election results, or prevent India and Pakistan from testing nuclear weapons. Despite mounting sanctions against Iran, the violent suppression of protests has not abated — Iranian courts have begun to issue death sentences for those with links to the protests. < Back Are Iran Sanctions an Ethical Alternative to War? By Peyton Dashiell December 31, 2022 Since the rise of recent Iran protests after the killing of Mahsa Amini and subsequent violent crackdowns at the hands of Iranian officials, the international community has employed a range of responses. The United States stalled highly-anticipated nuclear negotiations, the United Nations Human Rights Council held a special session on the situation in Iran and new economic sanctions, travel bans, and asset freezes were applied to many individuals and companies with ties to the Iranian government. These actions are not new developments — since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the international community has applied various economic, trade and military sanctions against Iran with efforts spearheaded mainly by the United States. Reasons cited for sanctions include Iran’s nuclear program, the backing of the Houthis in the Yemeni Civil War and support for designated terrorist groups like Hamas, Hezbollah and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. As a result of sanctions, Iran has experienced a drastic reduction in oil revenue, billions of dollars of frozen foreign assets and almost complete exclusion from the global financial system due to sanctions on banks. Economic sanctions against Iran from the United States can be divided into two categories: primary sanctions, which prevent U.S. citizens and entities from engaging in economic activity with Iran, and secondary sanctions, which bar non-American entities from engaging in business with Iran if they want a presence in the United States. Due to secondary sanctions, multinational corporations do not operate in Iran due to the risk of being banned from the American market. The European Union and International Atomic Energy Agency have imposed their own sanctions on the Iranian regime due to unauthorized nuclear activity. In 2007, the European Union froze all assets of individuals with ties to Iran’s nuclear program, and in 2010, they joined the U.S. policy of banning all transactions with Iranian financial institutions. However, the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action lifted some sanctions against Iran in exchange for limits on its nuclear program. Initially a party to the deal, the United States withdrew in 2018, citing national security concerns. These sanctions have resulted in broad economic and humanitarian consequences. Since 2018, the Iranian currency has lost 50 percent of its value against the U.S. dollar, prompting inflation and higher living costs for citizens. And while American sanctions theoretically exempt humanitarian imports, many medical companies over-comply with these sanctions out of fear of retaliation and penalties from the U.S. government, resulting in severe shortages of medications and raw materials for medical production. According to Idriss Jazairy, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Effects of Sanctions on Human Rights, under economic sanctions, “people die but from lack of food and medicine, rather than from explosive devices.” Unfortunately, this has been true in practice. After the United Nations Security Council imposed economic sanctions and a complete trade embargo on Iraq in 1990 due to Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, an estimated 1.2 million Iraqis were killed due to malnutrition and disease — 500,000 of whom were children. Jazairy also argued that sanctions deserve the same recognition and concern in the international community as any act of war. These negative humanitarian effects are not an unprecedented consequence. After new U.S. sanctions were imposed in 2019, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo admitted that “things are much worse for the Iranian people, and we are convinced that will lead the Iranian people to rise up and change the behavior of the regime.” This lends credence to the idea that economic sanctions are a form of collective punishment — punishments imposed on a group for the actions of individuals. This practice is regarded as a violation of international human rights law and illegal under the Fourth Geneva Convention. Secondary sanctions imposed by the United States have been exceptionally controversial in international law due to their extraterritorial jurisdiction, and other major global powers have tried to mitigate their economic effects. After the 2018 JCPOA withdrawal, the European Commission issued a Blocking Statute, declaring U.S. Iran sanctions illegal. Businesses based in Europe became explicitly prohibited from complying with the U.S. sanctions and could recover damages from U.S. restrictions on legitimate business with Iran. Finally, sanctions as a foreign policy tool evoke broader questions regarding the morality of international intervention. Since the end of World War II and the advent of a new, post-Westphalian world order, the international community has taken on the responsibility of monitoring and upholding human rights through military intervention, sanctions and prosecution in international courts. But to what degree should this responsibility be applied — and are sanctions that worsen civilian conditions in the name of human rights hypocritical? Despite their prominent role in modern foreign policy, there are few examples of sanctions eliciting their desired political response. Sanctions failed to make Saddam Hussein withdraw from Kuwait, unseat Fidel Castro, convince Haiti’s junta to honor democratic election results or prevent India and Pakistan from testing nuclear weapons. Despite mounting sanctions against Iran, the violent suppression of protests has not abated — Iranian courts have begun to issue death sentences for those with links to the protests. As history has demonstrated, economic sanctions are an ineffective political measure that comes at an extreme civilian cost. While carefully calculated sanctions against specific industries or government officials may be a useful foreign policy tool, utilizing sanctions in the fashion of the United States — as an economic blockade spanning decades and forcing civilians to bear the effects — is an undeniable human rights infringement. Sanctions are not a flippant, inconsequential measure to respond to issues seen as not important enough to justify military operations — in some cases, they are more impactful than any act of war.

Whether it be the exploitation of industrial workers, the wars waged by Western powers, or populism masking intense elitism, London’s artists contend with the same ills we study here in Menton. That art can express those issues in a more eloquent and widely-accessible form than any research paper should justify its inclusion in a robust political life. < Back The London Arts Scene: A (Sciences Po) Student’s Guide Niccolo Gentile November 30, 2024 Visiting London for the fall break and desperate for a reprieve from Menton’s cultural black hole, I was inspired to explore the city’s arts scene. During my short week there, I spent a number of hours in the company of London artists and heard their opinions on the city’s current state, which, accompanied by a few visits to local shows, galleries and exhibitions, revealed a city teeming with worthwhile nooks to experience. However, in keeping with the overarching theme of our Sciences Po curriculum, I noticed that the politics of London and the United Kingdom at large threaten this fragile community as the UK endures an extended and worsening economic and, increasingly, political crisis. To ask what’s on offer in London probably entails a longer list than asking what isn’t. A brief survey of London’s most famous artistic endeavors is sure to include museums, such as the National Gallery, British Museum, Victoria & Albert Museum and Tate Britain and Modern. All of these are accessible to anyone for the incredible price of 0 £ and display, in my opinion, some of the best-curated collections in the world today. While the ethics of the British Museum’s collection remains a hotly contested subject in the UK and around the world, the personal highlight of this selection for me is the Tate Modern. The Modern not only contains a wealth of modern and contemporary art galleries but also uses its immense space, a former power station, to stage unique exhibitions on a monumental scale. The temporary display I encountered was “Open Wound,” by South Korean sculptor Mire Lee, though sculptures perhaps undermine the raw visuals of it. Suspended 5 meters above the concrete floor of the central hall, a turbine interwoven, or maybe caught, in chains and silicone strands reminiscent of strips of flesh slowly rotates, dripping a thick fluid onto a rack and the thin, cloth-like figures it supports. Throughout the display’s lifespan, these cloths were gradually dried and hung around the towering central hall. While I won’t wax too poetic about the images created, suffice to say that it certainly set a proper Halloween-esque mood. Outside of museums, smaller galleries and art shops abound in the London streets. An occult bookstore contained one of the most eclectic collections of ephemera and obscure essays I’ve ever seen. The main event for my visit was a major exhibition of Peter Kennard’s works in the Whitechapel Gallery. Titled “Archive of Dissent,” Kennard’s life works outline a politically and socially engaged artist. You might recognize some of his most famous pieces, which lean heavily into anti-war themes by juxtaposing repugnant images of death and destruction (a soaring missile, a barren skull) with those of humanity’s endurance and fragility (a clenched fist, our Blue Marble as seen from space). More specific to the British component of his work, he depicted Margaret Thatcher as a skeleton wearing a human face. It was this image that was chosen as the exhibit’s headline picture, fittingly, given that though he has an impressive tenure in the anti-war movement, raging against the annihilation of human life from Vietnam to Gaza, today he works in a UK art world scarred by years of Thatcherism and its subsequent iterations under both Labour and Conservative Party politicians. Speaking to Zoe Benbow, a long-time London-based painter, she expressed the prevailing discontent with the Conservative’s constant cuts to arts funding, particularly in regards to arts education, where it is becoming increasingly costly and restrictive to enter the art world even for students who continue to flock to the UK’s cutting edge humanities and arts courses. She also complained of the Labour government’s reluctance to counter this insidious cost cutting as they mirror the Conservative’s rhetoric of “tightening the belt” with continued spending decreases. These political pressures are being felt by artists in London, where an absurdly expensive property market is pushing more and more artists further and further from the city's beating heart. This central region contains not just world-class museums but also one of the two great Anglo-sphere theater districts: the West End. Classic shows like the English adaptation of Les Miserables and The Phantom of the Opera sit alongside newer hits, including Wicked and Hadestown. Similarly, Shakespeare’s Globe presents some of the most seminal plays in the English language. However, some of the most unique and innovative showings appear in the National Theatre, where I saw the incredible David Oyelowo’s staging of Shakespeare’s Coriolanus and A Tupperware of Ashes, a loose adaptation of King Lear set against the backdrop of a British-Bengali family navigating the tumult of the 2020s UK and the ails of dementia. The quality of both might only be contested by their ease-of-entry for students, who can show up an hour before they start to get 20£ tickets in prime seating. The most meaningful of these plays, though, was Coriolanus. Intermixing Shakespeare’s medieval interpretation of the Ancient Roman Republic with 20th-century military aesthetics, Lyndsey Turner weaves a narrative that uses the antique tragedy to critique contemporary populism and elitism in equal measure. What emerges is a stark criticism of the brutal politics we face today. This reflects the messages of Lee’s viscera-strewn engine and Kennard’s fierce denunciation of the British state, one painting a picture of a British art world at odds with the conditions of the modern West. Whether it be the exploitation of industrial workers, the wars waged by Western powers, or populism masking intense elitism, London’s artists contend with the same ills we study here in Menton. That art can express those issues in a more eloquent and widely-accessible form than any research paper should justify its inclusion in a robust political life.

Feminism does not always require being vocal, an activist, or engaging in mass mobilization. Sometimes resisting is retreating—in the choice to withdraw from cultural pressures knowingly. Dissociative feminism expands the scope of what feminist action can entail. < Back With Prada and Ten Protagonists on to a new self-destruction feminism Lou Hildebrandt March 31, 2025 What do Prada, dissociative feminism and a fictional protagonist using drugs to hibernate for a year have in common? - Novelist Ottessa Moshfegh, who has created literary brilliance with her novels Eileen , My Year of Rest and Relaxation and Lapvona , as well as the short story collection Homesick for Another World . Now, as part of a collaboration with Prada on the brand’s spring-summer 2025 collection campaign, Moshfegh's Ten Protagonists , a collection of short stories, was published in February of the same year. In the short story collection, we see model Carey Mulligan wearing various Prada outfits, each embodying a brief story of one of Moshfegh's heroines. The women give us a glimpse into their professions: a physicist, an interior designer and a corporate translator. Not only their profession, but their lives, too, seem to be diverse, based on what is revealed. Nonetheless, they have something in common: they're all predominantly young, white cis-women who are somewhere on the unlikability spectrum—between counterintuitive and flat-out antiheroine—like Eileen and the narrator of My Year of Rest and Relaxation before them. The Epic of an Antiheroine and Dissociative Feminism The tale of an unlikeable white cis-woman seems to be Ottessa Moshfegh's signature. Her heroines never show any hesitation to disappoint the norms of female protagonists in fiction: they are unsympathetic, disagreeable, occasionally disgusting and driven by their own perverse desires. In Eileen , the main character lives with her drunkard father in a run-down house. Her brooding intellect and peculiar habits—like keeping a dead mouse in the glove compartment of her vehicle or stalking her crush, Randy—are not those of a stereotypical heroine, but rather an antiheroine. The ending is just as dissatisfying, since Rebecca, the one character Eileen looks up to for how organizes she appears to be, turns out to be as unreliable as Eileen. Instead of tackling the challenges of her life, the realization of Rebecca’s irresponsibility gives Eileen the motivation to leave her hometown for good to start all over in New York City. This type of protagonist is featured in My Year of Rest and Relaxation, too. The unnamed narrator attempts to cure her trauma following the death of her parents through radical withdrawal: she locks herself in her apartment in New York for a year, consumes huge amounts of sleeping pills and attempts to erase herself from the world. Her friend, who visits every now and then, is treated with mercilessness and ruthlessness. The protagonist shuts all avenues for empathy; she is completely dissociated. Psychologically, dissociation is the separation of perception and memory, a “ disconnection between a person's sensory experience, thoughts, sense of self, or personal history.” But when women cognitively and emotionally disconnect from their surroundings, it's a survival mechanism. The famous Buzzfeed article by Emmeline Clein, The Smartest Women I Know Are All Dissociating , describes that this gendered dissociation of “women using intellectual detachment to dull pain or avoid emotion isn’t at all a new phenomenon.” Therefore, discussion about feminism and dissociation requires acknowledgement of the specificity of women’s mental health issues. Hence, a construct such as dissociative feminism carries intrinsic solidarity—a mutual knowledge of women's gendered experience of mental health issues. It is an acknowledgment that, instead of meeting expectations pushed upon them, women create coping mechanisms of their own. Re-shaping one’s own suffering and re-narrating it as a feminist tragedy can be regarded as the claiming of agency by a person who lives under patriarchal oppression. The historical and oppressive tale of “female hysteria” is re-appropriated: rather than women being victims of whatever diagnosis, they appropriate dissociation as an act of resistance. They use it as protection against the difficulties of patriarchal life—to endure terrible sex, to filter out toxic men, to avoid the squeeze of productivity. Dissociative feminism also exceeds nihilism and is critical of capitalism. In Moshfegh's novel, My Year of Rest and Relaxation , when the protagonist locks herself up in her apartment for a year, she also evades capitalist exploitation logic. She takes medication to detox herself from work and social life. The book is thus the very definition of dissociative feminism, with a clear emphasis on dissociation. It is not a mere individual retreat but a feminist statement. A Defense of Dissociative Feminism Dissociation isn't apathy; it's a survival mechanism. Women are not dissociating because they ignore patriarchal violence, but because they have to disconnect from it. Active withdrawal is resistance—a safety mechanism against the constant demands of the expectations of society. Identifying dissociative feminism as neoliberal feminism, as many critics have done, disregards its significantly different stance. While neoliberal feminism would call women to adapt to the system, maybe even to embrace a “girl boss mentality” in the face of patriarchal and capitalist injustice, dissociative feminism rejects this entirely. Denial of being productive or emotionally available is a rejection of the capitalist requirement to constantly improve oneself, a resistant non-adherence to the patriarchal view of women as carers and nurturers. Feminism does not always require being vocal, an activist, or engaging in mass mobilization. Sometimes resisting is retreating—in the choice to withdraw from cultural pressures knowingly. Dissociative feminism expands the scope of what feminist action can entail. The same counts for the tale of anti-heroines. Women like Eileen, whose greatest joy is indulging in explosive diarrhea, reject traditional notions of femininity. The way her quirks are shown and how she acts, along with her dark fantasies, is a resistance or defiance of the restrictions that come along with gender-based oppression and the ideology of femininity. Her Ten Protagonists are Ten True Girl Bosses As previously mentioned, the ten protagonists in the eponymous short story collection are as detached from the outer world as in all of Moshfegh’s tales. Interior architect Betty, for instance, recounts how she does not like the collection of things; she says: “It’s important for me to be detached, my hands as clean as a surgeon’s.” Puppeteer Tabitha, who drops out of college after a great realization, which she gets from a fever, says that what makes us human is our inconsistencies. Scientist Tara’s greatest aim is to prove that basic laws of physics and biology are not true, with an eagerness that apparently results in her losing her funding from the university where she is employed. It is unclear whether Tara’s keenness stems from a concern for the planet or plain hatred for humanity itself. he describes her vision as “a world of microbial calm, where the cacophony of human progress is finally silenced.” Some stories entail the narration of dissociation to a greater extent than others. One of the most profound dissociations can be found in Victoria/Veronica —a short story that almost seems like a schizophrenic new interpretation of the classical doppelgänger-motif. This ambiguity is already emphasized with the title and, whilst those are technically two protagonists, we have nine other short stories with protagonists. Since the title of the short story collection tells us that there are only ten protagonists in the book, Moshfegh makes those seemingly two protagonists count only as one. Similarly, it seems to be an element unique to this story, as there have been other short stories where there was a very important secondary character, but without a similar reference in the title. An instance is Cecily , which deals with two actresses, Cecily and Amelia. Amelia is significant for this story, like Victoria is for Veronica’s, yet the story is not named “Cecily/Amelia” but only “Cecily.” This insinuation, that we might be dealing with one person instead of two, is further exemplified by the fact that not once is it mentioned whether the speaker is Victoria or Veronica. The impression that it might, in reality, be only one schizophrenic woman arises through the increasingly sickly appearance of “the sister,” especially in the moments where the narrator does unusual things like sleeping on the ground or in lines like: “Whereas it used to feel easy, now my breathing feels labored. Harder, as if I’m breathing for two sets of lungs.” Another striking line is: “It’s like there’s only one of us.”. “I’m the real me, and you’re the part that watches.” Given that all the protagonist ever does revolves around “the sister,” this makes us question: Could it be that she is hallucinating her into existence? There is not one single activity pursued by the speaker that suggests she has a life separate from her ‘sister.’ On to a New Self-Destruction Feminism So far in the short story collection, we have seen women who are detached, disagreeable and dealing with their mental health problems. However, stories like Rachel give us the impression that with Prada and Moshfegh, we leave dissociation behind and are moving to a new form of self-destruction feminism— the protagonist, Rachel, dissociates and is unreliable to the point of almost driving her lover and herself off a cliff. The story starts off with an “enchanted evening,” in which Rachel spends time with her partner Freddie for the first time. They are in a car and are driving through the most romantic and beautiful scenery imaginable. Then, the scene is interrupted by Rachel almost driving them off a cliff. This was not merely an accident, as is revealed by the lines: “Later it scared me because I thought I had done it on purpose. Because I’d had the thought: I’m happy. Because sometimes just the thought of that is enough to cut you loose.” However, throughout the story, it crystallizes that this was not an instantaneous thought or, even less so, suicidal ideation. To her core, Rachel believes that people should experience situations where they are not safe: “I believe that everyone should, at some point in their lives, get stranded. Or at least get lost. Go missing.” Self-destruction has been a long-standing trope for male geniuses, from literary figures such as Hemingway to musicians such as Kurt Cobain and artists such as van Gogh. Their own destruction is mythologized, keeping the notion of a tortured genius alive. For women, however, the story has been the contrary—writers such as Sylvia Plath have been either fetishized or pathologized just as much as they have been for their mental illness. It took a long time until her art was acknowledged in a similar manner and even today it is questionable whether she is seen predominantly as ‘a mentally ill woman’ or a professional writer. As Heather Clark, in her introduction to Sylvia Plath, explained , people cannot accept women as professional writers as they do for their male counterparts. A reclaiming of self-destruction can therefore be a kind of resistance. This is not to say that everybody should destroy themselves, but when life does, one should not hesitate to use that as a creative source. Rather than constantly urging women to “get through it,” a self-destruction feminism could encourage a form of radical solidarity—one that would understand failure, resignation and breakdown as common experience rather than individual failure. Instead of trying to pathologize or individualize self-destruction, it could acknowledge it as a legitimate response to an unbearable world and create a space where women do not have to be strong but can merely be. Photo source: Wikimedia

Organized by none other than our Bureau Des Étudiants President, 2A Samy Bennouna, the Sciences Piste fall break trip to Morocco was a highly anticipated interlude to the semester. Our five days in the country solidified the spirit of the Menton Ummah. < Back Menton au Maroc: Sciences Pistes Spend Fall Break With the BDE By Peyton Dashiell November 30, 2022 After a long journey involving a late-night bus to Milan, three-a.m. airplane floor naps and a red-eye flight across the Mediterranean, 55 Sciences Pistes (and three Chilean tourists who were also part of our tour group) emerged from Marrakesh Menara Airport on Monday morning exhausted but eager for the adventure ahead. Organized by none other than our Bureau Des Élèves President, 2A Samy Bennouna, the Sciences Piste fall break trip to Morocco was a highly anticipated interlude to the semester. After hours of airport chaos — customs, currency exchange and the quest to collect the Bureau Des Élèves speaker from baggage claim unscathed, we departed the airport for a serene morning at the Jardin Majorelle. We were met with a botanical labyrinth — an endless maze of intricately tiled paths, alleys of flowers and cerulean Art Deco Buildings enclosed by cacti. While we witnessed cats, turtles and fish, some credible Sciences Piste sources also sparked rumors of a rare Moroccan panda lurking in the shadows. Following an afternoon of touring the medina, we began to explore the souq and main square of Marrakesh, Jemaa el-Fna, on our own. There we faced an overwhelming collection of vendors and entertainers, including snake charmers and well-dressed monkeys on leashes. When Bennouna promised the group a fancy restaurant experience, none of us knew what to anticipate. Yet, the experience at Chez Ali surpassed all of our wildest dreams. After a dinner of soup, couscous and tagine, we were met with a production rivaling any parade, movie or dance ensemble seen before. Featuring camels, horse racing, horseback acrobatics, sheep and belly dancing, the spectacle ended with a flaming, building-sized “maa salama” sign bidding us farewell as we returned to our riads. Our desert escapade began the following morning. Fueled by a traditional Moroccan breakfast, we escaped the urban sprawl of Marrakesh on a bus ride through the winding hills of the Dades Gorges. After several stops at scenic viewpoints overlooking valleys, we reached another riad in the evening — a collection of hotel rooms overlooking a tiled indoor garden. After dinner, the first international Bureau Des Élèves party began, proving that the transcontinental journey of the bureau’s speaker was for a good cause after all. The following day, we continued through the desert to Merzouga, stopping at a shop for souvenirs and “djellabas” — brightly colored dresses with embroidered designs typically worn on special occasions. With varying levels of coercion and enthusiasm, every Sciences Piste eventually donned a djellaba and matching scarf for one of the many group photos captured on the trip. Afterward, the souvenir shopping began in earnest, and many people experienced their first foray into bargaining — heated exchanges ensued as students battled for the best scarf prices. Our bus ride continued through the afternoon, with most of the bunch dozing off after the hectic two days of travel. However, several enthusiastic Sciences Pistes made an effort to rouse their bus-mates with music and chants. Second-year student Lisé Thorsen harnessed her creativity to create a new Menton chant, which she zealously taught to all of her sleepy travel companions: Menton in the flesh Shisha sesh in Marrakesh Wesh wesh You’re so fresh Mesh mesh Comme une pêche On Wednesday afternoon, we reached the Sahara desert frontier, close to Algeria's border. The trek through the sand dunes to our campsite began on ATVs and concluded with camel rides. After multiple mishaps on the ATV — our vehicles quickly became engulfed in the steep dunes — I can say that the camel portion of our journey may have been the more suitable leg for our group of largely-licenseless-Europeans. Balancing on the backs of camels (technically dromedaries) with the desert sunset flooding the horizon, we arrived at our camp as the sky blended into purple. The dinner menu, a familiar and comforting selection of salad, tagine and pasta with an unexpected platter of eggplant parmesan, elicited shrieks of surprise and joy from the vegetarian table. We gathered in the dunes till the wee hours of the morning for the long-awaited desert party featuring music by DJ Spencer. After the late night, a motivated group arose from bed at 7 a.m. to watch the sunrise from the dunes. Although the wait was frigid, the dawn’s light was well worth the early alarms. The morning excursion proved to be a refreshing wake-up for the day that awaited us. After nearly nine hours on buses, we reached Marrakesh late in the evening, splitting up to embark on our own adventures across the city for our last night in Morocco. Our final day started with a drive to Casablanca, Morocco’s economic capital and largest city. After the Casablanca pitstop, we embarked on a bus ride along the seaside. We reached the Hassan II Mosque, which overlooks the Atlantic Ocean and boasts a laser pointed towards Mecca atop its minaret. We hastened to stretch our legs, snap some pictures and take in the miles of marble floor in front of us before returning to Casablanca to catch our flight back home. We hurriedly used up the last of our dirhams in Morocco's final hour, shuffled our bags to the airplane's weight limit, and began to reflect on the trip as we settled into our seats. More than just a fall break trip, our five days in Morocco solidified the spirit of the Menton Ummah.

Despite its widespread popularity, I’ve grown a bit skeptical of this expression, or at least how it is often expressed. < Back Rethinking ‘Living in the Moment’ By Maria Eirini Liodi April 30, 2024 Living in the moment is a great life approach to have. In a fast-paced world of busyness and distraction, we can all use this stance to help immerse ourselves in our reality, as opposed to continuously rushing ahead, or lingering in the past. If you read any sort of wellness article nowadays, it will list an abundance of reasons why you should ‘live in the moment’ - focusing on the small things, on the here and now, can make you happier. However, despite its widespread popularity, I’ve grown a bit skeptical of this expression, or at least how it is often expressed. Oftentimes, it appears to be a pretty and simplistic way to disguise the evasion of responsibility and the avoidance of adult challenges. For instance, I’ve heard people use this catchphrase to justify why they stop putting effort into sustaining friendships over a physical distance, or failing to plan ahead for their career. That got me thinking: could this philosophy be detrimental to one’s happiness by putting too much pressure on the present? Beyond that, could it be an oversimplification of the human experience? In this day and age, social media enables us to be interconnected across space and time. So, in that sense, living in the moment ceases to be defined by solely geographical parameters, confining ‘the present’ to where you live and the periphery within that. Modern technology’s benefits allow us to essentially exist in multiple realities that all come together to create the present. Moreover, technology as a means of bridging communication allows us to arguably be more present in more places and for more people in our lives, contradicting the frequently asserted notion that ‘living in the moment’ necessitates an all-embracing approach to the here and now, in geographical terms. It seems that technology does not inherently make us live less in the present, how we make use of it, though, can. Therefore, ‘living in the moment’ can be less about ‘soaking up’ every moment — because it is kind of impossible to do so anyway. It can instead be more about acknowledging the multiplicity of our presence, which can extend to our digital interactions, thereby broadening the scope of what ‘living in the moment’ means. In contemplating this, I’ve also come to realize that we actually pressure ourselves to be in the moment. For instance, when preoccupied with a difficult task or facing a personal challenge, people often tend to guilt-trip themselves for escaping into these parallel realities, rather than being actively engaged ‘in the moment’. Even then, one must once again step into their head to have that inner dialogue rather than just accepting the moment for what it is; be it good or bad, immersive or disconnected. This unrealistic expectation-setting can inadvertently lead to stress and guilt, as opposed to understanding of the nuanced reality of being human, which naturally comes with feeling disconnected or distracted from time to time. With this line of thought, we can naturally consider the pressures constructed — or rather reinforced — by social media. Living in the moment often takes on a renewed, glamorized version on social media, whereby the streams of curated content we consume make us feel as though every moment is a memorable one and should be savored and shared in the public sphere. Perhaps we can alleviate this pressure by acknowledging the subtle balance that exists between the normal, everyday, mundane moments, and the fleeting ‘Instagrammable’ moments. This way, sharing our lives on social media, can seize to be just performance for public consumption and personal capturing of highlights. Moreover, a simplistic interpretation of ‘living in the moment’ can risk overshadowing the importance of planning ahead and goal-setting. People advocating for this life-approach may say that thinking about the future ‘robs’ you of the present, or that it is not useful to plan ahead since those plans are subject to unpredictability anyhow. Despite the truth in the latter idea, planning ahead can help construct a life with direction, meaning and hence, greater fulfillment. Ultimately, ‘living in the moment’ should not be about idealizing and relentlessly chasing camera-worthy moments. It can be more about accepting the intricacies of the human experience - the dull and the exhilarating, the disconnected and the engaging moments.

The government’s control over media is seen as a way to shape public opinion in regard to their own agendas, protect their own interests and prevent opposing views from gaining popularity. < Back Censorship Concerns in Turkish Media Nil Çelik December 31, 2024 In the past years, censorship in Turkish media has reached alarming levels. The government maintains substantial control over television networks and censors voices that they deem oppositional. The Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) has been transformed into a primary tool to suppress opposition media, often imposing fines and broadcast bans on channels that critique the government. Among broadcasting channels that have received fines and bans are Tele1 and Halk TV . Under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the Turkish government has gradually implemented laws and policies that reduce the freedom of independent journalism. The increasing influence of the government in media has resulted in the press losing its freedom as well as its impact on citizens due to not being able to produce works that show the truth of pressing issues. Consequently, this creates an environment where independent journalism is under constant threat, and journalists are forced to choose between self-censorship or risking severe consequences. Media outlets such as Tele1, Halk TV and KRT which are critical of the government are constantly under investigation, and are targeted with forms of repression. The government’s control over media is seen as a way to shape public opinion in regard to their own agendas, protect their own interests and prevent opposing views from gaining popularity. RTÜK has the authority to impose fines, suspend broadcasts, and revoke licenses of media outlets that violate its regulations. Over the years, RTÜK has more frequently silenced opposition views, eliminating views that differ from or counter the AKP regime. RTÜK was first established in 1994 to provide a regulatory authority for radio, television, and other audiovisual media in a sense of overseeing the rapidly evolving media landscape, specifically with the emergence of private television and radio channels. In 2020 , TV station Tele1 with a five-day black screen broadcast ban over statements critical of the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) and Ottoman Sultan Abuldhamit II. Opposition leaders have denounced RTÜK for its move, saying that this is an "attack on free press and people's freedom of information." RTÜK's move was slammed online with the hashtag #Tele1Susturulamaz (which translates as 'Tele1 cannot be silenced') is going viral on Twitter. Similarly, Halk TV was suspended for discussing allegations of corruption linked to high-ranking government officials. In 2022 , Tele1 and Halk TV were both fined in heavy amounts for covering anti-government protests and questioning the government policies on the ongoing economic crisis. In addition to the actions of RTÜK, the AKP government has passed a series of laws that facilitate censorship and target independent media. The 2020 Social Media Law has raised concerns about the government’s increasing control over online platforms. The law requires platforms like Twitter, Facebook and YouTube to appoint local representatives and comply with content removal requests from Turkish authorities. Failure to comply with these requests can result in heavy fines and bandwidth restrictions, which effectively limit access to these platforms. This law allows the government to monitor and control online content, making it easier to censor dissenting views and limit freedom of expression. On Friday, August 2, 2024, the Instagram ban in Turkey affected the entire country, leaving millions unable to access the app. The ban on Instagram in Turkey has once again disrupted the social media lives of users, highlighting ongoing censorship practices in the country. The move sparked a backlash from Turkish citizens and quickly became a global trending topic on X. It has now gained worldwide attention. X user Cem Say shared a noteworthy update, revealing that the Turkish Constitutional Court had initially deemed the ban unconstitutional, arguing that it infringed on freedom of expression and the press. This shows the frailing justice system which has increased since the 2017 Turkish Constitutional referendum where the office of Prime Minister was abolished and the existing parliamentary system of government was replaced with an executive presidency and a presidential system which reduced the existing check and balances on the government by limiting the power of the Grand National Assembly and Turkish courts and consolidating the power to the president. Additionally , a Turkish court issued an arrest warrant on Monday for a woman accused of inciting hatred and insulting the president after she criticized the ban on the Instagram social media platform, according to broadcaster Haberturk and other news outlets. The government has also passed the "Disinformation Law," which was introduced in 2022 and penalizes those found guilty of spreading so-called "false information" with up to three years in prison. This law can be said to be designed to allow the government to censor, as it gives authorities broad discretion to determine what constitutes misinformation. The law has already been used to prosecute journalists and social media users who criticize the government. It is viewed by many as a direct attempt to silence criticism and create a sanction on free speech. Several high-profile cases highlight the Turkish government’s aggressive stance on media censorship. In 2022, journalist Sedef Kabaş was arrested for allegedly insulting President Erdoğan during a live broadcast on Tele1. She was charged under Article 299 of the Turkish Penal Code, which criminalizes insults against the president and carries a prison sentence of up to four years. This case drew widespread condemnation from press freedom organizations, which argued that it was an attempt to intimidate journalists and discourage critical reporting. In 2023 journalist Barış Pehlivan was imprisoned for reporting on the alleged mistreatment of political prisoners, his arrest was justified through the “Disinformation Law”. His case garnered significant international attention and was condemned by human rights organizations, which called it a direct attack on press freedom. The extent of governmental surveillance of the media sector was evinced even more pointedly during the 2023 earthquake in Kahramanmaraş, when media outlets criticized the government’s slow response and were targeted with fines and accusations of spreading disinformation. Independent journalists covering the inadequate efforts were faced with opposition by authorities and channels like Halk TV faced significant oppression for showing the truth such as the head of Kızılay, an establishment which provides humanitarian aid and sells tents that were supposed to be donated to victims of the earthquake. RTÜK also blocked live broadcasts from the affected areas, limiting the public’s access to crucial information. The government’s response to the earthquake crisis exemplifies its tendency to suppress critical reporting, even during times of national disaster. Moreover, the AKP’s influence over media extends beyond censorship to include the consolidation of media ownership under pro-government entities. Major companies that work with the government have acquired crucial newspapers and television channels, creating a media that projects the narrative of the government. This trend leaves little room for independent or opposition media to thrive, effectively marginalizing varying perspectives. For instance, the 2018 acquisition of the Doğan Media Group by Demirören Holding, a company with close ties to the government, marked a significant shift in Turkey's media landscape. The Doğan Media Group’s assets, including influential newspapers like Hürriyet and TV channels like CNN Türk, were transformed into platforms that largely avoid government criticism. This monopolization of media ownership undermines democratic discourse by limiting the diversity of viewpoints available to the public and creating an environment where state-aligned media dominates public opinion. International organizations and advocacy groups have repeatedly expressed concern about the limitations on press freedom in Turkey. Reports from organizations such as Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) highlight Turkey's alarming ranking in global press freedom indices and document numerous cases of journalist arrests, media closures, and censorship. These organizations emphasize that the Turkish government’s actions violate international standards of free expression as enshrined in treaties like the European Convention on Human Rights, to which Turkey is a signatory. Furthermore, Turkey's growing authoritarianism in media regulation has drawn criticism from the European Union , which has urged the country to respect fundamental freedoms as part of its EU accession aspirations. Despite these pressures, the Turkish government continues to defend its policies under the guise of national security and combating misinformation, further entrenching a climate of fear and self-censorship among journalists and media professionals. Looking ahead, if censorship continues to grow in Turkey, it could further limit people’s access to diverse viewpoints and independent journalism. This would weaken democracy, as citizens may no longer receive unbiased information to make informed decisions. It could also lead to the government further consolidating its control over public opinion, and journalists self-censoring out of fear of punishment. The outcome could be a society where the media is dominated by government-approved information, making it harder for people to challenge or question authority. However, there is hope for change. Global pressure from organizations fighting for press freedom, combined with local efforts to protect journalists, could help push for reforms. Legal actions against restrictive laws and greater public demand for a free press might encourage the government to ease censorship. Additionally, as digital platforms continue to grow, they could provide new ways for people to express themselves and share information, overcoming traditional media restrictions. If these efforts are supported, it could launch a freer, more open media environment in the future.

Imaginez regarder les aventures de meurtres comme ceux de Jeffrey Dahmer ou l’affaire des frères Menendez. C’est ce que propose la série Netflix Monsters qui, malgré les polémiques, a tout de même enregistré 12,3 millions de vues lors des quatre premiers jours du lancement de la deuxième saison. < Back Le True crime: quand l’horreur devient divertissement Elsa Uzan February 23, 2026 Imaginez regarder les aventures de meurtres comme ceux de Jeffrey Dahmer ou l’affaire des frères Menendez. C’est ce que propose la série Netflix Monsters qui, malgré les polémiques, a tout de même enregistré 12,3 millions de vues lors des quatre premiers jours du lancement de la deuxième saison. Cette série relève du genre des documentaires true crime même si la série reste très largement romancée. Ces programmes sont des reportages sur des affaires réelles de meurtres, ou de manière plus générale, d'événements violents et traumatisants. Ces œuvres adoptent un format documentaire et un style d'investigation, en présentant des récits de ces crimes et de leurs conséquences. La criminalité apparaît dans ce contexte selon l’historien Daniel LaChance et le professeur de justice pénale Paul Kaplan comme « à la fois comme très proche et assez étrangère, une menace perpétuelle pour la vie quotidienne, mais extrêmement lointaine dans son origine et ses motivations, à la fois banale et exotique dans le milieu où elle se déroule. » Pourtant l'intérêt pour les crimes n'est pas un phénomène nouveau. En effet, les premiers récits criminels circulaient dès le XVIe siècle en Europe sous la forme de brochures de comptes rendus de crimes et d'exécutions. Le genre est caractérisé par un style sensationnaliste, présentant les informations policières à travers des détails mentionnés afin d’effrayer et de choquer le public. Les narrateurs décrivent de manière extensive la violence en mettant l'accent sur les détails techniques de la scène du crime, grâce à des explications d'experts. Ce genre hybride mêle des aspects de l'actualité, avec des instruments et des objectifs de divertissement. Les émotions des spectateurs sont en quelque sorte manipulées grâce à des preuves issues de l’enquête et à un langage audiovisuel. Le côté sensationnaliste du genre entraîne l’émergence de plusieurs problématiques. D’abord, la diffusion de documentaires de true crime s’accompagne généralement d’une perte drastique de la vie privée des victimes due à l’intérêt médiatique. Les fans de true crimes sont décrits par celles-ci comme des individus ayant un attachement malsain pour ces affaires, ce qui entraîne parfois des interactions étranges voire nuisibles particulièrement avec les proches ou les victimes. Il faut tout d’abord remettre ces discussions dans leur contexte: elles interviennent généralement dans un cadre d'imposition des fans dans la vie privée des victimes qu’elle soit physique ou virtuelle. Cela se traduit aussi par un sentiment de dépossession de leur histoire et de perte de contrôle qui l’accompagne notamment lorsque les fans partagent leurs théories sur l’affaire, bafouant de fait les limites personnelles des victimes. Les interactions vont bien au-delà des relations sociales traditionnelles : elles créent de l’anxiété, un sentiment de malaise et d’impuissance des victimes. Il faut toutefois noter que de tels documentaires ont permis de rouvrir des affaires comme celle de Catherine Harron, résolue en 2016. De plus, ces documentaires suscitent des débats sur la représentation des femmes. Les victimes y sont généralement des femmes, ce qui accentue les stéréotypes de vulnérabilité féminine. Ces documentaires sont aussi décriés pour leur tendance à donner une représentation manichéenne des criminels qui sont soit glorifiés, soit présentés comme des monstres. Pourtant un grand nombre d'entre eux ont eu une enfance difficile qui, loin d’excuser leurs comportements, peut au moins partiellement expliquer leur recours à la violence. En effet des études démontrent que les personnes ayant subi des maltraitances infantiles présentaient des niveaux d’agressivité plus élevés. Une notion plus contemporaine émerge, théorisée par Daniel LaChance et Paul Kaplan : celle de « crimesploitation. » Elles qualifient les émissions de téléréalité combinant à la fois le « true crime, » qui narrent des affaires criminelles réelles, et les films dit « exploitation, » soulageant le désir voyeuriste d'assister à la violation de tabous. La crimesploitation est caractérisée par une expérience particulière de domination du criminel. L’arrestation, l’humiliation et la condamnation des criminels est l’occasion pour les spectateurs s’assimilant aux figures d’autorité de sentir une forme de liberté dans la position de sauveur. Les spectateurs éprouvent une forme de domination physique avec les scènes d’arrestation du criminel mais aussi psychologique par l’humiliation et la perte de contrôle de celui-ci. Cette expérience procure une sensation d’exaltation: le spectateur vit un mélange de puissance et de sécurité, ressentant l’excitation du contrôle tout en étant à l’abri des conséquences. Pour d’autres spectateurs, la crimesploitation est aussi une manière de se rebeller de manière légale contre l’autorité. Le criminel est souvent présenté comme débarrassé des contraintes psychologiques de la discipline propre à la vie moderne. Les films d'exploitation criminelle ont offert aux Américains la capacité d’avoir un sentiment de contrôle, particulièrement dans un contexte où la sécurité personnelle semble inatteignable. En effet, le pays se caractérise par une préoccupation continue pour la criminalité et la sécurité personnelle, que ce soit dans les médias ou dans les discours publics. Cette inquiétude est accentuée par des taux de criminalité localement élevés dans certaines zones et surtout par la médiatisation intensive des crimes violents dans la culture populaire américaine. La crimesploitation procure aussi un plaisir de transgression autant qu’un plaisir lié à la répression du criminel. Ces émissions montrent comment le monde agit à travers les autorités pour contrôler les déviants. Par la représentation des actes criminels en omettant certains détails, les documentaires peuvent influencer négativement l’opinion publique et affecter la légitimité associée aux policiers et aux autorités judiciaires selon Emily Jane Wade, chercheuse spécialisée dans l’étude du true crime . Le plaisir de la transgression criminelle risque ainsi de devenir aux yeux de certains téléspectateurs plus attractifs que le plaisir de vaincre le criminel. Le chaos véhiculé par ces émissions peut possiblement devenir incontrôlable. En effet, la théorie de la cultivation de Gerbner et Gross démontre que l’exposition prolongée à la violence médiatique structure nos perceptions du monde réel. Les contenus très dramatiques ou violents cultivent ainsi une vision du monde exagérément menaçante. La crimesploitation procure un sentiment de contrôle tout en répondant à l’ennui. La crimesploitation mêle deux mécanismes d’affaiblissement de l’ennui: une consommation des médias de masse et la perpétration d’actes criminels. L’ennui n’est pas seulement un manque d’activité: c'est un sentiment existentiel de vide ou de stagnation que la crimesploitation comble en donnant l’illusion d’agir et de s'identifier au criminel. La crimesploitation est une forme particulièrement puissante de média de masse, car elle capte le désir de consommer du contenu et de s'approprier le criminel pour satisfaire ses propres besoins. Les fans de true crimes sont selon la chercheuse à l’université de Lancaster Judith Fathallah « absolument mainstream, un élément incontournable, infiniment rentable et parfois respectable du paysage médiatique. » Le public doit toutefois selon elle « constamment négocier et surveiller la frontière qui le sépare d'un mauvais fan présumé, c'est-à-dire le fan obsessionnel d'un criminel. » Elle affirme que la consommation même régulière est devenue culturellement acceptable en raison de sa popularité. Cette popularité pose question sur l’état de notre société actuelle : si nous consommons autant ce genre de divertissement, qu’est-ce que cela dit de notre société ? Cette fascination pour le crime révèle autant notre désir de comprendre le passage à l’acte que notre appétit pour l’extrême, la violence. Photo source: Pexels, kat wilcox

This holiday season make sure to prepare these sweet, sweet treats with a bucket-load of love for those you appreciate, which of course, means first and foremost, yourself! < Back Sweet, Sweet Love: Desserts to Prepare During this Holiday Season By Angela Saab Saade December 31, 2022 Fellow Sciences Pistes, in the spirit of festivities, love and joy, allow me to share with you a cherished moment dear to my heart that I experienced just this month. As I was procrastinating revising for my final exams by aimlessly scrolling through social media, my lovely roommate knocked on my door and replenished my taste buds with the delicious scent of apple crumble, escorted into my room with a side of vanilla ice cream. Kindly take the time to place yourselves in my shoes to be properly immersed in the experience. The degree of warmth and love I felt in that particular moment is one I cannot describe in words. Though, I could assume that “heavenly” was the closest description of my experience devouring my plate of apple crumble. Although you may unfortunately not have incredibly sweet and supportive roommates as I thankfully do, I hope to indirectly shower you with warmth and love by equipping you with the recipe of the apple crumble that made this entire heart-warming story amid a cold and rainy night possible. Given that I was not the one to bake or come up with the recipe of the hour, the apple crumble recipe provided to you today will be taken from multiple online sources and tailored to replicate exactly the plate prepared by my roommate, which involved some of her creativity and choice of recipe modifications. Further, to make up for this circumstantial exception, which is alien to the regular character of my articles — usually based on my personal knowledge and experiences — I will also bestow upon you the recipe for my own Bomb Dessert. This holiday season, make sure to prepare these sweet, sweet treats with a bucket-load of love for those you appreciate, which of course, means, first and foremost, yourself! Apple Crumble Heaven This recipe includes the filling, the crumble and the topping. Begin by preheating your oven at one hundred and eighty degrees Celsius. For the filling: Chop seven medium-sized apples into small cubes and toss them in a bowl. Add two tablespoons of white sugar, one tablespoon of all-purpose flour and half a tablespoon of ground cinnamon. Mix everything well. Butter a baking pan and add the mixture. Flatten it using your hands or a spoon to create a smooth base for your crumble. For the crumble: Sift two cups of flour into a bowl. Add a cup of brown or white sugar, a pinch of salt and half a teaspoon of baking powder. Add half a cup (or one hundred and ten to one hundred and twenty-five grams) of melted unsalted butter onto your dry ingredients and mix them all using your hands to make sure you break any big pieces and reach a “moist bread crumbs-like” consistency. Pour your crumb mix over your apples in the pan. For the topping: Sprinkle a cup of rolled oats and your choice of nuts onto the crumble. Lastly, place your pan in the oven for thirty to forty minutes. To know when to take the pan out, insert a small knife into your apple crumble. You should look for soft apples and a golden top as your queues. Serve with vanilla ice cream and bon appetit! Bomb Dessert With no more than forty-five seconds of preparation and forty-five seconds in the microwave, this Bomb Dessert will satisfy any sweet craving. It involves two base ingredients: marshmallows and chocolate. The recommended toppings are whipped cream and ice cream. You could also add anything from walnuts and almonds to oatmeal, and, for an ultimate bomb experience, Oreos, M & M’s, and — my personal favorite — peanut butter and chocolate chips. You do you. Place a handful of marshmallows into a bowl. Top them with pieces of chocolate, choosing the chocolate-marshmallow ratio that satisfies your taste. Place the bowl in the microwave, set the timer for forty-five seconds, et voilà! Take the bowl out and add whatever toppings you like. You can thank me later.

Malgré la répression du gouvernement, la voix des Iraniens et Iraniennes ne faiblit pas et se fait entendre à travers le monde dans les diasporas américaine, allemande, canadienne ou encore française. < Back La voix des artistes : un soutien essentiel aux soulèvements en Iran By Salomé Greffier October 31, 2023 À l’occasion de la commémoration d’un an de la mort de Mahsa Amini ayant succombé à ses blessures en garde à vue suite à son arrestation par la police des mœurs, les Iraniens et Iraniennes poursuivent leurs combats contre le régime des mollahs arguant fièrement le slogan « Femme, Vie, Liberté ». La mort de cette jeune femme kurde accusée d’avoir mal ajusté son voile le 16 septembre 2022, a déclenché des mouvements de foule sans précédents dans un État où le terreau de la mobilisation civile demeurait déjà riche. Plus précisément, depuis la révolution de 1979, le régime se heurte à sa population qui l’accuse de la diriger d’une main de fer, dissimulant ses exactions derrière d’innombrables mensonges. La dénégation des autorités quant à leur implication dans le décès de Mahsa Amini a poussé l’exaspération des Iraniens à son comble, trouvant dans la rue le seul moyen d’expression de leur colère. Malgré la répression du gouvernement, la voix des Iraniens et Iraniennes ne faiblit pas et se fait entendre à travers le monde dans les diasporas américaine, allemande, canadienne ou encore française. « Khodeshoun kardan ! » [Ils (le régime) l’ont fait eux-mêmes!] résonne comme un cri d’espoir et de solidarité poussé contre l’absurdité des violences commises. Une des voix qui se dresse contre la république théocratique d’Ali Khamenei, demeure celle des artistes. Ce comportement n’est pas anodin. En effet, l’histoire nationale iranienne est parsemée d’engagements d’artistes ayant influencé des choix politiques et sociaux. Leur célébrité leur confère un pouvoir de persuasion auprès de la population et leur travail éclaire une vérité cachée par les autorités. Ils font sortir des images de l’Iran pour confectionner leurs œuvres, ce qui relève de l’impossible dans un pays fermé à double clé, censuré. Malgré le danger, le travail des photographes Sajede Sharifi et Jeanne Grouet dans Le Laser Vert mêlent désobéissance civile, résistance publique et privée à l’autorité, à la censure et à la répression du gouvernement de la République islamique. Les deux femmes exposent des images d’intimité côtoyant des photographies de manifestation. Par l’image, les artistes capturent des instants de vérité et se présentent comme témoins des exactions commises par le régime. Provoquant les institutions, nombre d’artistes ont dû fuir pour éviter la répression ou ont été détenus arbitrairement dans les geôles de la prison d'Evin notamment. Nous pouvons relever les noms de Jafar Panahi réalisateur du film Taxi Téhéran (2015), de Saeed Roustaee réalisateur de Leïla et ses frères (2022) récompensé au Festival de Cannes ou encore de Mina Keshavarz réalisatrice également. Ces trois figures majeures du monde du cinéma iranien ont été emprisonnées sans que des accusations concrètes soient invoquées. La détention de Mina Keshavarz et d’une de ses homologues, Firouzeh Khosravani, ont déclenché une mobilisation spéciale avec pour slogan le hashtag #FreeWomenDirectors . Ces cas particuliers ne sont malheureusement pas isolés mais reflètent le traitement systématique de la répression des artistes en Iran sur l’année écoulée. Dans l’objectif de dénoncer cet acharnement, Nasim Vahabi, écrivaine franco-iranienne lauréate du prix littéraire de Sciences Po 2024 pour son livre intitulé Je ne suis pas un roman (2023), réalise une liste non exhaustive recensant tous les noms d’auteurs, de poètes, journalistes assassinés ou actuellement incarcérés en Iran. Parmi les 16 000 personnes interpellées lors des premières semaines de soulèvement (Rapport 2022/2023 Amnesty International), nombreux étaient artistes. Un des derniers à avoir subi les frais de la police des mœurs est le chanteur et activiste Mehdi Yarrahi. Son titre Roosarito « ton voile » se positionne contre l’obligation du port du voile et est dédié aux « courageuses femmes iraniennes ». Il écope sa peine depuis août sans doute pour « inimitié à l’égard de Dieu ». L’investissement des artistes en Iran est fondamental et s’accompagne d’un soutien de la communauté depuis l’étranger. Marjane Satrapi, dessinatrice de la fameuse bande dessinée Persepolis, a publié en septembre dernier un travail comptant près de 200 planches dessinées en soutien à la révolte. Intitulé Femme, Vie, Liberté témoigne de la volonté de la diaspora de soutenir la révolte. De même, dans le monde de la musique, des dizaines d’artistes tels que le pianiste Arshid Azarine ont donné des concerts en l’honneur des Iraniens et Iraniennes se battant pour leurs droits. Le 22 mai dernier, à la Cité de la Musique, quatre artistes ont présenté le projet Mèches de feu en référence à la mobilisation des artistes françaises ayant coupé symboliquement une mèche de leurs cheveux en soutien aux femmes iraniennes. Cet évènement mené par l’actrice Julie Gayet, mêle musique classique et poésie d’auteurs comme Garous Abdelmakian et Rambob Daghigh. Trois musiciennes Shani Diluka, pianiste ; Sonia Wieder-Atherton, violoncelliste; Anousha Nazari mezzo-soprane Iranienne participent à cette aventure artistique. L’objectif ici était de recourir à la musique comme langage universel afin de permettre aux messages de solidarité et de paix d’être diffusés aux quatre coins du monde avec la viralité qu’ils méritent. En outre, il ne faut pas négliger que la mobilisation en Iran demeure moins virulente après un an d’affrontements. Selon le Tehran Times, c’est avant tout la détermination de l’Occident, et in extenso de la diaspora Iranienne, qui maintient les braises de l’agitation et qui a exploité le premier anniversaire de la mort de Mahsa Amini pour la relancer. Les rassemblements à Londres, Berlin, Bruxelles ou encore Melbourne en témoignent. Alors qu’une adolescente de 16 ans, Armina Garavand, se trouve dans le coma depuis le 4 octobre 2023 suite à l’intervention de la police des moeurs, demeure une certitude : l’hymne Barayé entonné depuis le début des évènements dans les Etats où se trouvent des ressortissants Iraniens ne faiblira pas tant que le régime des mollahs persistera. Les mots, les images et la musique se dresseront toujours face à l’injustice intolérable et la violence arbitraire.

La littérature en traduction peut offrir une lueur d’espoir. < Back La littérature en traduction : bénédiction ou malédiction pour les langues minoritaires ? By Gruffudd ab Owain February 29, 2024 La présence de langues et de dialectes minoritaires est en pleine vue, même à Menton. Chaque jour, en route vers le campus, nous sommes accueillis par le nom de l’ancien restaurant, ‘A Braïjade Mentounasc’, ainsi que de nombreux noms de rue mentonasques. Grâce à son positionnement géographique, il n’est pas surprenant que le dialecte mentonnais se trouve entre la langue d’oc de type provençal niçois et le ligure intémélien parlé dans la région de Vintimille-Sanremo. Le mentonasque fait partie du patrimoine de cette ville historique, mais de nos jours, il est moins parlé qu’auparavant. Comme pour plusieurs autres langues minoritaires, son utilisation était interdite aux écoles il y a quelques générations. « Ma grand-mère se faisait taper sur les doigts avec une règle en fer si elle parlait mentonnais, » a raconté Patricia à Monaco Matin en 2023. De cette façon, l’expression « langues minoritaires » n’est pas toujours appropriée. Le catalan, considéré comme une langue minoritaire malgré un nombre de locuteurs supérieur à celui du danois, langue majoritaire et officielle, en est un exemple évident. En anglais, on utilise désormais minoritized language pour souligner les connotations politiques de la domination d’une langue majoritaire. L’oppression à l’école n’est qu’un exemple des menaces pour la transmission de ces langues; sans transmission, quel espoir reste-t-il pour leur survie? La littérature en traduction peut offrir une lueur d’espoir. Sa popularité et son importance sont en hausse. Les ventes de la fiction en traduction ont augmenté de 22% en 2022 par rapport à l’année précédente, grâce notamment aux lecteurs moins de 35 ans qui font partie de la moitié de son marché. En 2023, « The Blue Book of Nebo » de Manon Steffan Ros a remporté le prix Carnegie qui honore chaque année le meilleur roman pour adolescents en Grande Bretagne. Déjà primé dans sa langue originale, gallois, en 2018, il a été traduit en plusieurs langues, y compris le français sous le titre « Le Livre Bleu de Nebo ». C’était la première fois qu’un roman traduit remportait ce prix. Mais, quel est l’impact de la traduction de romans? Elle offre sans doute une visibilité nouvelle pour les langues minoritaires elles-mêmes, mais aussi des avantages pour les lecteurs du roman traduit. Selon Manon Steffan Ros, son roman est même plus ‘gallois’ en traduction que dans l’original. On en déduit que le processus de traduction peut adapter l’histoire, l’authenticité et les représentations pour différents publics. Dans une étude publiée dans un journal de multilinguisme durable, Guillem Belmar discute du rôle de la traduction à l’heure de revitaliser des langues telles que le Basque. Il affirme que la traduction est une arme pour lutter contre la dominance linguistique, et pour encourager des nouveaux auteurs qui peuvent ainsi atteindre un plus grand public, toujours en écrivant dans leur langue maternelle. Surtout, Belmar affirme que la traduction est essentielle pour la dignité de ces langues, prouvant leur capacité à élargir leurs horizons, leur pertinence, et la nécessité de les respecter. Cependant, la traduction fait face à des défis importants. La traduction anglaise de « Llyfr Glas Nebo » était « plus galloise » parce que Manon Steffan Ros l’a traduit elle-même. Il n’est pas rare que les auteurs ne puissent ni traduire ni lire leurs propres œuvres en autres langues, ce qui pose un risque pour l’authenticité et la fidélité des représentations. Comme le dit Michael Cronin, les structures de la traductologie sont marquées des préjugés et de la dominance des langues majoritaires, ce qui peut renforcer les inégalités linguistiques, surtout en contextes post-coloniaux. En gallois, au moins, le défi s’agit non seulement d’encourager les traductions, mais aussi dans la représentation de la culture dans la littérature anglaise. Des romans originaux en anglais, surtout les romans policiers, situés en Irlande ou en Écosse sont devenus très populaires. Créer une ‘saveur’ galloise dans les romans qui attirent un large public pourrait être une manière d’attirer des nouveaux locuteurs, ou, au moins, de garantir la connaissance de l’existence de la langue. Pour revenir au mentonasque, certains, comme Jean-Louis Caserio, pensent que sa littérature possède une richesse qui « mérite d'être plus connue ». Toutefois, elle n’a pas connu le même succès par rapport à ses voisins occitans, qui ont une longue et riche histoire. Parfois, sa littérature a prospéré même si la langue était en déclin : Robert Marty (1944-2021) a prévenu, de manière provocante peut-être, qu’il pourrait y avoir plus d’écrivains que de lecteurs. Aujourd’hui, elle est toujours vivante - il suffit de jeter un œil à la section des nouveautés du site Découvertes Occitanes pour en être sûr – même si les traductions d’œuvres étrangères sont plus présentes que dans d’autres langues minoritaires. Cela représente à la fois une opportunité pour assurer la vivance de la littérature et aussi un défi pour que les œuvres originales ne soient pas marginalisées. L’âge d’or de la littérature occitane a eu lieu au 13ème siècle, ce qui correspond avec l’époque des Troubadours. Leurs œuvres ont souvent été traduites, et Dafydd ap Gwilym, qui écrivait en gallois à la même époque, a été profondément influencé par leurs thèmes, surtout l’amour courtois. On dit que ap Gwilym est le poète qui a eu l’impact le plus significatif sur la poésie galloise, introduisant des nouvelles idées et structures qui conservent une valeur importante jusqu'aujourd'hui. Ainsi, cette histoire nous rappelle que la littérature en traduction construit des ponts entre les langues et les cultures pour un enrichissement mutuel.

Now called the “African turn,” since early 2022, ISIS has conducted about half of its operations in Africa, and in the first four months of 2022, there have been more attacks organized by the Islamic State in Nigeria than in Iran. < Back The Worrying Rise of Jihadism in Africa: A Look at Nigeria By Isabella Hehl Dalla Zuanna October 31, 2022 Known for its cruel abductions, school attacks and village-burnings, this particular Islamist insurgency group is responsible for the murder of tens of thousands, as well as the forceful displacement of millions. With their focus primarily on northeast Nigeria but sometimes spilling into the Lake Chad Basin, these ruthless terrorists might be responding to their country’s widening economic disparity, political corruption and longstanding religious tensions, fueled by the Nigerian government’s counterterrorism efforts and strong-handed police. Created by a prominent Borno State Islamist cleric named Mohammed Yusuf, this group’s aim is to establish a fundamental Islamic state with sharia criminal courts. Estimated by U.S. intelligence officials to number around four and six thousand hardcore militants, and by others three times that, the group is known around the world. Once its name is said, it alludes to trauma, violence and overwhelming fear throughout West Africa … Boko Haram . Founded in 2002 in Maiduguru, Nigeria, this Salafi insurgency movement has conducted countless terrorist attacks on political and religious groups, police and military, as well asarbitrary civilian attacks in villages and busy markets. Considered to be one of the largest insurgency groups in Africa, Boko Haram seems to be particularly effective at displaying the weaknesses of the Nigerian government in its inability to effectively contain the group. Prior to the 2009 Maiduguri crackdown, the jihadists only operated in northern Sahel. They did not target Christian minorities and expatriates, only focusing on Nigerian state representatives, government institutions and those they determined to be “bad” Muslims. However, the crackdown set off an armed revolt in the Bauchi state, which spread to the northeast. In this uprising, police and government forces were responsible for the murder of over eight hundred people, including many suspected Boko Haram members, including their leader, Yusuf. As a result, the conflict spread beyond the Borno states and since then the attacks have had national and international repercussions. Although the attacks lack coordination and an apparent cycle, they have now multiplied to target prisons, military barracks, banks, police stations, churches and mosques, especially on Christian and Muslim holidays. Political scientist and research director Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos states, “It is important to emphasize how the execution of Mohammed Yusuf was a serious strategic error. By creating a martyr, it has indeed generated a current of sympathy in favor of the victims of repression, at least in the Northeast.” Since Yusuf’s death, Boko Haram has splintered into two factions, with Abubakar Shekau at the head of one and Yusuf’s son Abu Musab al-Barnawi at the other, which has the same final goal as that of Shekau but a less uncompromising view as to what apostasy constitutes. Arguably, the increasingly atrocious nature of Boko Haram has also led to rifts within the group, which then decided to rebrand itself as the Islamic State’s West Africa Province after it declared allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria in 2015. However this might not be as significant as it first appears, since many jihadists often swear allegiance to another terrorist group for a semblance of power and unity, yet still work mostly independently. However, it can still be argued that this rebranding symbolized Islamist unity, connecting Middle Eastern and Northern African terrorism with that of the Eastern African domain. In May 2021, Islamic State’s West Africa Province killed its Boko Haram leader, Shekau, resulting in the surrender of thousands of people, including civilians, former Boko Haram fighters and their families, to Cameroonian and Nigerian authorities. However, another consequence was that many Boko Haram commanders joined the Islamic State’s West Africa Province, leaving Boko Haram in disarray. Yet, the end of violence in northeast Nigeria seems unlikely, especially since the new jihadist group might be more resilient — estimated by United Nations analysts to already have four to five thousand fighters — and continues the ransomed kidnappings, lootings, military facility attacks and the taxing of local populations and commerce, mostly in northern Nigeria. The political and socio-economic conditions of Nigeria have only intensified Boko Haram’s violence.With a record of inequality, political corruption and instability due to over half a dozen coups, the 1967-1970 civil war, and decades of ironfisted military rule, Nigeria proves to be fertile ground for radicalization. Although the country is Africa’s biggest economy and contains abundant natural resources, it is also statistically one of Africa’s poorest populations, with about half of its two hundred million citizens surviving on less than roughly $1.90 per day. This can arguably be attributed to the unequal distribution of oil revenues, which mostly go to a small percentage of elites, as well as through the embezzlement of highly corrupted government ministers. Analyst Chris Ngwodo states,“The emergence of Boko Haram signifies the maturation of long-festering extremist impulses that run deep in the social reality of northern Nigeria. The group itself is an effect and not a cause; it is a symptom of decades of failed government and elite delinquency finally ripening into social chaos.” Although we can see a decline in Boko Haram’s brutality in northeastern Nigeria since 2015, jihadist-linked violence in Africa has increased 17-fold since 2009. In 2021, United Nations statistics revealed that in the first six months of that year, “the most striking development” was the shift in the African continent. Instead of the perhaps expected Middle East or South Asia, as the world region most impacted by jihadi violence and suffering the worst number of casualties due to such U.N.-designated jihadists. Now called the “African turn,” since early 2022, ISIS has conducted about half of its operations in Africa, and in the first four months of 2022, there have been more attacks organized by the Islamic State in Nigeria than in Iran. Arguably, it is Africa’s emergence as the mentioned jihadist’s center of gravity which has caused the continent to serve as the new international epictenter of jihadi terrorism. Even the U.S. Committee on Homeland Security in 2017 claimed, “ The threats posed by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria and al-Qaeda are dynamic and are expected to increase as the Islamic Stateloses ground in Iraq and Syria, and as al-Qaeda seeks to reclaim its status as the leader of the global jihadi movement. In this context, North Africa, which sits on the edge of Europe, has emerged as an important theater in the war on terror.” Arguably, the reason for this geographical shift in the focus of terrorism from the Middle East to Africa, is the lack of counterterrorism efforts in the latter. While 2015, Chad, Niger and Cameroon have deployed several thousand troops as a part of an African Union authorized multinational force, which has helped the Nigerian military reclaim many of its territories, foreign direct investment inflows to Nigeria have plunged, from nine billion dollars in 2011 to $3.5 billion in 2017. This symbolizes the decline in international foreign aid, which, in turn, leaves the future of jihadism in the African continent unsure. The current strategy of the Islamic State’s West Africa Province is focused on addressing past mistakes and causes of tension by ensuring that group members are fairly treated by their field leaders and incentivizing fighters through the division of war spoils. This has been a strong driver of success, as can be observed on the eastern front, especially in poor communities which lack resources. The jihadist group’s work to ensure the support of the population through the promotion of mutual investment between itself and communities and stable access to services in isolated areas, allows for tax collection as well as the legitimation of the group. To achieve the goals the jihadists have set for themselves, they continue their attacks on humanitarian initiatives, international relief activities, and murder and abduct humanitarian workers, as well as loot and burn their offices. As a result, the displacement rate has increased by almost 50 percent. Most victims in northeastern Nigeria are women and children — a region which has suffered under the struggle for dominance between the Islamic State’s West Africa Province and Boko Haram. According to Al-Ahram, a recent international report covering Borno, which was Boko Haram’s first stable stronghold, has shed light on the dire humanitarian situation — the insecurity in the area has led to about 25 percent of the land being cut off from Lagos, the capital. Borno, once described as the region affected most negatively by this conflict, is now at a complete risk of secession. Borno is but one of the several cities in the Islamic State’s expansive strategy to implement a so-called “scorched-earth” policy, which they may use to their advantage both inside the area and abroad, as a potential signal to the rest of the world that Africa is now the focus of jihadists.

My Palestinian neighbors cannot, should not, and will not accept nor live with their indigenous food being increasingly appropriated by their occupiers. And nor should we — all of us reading this article today, studying on this campus and aware of the occupation of Palestine. < Back My Home is Not Your Property: Enough with Culinary Appropriation By Angela Saab Saade September 27, 2023 If I were to show my grandmother this TikTok video explaining how to make hummus from beans, she would probably yell at me for being disrespectful and idiotic. She would be just as nauseated if I suggested she try chocolate hummus . I will therefore spare myself from such criticism and protect my grandmother from this ridiculousness. Instead, through this article, I hope to shed light on a terrifying phenomenon — the appropriation of indigenous Levantine cuisine. Hummus, My Heart Hummus is authentically prepared by blending chickpeas, lemon juice, olive oil, tahini, garlic and salt. So the only major difference in the TikTok video criticized is the replacement of chickpeas with beans. From the outside, this may be positively viewed as the evolution and adaptation of recipes. But this is not about open-mindedness and the widening of culinary horizons — it is about the abuse of indigenous cuisine. In Arabic, Hummus means chickpeas (حمّص). In other words, when you make "hummus" with beans, you are quite literally not making hummus. Rather, you are spreading a recipe inspired by my traditional cuisine, incorrectly under its name, with zero respect for its origins. But I can survive in spite of the horrendous appropriation of scrumptious food cooked and enjoyed alongside family and friends in Lebanon. I can live — though in disgust and frustration — with the fact that my cuisine is ignorantly and insensitively being insulted. On the other hand, my Palestinian brothers and sisters cannot. Their food — like many of their other indigenous cultural practices — is constantly used for colonial domination. My Palestinian neighbors cannot, should not, and will not accept nor live with their indigenous food being increasingly appropriated by their occupiers. And nor should we — all of us reading this article today, studying on this campus and aware of the occupation of Palestine. The Occupation of Palestinian Cuisine Chef Kattan recalls in a L'Orient Le Jour article that Hummus "was the very first dish appropriated by the Israelis as early as 1948." Originally, he says, "the Zionist project was marked by European-style colonialism that denied the Arabness of Palestine and its land. But when they went to eat at the homes of Palestinians who survived the Nakba — during which 580 Palestinian villages were razed to the ground — they said to themselves, 'This chickpea puree is not bad!'" Today, multiple other dishes have fallen victims of appropriation. If you walk on the streets of occupied Palestine, unlawfully recognized as the state of Israel, you will find non-Arab Jewish Israeli street vendors claiming that Levantine Arabic cuisines like falafel, baba ganoush, and Arabic salad (سلطة عربيّة), also known as rural fallahi (farmer) salad, to be their own. Kunafa Nabulsia (كنافة نابلسيّة) — quite literally in the name showcasing that the cheese is from Nablus, West Bank — is also sold disrespectfully by Pizza Hut Israel as Israeli. While it is true that recipes develop and cross temporal and spatial boundaries, there is a strict difference between the deliberate theft from another culture for the purpose of a political agenda, as opposed to the inevitable integration of populations and their cultural influences. For instance, kafta is a common dish today that has become traditional to Lebanese, Syrian and other previous subjects of the Ottoman Empire. These countries did not steal Ottoman cuisine, but rather have inevitably integrated the customs adopted under the Empire into their own. Moreover, though it is true that Middle Eastern Jews used to eat Levantine indigenous cuisines before the creation of the apartheid Israeli state, so did the Christians and Muslims of the region. Hence, all three groups have every right to claim this food as their own on a national or regional basis, but neither one has the right to appropriate it and market it as their own at the expense of the others. Unfortunately, this is precisely what Israel does today — it appropriates and brands indigenous Palestinian Levantine cuisine as Jewish/Israeli. Denied Their Own Heritage Even more worrying is the denial of Palestinians' claim to their own food. As " hummus and other dishes that Palestinians share with their Levantine neighbors [are] gradually relabeled as Israeli," Palestinians are subject to harassment when they rightfully share their own food and heritage in the West — as is evident by the experience of this Palestinian restaurant in New York . Yet, restaurants claiming to be Israeli seem to have no objections, as can be seen with the thriving Israeli restaurant in Nice , which does a great job at stealing my cuisine and advertising it as "Israeli/ Mediterranean." Not only is food being branded to deny its Arab origins, but Palestinians also face heavy impediments with regards to exporting their agricultural products. In 2021, after a roughly 40-day suspension of all exports out of Gaza, " new restrictions were then imposed , including the demand that the green stem, the sprig, be removed from every single tomato before exiting Gaza," reducing the product's "quality and shelf life." The primary purpose of this mockery was to make Palestinian exports less desirable and profitable, further damaging their economy. In August of that year, 9,000 Palestinian olive trees were illegally bulldozed , contributing to the over 800,000 that have fallen victim to Israeli occupation since the second major ethnic cleansing moment of 1967. The production of olive oil from Palestinian trees is another cultural tradition that Israel is not happy about. In 2022, Amnesty International published a 277-page report explaining the Israeli system of apartheid against Palestinian Arabs — Muslims and Christians alike, living in or outside of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), with or without an Israeli passport. Here are just some of the atrocities with regards to agriculture and farming highlighted in the report: " According to OCHA , between 1 January and 19 October 2020, many of the 42 Israeli military incursions into the Gaza Strip included bulldozing agricultural land and destroying crops." (p.182) " Since 2014, the Israeli military has aerial-sprayed herbicides over Palestinian crops alongside the fence between Gaza and Israel." (p.184) "Palestinian farmers are forced to neglect their farmland or switch to less water-intensive crops because of Israel's discriminatory policies on Palestinians' access to water in the Jordan valley." (p.190) Therefore, Israel's occupation of Palestinians includes not only the appropriation of their land, property and cuisine, but equally their fundamental right to plant, cultivate and harvest their own crops to be self-sufficient and preserve their cultural practices. And it does not end there; Israel attempts to erase all and any aspects of Palestinian identity. Tatreez — Palestinian embroidery , traditionally taught by grandmothers to their granddaughters and daughters — is the art of "an exceptional amount of patience, dedication and precision" in the creation of artisanal goods, such as the traditional Palestinian apparel, the thobe , bags, shoes, and accessories. Disdainfully, organizers of Miss Universe Israel 2021 distributed this integral aspect of Palestinian heritage across the beauty pageant contestants, who wore Palestinian thobes that they claimed as Israeli and prepared wara' aanab (ورق عنب) stuffed grape leaves, a dish of Levantine Ottoman origin. They essentially all had a party of identity theft and heritage slander at the expense of Palestinians, negatively impacted in their day-to-day life by Israeli forces. A tweet by Palestinian-American rights activist Zeina Ashrawi Hutchison expresses, "it's horrible to participate and ignore the ethnic cleansing being committed by the host of the pageant, but it's another kind of ugly to promote the apartheid regime while wearing the traditional clothes of those being ethnically cleansed. Disgraceful, shameless and honestly painful." Reclaiming Identity Palestinian journalist Alhelou asserts that "Palestinian culture and life revolve around food in every aspect, whether it is an ordinary day or a special occasion. Food and national identity are tied together." Unfortunately, the theft of Palestinian cuisine by Israel continues and amplifies by the day. Palestinian culinary appropriation is just one manifestation, product and tool of the Israeli colonial project and apartheid against Palestinians. It is also an insult to my cuisine and my people, as we have Levantine dishes in common with our regional neighbors. In Salma Serry's online library committed to historical knowledge of indigenous cuisines to modern Southwest Asia and North Africa, she emphasizes the necessity of "remembering and re-patching traditions when they are in danger of erasure," to "decolonize Palestinian food." Haya's Kitchen — defining herself as "a tribute to Palestine, Tetas, and Traditions" — does precisely that. It is our duty to support the decolonization of Palestinians from Israel-imposed and Western-backed injustice by taking the steps we can. This starts by supporting such initiatives, denouncing "Israeli salad", differentiating between "hummus" and beans, donating to our campus' SciencesPalestine, writing about the Palestinian identity, and hearing the voices of Palestinians who must be given the space to express themselves, especially here, in Europe, where they are majorly silenced. As Alhelou rightfully states, "cultural appropriation is a denial to the existence and heritage of the owners of the land — the Palestinians in their millions inside the occupied Palestinian territories, in refugee camps in some Arab countries or in the diaspora worldwide." For justice to be served, we must normalize the reclamation of Palestinian identity and defeat those who want to see it wiped off the face of the Earth.

“Eats with Angela” has always revolved around the joys of food. However, I would be a hypocrite if I did not address the underbelly of this subject. < Back Eats With Angela: The Struggle to Celebrate Food By Angela Saab Saade January 31, 2023 “Eats with Angela” has always revolved around the joys of food. However, I would be a hypocrite if I did not address what is often masked regarding this subject. Kindly note that this article may be triggering for some readers; it unpacks heavy — albeit necessary — topics, namely unhealthy relationships with food and body image, diet culture, social media and mental health. Long ago, I came across an advertisement on social media that championed a weight loss diet for the purpose of “looking beautiful” and “being happy.” It was unsurprising, as similar publicities constantly surround me, whether on social media or billboards, in Lebanon or in Europe. Body shaming and the pressure to look a certain way is certainly in the air, and it is suffocating. My first instinct was to click on the ad and read through its content. Little did I know that I neither had to lose weight to look beautiful nor follow advice from a patriarchal capitalist market that makes millions of dollars at the expense of my ability to walk out of my home feeling comfortable in my own skin. Although this is only my personal experience, this scenario is not novel to the general public, especially not to the young female demographic. While wanting to lose weight or have our bodies look a particular way is not inherently negative, the means by which we choose to do so and the intentions of our doing are worth noting. Recent studies have shown that the eating disorder epidemic has been the second leading cause of deaths in the U.S. after opioid overdoses — one death every fifty-two minutes . Furthermore, according to Johns Hopkins research, 95 percent of people with eating disorders are between the ages of twelve and twenty-five. Unfortunately, the Covid-19 pandemic has exacerbated these figures and data is significantly lacking in most parts of the rest of the world. Furthermore, social media and its toxic editing tools to manipulate one's physical appearance have helped foster unrealistic beauty standards, which much of the world has fallen victim to internalizing. This outcome is facilitated by the dominance of capitalism and widespread technology. Yet, some have attempted to re-instrumentalize social media in order to counter negative trends and re-conceptualize previous norms; for instance, the body positivity movement. Nonetheless, the overwhelming number and variety of advertisements revolving around body image, amongst other standards of beauty, reaffirm the wealth-oriented use of technology and vanquish our optimistic outlook. Though, beauty standards and the normalization of body shaming differ across cultures. Specialists agree that “culture plays a significant role” in developing eating disorders, despite the precise reasons remaining unknown. For instance, in the Middle East and North Africa, little is known of eating disorders and myths are generally the dominant knowledge base; even worse, the region lacks resources for treatment. It has been stated that in the Arab World, the " thin ideal and the prevalence of obesity " have encouraged more eating disorder symptoms among the general public. Notwithstanding, the region has made recognizable progress in the provision of resources to help understand and deal with eating disorders. For instance, the Middle East Eating Disorder Association was established in 2009 to debunk societal myths and provide support for those struggling. Recoverly Ever After is another organization that is based in Beirut, Lebanon and provides clinical-based therapy and a free questionnaire to help identify whether or not you may have an eating disorder. In addition, a number of reports and articles have been published pertaining to the topic. More broadly, on social media, Instagram accounts such as those of Dana Mercer Ricci and Nuras Recovery discuss their own journeys towards defeating their eating disorders, while Djemila Roukos and Colleen Intuitive Eating Dietitian provide psychological and science-based knowledge to educate their audiences. Moreover, it is inevitable that when we go back home for the holidays, family members, friends and even strangers may comment on the way we look, especially when our physical appearance has changed. Our opportunity to catch a break may be transformed into a period of overwhelming stress, fear and anxiety. Such feedback is often offered by loved ones who do not intend to harm us. Nonetheless, the comment itself may trigger unfavorable emotions, thoughts and behaviors. In such moments, it is important to take a step back and pull yourself out of the situation in order to recall that those who judge you often feel insecure themselves and have been victims of judgment and invalidation in some way or another. Therefore, as we share the glee of eating, cooking and celebrating love through food, it is essential to remember that some may be struggling to celebrate with us. It is with this token that I hope we may be kind to one another and avoid unnecessary comments and judgments that hurt more than heal. And, if you are indeed struggling to celebrate, I hope you find the courage to reach out to someone, whether a friend, a colleague, someone you trust or a specialist, because you deserve to be nourished, to savor the art of food.